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THE CORRESPONDENCE 


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THE CORRESPONDENCE 


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ma TULLIUS CICERO, 


ARRANGED ACCORDING 't0 ITS CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER: 


WITH 


A REVISION OF THE TEXT, A COMMENTARY, 


AND 


INTRODUCTORY ESSAYS. 


BY THE LATE 


ROBERT YELVERTON TYRRELL, Lirt.D., 
Hon. Lirr.D. (Cantas.), D.C.L. (Oxon.), LL.D. (Epin.) ; 


Sentor Fellow of Trintty College, and sometime Regtus Professor of Greek in the 
University of Dublin: 


AND 
LOUIS CLAUDE PURSER, Lirr.D., 


Hon. LL.D. (Guasa.) ; 


Senior Fellow of Trinity College, and sometime Professor of Latin in the 
University of Dublin. 


VOL. IV. 


SBLZCOND BDITION: 


DUBLIN: HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO., Lrp., GRAFTON STREET. 
LONDON: LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., PATERNOSTER ROW. 


Ig18. 


PRINTED AT THE 


By Ponsonpy & GIBBs. 


PREFACE. 


In preparing a new edition of this Fourth Volume, for which the 
publishers have asked, I have done what I could to lessen some of 
the many shortcomings of the previous edition; but I am only 
too conscious that, even if something has been done, it is but 
little, and that the need of a really adequate edition of the 
Correspondence remains as urgent as ever. If the present 
volume affords even trifling assistance to any young scholar who 
will produce a full and complete edition of Cicero’s Correspondence, 
it will have entirely fulfilled its object. The fine critical 
Commentary on the Epistles other than those ad Familiares 
which Dr. H. Sjogren of Upsala is producing—he has already 
issued the Epp. ad Q. Fr., ad Brutum, and ad Att. i-iv—will 
furnish a firm basis for the text of those most difficult Letters. 
His thorough knowledge of all available manuscripts, and his 
great learning and acuteness as a grammarian, stamp his edition 
as a work of the very first importance. Unfortunately it has not 
yet reached the portion of the pp. ad Atticum which is contained 
in the present volume; but when he reaches that portion, he will, 
no doubt, clear up many of the passages which still remain 
obscure. The loss of Dr. T'yrrell’s refined scholarship and elegance 
of style diminishes in a marked degree the attractiveness of the 
Commentary in those places where notes had to be re-written; 
but I have endeavoured to make only such changes as I believe he 
_ would have been willing to accept. I have done what I can in 
these troublous times to discover and read what has been written by 
_ other scholars on the Letters in this volume; but it would be idle 
to hope that much has not escaped me. Very signal evidence of 
this fact is that I failed to make myself acquainted with such a 


vi PREFACE. 


valuable paper as Sjégren’s “" Χάριτες presented to Fr. Leo on his 
60th birthday ”’ (1911), until after the first part of the Commentary 
had been printed off. If I had known of his discussions of 340 a. 1 
(quo eum for quod eum) and 345. 2 (tgnaviae delectus for ignaviae 
delictum), and of Sternkopf’s e¢ Campana for Campana et in 804. 5, 
I should have adopted these readings in the text. “Reference 
has been made to them in the Adn. Crit.’. All this convinces me 
that much else must have failed to come to my knowledge; but I 
have done my best, and can only beg for any indulgence that 
readers can bring themselves to show to these and the other 
shortcomings and errors which will be found throughout the 
volume. 7 

My friend, Professor Ridgeway, of Caius College, Cambridge, 
has kindly allowed me to make use of a paper I wrote on Att. x1 
for the volume of Essays presented to him in 1918, for which 
permission 1 thank him most cordially. 

The influence of another Cambridge friend, Dr. J. 8. Reid, 
Professor of Ancient History in that University, pervades almost 
every book on Cicero issued in the United Kingdom. ‘To his 
published works and some private correspondence my obligations 
are great; and though acknowledged in the several passages in 
which his learning has specifically helped me, they well deserve a 
general expression of most sincere gratitude. My thanks are also 
due to my learned colleague Dr. W. A. Goligher, Professor of 
Ancient History and Classical Archaeology in Dublin University, 
who has been good enough to read the proofs of the first half of 
the Commentary, and give me the benefit of his vigorous and acute 
criticism ; and also to Mr. J. T. Gibbs, Manager of the University 
Press, whose care and watchfulness Rave saved me from many 
errors both of statement and expression. ' 


τω CU. 


Trinity CoLttece, Dustin, 
December, 1917. 


1 Compare also Adn. Crit. 329. 4; 337.7; 352. 1; 464. 6; 466; 499 a. 2, for 
other instances of ‘second thoughts.’ 


CONTENTS. 


PREFACE, 


INTRODUCTION :— 
J. CrcERO AND THE ΟἾΤΙΙ, WAR— 
§ 1. Cicero, ΡΟΜΡΕΥ͂, AND CAESAR, . 
§ 2, Tae YEAR OF ANXIETY, 
§ 8. CICERO AND CAESAR, . 
II. Crcero’s CorRESLONDENTS— 
1. GArus TREBONIUS, 
2. Marcus TERENTIUS VARRO, 
3. Gnaeus Domirius AHENOBARBUS, 
4. Lucius CoRNELIUS BALBUs, 
5. GArus OPpPivs, : 
6. Trrus Αμριῦβ BALBUS, . 
7. CAERELLIA, 
8. Quintus LIGARIUS, 
9. AULUS CAECINA, 

10. Marcus CLAUDIUS een 

11. Pusxius Nierpivus Fievrvs, 

12. Servius Sutpicius RurFus, 

13. AuLus Mantius Torqvatus, 

14. Pusrius Servitius Varia ISsAvRIcus, 

15. Pusiius CorNELIUS DoLaBELLA, 

16. QuintUs CoRNIFICIUS, . ‘ 


THE CORRESPONDENCE OF CICERO :— 


Part VI (Epp. 301-414), 
(Part VII (Epp. 415-544), . 


ADDENDA TO THE COMMENTARY :— 
. I, CrcrRo’s COMMAND IN CAMPANIA, 
11. THe ΝΕΘΟΤΙΑΤΙΟΝΒ oF Lucius CAgsar, 
Ill. Tue Forces at CoRFINIUM, : ; 
IV. ΟἸΟΕΒΟΒ PERPLEXITY AT THE ἜΝ OF THE oa 
Wark, . 


_ ADNOTATIO CRITICA, 
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS, . 
ORDER OF LETTERS, . -. 


ix 
xlvi 
lv 


lxiv 
Ixvi 
Ixvili 
]xxil 
Ἰσσχ 
]xxx1 
Ιχχχη 
Ixxxili 
|xxxv 
IxXxVi 


. ixxxvili 


ixxxix 
Xell 
ΧΟΙΙ 
ΧΟΥ͂ 

cl 


CORRIGENDA 


67, line 11, for ‘ attulit et mandata’ read ‘ et mandata attulit’. 

71, ,, 5, for “ Alteros’ read “ Alteras ’. 

80, ,, 9, for ‘ad Pompeium misi’ read ‘ misi ad Pompeium’. 

83, ,,Ὠ, 1, add ‘unum’ before ‘hominem’. 

90, ,, 10, for ‘quod eum’ read ‘quo eum’: and see Adn. Crit. 
107, ,, 10, for ‘ignaviae delictum’ read ‘ignaviae delectus’: ‘and see Adn. Crit 
117, col. a, line 18, for ‘ αὐθημερὸν ᾽ read ‘ αὐθήμερον ’. 
121, line 16, for ‘ut deo’ read ‘ad eum’: and see Adn. Crit. 
126, col. a, line 17, transpose “ (as it is below, § 3)’ to follow ‘ certe scio’ (1. 19). 
164, line 15, for ‘ pro sua’ (roman) read ‘pro sua’ (italics): and see Adn. Crit, 
201, col. ὁ, line 2, after ‘ (dat. incomm.)’ add ‘ We have found after the proofs 

were passed that this interpretation has been already given by Junius 
and Graevius.’ 

208, col. J, line 21, for ‘ words of Cicero’ read “ words of Curio’. 
oh Ὁ for § 705’ read * 706”. 
286, ,, 2, for ‘46’ read ‘48’. 
330, ,, 6, for ‘adin opiam’ read ‘ad inopiam’. 
382, col. a, line 11, add ‘malueram] See Adn. Crit.’ 
386, line 3, for ‘ bibliotheca’ read ‘bybliotheca’: and see Adn. Crit. 
408, ,, 8, add ‘tuscuLuMm’ before ‘suLy’. 
469, ,, 6, delete ‘te’. 
477, col. b, line 40, for ‘ Professor Clarke’ read ‘ Professor Clark’. 
478, line 1, for ‘meo’ read ‘quidem meo ἢ, 


eee a Se ΟΝ 


INTRODUCTION. 


I.—CICERO AND THE CIVIL WAR. 


§ 1. Cicero, Pompry, AnD CAESAR. 


Wirth five cohorts against the world, as Livy said,! Caesar crossed 
the Rubicon on the night of January 10-11, and on the 11th 
occupied Ariminum. News of such a step flew fast, and we may 
well suppose that it traversed the 230 Roman miles of road to the 
capital in three days; so that early on the 14th the knowledge 
of Caesar’s decisive step was known at Rome. Even though the 
Senate had already begun to make preparations for war, and had 
apparently decreed a tumuitus,’ they were astounded at the sudden- 
ness of the news. Caesar pushed on with his wonted rapidity,? 
occupied Pisaurum, Fanum, and Ancona with separate cohorts 
during the next few days, and sent Antony, with five cohorts, 
across the mountains to seize Arretium,‘ and Curio with three to 


1 Orosius vi. 15. 3, Caesar Rubicone flumine transmeato, mox ut Ariminum venit, 
guingue cohortes quas tune solas habebat, cum quibus (ut ait Livius) orbem terrarum 
adortus est, quid facto opus esset edocuit: cp. Appian, B. C. ii. 34 fin., wera τῶν 
πεντακισχιλίων ἔγνω προεπιχειρεῖν τοσῷδε πολέμῳ καὶ φθάσαι τὰ εὔκαιρα τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας. 

2 312.3; and cp. Groebe ap. Drumann iii.* 726. Holzapfel follows Plutarch, 
Pomp. 61; Caes. 33, in supposing the ¢wmultus was decreed on the 17th, just before 
the evacuation of Rome. Cicero makes no mention of the decreeing of a tumultus. 

3 Caesariana celeritas, Att. xvi. 10. 1 (801). 

4 Caesar (B. C. i. 11. 4) represents these operations as having been effected after 
the failure of the negotiations between him and Pompey which were conducted by 
L. Caesar. Cicero says expressly on the 27th of January (cp. 312. 2) that the sena- 
tors left the city, ewm Caesar Ariminum Pisaurum Anconam Arretium occupavisset. 
Caesar (i. 10. 3) appears to wish his readers to believe that for a considerable time 
Ariminum was the only one of the towns outside his province occupied by him. 

VOL. Iv. b 


“sae INTRODUCTION. 


occupy Iguvium, so that, by possession of the coast-road and of 

the fortress of Arretium, the march on Rome might be rendered 
possible. When news either of the actual occupation of these 
towns, or of Caesar’s advance on them, which meant their certain 
capitulation, was known at Rome on the 17th, a meeting of the 
Senate was held in the Curia Pompei, which was of a very excited 
nature. The senators assailed Pompey for having misled them . 
as to the forces at his disposal. Volcatius Tullus was foremost 
among these, and urged that negotiations be opened with Caesar.! 
Cato proposed that Pompey should be made commander-in-chief, 
as it was the business of a man who caused great evils to put an 
end to them. Favonius, with cynical sarcasm, asked him to 
stamp his foot, and produce the soldiers he had said would arise 
if he did so. Assailed with such criticism, to which he was never 
accustomed, he said little, but was plainly bewildered and dis- 
tracted ;* and, after declaring that he was unable to hold the city,°® 


1 Appian, B.C. ii. 36, says that it was Cicero who moved that ambassadors be sent 
to Caesar. Possibly he found Twélus in his authorities, and assumed it was Tullius 
(Cicero). A good account of the meeting is to be found in Plut. Pomp. 60 f. 

2 Plut. Cat. min. 52. It is doubtful if this motion was regularly passed. We 
rather think that Pompey had not any such formal authority until he had actually 
left Italy (ep. Caes. B. Οὐ. 11. 16. 4, de consili sententia summam belli rerumque 
omnium Pompeio permiserint ; Lucan v. 46-49; Velleius ii. 49. 2, consules senatusque 
causae, non Pompeto summam imperti detulerunt—a not very lucid statement, but 
apparently it means much the same as Lucan’s antithesis (v. 14), docuit venerabilis 
ordo | non Magni partes sed Magnum in partibus esse), though, no doubt, Pompey was 
de facto the most important of the senatorial commanders. He writes to Domitius 
and to the consuls, advising (e.g. hortor, 329. 2; 331. 4), not ordering, them to take 
certain measures, in the tone of one who had a par, not a maius imperium. Cp. below, 
p. xix, notes. The consuls, on receiving an order to return to Rome and take away 
the treasure there, only consented to do so conditionally on Pompey’s going to Picenum 
(319.2). Pompey said that he could not have a discussion about peace at Brundisium, 
as the consuls were not at hand (Caes. i. 26. 5: cp. 364.2). See also Addenda to 
Comm. 111. 

3 Mr. Heitland (Zhe Roman Republic, iii, p. 811) severely, but with much justice, 
says :—‘‘ The Civil War pitilessly exposed his [Pompey’s] weakness, As leader of 
the Roman aristocrats he was ridiculous, for he was neither their master nor their 
hero. As champion of the Republic he was equally ridiculous, for sincere republicans 
like Cato had no trust in his patriotism and self-denial. Mere military skill was not 
enough for civil war.”’ 

4 Cp. 365. 2, Vidi hominem xiti K. Febr. plenum timoris, and note to 308. 

5 It was feared that Caesar would march on Rome; but he could not venture on 
such a step with his few cohorts, especially as the Pompeians had considerable forces 
in Picenum, which could cut off his reinforcements coming from Gaul. Pompey. 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. xi 


he called on the magistrates and senators to follow him to Lower 
Italy, and in his angry mood threatened that he would consider 
anyone who did not follow him as an enemy of the State and an 
adherent of Caesar. He was too agitated to remember even to secure 
the money in the Treasury.1. On the same evening he left Rome, 
and proceeded, in tie first instance, towards Teanum Sidicinum. 
So Rome, as Plutarch says, was left like a storm-tossed ship in 
which the steersman has abandoned the helm.’ 

When the senatus consultum ultinum was passed on the 7th, 
a division of the districts of Italy was made among the principal 
magistrates, Cicero was outside the walls, still holding the 
imperium, and in the division Capua was assigned to him (345. 2, 
imperatam), and he accepted it (901. 3,nos Capuam sumpsimus).? But 
from the very first Cicero appears to have undertaken the duty un- 
willingly (333. 4, invite cepi Capuam—if that is the right reading) ; 
and when the war had really broken out, a few days’ reflection 
showed him that he would be unfit for a task which, if effectively 
performed, would require special military qualities. Accordingly, 
he endeavoured to divest himself of it, and asked Pompey to be 
allowed to accompany him.‘ But Pompey overruled his misgivings, 
and told him that he need not take any active part, but just exercise 
a general supervision over the whole district of Campania and the 
coast (304.5). We think that Pompey made this request in 
consequence of his complete trust in the honesty of Cicero, who, 
he believed, would give him information in case there was any 
mismanagement of affairs in that region. 


appears to have had no proper information as to the amount of Caesar’s forces, or of 
his own either (319. 1: ep. Plut. Pomp. 57, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Πομπήιον ἀπείρως ἔχειν τῆς 
αὑτοῦ δυνάμεως καὶ δόξηΞ5), and indeed, on other occasions too, his intelligence 
department (if he had any at all) was very defective: cp. 319. 1; 329. 1, and notes. 

2 315.3; 319. 2;'333. 4; Caes. B. C.i. 14.1; Dio Cass. xli. 17. 2. 

2 Plutarch Caes. 34, ὥσπερ νεὼς ὑπὸ κυβερνήτων ἀπαγορευόντων . . . κομιζομένης. 
This meeting of the senate is described by Plutarch, Pomp. 60, 61; Caes. 33; 
Cato min. 52; Appian, B. C. ii. 36, 37. On this occasion Caesar may have been 
decreed an enemy (hostis) of the State. At any rate he was declared an enemy at some 
time: Appian ii. 50: cp. Dio xli. 17. ὃ. Caesar probably passed a similar decree 
against the Pompeians in April. This evacuation of Rome appears to have been an 
attractive topic for rhetorical treatment: cp. Dio Cass. xli. 7-9. 

3 On Cicero’s command in Campania see Addenda to Comm. i. 

4 Op. 343.5, 6; 327. 3, non dubito quin ad te statim veniam quo mihi nihil optatius 
est, idque tecum quo die ab urbe discessimus locutus sum. 

b2 


ΧΙ ( INTRODUCTION. 


Before Pompey left Rome Cicero had, as we have seen, ἃ 
conversation with him, and requested to be allowed to be his com- 
panion; but Pompey wished him to stay on the west coast, and 
supervise generally the levies there. On the 18th Cicero left 
Rome, to fulfil this task, and proceeded southwards, perhaps to 
Tarracina (see note to 304). He informed Atticus that he was. 
not likely to have any fixed address.’ About the 20th he arrived 
at his villa at Formiae. On the 21st he had an interview with 
the consul Lentulus and with Libo, and on the 221d wrote 305 
to Atticus. In that letter he says :— 


‘You want to know what Pompey is going to do. I do not think he knows. 
himself; certainly none of us know. There is a general state of terror and 
bewilderment. Pompey (2//e) is proceeding to the cohorts stationed at Larinum ; 
but after that, whether he intends to leave Italy or not I do not know. Do advise 
me what course to adopt. Shall 1 throw myself completely into the cause (I 
do not mind the danger, but am most indignant at the utter want of judgment. 
and neglect of my advice shown in the whole business) ; or shall I hesitate, 
and temporize (tergzverser), and join the winning side? Noblesse oblige; if 
my duty as a citizen did not deter me from this latter course, my duty asa 
friend would: but then pity for my children breaks down my resolution. Do 
write something. If Pompey leaves Italy, what am I to do? Lepidus and 
Torquatus draw the line there.” 


On the same day Cicero wrote 306 to his family, urging them 
to leave Rome while they could, and join him in the district over 
which he had supervision. 

Late on the 22nd Cicero arrived at Minturnae, and early on 
the 23rd wrote 807 from that place. We find with regret that 


1 304. 5, Itaque vagus esse cogitabam. 

? This passage is interesting, as showing that there was a general opinion from the 
very first that it was quite as probable as not that Pompey would leave Italy: cp. 
315. 1; 365.6; though Cicero in 343. 5, in writing to Pompey, makes what seems. 
something like a statement that he never had any idea that Pompey would do so (see, 
however, note to that passage). Yet it was before Cicero’s mind as a possibility as 
early as December 27th, 50: cp. Att. vii. 9. 2 (300); and Cicero considered that 
Pompey had it in view all along (342. 2; 394.3). Pompey himself, doubtless, 
intended to adopt this course, in case there was not a satisfactory response to his call 
to arms in South Italy; and certainly, in the absence of adequate forces to meet 
Caesar, there is no doubt that the East, where Pompey’s was a name to conjure 
with and where the peoples and the client kings were all devoted to him, was the 
quarter wherein to organize a force capable of meeting the tried veterans of the Gallic 
wals. 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. xiii 


Cicero (§ 1) enjoys the reflection that ‘the defection of Labienus, 
if it has no other effect, will give Caesar pain,’ Cicero entertains 
the most gloomy views of the state of anarchy and chaos which 
will ensue from the recklessness of a single desperado, and is 
alarmed at the inadequate forces on the Pompeian side; thie 
untrustworthiness of the only two legions at Pompey’s disposal, 
which Caesar had given for the Parthian war and which had been 
treacherously retained in Italy and almost alienated, as well as 
the reluctance, of the inhabitants to enlist, prove, he says, that 
“our captain has cleared the harbour with a storm brewing, but 
has forgotten to supply our vessel with a rudder.” On the same 
day he wrote 309 to his family, again urging them to leave Rome 
while they could, and to come to him; or, at all events, to see 
what course the other Roman ladies were taking, and to talk the 
matter over with friends. Late on the 28rd he wrote 308, from 
Minturnae. On the 24th he reached Cales, and wrote 310, which 
he despatched early onthe morning of the 25th. On that evening 
he reached Capua. This was the point to which his journey was 
directed: here it was expected that he would, in concert with 
M. Considius, the propraetor, supervise the levy. When he 
arrived he found (3827. 2) the vigorous Ampius Balbus pressing 
on the levy with all that characteristic energy which gained him 
the appellation of ‘ the clarion of the Civil War,* and Libo no less 
diligent in formally taking over the recruits from him and duly 
organizing them. But there was a very lukewarm response to the 
levy. On the 25th Pompey left Teanum, and proceeded to Lari- 
num; but there was the greatest uncertainty as to what was tlie 
object of his movements.‘ 


1 It was expected that Labienus would influence the troops at Luceria. Such 
hopes were disappointed : cp. 332.3 (February 17th), in Labieno parwm est dignitatis. 
On joining Pompey he spoke of the weakness of Caesar's forces (313. 2), and 
encouraged the Pompeians. It was owing to this, as Holzapfel (ΑΚ ϊο, iv. 356) points 
out, that, while prior to January 23rd there is often mention of Pompey’s leaving 
Italy, there is no such mention from January 23rd to February 4th: cp. 315. 1 
(February 2nd), cwm fuga ex Italia quaeri videbatur (note the tense). 

2 307. 2, Commissuin quidem a nobis certe est sive a nostro duce ut 6 portu sine 
gubernaculis egressi tempestati nos traderemus. 

3 Tuba belli civilis, Fam. vi. 12. 3 (490). 

4 305. 2, Tile iter Larinum : ibi enim cohortes et Luceriae et φαμὶ reliquaque in 
Apulia. Inde utrum consistere uspiam velit an mare transire nescitur. 


X1V INTRODUCTION. 


Cicero says, on January 26th,! that from the time he left the 
city he had not let a. day pass without writing to Atticus. The 
letters despatched on the 20th, 21st, and 24th appear to have 


been lost.? A letter of the 24th certainly made some reference to , 


a false statement of Torquatus about the gladiators of Caesar at 
Capua.. There were 600 gladiators of Caesar’s in a school there, 
and serious apprehension was entertained that they might cause 
trouble. Lentulus, the consul, tried, by promises of liberty, to 
induce them to be enrolled in his cavalry. This was just the sort 
of un-Roman thing that the inconsiderate Lentulus would do; 
but the project was so universally censured that it was ultimately 
abandoned. The school was broken up, and two gladiators were 
given in custody to each of 300 householders.? Caesar wrote to 
Cicero about these eae and seems to have incidentally 
urged him to advocate peace.! 

Meanwhile negotiations had been δούδε ήτο between Pompey 
and Caesar. After the news of the capture of Ariminum had 
reached Rome, the Senate sent L. Caesar and Roscius Fabatus 
to Caesar to remonstrate with him, and to endeavour to ascertain 
whether he was really bent on making war against his country ; 
also to ask him what it was exactly that he wanted. The Senate 
sent this embassy when they perceived that their fulmination 
of January 7th had not frightened Caesar at all, but had, on the 
contrary, driven him into open rebellion. The envoys reached 
Caesar at one of the coast towns, perhaps Ancona, about the 
18th, and conferred with him there. This conference is given in 
some detail by Caesar (Β. C. i. 8 and 9). The terms which 
Caesar gave them to bring back were (1) that Pompey should 
go to Spain—this to dissociate him from the Senate, who then 
would have no commanding personality to lead them; (2) that 
all troops recruited in Italy should be disbanded; (3) that the 
electors (i.e. when the elections came on in the summer) should 


pa ee ἢ 

* Schmidt (p. 121) supposes that 305 was written on the 21st, 307 on the 22nd, 
308 on the 28rd, 310 on the 25th; so that only the letters of the 20th and 24th are 
wanting. This is quite possible. : ? 

5 Caes. B. C. i. 14.45; Att. vii. 14. 2 (810). 

4 332.1; 319.3; 821. 3: cp. p. xxii, below. 


ene ee ϑ 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. XV 


meet at Rome without any soldiers of either party to terrorize 


them; (4) that, if these conditions were accepted, Caesar would 
resign his provinces on July Ist, and, without retaining his 


imperium, come to Rome, and stand for the consulship. All 
further details were to be settled by a personal conference with 
Pompey. Caesar may also have said something to the effect that 
he had no intention of doing violence to anyone, and may have 
generally spoken and behaved in a courteous and moderate 
manner to the envoys; and they may have overestimated tie 
value of such polite expressions, and led the Senate to believe that 
Caesar was in a more pliant mood than was actually the case.' 
Cicero saw Lucius Caesar on his return from this mission at 
Minturnae on January 23rd, and described Caesar’s terns as ‘ most 
preposterous’ (cum absurdissimis mandatis, 3808. 2), one does not see 
exactly why, as they were virtually the same as had been made by 
Curio in the Senate on the Ist of January. But Cicero appears 
to have considered that Caesar had somewhat repented of the 
step he had taken in crossing the Rubicon, it was so mad and 
desperate (310.1, nam et illum furoris ... suppaenitet) ; andin any 
case Caesar’s insistence in imposing conditions at all on the Senate 
was at least, on the first blush, ‘most shameless,’ and he would 
be frantic if he refused the terms offered by the Senate (315. 2, 
Quae ille amentissimus fuerit nist acceperit, praesertim cum impu- 
dentissime postulaverit). Lucius Caesar laid these terms before 
Pompey and the consuls at Teanum on the 25th (310.1). They 
approved of them, provided Caesar removed his forces from the towns 
which he had occupied outside his province.? If he did so, the 
Senate would return to Rome, and settle the matter. ‘This view 
was subsequently maintained at a meeting of the Senators at 
Capua on the 25th, when Pompey was not present, even Cato 
preferring to accede to Caesar’s terms than to fight. Favonius 
alone dissented, but without being heeded (811. 2). Many of 


1 This, we think, may be the meaning of what Dio Cassius says (xli. 6. 5), ‘and 
he (Caesar) further accused the envoys of even making some false statements about 
him ’ (καὶ προσεγκαλεῖν σφισι ὡς καὶ καταψευσαμένοις τινὰ αὐτοῦ). 

- 2 Caesar misrepresents this condition. It was the praesidia in the towns of Italy 
that the Senate demanded should be withdrawn (311. 2 ; 312. 3): but Caesar i. 10. 3, 
says Arimino excederet, exercitus dimitteret. Caesar would have his arenes believe, 
too, that he had taken no town except Ariminum. 


xvi INTRODUCTION. 


the Senators did not believe that Caesar would adhere to his 
terms (311. 3; 312. 4); and we cannot help thinking that Caesar’s 
reasons for considering the Senate’s terms unfair were somewhat 
captious (Β. Ο. 1.11). Still the Senate could hardly have expected 
him to retire to his province, as Attius Varus, a strong partisan of 
Pompey’s, was recruiting in the vicinity of Cingulum and Auximum 
(308. 3; Caes. B.C.i.12. 3). Further, Caesar may well have feared 
that his enemies would have easily found a pretext for war the 
moment they found themselves strong enough to declare it ; and 
there would certainly have been great delay in the decisions of 
the Senate if it returned to Rome. Cato would have then put 
every kind of obstacle in the way of a settlement... These terms 
of the Pompeians were drafted by Sestius, a very tedious writer 
(315. 2),? and brought back by Lucius Caesar. He left Capua on 
the 25th, and may have reached Auximum or Ancona by the 
29th. Possibly he did not travel so very expeditiously, and may 
not have arrived until February Ist. At any rate, on February 3rd 
Cicero at Formiae received a copy of a letter written by Curio to 
Furnius (317. 1), which ridiculed the negotiations of Lucius 
Caesar. Caesar considered it unreasonable to demand that he 
should retire into his province and withdraw his garrisons 
without definite agreements that Pompey too would give up his 
forces and go to Spain within a specified time, and without 
definite arrangements concerning the proposed conference. He 
accordingly rejected Pompey’s terms, and turned to the prosecution 
of the war. 

Though no actual conflicts occurred between the 20th and 


1 8311. 2, Cuto enim ipse 1am servire quam pugnare mavult. Sed tamen ait in 
senatu se adesse velle cum de condicionibus agatur si Caesar adductus sit ut praesidia 
deducat. Ita, quod maxime opus est, in Siciliam ire non curat: quod metuo ne obsit, 
» in senatu esse vult. The condition that Caesar should retire to his province, and 
withdraw his forces from the towns he had captured, was the great thing to secure: it 
would enable them (as they thought) to prevent any subsequent invasion of Italy. 

* Caesar (i. 10. 2) notes especially that they were written, scriptaque ad eum 
mandata remittunt. Can we infer from this statement that Caesar’s terms to the 
Senate were not written, but given verbally to Lucius Caesar? It really looks as if 
such were the case from 308. 2. If Caesar’s terms were written, and Lucius Caesar 
was only the bearer of them, it was little matter whether he was a feather-headed man 
or not, and Caesar would not have dwelt on the fitness of L. Caesar and Roscius as 
negotiators (i. 9. 1, actus idoneos homines), 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. XV1i 


28th of January, yet neither party remained quiet. A certain 

- amount of resistance was set on foot by the Optimates in Picenum. 
Some senators were sent to the different towns of that district. 
Attius Varus held Auximum, ten miles from Ancona, and appears 
to have been planning an assault on that town and on the for- 
tresses which Oaesar had occupied on the Flaminian Road, viz. on 
Fanum, Pisaurum, and Ariminum. Lentulus Spinther was in 
Asculum, and further south, in Samnium, Cn. Domitius Aheno- 
barbus had taken up his position at Corfinium. Caesar had as yet 
only one legion, the 13th, with him, so that it was necessary that 
he should concentrate all his cohorts against this resistance in 
Picenum, in order to prevent the seizure of the Flaminian Road, 
and the consequent interception of the 12th legion, which was now 
on its way from Gaul. Accordingly, orders were sent about the 
21st to Antony at Arretium, and to Curio at Iguvium, to join 
Caesar at Ancona; and they succeeded in effecting this juncture 
by the end of January. 

Thus reinforced, Caesar, having found it inexpedient to 
assent to Pompey’s terms, opened the campaign in Picenum. 
He occupied Auximum about February Ist, and Cingulum (which 

_ was founded and built by Labienus in 63)! within the next day 
or two; he also sent flying parties into the south of the Picentine 
ar to reconnoitre. Meanwhile the 12th legion had arrived,’ 

| Bind Caesar at once directed his march for Asculum, the principal 
town of Picenum, which was held by Lentulus Spinther. No 
sooner had the object of Caesar’s march become known than that 

_ senator fled from the town. As Caesar had now no immediate 

necessity to press on to Asculum at once, he occupied Firmum 
on the route,‘ and sent forward a portion of his troops to take 


4 


1 Caes. B.C. i. 15.2. It may have been his birthplace. On account of the name 
_ of Labienus being connected with the town, Silius Italicus (x. 34) invents ἃ Labienus 
_ who led the forces of the place in the Second Punic War, celsis Labienum Cingula saxa | 
_ miserunt muris. 
* Caes. i. 15. 38. Caesar must have sent for the 12th and 8th legions early in 
_ December, so as to admit of their arriving in Picenum, from the territory of the Aeduis 
Ἶ Some 600 miles away (cp. Bell. Gall. viii. 54. 4), as early as February. 
i 3 Caes. i. 15.3, Asculum Picenum proficiscitur. This only indicates the original 
_ Object of Caesar’s march. 
; 4 In Caes. i. 16.1, Mr. Peskett rightly retains Firmo, comparing Att. viii. 12 ὁ. 
ai 
: 


Ἢ 


ot 


XvVill INTRODUCTION. 


possession of. Asculum. ‘This was about the 6th.' On the 7th, at 
Firmum, he organized the soldiers who had deserted from the 
Pompeians, enrolled volunteers, and collected provisions ; and on 
the 8th started by the coast road, through Castrum Truentinum, 
for Aternum, whence he struck south-westwards, through the 
territory of the Marrucini, for Corfinium, and arrived before that 
town on the 14th. 

For there most.of the forces of tle Pompeians in North Italy 
had become concentrated. There were six cohorts at Alba Fucentia, 
under L. Manlius, and seven at Sulmo, under Q. Lucretius and 
Attius Pelignus; but the main post was at Corfinium. Thither 
Thermus had come from Iguvium, and Lentulus Spinther from 
Asculum. The forces which had followed Thermus had deserted 
him and slipped away to their homes, and those which had 
followed Lentulus were taken over on the route by Vibullius 
Rufus, who had been sent by Pompey as commander of the troops 
in that region; and Lentulus and Thermus themselves arrived at 
Corfinium about February 5th with news that Vibullius was 
following with considerable forces. When these arrived (as they 
probably did about the 10th), there were eighteen cohorts within 
the walls of Corfinium.? 

It was a serious matter for Domitius to decide what to do 
when Caesar was 1n full march against him. Was he to evacuate 


1 (325). He interprets expuiso Lentulo as indicating the expulsion of Lentulus from 
the whole district in which the operations were being carried on, viz. from Picenum. 

' Pompey did not try to secure Picenum, because he put less trust in the inhabitants 
of that district than did the other senators, and as a matter of fact the Picentines 
appear to have been very ready to join Caesar (cp. Caes. i. 18. 1; 15.1); besides he 
could not trust the legions at Luceria (807. 2: cp. 331. 3) to march against their 
former comrades in arms. 

2 Caesar (i. 15) says Vibullius and Hirrus had 13 cohorts, Domitius about 20, 
Pompey, in 381. 1, speaks of ‘my 19 and Domitius’s 12.’ Again, in 322. 1,-he speaks 
ot Domitius as having 12, Vibullius 14, Hirrus 5. As Schmidt (p. 132) justly says, 
Pompey was more likely than Caesar to know details about his own troops; he 
supposes that Caesar knew the approximate total of the enemy’s troops, but wrongly 
included the 5 cohorts of Hirrus in the 13 of Vibullius; and accordingly, in order to 
make up the requisite sum, gave an undue number to Domitius. Assuming, then, that 
the whole forces in Picenum were 31 cohorts, the local distribution would be—at 
Sulmo 7 (Caesar i. 18. 1), at Alba Fucentia 6 (ib. 23. 3), leaving 18 at Corfinium. 
That the forces at Sulmo and Alba must be counted in the total of 31 (or 28) isshown 
by Ep. 331.1. See also Addenda to Comm. iii. 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. xix 


Corfinium while he still could and join Pompey, who had taken 
up his quarters at Luceria; or was he to confront Caesar with 
his eighteen cohorts and the walls of Corfinium? In the latter 
ease he might fairly expect that Pompey would march north to 
his support, and, thus assailed from two sides, Caesar might be 
erushed.!. At first Domitius seemed inclined to retreat (322), but 
after the 10th he appears to have made up his mind to join 
Pompey if Caesar marched on Luceria, but if he marched on 
Corfininm to offer resistance there; and to this effect he wrote 
to Pompey apparently about the 12th or 18th (829. 1). About 
the 6th, and also about the 12th, Pompey wrote urgent letters 
to Domitius to march out while he could (825). The letters 
of Domitius and Pompey crossed, and when Domitius received the 
letter of Pompey, written on the 12th, it was too late to follow 
the advice it contained.” On the 14th Domitius wrote that Caesar 
was before Corfinium, and urged Pompey to come to his aid with 
all speed. This was the last communication from Domitius before 
the siege began. Pompey did not marcel north to Corfinium ; on 
the contrary, on the day on which he received this last letter of 
Domitius, viz. the 17th, he gave orders for all troops, except those 
required for the defence of Sicily, to retreat, to Brundisinm for 
transhipment to Greece (331.3). The siege of Corfinium began 
on the 14th, and the town capitulated on the 21st, Sulmo having 
previously surrendered about the 18th.* With a word of reproach 
for their ingratitude, Caesar dismissed all the senators who were 


1 “Middleton (Life of Cicero, ii. 59, ed. 1823) notices on the one hand that Pompey 
had seen from the outset the necessity of quitting Italy, yet he kept the secret to 
himself, and even pretended that he would march into Picenum (313. 2); and on the 
other that ‘‘the plan of the war as it was commonly understood [by his followers] was 
to possess themselves of the principal posts of Italy, and act chiefly on the defensive, 
in order to distress Caesar by their different armies, cut off his opportunities of forage, 
hinder his access to Rome, and hold him continually employed, till the veteran army 
from Spain, under Pompey’s lieutenants, Afranius, Petreius, and Varro, could come 
up to finish his overthrow ᾽᾽ (312. 4; 333. 7). The fact that there was no de iure 
commander-in-chief of the Constitutionalists was certainly detrimental to their 
interests during the campaign in Italy. When they passed over into Greece, Pompey 
was definitely made general of all the forces : see above, p. x, note 2: also next note. 

* We must consider that, in virtue of the senatus consultum ultimum, Domitius 
had a par imperium with Pompey ; and that the latter was not his superior officer, so 
that he could only advise Domitius, he could not command him, to retreat. 

3 335. 3; 468. i..18. 2. 


XX 7 — INTRODUCTION. 


found in Corfinium, and gave back to Domitius a large sum of 
money belonging to him, which the magistrates of the town had 
put into Caesar’s hands. This was Caesar’s new method of 
winning victory, by raising up, as he says himself, the strong 
bulwarks of merey and generosity.’ 


But we must meanwhile return to South Italy, and follow the 
movements of Cicero from January 25th. 

Cicero remained at Capua on the 20th and 27th, and wrote 
thence Att. vii, 15 (311), and Fam. xvi. 12 (312) to Tiro. The 
letter to Tiro contains a general narrative of.events since Cicero 
had last written on the 12th; and expression is given to a doubt 
as to Caesar’s sincerity in offering such favourable terms as he had 
offered. On the 28th Cicero set out on his return journey to 
Formiae, and reached Cales in the evening. From that place he 
wrote 313 to Atticus. 


‘ We have,’ he says (ὃ 2), ‘ two things to look forward to—the answer 
which Caesar will give to the message brought by L. Caesar, and the 
course of action which Pompey will adopt. Pompey says that in a few 
days he will have a strong army, and holds out hopes that if Caesar 
advances into Picenum we shall all soon return to Rome. Labienus? has 
raised Pompey’s courage, as he expresses no doubt that Caesar’s forces 
are very weak,’ 


On the 29th Cicero reached Formiae. We have no letters 
written on January 29th or February Ist. On the 2nd Cicero’s 
family, and his brother Quintus and his family, arrived at For- 


1 347.1, Haee nova sit ratio vincendi, ut misericordia et liberalitate nos muniamus. 
Yet this merciful Caesar, after having kept Vercingetorix a prisoner for six years, ex- 
hibited him at his triumph, and had him strangled that day. Pompey was not guilty of 
any such harshness to his captives in the Mithridatic war (ep. Appian Mithr. 117 fin.; 
Drumann iv? 497, ed. Groebe). Drumann (vi. 200) rather unfairly notices that Cicero 
persistently entertained the fear that Caesar would turn into the cruel tyrant and order 
proscriptions and confiscations of property. No doubt in the early months of the war 
he had that fear: e.g. 392. 2, caedem video si vicerit et impetum in privatorum pecunias 
et exsulum reditus et tabulas novas et turpissimorum honores et regnum non modo Romano 
homini sed ne Persae quidem cuiquam tolerabile; but the passages quoted by Drumann 
for subsequent years do not appear to us to indicate anything at all so dreadful: e.g. 
444.1, omnino dicitur nemini negare : quod ipsum est suspectum notionem eius differ’ ; 
also 423 init.; 462.1, guid hic mihi faciet patri; Att. xiii. 28. 3 (604), tu hune de 
pompa Quirini contubernalem his nostris moderatis epistulis laetaturum putas ? nor, we 
are convinced, did Cicero seriously mean what he said in these passages. 

2 Labienus soon ceased to be of any real importance: cp. 332. 3 and note: also 
Lucan v. 345, Fortis in armis | Caesareis Labienus erat ; nune transfuga vilis | cum 
duce praelato terras atque aequora lustrat. 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. XX1 


miae.! Before their arrival Cicero wrote 315. He is still in grave: 
anxiety as to Caesar’s reply. He considers (§§ 2-4) that — 


‘Caesar will be quite mad if he does not accede to the conditions, 
especially as his demands are so shameless... But he is making most 
vigorous preparations. He has commissioned 'rebatius? to ask me to be 
at Rome when he arrives. Nothing, he says, could give him greater 
pleasure... I have answered Trebatius, that I fear I cannot do so, as 
I am in the country, though not recruiting or indeed taking any active 
part at all in affairs; and I shall continue in this course while there is 
any hope of peace; but if there is war, 1 shall act as duty and honour 
0811... I am afraid war will rage all through Italy ; hut in a day or 
two we shall know Caesar’s reply.’ 


Early on February 3rd, before daybreak, Cicero wrote 316 to: 


_ Atticus in good spirits, to tell of the arrival of his family, and to. 


express his satisfaction at the favourable reception which (as 
Atticus had said) the reply of Pompey to Caesar had met with in 
Rome. He continues :—- 


‘If Caesar rejects these terms, it will be his ruin; if he accepts them—. 
Which, youask, would I prefer? I should tell you if I knew the extent of 
our forces... What a desperado Caesar is to carry on operations so 
vigorously while negotiations for peace are proceeding! But a truce to 
angry spleen; let us yield to circumstances, and go with Pompey to 
Spain. This is the least of evils, since we did not peremptorily reject 


Caesar’s candidature for a second consulship even when opportunity 
offered.’ 


Later in the day, before this letter was sent, Cicero received a. 
packet of letters from Atticus, Philotimus, and Furnius. Fur- 
nius enclosed a letter from Curio to himself, ridiculing the- 
mission of L, Caesar. This was the first intimation Cicero received 
of Caesar’s refusal to accede to the demands of the Optimates. 
His spirits sank at once. ‘ We seem to be utterly crushed, and I 
do not know what to do. I don’t mind about myself; my diffi-. 


culty is to know what to do with the children. 1 am just leaving 


1 Tullia seems to have returned to Rome at the end of March (cp. 378. 4; 379. 2),. 
when Cicero left Formiae for Arpinum. Possibly Terentia returned sooner, on 


_ February 18th (820: 2), if that was not a mere temporary visit to Rome on business. 


They, perhaps, remained in Rome until after May 2nd (392. 9) ; but certainly they: 
were at Cumae on May 138th (402. δ). 
2 Cp. Plut. Cie. 37. 


XXli INTRODUCTION. 


for Capua, to learn something about the course of action which 
Pompey is taking’ (317). 

Cicero had made an appointment to meet the consuls at Capua 
on the 5th, and he arrived in that town on the 4th. He there 
heard that Pompey had fixed on Luceria as his head-quarters. 
The consul Lentulus arrived in Capua on the 5th, and the other 
consul was expected shortly.1 Neither had any adequate force, 
and ‘Caesar is dashing on, will forthwith be upon us—not to— 
join battle, but to intercept flight.* Again Cicero asks: ‘Am I 
to remain behind if Pompey leaves Italy ?’ 


‘For remaining may be urged the winter, my lictors, our thoughtless 
and indolent generals; for flight, my friendship with Pompey, end the 
disgrace of joining the tyrant—for tyrant he is, though it is not certain 
whether he is going to be another Phalaris or Pisistratus’ (318. 2). 


This not wholly unfavourable view of Caesar was probably 
due to a courteous letter which Cicero had received from him a 
day or two before, in which he had asked Cicero to use his in- 
fluence to protect the gladiators at Capua (p. xiv), and urged him 
to advocate peace (319. 3). Cicero replied in a brief letter, 
couched in friendly terms, with, however, no disparaging remarks 
on Pompey, rather indeed warmly praising him. This tone was 
dictated by his earnest desire for peace. Cicero evidently hoped 
that Caesar might publish that letter.° 

Cicero returned to Formiae on the 8th; and except that he 
attempted a journey to join Pompey on the 18th, in which he 
did not proceed further than Cales (see below, p. xxiv), he lived at 
Formiae until his interview with Caesar, on the 28th of March. 


' 318. 1, Tdi (i.e. the consuls) autem nondum venerant, sed erant venturi inanes 
tmparati : where see note, in which we question the genuineness of this reading. 

2 318.1, At illum ruere nuntiant et iam iamgue adesse, non ut manum conserat— 
quicum enim ?—sed ut fugam interciudat. 

* 332.1, Eas (se. litteras) si quo ille misit in publico proponat velim. Qaesar 
published Ep. 366: cp. note to 340a.1. We occasionally have allusions to ‘the 
publication of manifestoes : e.g. 304. 1, haec ait omnia facere se dignitatis causa: cp. 
Dio Cass. xli. 10. 2, γράμματα δὲ és πᾶσαν Thy ᾿Ιταλίαν πέμψας δι᾽ ὧν τόν τε Πομπήιον és 
δίκην τινὰ προεκαλεῖτο καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις θαρσεῖν παρήνει. Nissen (p. 102) supposes that 
the interdicta Caesaris mentioned by Cicero in 326. 1 (February 13th) was a manifesto to 
the Italian people, after the negotiations broke down at the end of January, just before 
he opened his campaign in Picenum. We think these interdicta were rather addressed 
to the Optimate generals in the towns in Picenum. 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. XXlli 


In the Addenda’ to the Commentary, No. iv, we have set out 
the general considerations which influenced Cicero in deciding on 
the part he should play in the Civil War and they need not 
be detailed here. ‘hey were very complex, and such as would 
increase the perplexity of anyone the more, in proportion as he 
was thoughtful and honest. The ups and downs of Cicero’s spirits, 
according as good or bad news arrived, are most interesting in the 

_ eorrespondence of this period, in the course of which he writes to 
Atticus almost every day. But any attempt to reproduce these 
fluctuations in detail would simply resolve itself into a translation 
of all his letters. In reading his correspondence this expansiveness 
and impressionableness of Cicero must be fairly judged ; Cicero, as 
M. Boissier says, must be defended against himself. It is certainly 
a fault for a man to ‘ wear his heart upon his sleeve for daws 
to peck at’; but Cicero never expected that his letters would be 
published. ‘I write very differently,’ he says to Trebonius, ‘ what 
I think my correspondent alone will read and what the public.’ 
And when all is considered, the note of sincerity and of striving 
after the right (if only he could know what was the right) which 
breathes all through his letters of this period, in which he com- 
munes with Atticus as with his own soul,? amply suffices to save 
Cicero from really adverse judgment at the hands of all fair- 
minded critics, who are willing to take some little account of the 
weakness of our mortal nature.® 

On the 15th Cicero received a despatch (322) from Pompey, 
dated the 10th, stating that the Optimate forces from Samnium 
under Domitius, Vibullius, and Hirrus were marching down to him, 

and urging Cicero to come to Luceria, as being the safest place. 
Cicero replied (327) that he welcomed the good news, as he 

_ feared Pompey was going to retreat; but he thought that it was 

advisable to retain the Latin coast ; and that if Pompey thought 


1 450. 4, illas Calvo litteras misi, non plus quam has quas nune legis existimans 
exituras, Aliter enim seribimus quod eos solos quibus mittimus, aliter quod muitos 
lecturos putamus. 

2 349.2, Hyo tecum tanquam mecum ioquor. Quis autem est, tanta quidem de re, 
quin varie secum ipse disputet ? 

3 Bacon, however, regards him as an impressive example of irresolution. © ‘ Let a 
_ man look into the errors of Cicero, painted out by his own pencil in his Epistles to 
_ Atticus, and he will fly apace from being irresolute’ (Advancement of Learning, 
vol. ii, p. 19, ed. Montagu). 


xxiv INTRODUCTION. 


so too, he (Cicero) would stay there (in ea manebo), though there 
were no forces in the towns (§1). But as the letter goes on 
he says (§ 3): ‘If you think that this coast should be held—and 
it has a favourable position and is a region of importance—you 
should get a governor for it (opus est esse qui praesit)’ ; thus resign- 
ing his post of authority in that quarter.’ ‘ Of course,’ he proceeds, 
‘if there is a concentration of all the Optimate forces in Luceria, 
I shall go to you, for to be with you is my dearest wish, as I told 
you when leaving the city.’ The next day, the 16th, he wrote 
(328) in low spirits to Atticus about this correspondence with 
Pompey, and says that he will evidently be compelled to go to 
Luceria, to join in the flight. 

On the 17th letters from Caesar and Balbus arrived. Cicero 
answered Caesar at once, urging reconciliation with the sena- 
torial party. Cicero appears to feel that writing to Caesar at 
all required defence, and his defence to Atticus is the scandalous 
mismanagement of the Optimate cause by Pompey. Cicero was 
evidently thinking of making serious efforts to negotiate for peace’ 
with Caesar— 

“1 would die,’ he says (332. 4), ‘for Pompey; but I do not think 
that the safety of the State lies with him. You say, somewhat 
different from your wont, I should leave Italy if Pompey leaves it.? 
No; I think that course neither good for the State nor for my children, 
nor right or honourable. . . . I have special reasons for remaining which 


I would fain talk over with you. I am just leaving to join Pompey, a 
helper, if it is a question of peace ; if of war—what ?’ 


Cicero did set out, but only reached Cales, where he heard news 
which led him to believe that Pompey was marching to the assist- 
ance of Domitius. He was uncertain as to Caesar’s intentions, 
whether he would march on Luceria or Capua : so, fearing lest he 


1 See also Addenda to Commentary, No. i, p. 561. 

* It is interesting to compare this advice of Atticus with that quoted by Cicero in 
365. 5, from a letter of February 7th, ἔσο quidem tibi non sim auctor, st Pompeius 
Italiam religquit te quoque profugere. Summo enim periculo facies nec reipublicae 
proderis, cut quidem posterius poteris prodesse st manseris (cp. Cato’s remarks, Plut. 
Cic. 38); and, indeed, all through that epistle Cicero quotes (with dates) passages 
in which Atticus advises him to remain in Italy. We do not think Cicero’s friend 
helped him much in his perplexity, and Atticus apparently did not like being even 
gently reminded of the inconsistency of his counsels: cp. 369. ὃ, συναγωγὴ con- 
siliorum tuorum non est a me conlecta ad querelam sed magis ad consolationem meam. 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. XXV 


should incur any risk of capture (cp. 343. 4), he returned to 
_ Formiae, and there waited for the development of events. 

During the next few days Cicero was all anxiety eoncerning 
what was happening at Corfinium. On the 19th there reached 
him an order from Pompey to the consuls, written about the 
17th, directing that, whereas it was advisable to concentrate tbeir 
forces into one place, they should come to him with all speed.’ 
Cicero had not the slightest doubt that the ‘one place’ was Cor- 

finium. All was to be staked on that cast. ‘ How I shudder,’ he 
writes to Atticus,’ ‘and am filled with anxiety as to the result. 
I trust that Pompey the Great will cause great terror by his 
approach.’* On the same day, the 19th, Pompey turned his back 
on Domitius, and marched from Luceria to Canusium, on his way 
to Brundisium, which was really the ‘one place’ that Pompey 
meant. Two days later the consuls joined Pompey, and they 
reached Brundisium on the 2dth. 
| Pompey had fourteen cohorts of the two Caesarean legions with 
him at Luceria (329.2; 331.2). Of the remaining six cohorts of these 
legions, two had been sent forward to Brundisium (333. 7), and 
_ the other four were at Canusium (331. 2). If we can believe the 
statement of Plutarch (Pomp. 62) that the consuls brought over 
ἱ with them to Greece thirty cohorts, and that Pompey followed 
them with twenty (Caes. B. C. 1. 25. 2), the whole force at his 
: disposal in Italy at this time was fifty cohorts.’ It may be that the 
- consuls left on the 4th (360. 3). They were certainly sent on in 
advance of Pompey, no doubt partly because Pompey could 
not trust them (ep. Dio Cass. xli. 12.1 προέπεμψε . . . τοὺς ὑπά- 
τους μὴ Kal νεοχμώσωσί τι κατὰ χώραν ὑπομείναντες )---δῃα he may 


απ ΟΣ δ, εἰς ἄς τ ὦ ΨΚ ὦ 
Se Se ees ΣῊ ὙΠΕΡ ΠΕΡ ΡΞ 


| 1 337. 2, Nunc, ut ego non scribam, tua sponte te intellegere scio quanti reipublicae 
_ intersit omnis copias in unum locum primo quoque tempore convenire. 

2 Ep. 337. 3. 
3 But notwithstanding his anxieties Cicero can still think about the little annoy- 
~ ances of his friends, and has something pleasant to say as regards Atticus’ and Pilia’s 
: fevers, 337.4. ‘Now that you have got rid of your fever, tell Pilia that she is not a 
_ sympathetic wife if she keeps hers any longer’ (Piliae dic non esse aeqguum eam diutius 
Ἶ habere nec id esse vestrae concordiae). 
au 4 This appears from the deplorable postscript to 335, written on February 22nd. 
You know, I suppose, of the capitulation of Sulmo, that Pompey is se epee for 
_ Brundisium, and that Domitius is deserted. It is all over.’ 
_ 5 Thirty of these must have been newly enrolled soldiers. 

VOL. IV. c 


ΧΧΥΪ INTRODUCTION. 


well have had some doubts as to the loyalty of Lentulus 
(840. 4; 842. 5)'—but mainly because he had not sufficient ships to 
carry away all his forces at once. ‘I'he rhetoric of subsequent 
times loved to dwell on the contrast between Pompey landing at 
Brundisium after the Mithridatic war and his departure from 
Brundisium in flight from Caesar (Dio Cass. xli. 13.1; Florus 
ii. 13. [=iv. 2] 20: ep. Lucan. 11. 708, Heu pudor ! Haigua est fugiens 
victoria Magnus). 

Definite news was slow in reaching Cicero. On the 22nd he 
heard of the capitulation of Sulmo, and by the 28rd all Cicero’s 
erstwhile certain belief that Pompey would march to the assistance 
of Domitius had vanished (338. 1). His companions argued that, in 
the nature of things, Pompey must go to Corfinium ; he could not 
desert so many nobles and men of importance, when he had 
thirty cohorts too. 


‘If I am not mistaken,’ says Cicero, ‘he well desert them. His 
timidity passes belief (¢ncredibiliter pertimurt). He has no aim but flight, 
and you think (for I ean see your real sentiments) I should accompany 
him. Yes: I havea foe to fly from, but no leader to follow. I did say, 
Better to lose with Pompey than win with the Caesareans, and say it 
again, but with Pompey as he was in the old days, or as I thought he was, 
not with the man who flies before he knows his pursuer or whither he is 
to fly.’ 


Later in the same day follows another letter (339) in the same 
strain of excited censure— 


‘He would not accept any terms of peace, and did not make any 
preparation for war. He is deserting Domitius and all of us. Domitius 
has written to him an urgent appeal, and he has written to the consuls 
directing a concentration of forces. I thought the beauty of Nobility had 
shone before his eyes, and his true and better self had said, ‘‘ Let my 
enemies intrigue and devise against me as they will, for the right is on 
my 5146. But he has bid farewell, a long farewell, to all his Honour, 
and he makes for Brundisium. ‘They say that Domitius and his com- 
panions, on the receipt of this news, surrendered. What a catastrophe! 
I am too afflicted to write more.’ 


1 Holzapfel (iv. 370) notices that Lentulus was insolvent (Caes. B. Ὁ, 1.4. 2, 
Vell. ii. 49. 3, cp. 51. 3), that there were reports even in the autumn of 50 that 
Lentulus was acting in concert with Caesar (Att. vi. 8. 2 (281)), and that Lentulus 
said in the Senate on January 1 that if the Senate did not act vigorously he would join, 
Caesar. Hence Caesar sent young Balbus to him to negotiate (340. 4, cp. Vell. ii. 
51. 8, where Velleius confuses the two Balbi). 4 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. XXVll 


The worst had come, and Cicero could once more be calm. 
But he never could feel the same towards Pompey again. The 
false god of the Optimates had deserted them in their hour of 
need. But the old spirit of devotion remained. ‘I love him, as 
in duty bound, but I cannot praise his desertion of his friends... 
Perhaps he is at Brundisium by this time. But this monster 
is so dreadfully alert, rapid, and energetic, that he will prebanty 
intercept him. I don’t know what will happen.’! 

In a letter written a few days later (842. 2) Cicero thinks that 
he sees the whole situation more clearly, and Pompey has begun 
to wear a more hateful aspect in his eyes :— 


‘Both are aiming at tyranny, not at constitutional government. 
Pompey did not leave Rome because he could not defend it, or Italy 
because he was driven from it. No; his design from the very outset was 
to set all seas and lands in motion, to rouse up barbarian kings and savage 
nations against Italy, and to mass together mighty armies. His aim isa 
kind of Sullan despotism, and many of his associates long for it. Do you 
suppose an arrangement between the two parties is out of the question ἢ 
It could be effected this very day. The aim of neither is our happiness ; 
each wishes to be monarch.? 


And in confirmation reference is made to the savage threats 
uttered by the Optimates at Luceria’ :— 


‘When you asked me to write to you my view of the situation, you 
perhaps expected that I could see therein something of the nature of 
consolation. No, I cannot. Nothing could be more miserable, desperate, 
or disgraceful . . . I remember Demetrius of Magnesia dedicated to you 
his book on Concord. Please send it to me; you see my project.’ 


On the same day, the 27th, Cicero replied (in Ep. 343) to a 
letter (Ep. 334) from Pompey, dated the 20th, from Canusium, 


1 340. 3, 4, Sed hoe τέρας horribilt vigilantia, celeritate, diligentia est. Plane 
quid futurum sit-nescio. ‘ Celerity is never more admired than by the negligent.’ 

2 Cp. Plut. Pomp. 75. When Pompey was flying from Pharsalia and had come to 
Lesbos, he met the philosopher Cratippus; and in a discussion on the ways of 
Providence, suggested by complaints of Pompey, the philosopher asked, ‘ How, 
Pompey, and by what evidence, can we be assured that you would have used your 
fortune better than Caesar if you had conquered?’ It is a pity that this narrative of 
Plutarch’s is so corrupt ; but there is no mistaking the general sense of what Cratippus 
said. 

3 342.4 and 7. If the reading in 352. 2 is sound, it would appear that Luceriae 
was used as a term to denote the violent threatenings of the Optimates which they 
uttered while in Pompey’s head-quarters at Luceria. 

c 2 


XXvViil INTRODUCTION. 


urging Cicero to join him at Brundisium with all speed. Cicero’s 
letter is courteous and very carefully written,’ as was natural, 
inasmuch as he felt it was an opportunity to express his disapproval 
of several of Pompey’s actions. But Cicero’s defence of his own 
conduct does not read as if his conscience was quite at ease, and 
he certainly makes some statements which are hardly in accordance 
with the facts.?- As regards his failure to join Pompey, he says, ‘I 
have not joined you, partly because I might be readily captured 
by the enemy (cp. notes to 392. 5), and that would be injurious 
not only to me personally, but to the State’ (§3).° As regards 
Pompey’s leaving Italy, he says, ‘I do not know your object in 
leaving Italy, but I suppose it is a wise one. 1 can only mourn 
the hard lot of my country (§5). My opinion was that we should 
not leave Rome, and you never even hinted at leaving Italy. I 
acquiesced in your view, not because I thought it good for the 
State (for I had no hope for 7¢), but from personal regard for 
yourself, and desire to be with you’ (ὃ 6). Then Cicero makes 
covert reference to his correspondence with Caesar, and defends 
himself by the reasonable plea that, when Pompey was making 
_ large and courteous concessions to Caesar‘ (3435. 7, cum pacis 


1 Cicero remarks on the carelessness Pompey showed in his letters: cp. 342. 6, 
Epistularum Pompei duarum quas ad me misit neglegentiam meamque in reseribendo 
diligentiam volui {ἰδὲ notam esse. LEarum exempla ad te misi. 

* This is shown in a valuable paper by Mr. J. D. Duff of Trinity College, 
Cambridge, in the Journal of Philology, xxiii (1914), p. 154 ff. (see our notes). He 
holds this letter to be ‘ verbosior quam verior,’ and. ‘ feels little doubt that in his heart 
Cicero was completely dissatisfied with it from the first’ (p. 157). Cicero says, § 5, 
‘Would that you had made me acquainted with your plans: for I could not entertain a 
suspicion (nam suspicione adsequi non potui) that you would leave Italy.” Yet Mr. 
Duff shows that the suspicion was before Cicero’s mind previously (303; 305. 4; 
315. 1; 365. 6). However, Cicero seems to be using this as an argument against 
Pompey for the lack of consideration he exhibited in not having kept him informed of 
his plans. Pompey had not informed him at all of his intention of leaving Italy: ep. 
345. 3, neque enim suspicari debui (‘I was not bound to suspect’ that Pompey would 
leave Italy) praesertim cum ex Pompei litteris (idem quod video te existimasse) non 
Gubitarim quin is Domitio subventurus esset. 

3 For what Cicero means by this see notes to this passage, 343. 3: add Plut. Cic. 38. 

4 Nissen (p. 104, note) and Schmidt (p. 124) are right in pointing out that the 
loyal Optimates must have felt some fear that a reconciliation might be effected 
between Caesar and Pompey to crush the Senators. They compare 392. 5: Fefellit-ea 
me res quae fortasse non debuit, sed fefellit: pacem putavi fore, quae si esset, iratum 
mihi Caesarem esse cum idem amicus esset Pompeio nolui ; senseram enim quam tidem 
essent. See notes on that passage. 


Se ΕἾΝ 


Lt ee ee 


eT ee 


oe ἘΠ ee, Ὑ 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. ΧΧΙΧ 


condiciones ad te adferri a teque ad ea honorifice et large responderi 
viderem), he, Cicero, had reason to take: thought for his own 
interests, especially as he knew that he was always a mark for 
democratic attacks, and had positive evidence of the fact in the 
present crisis. If such attacks could be avoided with honour, 
why not avoid them? (§ 7). In reference to'those of the Optimates 
whose sentence was for open war and for no negotiations with the 
rebels, Cicero says: ‘I was never on more friendly terms with 
Caesar than they were, and they are not more loyal to the State 
than Iam. We differ on a question of policy: I was for peace, 
they for war. And now that this latter opinion has prevailed, 
you will not find me failing in my duty either to the State as a 
citizen or to yourself as a friend’ (§ 8). 

From the 27th of February to the 24th of March Cicero’s 
letters are almost all occupied with the question whether he should 
unite himself with Pompey or not, assuming it to be certain that 
Pompey will leave Italy. This consideration is mingled with 
anxiety about what will happen at Brundisium. 

For thither the centre of interest had been transferred. 
Caesar, after the capture of Corfinium, started for Brundisium on 
February 21st, and after having made regular marches of about 
eighteen Roman miles a day, with rests of about one day in seven, 
he reached Arpi on the 1st of March (3858. 2), and was before 
Brundisium on the 9th.!' If he could capture Pompey, the whole 
business would be settled: or if he could come to a reconciliation 


(as he told Balbus and Oppius he desired, 354. 1), the same 


purpose would be effected. Or if he drove Pompey out of Italy— 
a result which Dolabella considered would be a ‘ godsend ’ (369. 1), 
and which Caelius supposed was Caesar’s purpose (344. 1)—he 
would be able to proceed with little danger to the war in Spain. 
He at once set about negotiations with Pompey for a compromise. 
Fortune offered a negotiator. N. Magius, a native of Cremona, 
one of Pompey’s head engineers, had been captured, as he was 
making for Spain, and Caesar now sent him with certain proposals 
to Pompey. The latter sent Magius back with counter-proposals, 
which were probably extravagant and only made in order to 


E 370:-1. 


ΧΧΧ INTRODUCTION. 
gain time. At all events, they seemed unsatisfactory to Caesar ; 
so he made, as he says himself, ‘a suitable reply’ (quae visa sunt 
respondi), and sent that reply back to Pompey. Pompey did not 
make any further effort to negotiate, and retained Magius with 
him.' Then Caesar made a further effort for peace by sending 
Caninius Rebiliusto Libo.’ Libo passed the message on to Pompey, 
who soon afterwards replied that as the consuls were not in Italy 
no agreement could be effected.? These negotiations lasted from 
the 10th to the 13th. On that day Caesar blockaded Brundisium, 
and began to throw moles into the sea, in order to prevent, if 
possible, Pompey’s flight; but Pompey succeeded in stealing 
away on the 17th, and Caesar entered the town on the 18th.‘ | 
The reasons which induced Pompey to leave Italy and go to 
Greece, as set forth by Dio Cassius (xli. 10. 3), were (1) that the 
victories of Caesar in Italy had turned popular feeling to favour 
Caesar, and many of Pompey’s supporters were deserting ; (2) the 
influence of his name and his many friends in the East pointed to 
that part of the world as the place in which he could collect forces 
on which he might rely; (5) Spain, too, was devoted to him, 
but he could not reach it safely, since Caesar held both the Gauls.° 
(4) Caesar could not pursue him, as he had no fleet, while Pompey 
had a fine fleet, which he meant to use to supply himself and to 


1347.2; 370. 1: Caes. B.C. i. 24-26; Schmidt, pp. 151-153. 

2 Caes. 1. 26. 8, tmprimis ut ipse cum Pompeio colloqueretur postulat: cp. above, 
p. XXViiil, note 4. 

3 Atticus, and in a less degree Cicero, about this time had some hopes that if 
Caesar and Pompey could have a meeting peace might be secured (348. 1, Si nactus hic 
esset G'naeum nostrum spes dubia pacis: 350.8, optas congressum pacemque non desperas. 
Sed ego cum haec seribebam (March 3) nec illos congressuros nec, ei congressi essent 
Pompeium ad ullam condicionem accessurum putabam). We think that Caesar was 
sincere in his desire for a meeting and reconciliation with Pompey (340. 4; 354. 1), 
but that Pompey knew that any sort of a compromise with Caesar, while the latter 
was in the flood-tide of his military success, would mean his own political extinction ; 
and indeed all along Pompey was convinced that war was inevitable: cp. Att. vii. 
4. 2 (295) in Dec. 50, De republica autem ita mecum locutus est quasi non dubium bellum 
haberemus ; nihil ad spem concordiae; vii. 8. 4 (299), Quod quaeris ecquae spes pacifica- 
tionis sit, quantum ex Pompei muito et accurato sermone perspexi, ne voluntas quidem ; 
ib. § 5, non modo non expetere pacem istam sed etiam timere visus est. 

4 Caes, i. 27-29; Cic. Att. ix. 14. 3 (372). These dates were, according to the 
sun, January 26 and 27, 

5 And we may add that a journey by sea in the winter would have been attended 
with great difficulty, even though he had a very considerable fleet. 


- 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. χχχὶ 


starve out the Romans (cp. 862. 4; 864. 2; 892. 4); and of 
Pompey’s fleet Curio exhibited a reasonable fear (382.9; 388. 3, 
quoted by Mr. Heitland) ; and so Pompey would be able to collect 
troops and money without being molested. Holzapfel notices 
(iv. 879) that Pompey’s remaining in Italy would not have 
availed for collecting soldiers, as he had no veterans to form a 
well-trained nucleus except the two untrustworthy legions which he 
had artfully got from Caesar. Merivale (ii. 160) notes, too, that 
the sympathies of Orientals centred always in men and not in 
governments; and as Pompey did not want to be the equal, but 
the superior, of his fellow-nobles, whom he hated, Oriental forces 
were the fitting instruments to use for this purpose. He wanted 
to be despotic ;' and so he went to the East and not to Spain, 
where he could get troops to fight only for Rome but not for 
Pompey : ‘the spirit of the Iberian provinces was more thoroughly 
Roman than any other’ (ib. 158). It is not unjustly that Plutarch 
says that the sailing away of Pompey to Greece was regarded as 
one of his very best pieces of strategy.’ 

To return to Cicero at Formiae. He was, as we have seen, 
sorely perplexed whether to follow Pompey into Greece, or remain 
in Italy. At one time he appears to be inclined to adopt the 
prudent course, and follow the advice of Atticus, which was 
that he should remain ;* at another to be filled with remorse that 
he is not sharing all Pompey’s fortunes.* The energy and 
clemency of Caesar,° and the incapacity and violence of the 
Optimate party, and even of Pompey,’ urge him in one direction ; 


1 See Cicero’s passionate outburst, 342. 2, quoted above, p. xxvil. 

2 Plut. Pomp. 63, of μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι τοῦ Πομπηίου τὸν ἀπόπλουν ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις 
τίθενται στρατηγήμασιν, αὐτὸς δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐθαύμαζεν ὅτι. .. προήκατο τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν. 

8. 345. 2-4. 

4349. 2 (March 2), Sed me movet unus vir, cuius fugientis comes, rempublicam 
recuperantis socius videor esse debere. 

5 348. 1 (March 1), Sed videsne in quem hominem inciderit respublica 2 quam 
acutum, quam vigilantem, quam paratum 2 Si mehercule neminem occiderit nec cuiquam 
quidquam ademerit, ab tis qui eum maxime timuerant diligetur. Cicero was certain 
that Caesar would be a ‘tyrant,’ but was uncertain whether he would be one like 
Phalaris or Pisistratus (318. 2: cp. 352.2.) In the following passages he seems to 
fear that he will be ruthless, viz., 304.1; 305.2; 307.1; 320.1; 332.3; 333.5; 
340. 4; 362. 5. Others seem to prove that he thinks Caesar may act in a clement 
and constitutional manner: 347.1, 2; 354.1; 362. 3; 374. 1. 

6 350. 2 (March 3.) Nee me movet quod scribis * Iovi ipsi iniquum.’ Nam periculum 
in utriusque tracundia posilum est, where see note. ches 


mre | INTRODUCTION. 


his regard for public opinion,’ and his feelings of gratitude and — 
duty to Pompey, urge him in the other Thus on March 3rd _ 
Cicero received a letter from Atticus, recommending caution. ΤῸ 
this he replied: ‘'I’o remain is safer; to go is more honourable. 
I sometimes prefer that many people should consider my conduct 
imprudent than that a few should think it dishonourable.” 

To this letter a postscript is appended: ‘I am sending you 
Balbus’s letter, that you may sympathize with me at my being 
turned into ridicule.’ ‘This referred to an effusive letter from 

Balbus (Ep. 346), written a few days previously, urging Cicero to 
use all his exertions to reconcile Pompey and Caesar. 


‘ Believe me,’ says Balbus, ‘ Caesar will do whatever you tell him, and 
consider you have done him a great service if you devote yourself to this 
task. Caesar is much pleased at your attempting to dissuade the consul 
Lentulus from leaving Italy. If he only follows your advice, trusts 
what I say about Caesar, and spends the rest of his year of office at Rome, 
I shall begin to hope that, by the advice of the Senate, under your 
direction, and at his motion, a union may be effected between Pompey 
and Caesar.’ 


Balbus was probably sincere in the main purport of this letter : 
it would have been much to the advantage of Caesar if Cicero 
could have brought about some further negotiations; but Balbus 
went too far when he laid such emphasis on the high opinion 
which (as he asserts) Caesar entertained of Cicero, so that there 
were some grounds for the latter’s opinion that he was being 
turned into ridicule. 

From about the 4th to the 12th of March Cicero appears to 
have been quite decided to join Pompey, and the question was how 
to effect this purpose; but day succeeds day, and Cicero does 


1 Cicero was always sensitive as to what was said of him: cp. 807. 3; 321. 2; 
328. 3 (videar); 332.1; 842.7; 352, 1, 2; 356.3; 362. 2. 

5 352. 1 (March 4) ; 353. 4 (March 6). For other passages in which Cicero declares 
that he is actuated mainly by gratitude and personal regard for Pompey, cp. 318. 2; 
221.25; 328.4, Unus Pompeius me movet beneficio non auctoritate; 332.45; 8588. 2; 
349.2; 356.2; 359.3; 360.4; 361.2; 362. 3,4; 364.2; 366. 3; 369. 9; 

3 350. 2, Cautior certe est mansio, honestior existimatur traiectio: malo interdum multi 
me non caute quam pauci non honeste fecisse existiment. 

4It is noticeable how Caesar apparently tried to come to terms with the 
Pompeians separately, as is shown in his efforts to gain over this very Lentulus, 
340 ὁ. 4: ep. p. xxvi, note 1. \ 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. xxxiii 


' nothing. On the 10th he is still troubled with remorse at having | 
failed to unite his fortunes with Pompey, his friend, his benefac- 
_tor, his political leader. But presently a new project begins to 


fe a nae eg Od ΄“στε 


IEA Ire ME 


Ph gag a an ene a ee See eee σαν 


4 


appear. A. letter from Atticus, received on the 11th, evidently 
first suggested to Cicero that he should have a meeting with 
Caesar on his return from Brundisium.” ‘If I am to meet hin,’ 
says Cicero, ‘this Formiae is the best place. We can settle 
details later” After Cicero had written this letter, but had not 
closed it (§ 8), important news arrived from Brundisium, that 
on the 4th Pompey and the consuls had crossed to Greece with 


30,000 men, after having disabled or burned the ships they did not 
use. This report was afterwards found to have only a particle of 


truth in it,® but Cicero’s conscience stung him— 


‘Your letters console me as I read them, but then comes the remorse, 
and mine iniquity riseth up before me. I shall try to induce Caesar to allow 
me to absent myself from the Senate when any motion is brought forward 
against Pompey, but I fear that I shall fail. ... On two points I was 
mistaken. I thought that there would be a compromise between the 
rivals, and I never thought that Pompey would undertake to set on 
foot adesperate war. It is better to die than even to be associated with him 
in his cruel work. Do advise me: anything is better than this agonising 
uncertainty ’ (Ep. 360. 5, 7). 


On the same day, or the next, Cicero received a courteous 
letter from Caesar, asking him to come to Rome, ‘in order that I 


“may have in all matters the advantage of your advice, influence, 
position, and resource.* So that in the letter of the 13th Cicero 
‘is quite decided to follow Atticus’s advice, and have an interview 
with Caesar at Formiae. He had heard from Balbus and Oppius, 
that Caesar would not expect him to take any part in the debates 
against Pompey ; but if Caesar should not grant him that indul- 
gence, Cicero was prepared to speak in favour of peace, and take 


- . . νὴ . é . ᾷ 
1359. 3, quid? si non ἑταίρῳ solum, sed etiam εὐεργέτῃ, adde, tali viro 


talem causam agenti. 


2 Att. ix. 6. 1 (360). 
’ The consuls with a portion of the troops did probably set sail on the 4th: cp. 


(868. 1,20. 2; Cic. Att. ix. 9. 2 (364), and Schmidt, pp. 159-160: also above, p. xxv fin. 


4 Ap. Att. ix. 6 a (357), Imprimis a te peto, quoniam confido me celeriter ad urbem ven- 


: turum, ut te ibi videam, ut tuo consilio, gratia, dignitate, ope omnium rerum uti possim. 


KXX1V INTRODUCTION. 


the risks. ‘Pompey will of course gorgonize me with a grisly 
stare, for his aim is Sullan despotism.’ 

The fluctuations in Cicero’s mind still continue in the letters 
of the subsequent days. But on the 19th he was somewhat 
relieved by a visit from Matius, a calm and moderate man.’ 
Writing to Atticus early on the 20th, Cicero says: ‘I showed 


Matius Caesar’s: letter asking for my “influence and resource.” 


He said Caesar meant my resource in negotiation for peace. 
Would that I could be of any use!’ Cicero also said that he had 
seen Crassipes the day before, who had just returned from Brun- 
disium, and that the threatenings of the Optimates were most 
violent and savage, ‘nothing but proscriptions and Sullas’ (meras 
proscriptiones, meros Sulias, 867. 3). The arguments in favour of 
remaining and meeting Caesar were obviously gaining greater force 
in Cicero’s mind. But later in the same day news arrived from 
Lepta that Pompey was blockaded (368. 1). Again, Cicero is 
plunged in remorse. He even wishes for death. ‘My suffering 
is such that I long for the end of Mucius Scaevola.’ But again, 
‘Your advice as to my departure from Italy and my having a 
meeting with Caesar is both honourable and prudent.’ ‘Then, after 
a bitter outbreak of wrath against the ungrateful Dionysius, who 
had slighted him in his hour of anxiety, he exclaims (δ 3) :— 


* The armies of the Roman people are blockading Pompey with rampart 
and ditch, and yet I live. Rome is standing, the praetors holding the 
courts, the aediles preparing the games, the men of position making their 
investments, and I myself—sitting idle. It is utter ruin. My only prayer 
is that some enemy will take pity upon me.’ 


Reports from Brundisium, which reached Cicero on the 24th, 
in a letter (Ep. 370) from Balbus at Rome, showed that the 
negotiations for peace were breaking down, and these reports were 


1 362. 3, Vereor ne Pompeio quid oneris imponam, μή μοι γοργείην κεφαλὴν 
δεινοῖο πελώρου intorgueat. Mirandum enim in modum Gnaeus noster Sullani regnt 
similitudinem concupivit. Eidws σοι λέγω. Nihil ille umquam minus obscure tulit. 

* Cp. Fam. xi. 27. 3 (784), written in August 44, for a reference made by Cicero 
to this visit of Matius to him more than five years previously. The letter of Matius, 
‘which is still preserved in Fam. xi. 28 (785), is the manliest of all that are extant 
from Cicero’s correspondents. 

S Att. ix. 12. 1 (368). 


+ Kaa eee 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR.  xxxv 


, othing but νὰν. On the evening of the same day a letter from 
‘Caesar to Pedius reached Cicero; it was sent on the 14th, and 
told of the blockade of Brundisium, and of Caesar’s operations to 
hinder Pompey’s departure. ‘There is nothing better for me to 
‘do,’ said Caesar.” On the 25th Cicero related this to Atticus, and 
Be pressed utter despair of peace, and serious alarm at what the 
next step of Caesar might be—will it be a Sullan despotism, with 
all its attendant iniquities and horrors? A brief postscript adds, 
Having written the above before daybreak, I am in receipt of a 
letter from Lepta, from Capua, stating that Pompey embarked at 
Brundisium on the 15th [he really left on the 17th: ep. 9764. 6], 
and that Caesar would be at Capua on the 26th (972. 9). 

4 The inevitable had come. Later on the same day a more 
‘definite letter reached Cicero, stating that Caesar would pass 
“through Formiae on the 27th,’ and would be at Curio’s Alban 
villa on the 28th. ‘After an interview with him, says Cicero 
/ (873. 1), ‘I shall go to Arpinum. If he grants me the indulgence 
“I seek, I shall accept his terms; if not, I shall gain a request for 
myself,’ which means—lI shall be able to induce my judgment to 
-allow me at last to do what I wish, and join Pompey. Next 
day he (§ 6) notifies that he has just received a letter (which he 
encloses) from Matius and T'rebatius from Capua, telling of the 
events at Brundisium and of Caesar’s movements. He would be 
αὖ Capua on the 26th, and at Sinuessa on the 27th. 


| 1871. 8, Dolabelia suis litteris Id. Mart. datis merum bellum loquitur. 

q 2 Ap. Att. ix. 14. 1 (372), sed tamen nihil est quod potius faciamus: cp. Caes. i. 
26 fin. 
' 3 Schmidt (p. 158) ingeniously suggests that we should read eum hic vi k for et 
hoc mihi in 873.1. We have adopted it : see note on the passage. 

_ ‘Caesar did not follow Pompey to Greece at this time (though Cicero thought he 
would do so, 373. 1), as he had no fleet, and it was difficult to collect one in winter 
 {Caes. i. 29. 2); and it would have been very dangerous to leave Italy to the risk of 
being invaded by the Spanish forces under Afranius and Petreius. Even if that did 
not occur, those Spanish forces would prevent the Caesarean forces in Gaul from being 
utilized. Caesar was doubtless right in settling affairs in the west first before attack- 
ing Pompey ; as he epigrammatically put it, he would first attack an army without a 
leader, and then return and deal with a leader without an army (Suet. Iul. 34. 2). He 
4 put garrisons in Brundisium, Tarentum, Sipontum, and Hydruntum, so that Pompey 
_ might be deterred from returning to tay.) while he himself was in Spain (373. 1; 
_*Caes. i. 32.1; Appian ii. 40). 


ihe 


XXXvVl INTRODUCTION. 


On that day Cicero received a communication from Caesar, in 
reply to a letter written about the end of cena palsng 
Caesar for his clemency at Corfinium. 

‘IT am triumphing with joy,’ writes Caesar,’ ‘ that you approve of my | 
course of action, I hope that you will attend at Rome, so that, as usual, 

I may enjoy your advice and resources in everything. Your son-in-law 


Dolabella.is charming: 1 shall owe him yet further gratitude for this 
obligation.’ 


On the 27th Cicero was naturally full of anxiety as to his inter- | 
view with Caesar. It was to take place next day. Caesar had 
given orders that public notices should be posted at Formiae, that. 
he wished that there should be a full attendance of the Senate on 
the Ist of Apnl. ‘ Well, then, am I to refuse him?’ Cicero seems 
to think that he must refuse him. ‘According to what Caesar says, 
I shall make up my mind whether to go to Arpinum or elsewhere, 
I think Arpinum is the best place to give my son his robe of 
manhood. Do think for me about the next step; my troubles. 
have made me dull.’ * 

On the 28th March, 49, the meeting between Caesar and_ 
Cicero took place. It is with keen insight and no little emotion | 
that Schmidt (pp. 22, 23, 161 ff.) asks us to pause and reflect on | 
this crisis in Cicero’s life. The victorious imperator was returning | 
to Rome to hold a meeting of the Senate, and all he asked was 
that Cicero should appear in that assembly, of which he was such 
an ornament, and lend his aid in the interests of peace. Many of 
the so-called Optimates were in Rome, only too ready to attend 
and vote anything the conqueror wished, To influence Cicero 
further, there was the charm of Caesar’s manner, and the delicate 
way in which he could, if Cicero showed any signs of acquiescence, 
lay emphasis on the influential position which Cicero would hold 
in the discussion and in the subsequent events. Certainly the 
temptation was great. Anyone who resisted it was no ordinary 
man, and Cicero, to his honour, did resist it. Writing to Atticus 
on the 29th, he says :— 


‘I followed your advice in both respects: the tone of my remarks was 
such as to gain his respect rather than to earn his gratitude; and I perse- 


1 Ap. Att. ix. 16. 2, 3 (374). 2 375. 1, 2, nam me hebetem molestiae reddiderunt, 


§ 1, CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. xxxvii 


vered in my resolution not to goto Rome. We were mistaken in supposing 
him to be easy to deal with. I never knew anyone less so. He said my 
resolution was a condemnation of himself, and that the rest of the senators 
would be less likely to attend if I did not come. I said their case was 
different, After much discussion he said, ‘‘Come then and advocate 
peace.” “At my own discretion?’ I asked. ‘‘ Would I,” said he, 
‘dictate to you?”’ ‘‘ Well, then,” I replied, ‘‘my motion shall be to the 
effect that the Senate disapproves of a march into Spain, and of the 
throwing of an army into Greece, and I shall make a speech expressing 
great sympathy with Pompey.” ‘I do not,’’ said he, ‘ desire a speech 
of that nature.” ‘‘So I thought,’ was my reply ; ‘‘ but that was just the 
_ χρᾶβοῃ why I do not wish to attend, because I must either speak in this 
strain, and say much that I could not possibly suppress if I did attend, or 
else I cannot appear at all.’’ The upshot of the whole matter was that 
he, with a view apparently to ending the interview, asked me to think it 
over. I could not refuse that; so we parted. I do not think he is pleased 
with me, but I am pleased with myself, and it is a long time since I have 
had that experience.’! 


t 
lai 
Γ᾿ 
> 

. 
2 


' It was a great day in Cicero’s life, is justly ranked by 
‘Schmidt with the 2nd of September, 44, on which day he 
‘delivered the First Philippic; but greater in the same measure in 
“which Caesar was greater than Antony. It is these two days, and 
‘not the 5th of December, 63, nor the 4th of September, 57, which 
“will seem to those who feel a true admiration for Cicero to be 
Bie really glorious days of his life. Whena great crisis came, the 
“mists of perplexity after a time cleared away, the eye sank inward 
and the heart saw plain, and he faced his duty, It is the fashion 
“now-a-days to call Cicero a coward: he was called a coward by 
his own contemporaries, and he replied to those who made this 
‘superficial criticism. But deeper thinkers judged otherwise. 


‘I do not see,’ says Quintilian (xii. 1. 16), ‘that in Marcus Tullius’ 
there was in any direction failure in the daty of a good citizen. Evidence 
of this is his highly honourable consulship, his extremely upright pro- 
vincial administration, his rejection of the vigintivirate, and during the 
civil wars, which fell with crushing weight on his advanced years, the 

fact that neither hope nor fear diverted his resolution from attaching 
himself to the Optimate party, that is, to the free State. Some people 
think him deficient in courage, but to them he himself has given an 
admirable reply, Iam not timid,’’ he said, ‘‘in facing dangers, but in 


1 Att, ix. 18, 1 (376). 


XXXVill INTRODUCTION. 


attempting to guard against them,’’! and he proved this by his own 
death, which he met with the most supreme courage (praestantissimo 
animo).’ 


Caesar went to Rome and held a meeting of the Senate. It was 
summoned by the tribunes (who had the right to do so: ep. Gell. 
xiv. 8) Antony and Cassius Longinus, in the absence of the 
consuls. A good many Senators were in Rome (353. 2), and 
attended. Caesar gives the substance of the justificatory speech*® 
which he delivered on that occasion. He asked the Senate to co- 
operate with him in the government, and to send an embassy to 
Pompey, notwithstanding the weak-minded assertion of the latter, 
that whoever sent ambassadors ipso facto declared that he was 
in the wrong. Liven at the time that this proposal was made it was 
felt that it was Insincere (378. 4, simulationem esse apertam ; parari 
autem acerrime bellum). Everyone refused to go, through fear of 
Pompey, says Caesar,* because they considered that Caesar did not 
want any embassy sent, hints Dio Cassius,’ who points out that the 
envoys after having been chosen did not set out, and that Caesar’s 


1 non se timidum 12) suscipiendis sed in providendis periculis. These actual words do 
not occur in any of Cicero’s extant writings ; but something like them is found, as 
Spalding points out, in Fam. vi. 21. 1 (573); Itaque ego, quem tum fortes illi viri et 
sapientes, Domitit et Laehi, timidum esse dicebant—eram plane: timebam enim, ne 
evenirent ea quae acciderunt—idem nune nihil timeo et ad omnem eventum paratus sum. 

2 Among them the distinguished jurist Servius Sulpicius. He seems to have 
spoken in the same terms as Cicero told Caesar he himself would speak in if he took 
part in the meeting (cp. 987. 1 with 376. 1, and Dr. Sihler’s Cicero of Arpinum, p. 314, 
note). Servius remonstrated with Caesar for not having shown the same indulgence 
to him as he showed to Cicero, which Cicero considered an absurd remonstrance, 
seeing that the son of Sulpicius had been in Caesar’s camp at Brundisium (381. 2). 

-But a man cannot always control his grown-up son: for example, Quintus Cicero, 
even with the help of Marcus, could not control young Quintus. 

3 Caes. 1. 32. 

4 Caesar said in his speech (1. 32. 8), legatos ad Pompeium de compositione mitti 
oportere ; neque se reformidare quod in senatu Pompeius paulo ante dixisset ad quos legati 
mitterentur his auctoritatem attribut timoremque eorum qut mitterent significari. 
Tenuis atque infirmi haec animi videri; and continued (1. 33. 1), Probat rem senatus de 
mittendis legatis: sed qui mitterentur non reperiebantur, maximeque timoris causa pro 
se quisque id munus legationis recusabat. 

5 Dio Cass. xli. 16. 4, ἐκεῖνον ὑπετόπουν, καὶ μάλισθ᾽ ὅτι of πρέσβεις of τὰς 
καταλλαγὰς δῆθεν πρυτανεύσοντες ἠρέθησαν μέν, οὐκ ἐξῆλθον δέ, GAA’ ὅτι καὶ ἐμνήσθη 
ποτὲ περὶ αὐτῶν ὃ Πίσων ὃ πενθερὸς αὐτοῦ αἰτίαν ἔσχε: cp. also Plutarch, Caes, 35, 
εἴτε φοβούμενοι Πομπήιον ἐγκαταλελειμμένον, εἴτε μὴ νομίζοντες οὕτω Καίσαρα φρονεῖν 
ἀλλ᾽ εὐπρεπείᾳ λόγων χρῆσθαι. 


sat 
4 
ora 
‘. 
4 
ἊΝ 
a 
> 
i 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR.  xxxix 


father-in-law at a later time (cp. Plut. Caes. 37) was censured for 
even referring to the subject. So the project was given up. But 
there was a certain amount of opposition in the Senate; and 
Caesar tried fruitlessly to obtain possession of the Treasury by 
constitutional means. Finally he was compelled to remove the 
tribune Metellus by force when the latter stood at the doors of 


the Treasury." Cicero considered that Caesar had damaged his 


influence very seriously by this procedure :? but Cicero always laid 
too much stress on the applause of the people, as an orator 
naturally would. It is stated that Caesar at least proposed, if not 
actually passed, a law restoring civil rights to the sons of those 
who had been outlawed by Sulla (Dio xh. 18.2); and there is no 
valid reason for supposing that the statement is untrue. Plutarch 
(Caes. 37) considers that it was passed in the winter, after the first 
Spanish campaign ; but Caesar would be anxious to secure all the 
support he could at the outbreak of the civil war.’ After this 
rather unsatisfactory week in Rome (Caes. 1. 33. 4, frustra diebus 
aliquot consumptis), Caesar set out for Further Gaul on April 6th. 
He left Lepidus in charge of Rome as prefect of the city—illegally, 
as Mr. Heitland (Zhe Roman Republic, iii, 287) has shown, as it 
was only the consul or dictator who had this old regal power of 
leaving a deputy in his absence, and Caesar was only proconsul. 


1 Caesar (i. 33. 3) says that Metellus was ‘put up’ (swdicitur) to make this. 
demonstration. But Caesar’s application of force to the sacrosanct person of a 
tribune made a profound effect on the people—Caesar, who posed as the protector of 
‘a tribune’s inviolability: cp. Caes. i. 7. 2. Caesar was very much annoyed (882. 8, 
tracundia elatum) at this action of Metellus. ‘ War’ (he considered) ‘ has no need for 
freedom of speech’ (παρρησίας yap οὐ δεῖται πόλεμος). ‘Young man,’ said he to 
Metellus, when he threatened him with removal by force, ‘it is easier for me to do. 
this than to say it’ (Plut. Caes. 35); and he said that as the money had been set aside 
for a Gallic invasion, it was now useless for that purpose, for he had conquered the 
Gauls (Appian ii. 41). This treatment of Metellus caused him no little unpopularity 
at the time (382.8; 388.3; 392.6), and was a subject for the rhetoric of after- 


_ ages (Lucan iii. 114-154; Petronius (124. 291 f.); Plut. Caes. 35; Pomp. 62; Dio. 


Cass. xli. 17). The treasure was immense, said by Pliny (H. N. xxxiii. 56) to have 
been 15,000 bars of gold, 30,000 of silver, and 30 million sesterces. 

2 Cp. 392. 6, nullo enim modo posse video stare istum diutius quin ipse per se etiam 
languentibus nobis concidat, quippe qui florentissimus et novus vi, vit diebus ipsi illi 
egentt ac perditae multitudint in odium acerbissimum venerit, qui duarum rerum 
simulationem tam cito amiserit, mansuetudinis in Metello, divitiarum in aerario. 

3 Thus he sent the Jewish prince Aristobulus to the East to raise forces to oppose 
Pompey (Josephus, Ant. xiv. 123). 


ΧΙ. INTRODUCTION. 


There’ is no doubt that Caesar was disappointed and annoyed 
(382. 8; 393.1) at the obstruction he had met with, and he seems 
to have made in privaté some strong assertions as to the drastic 
measures he would take if that obstruction continued (383. 1). 
Meanwhile Cicero had gone to Arpinum, and in the cradle 
of his race given the toga of manhood to his son. His mind > 
was fixed now. He was determined to go to Pompey, ‘ not for 
the sake of the free State—ct has gone to ruin—but lest I should 
seem ungrateful to him who lifted from my shoulders the burden 
which he had placed upon them.’! The only question is how he 
can leave with most dignity and facility, and with least distress to 
his family. On April 3rd he was in the Laterium of his brother 
Quintus, and from the 6th to the 12th in the Arcanum.? On the 
7th he received a letter from Caesar, excusing him for-not attending 
the Senate, and declaring that no offence had been taken.* What- 
ever Caesar’s motive was in writing this letter, whether magnani- 
mity or policy, it redounds to Cicero’s credit that it did not 
influence him so far as to make him forget what he considered was 
his duty. ‘I am supported,’ he says,‘ ‘by a good conscience, and 
with that as my companion 1 am going forth upon my journey.’ 
But young Quintus was not troubled with a conscience. ‘This 
excitable young man seems at this time to have been utterly 
destitute of principle, and to have looked on artfulness and dupli- 
city as the real means of getting on in the world. He made 
friends with one of Caesar’s followers, Hirtius (382. 11), and 
actually left Rome in Caesar’s train, and accompanied him some 
days’ journey up the Etrurian coast. But Caesar sent him back 
to Rome; and Atticus laid it as a duty upon Cicero to keep the 
young man in order. It was a hard task, as Cicero acknowledged,° 
but he undertook it, as he always undertook his duty, and gave 


1 377. 2, Nec mehercule hoc facio reipublicae causa, guam funditus deletam puto, sed 
ne quis putet me ingratun in eum qui me levavit iis incommodis quibus idem adfecerat. 

2 The Arcanum and the Laterium were two villas, the property of Quintus, near 
Arpinum. 

3 381.2, Caesar mihi ignoscit per litteras quod non venerim, sesegue in optimam 
partem id accipere dicit. 

4 382. 5, Praeclara igitur conscientia sustentor . . , Hac tgitur conscientia comite 
proficiscar. 

5 386. 2, mirabilia muita; nihil simplex, nihil sincerum, 

6 384. 2, De Quinto regendo ᾿Αρκαδίαν, where see note. 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. xli 


the would-be Caesarean a warm reception when the latter arrived 
at Arcanum. Cicero says he thinks the prime motive of young 
Quintus was his constitutional greed for money and the hope of 
a large share in the plunder, and trusts that it is not downright 
treachery to his family.1. Cicero had to be thankful for very 
small mercies in those distressing days. 

On the 12th Cicero went to Cumae, and on the 13th Curio, 
who had been delivering a speech at Puteoli, called on him. This 
confident and able lieutenant of Caesar professed absolute certainty 
as to the whole course of succeeding events. He believed that 
already Caesar was almost in possession of Spain, that he would at 
once pursue Pompey, and by the latter’s death all the bad business 
would be brought to an end. He further said that Caesar’s 
clemency was dictated merely by policy, that if this opposition to 
him was persisted in he would put it down ruthlessly, and that he 
had left Rome in a very indignant frame of mind (vehementerque 
animo perturbato profectum), Curio apparently wanted to frighten 
Cicero, and thus deter him from taking any active part in the 
war; and, accordingly, he praised Cicero’s intention of repairing 
to a retired place, and remaining neutral while the war lasted 
(382. 8-10). 

That the Caesareans were earnestly desirous that Cicero should 
not openly take part with their adversaries is patent also by 
letters written to him by Caelius and Caesar from Intimelium, in 
the middle of April,” which express these views. The letter of 
Caelius is, for the most part, of the same tenor as Curio’s talk. 
Caesar (385. 1) expresses his point of view courteously, but his 
_ meaning is quite unmistakable :— 


‘If you join Pompey, you will seriously impair our friendship, and act 

_ imprudently for yourself. In that case you cannot be regarded as joining 
the winning side (for we are the winning side), nor the right side (for it 
so, you ought to have joined Pompey long ago) ; but you must be regarded 
as disapproving of some action of mine, and I could not receive from you a 


' 1 388. 38, Quintum puerum accept vehementer. Avaritiam video fuisse et spem magni 
 congiarit. Magnum hoc malum est; sed scelus illud quod timueramus spero nullum fuisse. 
‘  #* Caelius had been sent to Intimelium on the Ligurian coast to subdue an outbreak 
_ which had occurred there: cp. 844. 2. When Caesar on his march along the Aurelian 
and Aemilian roads arrived at this town, Caelius had an interview with him and urged 
him to write to Cicero (383. 4). 

VOL. Iv. ἃ 


μὴ; 
ape 
3 
ia 
bs 


ΧΙ INTRODUCTION. 


severer blow than that. By the claims of our friendship, I beg of you not 
to do this. The safer and more honourable course for an upright man of 
peace like you is to remain neutral.’ 


Letters of this kind are so many panegyrics on Cicero’s 
character, and show the force of uprightness even in those 
troublous and bad times. Cicero replied, certainly to Caelius, 


probably to Caesar, virtually to the effect that he intended to 


retire to a lonely place and take no part in the war. His letter 
to Caelius is written in a strain of dignified melancholy, and is 
one of the most touching in the whole correspondence :—‘ If there 
is ever a free State again, there will certainly be a place for me in 
it; but if not, even you yourself, I think, will come and join me 
in the desert.’ ἢ | 

Cicero received these letters about the beginning of May. He 
had been seriously thinking of remaining neutral, of going 
perhaps to Athens or to Malta,* in case Pompey carried out what 
report said he proposed, and marched up through Illyricum and 
Germany into Gaul.’ Cicero was the more inclined to adopt this 
course, and go to Malta, as Tullia begged him to take no rash 
step until the result in Spain was known.‘ But this intention 
was not permanent. His real purpose was to go and join Pompey, 


and not even to await the issue of the Spanish campaign. For — 


he argued— 


‘Caesar must be defeated, or the war be protracted, or Caesar be 
victorious. In the event of Caesar’s being conquered, how pleasing to 
Pompey will be my arrival, how honourable! Why, even Curio will join 
him then. Ifthe war is protracted, what am 1 to wait for ἢ and how long 
am I to wait? If Caesar is victorious, it will be more honourable to have 
left him when nearly assured of victory rather than when vanquished.’ ὅ 


1 394. 6, δὲ quando erit ciwitas, erit profecto nobis locus; sin autem non erit, in 
easdem solitudines tu ipse, ut arbitror, venies in quibus nos consedisse audies. 

2 378. 2 (Solonis, popularis tur et, ut puto, iamiam met); 388. 1. Malta would 
appear to have been a customary resort for exiles: cp. Att. iii. 4 (58). 

3 386. 3. #392. 1; 398. 1,.$: 

5 392. 2. We think that in this difficult passage Cicero means—It is more 
honourable to leave Caesar when victor than when vanquished ; but not when complete 


victor ;—that would be foolish—rather when the outlook points probably, but not. 


decisively, to his victory. We might also alter δέ to at. 


Se ee 


; 
4 


§ 1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. xliii 


But how to get away? “1 sit here whistling for the wind.’! 
But it was not principally the weather that detained him. About 
the beginning of May Antony came down to Campania in the 
official position of general governor of that district. During his 
journey he wrote to Cicero? what the latter calls ‘an annoying 
note,’ stating that he had heard that Cicero meditated leaving 
Italy ; that the report was of course untrue, but, such was_ his 
attachment to Cicero, he was distressed that these false rumours 
got abroad. Antony goes on to point out his own and Caesavr’s 
regard for Cicero, and begs him to take no decided step. The 
compliments are a little exaggerated, but the letter was meant 
to inform Cicero courteously that he will not be allowed to leave 
Italy. Writing to Atticus, Cicero says he must lead Antony to 
believe that he is going into retirement at Malta.* He did reply, 
as he had done before, that he intended to be neutral, and that he 
could have gone to Pompey if he had chosen, to which Antony 
answered, in an admonitory tone (παραινετικῶς), that the neutral 
man stays in his country (395. 2)— 


‘I do not presume to judge whether going is right or wrong. Caesar 
has told me to allow no one to leave Italy. You had better send to Caesar 
and ask his permission. I have no doubt you will obtain that permission, 
especially as you promise that you will pay regard to our friendship.’ 


In a further communication Antony said that Cicero had been 
specified by name as one of those whom he was not to allow to 
leave Italy.‘ 
There was no mistaking this. If Cicero was now to leave 
Italy at ail, he must escape in some way, if even in a ‘ punt’ 
({/untriculo); and ‘stealing a passage’ was the plan which he 
regarded with most favour.° But at the same time we frequently 
read that he contemplated more decided measures, which he gene- 
rally speaks of in some such phrase as Caelianum tllud.® It 


' 392.9, sedeo enim πλουδοκῶν. 

* 392. 10, odiosas litteras, i.e. Ep. 391. 

3 392. 10. £397. 1, | 

5 395. 5: 397. 2, πόρον κλεπτέον igitur et occulte in aliquam onerariam 

corrependum, where see note. 

6 -398. 5, 6; 401.2. We adhere to the interpretation of Caelianwm iliud given in 
_ the note to 398. 6, and still think that,the reference is to the Caelius mentioned by 
; d2 


ΠΡ. 


ees Me 


xliv , INTRODUCTION. 


would seem that Cicero actually meditated an appeal to force, 
probably in Sicily ; and, though his language in his letters was 


Plutarch Pomp. 7 (where he is wrongly called KAoiA:os: one Ms. appears to have KoiA- 
Atos: Miinzer in Pauly- Wissowa (iv. 109) supposes him to bea T. Cluilius whose coins of 
the year 94 are still extant). This Caelius resisted Pompey when the latter was 
henchman of the tyrant Sulla; and so now Cicero meditated similar armed resistance: 
to Antony, the henchman of the tyrant Caesar; but for fear of untrustworthy letter- 
carriers he veiled his intentions under obscure language. Ziehen, however, in a 
singularly candid and able discussion (EHphemerides Tullianae, 24-33), argues that 
the reference is to the course of action which M. Caelius Rufus in his letter to Cicero 
of April 16th (383. 2) stigmatized as the height of folly, ad eos fugatos accedere, quos 
resistentis sequi nolueris, summae stultitiae est. But Caelius, in this letter, says nothing: 
about armed escape or armed resistance ; and Ziehen allows (p. 28) that the essence of 
Cicero’s Caelianum was an appeal of some sort to arms. Nor can we think that 398. 6,. 
quo magis efficiendum aliquid est fortuna velim meliore, animo Caeliano, means ‘ in the 
sense that Caelius suggests, but with better fortune than he prophesies’; for Cicero- 
would hardly have used animo in this sense, but rather consilio. That sentence rather 
points to some brave and spirited action on the part of Caelius which turned out 
unsuccessfully. Schmidt explains as Ziehen does, and supposes that Cicero purposely 
used incorrect and mysterious language, as he was referring to a dangerous topic. 
But Ziehen has, to our mind, established beyond yea or nay that Cicero was really 
meditating some coup de main at this time, though he protested to Caelius (394. 7) 
that he was not going to doanything wild or reckless (nos nihil turbulenter, nihil temere 
faciemus). Fortune seemed to be smiling on the Pompeians. News had just arrived 
that the inhabitants of Massilia intended to close their gates against Caesar: cp. 
398. 6; it was stated also that Pompey was meditating a dash up through Illyricum 
and Germany to attack Caesar in Gaul: cp. 386. ὃ; 393.1. The Sicilians had urged 
Cato to make vigorous resistance to the Caesareans, and had promised him every aid; 
and it was announced that Cato had begun to set on foot a levy: cp. 397.2. The 
time and place had thus presented themselves, and we think that Cicero’s designs had 
reference to Sicily: ‘If we once get to Sicily, we shall essay some greater deed’ :. 
397. 2, Sicilia petenda, quam st erimus nactt maiora quaedam consequemur ). Pompey 
had intended to try to defend that island if Domitius should succeed in bringing his 
troops away from Corfinium, but abandoned the idea when the siege began, and the: 
forces of Domitius were no longer available: cp. 333. 7 with 331. 3, and especially 
Schmidt, pp. 187-139. What if Cicero should now make Sicily another centre of 
Pompeian resistance? We are inclined to think that the ‘more important réle’ which, 
as Cicero states in another passage, he may have to assume refers to this projected 
movement in Sicily: cp. 401. 3. There was much to encourage him. Caesar had 
met with considerable opposition at Rome: cp. 382. 8: even Curio at times was not 
very confident: cp. 888. 3; an anti-Caesarean demonstration appears to have taken 
place recently at the Floralia: cp. 398. 6; the feelings of the municipalities in south 
Italy were not very warm to Caesar: cp. 277.1; but, above all, the soldiers were 
wavering: cp. 401. 1, (litterae tuae) nobis magnam spem attulerunt meliorum rerum de 
octo cohortibus : etenim eae quoque quae in his locis sunt labare dicuntur. These were 
most important considerations: and it was probably on account of this disaffection 
that Antony had been recently sent with some kind of military command into 
Campania, and Curio had come down to make speeches: cp. 882.8; 892.10. Accord- 
ingly, itis just possible that the proposal of the three cohorts to surrender Pompeii 


Ὃ 


8.1. CICERO, POMPEY, AND CAESAR. xlv 


most guarded, his design appears to have been somehow, and in 
some degree, known in the neighbourhood. Cicero was making 
vigorous preparations for departure, and, to avert suspicion, paid’ 
a flying visit to Pompeii on the 12th. No sooner had he arrived 
than a certain Ninnius came to him, and said that the centurions 
of three cohorts intended next day to offer to put Pompeii into his 
hands. Cicero fled next morning before daybreak from Pompeii 
back to Cumae, suspecting a trap.' It is just possible that his 
suspicions were unfounded; but even if they were, we think that 
he was right to refuse to compromise himself for the sake of three 
cohorts. Meanwhile young Hortensius came down to the coast 
with some official command, and was very ‘gushing’ to Cicero ;? 
but he too, as well as Antony, turned out to be a false friend. 
Tullia was confined, apparently at Cumae, on the 19th of May, 
and Cicero probably remained with her until she was well. He 
afterwards went back to Formiae, determined to embark from 
there if possible. Antony was not interested any longer in keep- 
ing Cicero in Italy. ‘The projected movement in Sicily had been 
dangerous; but now that Sicily was in the hands of Curio, Cicero 
was powerless, and he might, for all Antony or Caesar cared, go 
off to Pompey as soon as he pleased. So finally, after many 
delays, Cicero set sail with his brother, son, and nephew from the 
harbour of Caieta, near Formiae, on the 7th of June, after 
having written a farewell letter (405) to Terentia from the ship 
just before starting. 


(402. 4) may have been made in good faith, and was not a crafty device to induce 
"Cicero to take some decided step hostile to Caesar. But even if it was an honest offer, 
- Cicero was not a coward but quite prudent to have nothing to say to it. What, he 

if _ justly asks, are three cohorts, or even more? But the probabilities seem to us to be 

‘| in favour of the ordinary view that it was a trap. The intervention of Allienus, a 

ia ‘partisan of Caesar’s, in the ‘ Caelian business’ seems to show that traps were being 

laid for Cicero: cp. note to 401. 3. 

: But the ‘Caelian exploit’ collapsed: and Ziehen (p. 33) has given a perfectly 

7 "satisfactory explanation why it did collapse. On April 23rd Cato evacuated Sicily 

᾿ without a blow on the approach of Curio; he could easily have held it, and if this 

_ position had been held by him, says Cicero, all the Optimates would have flocked to 

- him: cp. 402. 3. The field whereon the Caelian standard of opposition to the tyrant 

74 ‘was to be unfurled was already in the power of the tyrant’s lieutenant. Curio 

“appears to have delayed informing Cicero of his occupation of Sicily until he had 

“satisfied himself that the Sicilians would make no effective opposition to him. 

_1 402. 4. 2 408. 1, Quem in me incredibilem éxréveturv. 


xlvi INTRODUCTION. 


§2. Tur YEAR oF ANXIETY.} 


After having left Italy Cicero probably remained some time on 
Atticus’s estate in Epirus,’ and seems to have joined Pompey in — 
the autumn or early winter. He was not at all favourably re- 
ceived, and he gave considerable offence by his epigrammatic 
criticism of the plans of action (or inaction) which the Optimates _ 
were adopting; so much so, that Pompey expressed a wish that 
Cicero would go over to the enemy.® But it was sympathy with 
Pompey and gratitude to him personally that brought Cicero into 
his camp; he honestly thought that the war was being conducted 
most inefficiently ; and his gratitude was shown in a substantial way 
by the fact that he put a large portion of the 2,200,000 sesterces, 
which remained in his hands after his Cilician governorship, at the 


1 [In this section and in the Commentary I have availed myself of the permission, 
kindly granted me by Prof. Ridgeway, to make use of ‘* Notes on Cicero ad Atticum xi”’ 
written by me for the volume of ‘‘ Essays and Studies’? presented to him in 1913.— 
ΕΟ. 

Pip. 202,16. 

3 For Cicero’s witticisms in the camp of Epirus cp. Plutarch. Cic. 38 ; Plutarch, 
Apophth. 205 D: Macrob. ii. 3, 7. Plutarch says that they gave great offence. 
In 413. 1 (written in July) Cicero expresses his disapproval of all that has been 
done after Caesar’s defeat at Dyrrhachium, quippe eur nec quae accidunt nec quae 
aguntur ullo modo probentur ; and again, 464. 2, he declares that there was nothing 
‘good’ there except the cause, and censures the over-confidence with which Pompey 
was possessed after the defeat of Caesar. When Cicero came to Pompey’s camp, Cato 
censured him for coming (Plut Cic. 38): ‘he (Cato) could not leave the side in 
politics which he had always taken ; but Cicero, who would have been more useful if 
he had remained as a neutral (ἴσος) at Rome, and shaped his actions by the result, for 
no reason and under no compulsion had ineurred the enmity of Caesar, and come to 
share in great dangers. These words disturbed the resolution of Cicero, as did also 
the fact that he was not employed in any important matter by Pompey. But the cause 
was in himself; for he never denied that he was sorry that he came, and depreciated — 
the resources of Pompey, and covertly showed vexation at his plans, and did not refrain 
from gibes and witty sayings against the allies.” His object no doubt was to urge to 
peace, as he had no hope of victory; and to bring home to the Pompeians, notwith- | 
standing the seemingly great forces they had around them, the hazard of the conflict, 
and the probability of defeat if they did not make the utmost efforts to be well 
prepared, and if they did not protract the war and avoid any decisive engagement — 
(ep. 464. 2). But sarcasm from a man of peace is not the best means to influence 
soldiers. However, all his warnings were justified by the event (488.6). Fora 
moment, but only for a moment, after Caesar’s defeat at Dyrrhachium he hoped for a 
speedy termination of the war (413. 2). Cicero had a rare gift of foreseeing the | 
course of events: see the well-known passage of Nepos, Att. 16. 4. 


§ 2. THE YEAR OF ANXIETY. xlvii 


disposal of Pompey, who was sorely in need of it—the money to 
be regarded as a loan, to be repaid when better times came.! 

From February 5th to June 13th we have no letter from 
Cicero to Atticus. During these months Caesar and Pompey had 
been for a long time posted opposite to one another on the Apsus, 
until Antony arrived with reinforcements in April. By the 
middle of that month Pompey’s camp at Dyrrhachium was block- 
aded, but by the middle of June he had defeated Caesar, and 
forced him to raise the blockade.?, On August 9th the decisive 
battle was fought at Pharsalia. Cicero was not present at that 
battle, owing to illness, which detained him at Dyrrhachium, 
where Cato was in command with fifteen cohorts.’ 

About the 14th Labienus arrived at Dyrrhachium with news 
of the defeat. ‘he corn in the granaries was destroyed, the 
merchant vessels set on fire, and by the light of that conflagration 
the Pompeian soldiers sailed away for Corcyra.*' There a general 
council of war was held, and Cicero, in hopes of peace,’ urged 
surrender; but was very nearly killed by that Hotspur, young 
Pompey, for giving such pusillanimous advice, and was only saved 
by the intervention of Cato.° 


1 411. 8. Shortly before the outbreak of the Civil War Pompey had asked Cicero 
to allow him to regard that money as at his disposal if need arose; and, on obtaining 
Cicero’s consent, had ordered it to be lodged ina temple. These would appear to be 
the real facts of the case, though Cicero, in apologizing to his quaestor, who com- 
plained of the scanty remuneration he had received, states that Pompey ‘took away’ 
(abstulisse) the money from him: ep. 302.9; cp. § 5. But there is a certain amount 
of exaggeration in this language: for the money was still Cicero’s, as is plain 
from 406. 3, for he intended to draw on it in order to repair his credit; and so 
embarrassed were Cicero’s circumstances at this time, that he would have been unable 
to let Pompey have the money were it not that in February, 48, he heard that a 
legacy had been left him: cp. 407.1. Cicero’s finances were, as usual, in a dis- 
ordered state; and he was certainly very straitened for money, so much so that 
sometimes he was in want for even the necessary maintenance of himself and his 
household: 426. 2; 428.4; 429. 3; 486.3: 487. 3; 445.1: ep. 407. 2. 

3 The fixing of these dates by Schmidt. p. 190, is a most masterly discussion. 

3 Plutarch, Cic. 39; Cat. min. 55. 

4 Cp. De Div. i. 68, 69, Paucis sane post diebus ex Pharsalica fuga venisse Labienum 


(sc. audivi): qui cum interitum exercitus nuntiavisset, reliqua vaticinationis brevi esse 


confecta. Nam et ex horreis direptum effusumque frumentum vias omnis angiportusque 


constraverat, et navis subito perterriti metu conscendistis, et noctu. ad oppidum respi- 


 cientes flagrantis onerarias, quas incenderant milites quia sequi noluerant, videbatis. 


Ce tes ὙΤΎΤΟΝ a. 


5 Op. 431. 1, de pace, cuius ego spe in hanc fraudem incidi. 
6 Plut. Cic. 39; Cat. min 56. 


xlvili INTRODUCTION. 


Cicero and his brother separated themselves from the rest of 
the Pompeians, and repaired to Patrae. Here Marcus remained for 
overa month ; but he does not appear to have stayed with his good 
friend Μ᾽. Curius.1 He would have remained there longer but 
for two reasons—first, the arrival of the Pompeian fleet; and 
second, a quarrel with his brother. ‘This quarrel may have been 
due to a number of causes, when we consider the excessively quick 
temper which was the chief failing of Quintus; but there is good — 
evidence that one cause was that Quintus considered that Marcus 
had not given him his share of the money he had made in Cilicia.® 
The quarrel came to a crisis in Patrae, and Cicero felt that he 
could not remain there any longer. He left that town at the 
beginning of October, and arrived about the middle of the month 
in Brundisium. Quintus went to the East with the fleet of the 
Pompeians (416. 4). News of Pompey’s murder reached them in 
the Cyrenaica. Thereupon a split ensued. One party laid down 
their arms, and proceeded to seek pardon from Caesar, some pro- 
ceeding to Greece, to await Caesar’s return thither,‘ some to Asia, 
among these Quintus and his son; the other party, under Cato, 
went on to the province of Africa to continue the war.’ 

In Brundisium Cicero remained for eleven miserable months. 
One of his earliest acts was to write to Caesar, entirely exculpating 
his brother from all responsibilty for their departure from Italy 
the previous year (427, 2). ‘This was a generous act on the part of 
Marcus, who had just parted in anger from Quintus. But his 
own troubles were many. His lictors and retinue as imperator 
must have given rise to many a scoff, though Cicero says that his 
old enemy Vatinius, who was now governor of Brundisium, was 
kind to him (416.4). Early in December Antony was appointed 

1.512. 1, et Patris cum aliquotiens antea tum proxime hoc miserrimo bello domus 
eius (sc. Curd) tota mihi patuit : qua si opus fuisset tum essem usus quam mea. 

* Cicero speaks of the damaging violence (invidiosa atrocitas) which so often 
characterized the utterances of Quintus: Q. Fr. i. 2. 6 (53) : ep. vol. I’, p. 50. 

3 428. 4, δὲ quas habuimus facultates, eas Pompeio tum cum id videbamur sapienter 
facere detulimus : itaque tum et a tuo vilico sumpsimus et aliunde mutuati sumus, cum 
Quintus queritur per litteras sibi nos nihil dedisse, qui neque ab illo rogati sumus neque 
ipst eam pecuniam adspeximus. 

4 These are the Achaici deprecatores, 429.1; 480. 1; 431. 2, 4. 


5 Plut. Cato min. 56. It was at this time that Cato made his great march across 
the desert described by Lucan ix. 411-949; Vell. ii. 54. 3. 


§ 2. THE YEAR OF ANXIETY. eee 


Master of the Horse to Caesar, who was now Dictator.! Antony 
wrote politely to Cicero, saying that he was very sorry, but express 
orders from Caesar forbade any Pompeian to remain in Italy. 
Cicero sent Lamia to Antony, to point out that Caesar had told 
Dolabella to recommend him to come to Italy. Then Antony 
issued Caesar’s orders, specially excepting Cicero and Laelius by 
name, so that Cicero now could not leave Italy, even if he wished 
to do so, without incurring suspicion of having Pompeian sym- 
pathies. It is just possible that Atticus may have used his 
influence to have these exceptions made.’ Late in the same month 
a law appears to have been passed by the new tribunes, giving 
Caesar unlimited power over those who had espoused the Pompeian 
side.* This could make the exceptions in Antony’s edicts nuga- 
tory, and thus render Cicero liable to annoyance from Antony, 
and put him at the mercy of Caesar. 

This was bad enough; but troubles came on Cicero during the 
following months, not ‘as single spies, but in battalions. His 
health began to suffer (416. 3) when he went to Brundisium ; and 
the climate of the place was notoriously bad,‘ so that all through 
the year he was sorely afflicted in mind and body. The Pompeians 
began to reorganize their forces in Africa,’ while Caesar was in far 

from prosperous circumstances at Alexandria. There was bad 


1 On the arrival of the definite news that Pompey had fled to Egypt, about the 
middle of September, the Senate appointed Caesar Dictator for a year. The news of 
this appointment reached Caesar in Egypt about the end of October, and his official 
_ appointment of Antony as Master of the Horse arrived in Rome about the beginning 
of December: cp. Schmidt, pp. 211, 212. On the honours conferred on Caesar when 
the news of his victory at Pharsalia reached Rome, cp. Dio Cass. xlii. 17-20. 

2 In 423. 1, quippe qui exceptionibus edictorum retinear ; quae si non essent sedulitate 
effectae et benevolentia tua liceret mihi abire in solitudines aliquas. M. has ua for tua, 
which has induced Sternkopf (Zur Chronologie und Erklarung der Briefe Ciceros aus 
48 and 47, Dortmund Program, 1891, p. 31) to suggest Vatinii. Vatinius was at this 
time well disposed to Cicero. But would not Cicero have at once leaped to the con- 
¢lusion that it was treachery on the part of Vatinius if he had been instrumental in 
_ procuring those special exceptions? We rather think that wa (in W gua) is a 
corruption of some adjective such as praua. See note. 

3 423. 1: ep. Dio Cass. xlii. 20. 1, τούς τε yap τὰ Tod Πομπηΐον φρονήσαντας 
ἐπέτρεψαν αὐτῷ πᾶν ὅτι wor’ ἂν ἐθελήσῃ δρᾶσαι, οὐχ ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς map’ ἑαυτοῦ ov 
τοῦτ᾽ ἤδη λαβὼν εἶχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα καὶ ἐν νόμῳ δή τινι αὐτὸ ποιεῖν δόξῃ. 

4445.2; 446.2: cp. Caes. B. C. iii. 2. 8, 

5 420.3; 425.2; 426.1; 427.3; 429.1, 3; 430. 1. 


1} INTRODUCTION. 


news from Spain; Q. Cassius Longinus, who was in command 
there, had been abandoned by his army, and Pompeian influences 
had begun to revive; Gabinius had been unsuccessful in Illyria ; 
Calvinus had been defeated by Pharnaces in Asia!; and in 
Rome and Italy disorder and confusion reigned. Cicero would 
find it hard to justify his conduct to the Pompeians if they 
should in the end prove victorious. But even in his domestic 
life Cicero was sorely afflicted. He had quarrelled with his 
brother, and that brother and his son were writing most cruel 
letters about him, and spreading abroad all sorts of charges 
against him. ‘This, says Cicero, ‘is the bitterest blow of all.”* 
They had gone to Caesar, and their pardon was secure; but 
Cicero did not expect that they would use their influence in his 
favour, and thinks sadly how he would have acted on behalf of 
Quintus if he had the influence with Caesar which Quintus now 
had (420. 7). Young Quintus, who had a supporter in Hirtius, 
gained pardon for his father; but neither father nor son had any 
feeling but hostility towards Marcus. Atticus expected that 
Quintus would plead for his brother, but Quintus does not appear 
to have made any effort in that direction. Caesar at once granted 
everything that Quintus asked, but made no mention of Marcus 
(445. 3). ‘Terentia, too, seemed to be acting with treachery towards 
her husband. In April Cicero heard that she had made a will of 
such a kind that he was compelled to ask Atticus to expostulate 
with her.? He could hardly credit Terentia’s conduct; but 
some months later he had, or fancied he had, reason to believe that 
she had defrauded him out of a paltry sum of a few thousand 
sesterces.t Thus it was that Cicero became alienated from her, 
and finally a divorce took place at the beginning of the next year. 

1 431. 1, where see note. 

2 422. 2, nihil mihi umquam tam incredibile accidit, nihil in his malis tam acerbum : 
423. 2; 425. 1 (young Quintus had actually composed an invective against his eer 
to be delivered before Caesar); 426. 2; 430. 2; 431. 4. 

$431.5; 437.1; 441. 2. 

4 Dr. Luise Nenbaner in the Wiener Studien (xxxi (1909), pp. 211-232) has 
written an able defence of Terentia against the strictures of Boissier (Cicéron et ses 
amis, pp. 100 ff.) and O. ὦ. Schmidt (Cicero und Terentia in ‘N. Jahrbuch’ (1899), 
174-185), which. deserves consideration. Terentia in her opinion was a woman who 


knew her own mind, and acted with courage.and determination when any crisis arose, — 
as, for example, during Cicero’s exile : cp. Fam. xiv. 1 to 4.; and up to the year 48 no 


§ 2, THE YEAR OF ANXIETY. li 


But the much-loved Tullia was certainly faithful. She came to 
him in June, and did all that an affectionate daughter could do to 


satisfactory evidence of any failure in her duty can be found, except possibly that 
mysteriously alluded to in Att. iv. 1. 8 (90) and 2. 7 (91), which is generally supposed 
to refer to money matters, but which Dr. Neubauer (p. 215) supposes (on account of 
Praeterea in 90. 8) to refer to the quarrel which had occurred during Cicero’s 
absence between the somewhat hard-natured (cp. Plut. Cic. 29, χαλεπὴ . . τὸν τρόπον 
οὖσα) Terentia and the irascible Quintus: cp. Fam. xiv. 1. 4 (82). When the civil 
war broke out, Terentia’s opinion of her husband cannot have risen when he showed, 
as she must have considered, such lack of resolution and firmness in the Pompeian 
cause, with which she sympathized (360. 4). 

The relations of Philotimus with Terentia and her business affairs can have had but 
little to say to the estrangement of Cicero and Terentia, as Cicero kept up intercourse 
with this Philotimus, and even made use of his services (406. 1), after he was well 
aware of his dishonesty (Att. vi. 4 and 5)—which dishonesty had been exhibited in 
nothing that pertained to Terentia, but in the sale of Milo’s property, as Dr. N. (p. 225) 
shows. The withholding part of the dowry which should have been paid to Dolabella 
(407. 2) Dr. N. (p. 229) considers may have been a prudent step, as the divorce of 
Tullia and Dolabella seemed almost certain; and if it did come about, the chance of 
ever getting anything back from Dolabella was decidedly remote. Atticus and even 
Cicero himself appear to have felt the risk that was run in paying Dolabella any of 
Tullia’s dowry (411. 1). And in money matters generally Terentia was the very 
opposite of her husband. She appears, like a true Roman, to have been careful, 
perhaps exacting, as to her rights in this respect: as Dr. N. (p. 230) pleasantly says, 
she was anything but an enthusiastic payer of money, referring to Att. ii. 15. 4 (42), 
Terentiae pergrata est adsiduitas tua et diligentia in controversia Mulviana. Nescit 
omnino te communem causam defendere eorum qui agros publicos possideant. Sed tamen 
tu aliquid publicanis pendis: haec etiam id recusat; and Terentia may well have been 
often indignant at the careless and inconsiderate way in which Cicero squandered what 
he had, and plunged himself repeatedly into debt, the humiliation and indignities of 
which must have been galling to her business-like nature. Dr. N. (p. 229) thinks 
that the 2000 sesterces which Terentia kept back (441. 3) may have been required by 
herself for necessaries ; but even so, we must allow that in this matter she appears to 
have deliberately misinformed her husband of the actual state of his balance—though 
perhaps if we had Terentia’s letter on the matter there might be some explanation. 
Once Cicero began to mistrust his wife he may have misjudged her in other things, as, 
for example, in the matter of the will. (431. 5; 436. 3.; 487. 3; 441..2). In the 
matrimonial quarrels of elderly people there are usnally faults on both sides; and 
there was undoubtedly a considerable difference of temperament between Cicero and 
his wife, which naturally increased with increasing years, and which when trouble 
came upon them would lead each party to view in the worst light any action of the other. 
Dr. N. (p. 222) thinks that Philotimus may have endeavoured to poison Cicero’s mind 
against his wife, in order to shift the blame of his peculations on her.. But this is 
only a surmise from the fact that it was Philotimus who told Cicero. about Terentia’s 
will (481. 5). The supposition that Terentia was ungenerous to Tullia has not a 
particle of evidence to support it from Cicero’s Epistles, though no doubt Plutarch 
(Cic. 41) reports (perhaps from Tiro’s biography) statements to that effect. Quite the 
contrary appears from the letters: cp. 414, quod nostra ttbi gratias agit, id ego.non 


ΠῚ INTRODUCTION. 


console her father. But the warmer her devotion so much the 
deeper was Cicero’s grief at the untoward fortunes which she 
herself had to bear. Writing to Atticus, he says (432. 1): 


‘1 do not derive that pleasure from her excellent, tender, and affec- 
tionate disposition which I ought to derive from such a peerless child, but 
I am filled with sorrow which passes belief that such a noble nature should 
be plunged in this deep misery—and the fault is not hers ; all the blame 
is mine.’ 


And then there was Tullia’s husband Dolabelia. He had been 
this year playing the extreme radical, and had _ proposed 
all kinds of absurd and revolutionary laws. He posed as the 
successor of Clodius, and set up a statue of that demagogue.’ 
This was especially galling to Cicero. He was further making 
himself notorious by the profligacy of his life and his intrigues 
with the infamous Metella.? It seemed absolutely necessary, in 
point of honour, that he should be divorced from Tullia.? Both 
in public and in private affairs Cicero was overwhelmed with 


miror te mereri ut ea tibi merito tuo gratias agere posstt, which words Schmidt (op. cit., 
p- 180, note 1) seems to regard as having the exact opposite of their obvious meaning. 
Cicero’s idea would (he holds) rather be Quod nostra tebi gratias agit 1d ego non miror : 
illud miror te merert, &. He even thinks that perhaps Cicero may have written this. 
Even if we suppose Cicero to have been guilty of this intolerable rudeness, it would 
be little evidence that Terentia had actually treated Tullia unkindly. If she had 
done so, Cicero would have repeated the charge elsewhere. But no one would naturally 
regard these words as meaning anything else than what they say. If they are 
ironical, we must then regard, as Dr. N. (Ὁ. 227, note 2) justly says, tide enim aeque 
magnae curae esse certo scio, sc. valetudinem Tulliae (417), as also ironical. ‘There is 
really nothing to prove that Terentia did not behave kindly to her daughter. (For this 
reason perhaps the conjecture of Bosius in 432. 1, matra eam for ematiam, need not be 
rejected: see note; but that of Lambinus, eam tibi iam, is simpler and nearer the Mss.) 

But be the rights and the wrongs of the whole case what they may, Cicero 
gradually in 48 and 47 became estranged from his wife, and in 46 finally divorced her. 
But he does not appear to have ever finally repaid her dowry, though he tried to 
induce Atticus to pay it: cp. Att. xvi. 6. 3 (775); 15. 5 (807). Cicero was to the end 
quite incorrigibly lax as regards the actual settlement of his money obligations. 

1 437. 3. In our first edition, published in 1894, we suggested to read de statua 
Clodi for de staturi elodi. 

2. 437. 3: ep. 430. 3. 

3 437. 3. But Tullia’s love seems to have surmounted all the wrongs of her 
husband, and he and she appear to have lived together again in the following summer. 
They were not finally divorced until the late autumn of 46, about three months before 
Tullia’s death: cp. Ep. 501. 


§ 2. THE VEAR- OF ANXIETY. lini 


calamities.! But in his general humiliation he is always blaming 
himself and not his ill-fortune.’ | 

But the principal cause of Cicero’s distress during all these 
months was his constant anxiety as to the manner in which 
Caesar would finally deal with him. Cicero made every legiti- 
mate effort to obtain indulgent treatment at the hands of the 
victorious imperator. Atticus was more than once asked to urge 
Balbus and Oppius to write to Caesar on Cicero’s behalf,? and 
Cicero also himself wrote to Caesar. He mentions with grati- 
tude that M. Terentius Varro Gibba, afterwards quaestor of 
M. Brutus in Cisalpine Gaul (451. 3), brought letters and communi- 
cations for him from Brundisium to Caesar. In April, 47,‘ 
Philotimus carried another letter from Cicero to Alexandria, 
and brought back a note from Caesar which Cicero described as 
‘fairly generous.” It bade Cicero be of good cheer, and assured 
him that his position in the State should be in no way impaired.°® 
As it is quite incredible that Cicero did not inform Atticus of 
the receipt of this communication from Caesar, we must suppose, 
with Sternkopf (p. 40) and Schmidt (p. 229), that a letter to 
Atticus of August 12th has been lost... In August Cicero was. 


1 Yet some friends stood by him. Matius, Lepta, and Trebatius came to see him 
at Brundisium: Fam. xi, 27. 4 (784); 422. 1. Vatinius and Ligurius joined with 
him in indignation at the conduct of Quintus: ep. 423. 2. 

2 423.13; 426.1, 2; 480.2; 441.1, Hu est enim a nobis contracta culpa ut omni 
statu omnique populo eundem exitum habitura videatur: 445. 3. 

3 420.5; 422.1. 

4 Schmidt (p. 227) points out that, as Philotimus was at Rhodes on his return 
journey on May 28th (cp. 487. 2), he must have started from Alexandria not later 
than May 20th, and therefore must have left Brundisium in April. He delayed a 

' long time on his return: cp. 441. 4. 
5 443, litterae satis liberales. 1n June Cicero received a letter, purporting to have 
been sent by Caesar from Alexandria on February 9th, which was written in a cold 
_ and grudging spirit (exigue), and afforded him no consolation (491. 1); and he soon 
᾿ς discovered that it was not genuine (432. 3). It is just possible that it may have 
_ been composed by Balbus and Oppius to raise Cicero’s spirits without committing 
themselves. We know that letters were sometimes composed in other people’s names : 
_ ep. 416. 3; and Caesar may have authorized the cautious Balbus to write letters in 
his name in cases which Balbus thought required this course. But this is merely a 
conjecture. 
ἰὼ 6 Cp. Ligar. 7, gui ad me ex Aegypto litteras misit ut essem idem qui fuissem ; 
 Deiot. 38, megue tuis litteris bene sperare non frustra esse iussum. 
ο΄ 7$ternkopf notices that 444, twas litteras ad eas quibus a te proxime consilium 
 petivi vehementer exspecto, does not suit the tenor of 441. Cicero wrote to Terentia 
_ on August 12th (443), and it is probable that he wrote to Atticus on the same day. 


ἘΡΩ͂ λιν λον ἄτι 


liv INTRODUCTION. 


disquieted because he heard that Caesar, in graciously pardoning 
Quintus at Antioch, had made no mention of him at all (445. 3); and 
further, because Caesar had sent to Balbus letters of Quintus 
which were bitterly hostile to Marcus, and, in the judgment of the 
latter, the only reason why Caesar could have done so was to 
publish his misery to the world (446. 1). In July Caesar sent a 
message by C. Vibius Pansa, which reached Cicero about the 
beginning of September, permitting him to retain the title of 
imperator and his lictors as long as he pleased. So that Caesar’s 
feelings towards Cicero were, on the whole, favourable.’ After 
the defeat of Pharnaces at Zela, on August 2nd, Caesar hastened 
home, passed through Galatia and Bithynia during that month, 
was at Athens on September Ist, and arrived at Tarentum about 
September 24th. On the 25th he had a cordial interview with 
Cicero, of which Plutarch (Cic. 39) gives an interesting account— 


‘But when it was announced that he had disembarked at Tarentum, 
and was proceeding by land thence to Brundisium, Cicero advanced to 


1 Ligar. 7, gui cum ipse imperator in toto imperio populi Romani unus esset, me 
alterum passus est. We hear no more of these precious lictors after that. Possibly 
when Cicero was permitted to return to Rome he dismissed them, as he would have 
been,;ridiculed if he exhibited them in the vicinity of the city ; besides, all thoughts 
of a triumph must have been discarded long before. 

2 Schmidt argues (p. 172 of his Essay on M. Brutus in ‘ Verhandlungen der 40 
Philologenversammlung,’’ Gérlitz (1889), pp. 165-185) that after the battle of 
Zela Caesar commissioned Brutus (whom Schmidt regards as a nominal republican, but 
really working in concert with the tyrant) to write a reassuring letter to Cicero, in 
which consolation for his troubles and admonitions to co-operate with the Caesarean 
party were judiciously intermingled. As proof of this he adduces Brut. 11, Tum ille 
(sc. Atticus) Legi, inquit, perlibenter epistulam quam ad te Brutus misit ex Asia, qua 
mihi visus est et monere te prudenter et consolari amicissime ; ibid. 330, ea consolatione 
sustentor, quam tu mihi, Brute, adhibuisti tuis suavissimis litteris, quibus me forti animo 
esse oportere censebas, quod ea gessissem quae de me etiam me tacente ipsa loquerentur 
mortuoque viverent ; quae, si recte esset, salute reipublicae, sin secus, interitu ipso 
testimonium meorum de republica consiliorum darent. But the effusive language of this 
passage does not prove that the letter of Brutus was anything more than an ordinary 
letter of consolation, which was probably a little less cold than the usual compositions of 
that reserved aristocrat, and which perhaps stated, though not quite definitely, that 
Caesar was well-disposed to Cicero. We know that Cicero was a little afraid of 
Brutus, and we may be sure that in a work dedicated to him, and called by his name, 
he would lay undue emphasis on any trifling act of kindness which that austere and 
selfish noble had been gracious enough to perform. And lastly, we must not take 
Cicero’s rhetoric too literally, as he uses almost equally effusive language about the 
consolation afforded him by the Annals of Atticus, § 14, istum ipsum librum mihi 
saluti fuisse. 


§ ὃ. CICERO AND CAESAR. lv 


meet him, not being altogether without hope, but feeling shame in the 
presence of many persons at being uncertain how he would be greeted by 
a man who was an enemy and victorious. But there was no necessity for 
him to do or to say anything unworthy; for when Caesar saw Cicero 
coming to meet him far before all the rest, he got down from his carriage 
and embraced him, and walked several stadia in private conversation 
with him.’ 


After this interview Cicero proceeded at once towards Rome. 
He was at Venusia on October 1st.1. He was at Tusculum probably 
on the 7th or 8th, and soon afterwards re-entered the city. 


§ 8, Cicero ΑΝῸ Cassar. 


On his return to Rome Cicero’s correspondence ceases for a 
time. Both his family and Atticus were there, and there were 
hardly any other persons with whom he cared at that time to keep 
up intercourse by letter. He renewed his friendship, as he says 
himself, with his old friends his books,” and spent some months in 
their pleasant company, with a heart at ease perhaps, but hardly 
happy. He could not, of course, be idle, and during this period 
composed, at the instigation of M. Brutus, his celebrated history 
of Roman eloquence, which he called by the name of that dis- 
tinguished nobleman, and dedicated to him.® 


1 Ep. 449. ‘This letter is the last extant one to Terentia. ‘A gentleman,’ said 
Mr. Long, ‘ would write a more civil letter to his housekeeper.’ Cicero appears to 
have divorced Terentia shortly after his return to Rome. Plutarch (Cic. 41) 
professes to give ‘ the most decent reasons’ (εὐπρεπέσταται προφάσεις) for this divorce, 
and they are as follows:—‘(1) He was neglected by her during the war, so that he set 
out without even the necessary supplies for his journey, and when he returned again 
to Italy he did not find her well-disposed to him; (2) For she did not come to him 
_ when he was staying for a long time ut Brundisium. (3) And when his daughter, who 
was a young girl (παιδίσκῃ νέᾳ: Tullia was over 30) went to him, she did not give 
her suitable escort or supplies. (4) Further, she despoiled and emptied Cicero's 
house, (5) in addition to incurring many large debts.’ The first charge is contra- 
_ dicted by the tone of 405. As regards (2), Terentia appears to-have been willing to 
- go to her husband, but he expressly forbade her to do so: cp. 415. There is 
᾿ nothing about (8) in 432, which tells of Tullia’s visit; but no doubt there was, or 
_ Cicero fancied there was, something in the vague charges (4) and (5): ep. pp. 1-lii. 

2 Fam. ix. 1. 2 (456). 
8 It is not possible here to discuss the very original view of Schmidt, that Brutus, 
uggesting this work to Cicero, was acting under orders from Caesar, who wished 


‘ 


lvi INTRODUCTION. 


But the clash of arms still continued. Caesar hardly remained 
two months in the city. Late in November, 47, he started for 
Africa, where the Republicans had been gaining strength ever 
since the death of Curio in September, 49; landed there on 
January Ist, 46; fought an indecisive battle at Ruspina with 
the Pompeians on January 4th; but did not succeed in effecting 
their final defeat until April 6th, on the field of Thapsus. News 
of that victory reached Rome about the 20th, and for the next 
three weeks gloomy messages were constantly arriving with such 
tidings as the suicide of Cato, the deaths of Petreius and Juba, the 
executions of Afranius and Sulla, and the murder of young Lucius 
Caesar. The state of exultation on the one side, and the in- 
creasing despair on the other, may be seen in the letters of Cicero 
to Varro (Fam ix. 2-7), which belong to this period. Caesar did 
not leave Africa until June 18th, when he sailed for Sardinia, 
where he remained about twelve days. On June 27th he left 
Sardinia, and, after a coast-voyage, which was much delayed by 
storms, he reached Rome on July 25th.’ 

In the beginning of June Cicero went to Tusculum for a short 
time. During this visit he made the first sketch of his Cato. 
This work was suggested by Brutus. In the Orato Cicero says 
(§ 35):— 

‘[ never would have undertaken the Cato, fearing, as | did, the spirit 

of the times, which was hostile to true greatness, were it not that I 


thought it a sin to refuse you when you urged me to the task, and recalled 
to me the loved memory of the man himself.” 


the great orator to write an important work in defence of Caesarism. But whatever 
may have been the motive of Brutus in making the suggestion, it is quite certain, as 
Schmidt has pointed out, that Cicero’s Brutus has no Caesarean tendency at all. To 
take one example— Brutus himself is represented (ὁ 250) as delivering a panegyric on 
M. Marcellus, who, ‘in this disaster sent by fate, in which we are plunged, finds 
consolation during his exile in the consciousness of having done right, and in the renewal 
of his philosophical studies.” The work was written with thoroughly republican 
sentiments, and fully in accordance with Cicero’s real feelings. 

' Bell. Afr. 87-96. 

2 Bell. Afric. 98. 

3 With rare learning Schmidt (p. 244) quotes a fragment of a letter from Cicero to 
Brutus which is found in Quintilian (v. 10. 9), in which Cicero says: ‘ you are afraid 
lest I should transfer from that work (probably the Brutus) into my Cato some 
injudicious remarks, though the subject was not similar’ (veritus fortasse ne nos in 
Catonem nostrum transferremus illim mali quid etsi argumentum simile non erat). 


cooly hilar 


§ 3. CICERO AND CAESAR. Ivii 


Writing to Atticus, Cicero said (469. 2) that it was a πρόβλημα 
᾿Αρχιμήδειον to write adequately on such a theme without giving 
offence to the dominant party. ‘The only proper panegyric of 
that great man will be an eloquent exposition of his perception 
that the present state of things would come to pass, of his struggles 
against its being brought to pass, and of his death, so that he 
might not see it when finally it had been brought to pass.’ 
On these lines the Cato was written in the summer, but was not 
published when written, for at that time Cicero was anxious to 
keep on good terms with the Caesareans. ‘ ‘lhe work that remains 
for me,’ he says to Paetus, ‘is not foolishly to say any rash word, 
or do any rash deed against the dominant party.” 

Cicero returned to Rome on the 16th, but at the beginning of 
July went back again to Tusculum, where he completed his Cato. 
Dolabella and Hirtius (who had recently returned from Africa) 
appear to have stayed at Tusculum from about the 7th to the 
24th of July. They used to spend their mornings in rhetorical 
exercises, under the direction of Cicero, ‘turned schoolmaster now, 
like Dionysius of Syracuse’ (as he says himself, 473. 1), and their 
evenings in feasting, when Cicero became the pupil, and was 
instructed by Hirtius in the Institutes of the Art of giving a good 
dinner.? Cicero writes pleasant letters to Paetus and Volumnius 
‘about his mode of life at this time, and excuses himself for his 
gaiety with the reflection that he had done all that a good citizen 
could be expected to do During July, while he was giving 
rhetorical lessons to Dolabella and Hirtius, Cicero wrote his 
Orator, which was composed immediately after the Cato, but 
‘was not published until the close of the year. When Caesar’s 
‘arrival was imminent, about July 24th, Cicero, as he says, ‘sent’ 


1 472. 5. The Cato was published late in the year 46, when Caesar had already 
departed for Spain. Schmidt (p. 243) holds that the Cato was a ‘second chance’ 
which Caesar and Brutus gave Cicero of writing a Caesarean pamphlet. If so, we 
can hardly imagine that, after their previous failure in the Brutus, Brutus himself 
‘would not have asked to see the work before publication, and, when he saw the lines 
on which it was written, would not have used his influence to ensure that it should 
“never see the light. 

2 472.7; 473. 3, disce a me προλεγομένας quas quaeris. 
3 472. 5, ergo in officio boni civis certe non sum reprehendendus, 
4 532. 4; 534. 4. 
VOL. Iv. e 


lvill INTRODUCTION. 


Dolabella and Hirtius to meet him,’ and returned himself to 
Rome. He remained in the city until Caesar started for Spain 
in the early winter. 

During the two months which followed his return to Rome 


Cicero was on friendly and intimate terms with the leading 


Caesareans, but he had not the entrée to Caesar’s court—we must 
eall it so.2 He used to attend the Senate, but he never spoke at 


its meetings. In a letter to Paetus he gives an interesting account. 


of his mode of life at this time (475. 3) :— 


‘In the morning I receive visitors at my house—many republicans, 
but they are depressed ; and these exultant victors, who, however, show 
me, at allevents, the most courteous and affectionate (peramanter) respect. 
When the stream of visitors has passed I piunge into literary work, and 
write or read. Some people, too, callon me to listen to discourses which I 
give, thinking me a learned man, because I am a little more learned 
than they are.’ 


At the same time Cicero used the considerable influence he had 
with the Caesareans to try to effect the restoration of several of 
the exiled Pompeians; and he wrote many letters of consolation 
and encouragement to such of them as were his friends—to 
Nigidius Figulus, Marcellus, Ligarius, and others? Letters of 
condolence are proverbially trite—‘ common is the common-place,’ 


and certainly Cicero’s letters of condolence are common-place in. 


ideas: the wretchedness of things at Rome, the satisfaction of a 


good conscience, the probability of a speedy return, and so forth.‘ 


1473.1, Cum essem 1 otiosus in Tusculano propterea quod phil obviam miseram, 


ut eddem me quam maxime conciliarent familiari suo. 
2 Cp. 486. 6, nos cura et dolore proximi sumus, precibus tardiores, quod ius adeundi, 


cum ἐρδὺ ΕΜΕΗΝΝ eguerimus, non habemus ; also 489. 3; 492. 2; 498. 2, atque 


omnem adeundi et conveniendi illius indignitatem et molestiam pertulissem. 

3 Fam. iv. 13 (483) ; iv. 8 (485); vi. 13 (489), 

4 Dr, Mahaffy (Greek World under Roman Sway, Ὁ. 124) notices that Cicero does 
not suggest to any of his correspondents any definite line of work or investigation 
(e.g. the study of Greek art or Greek history) in which they might usefully spend 


their time, and profit by their enforced residence in foreign lands, Perhaps Cicero 


felt that his friends would be as little able to apply themselves to literary or scientific 
study as he himself was during his exile, or during the year of anxiety at Brundisium, 
Certain of the exiles did devote themselves to philosophy and other intellectual 
pursuits, e.g. Marcellus and Servius Sulpicius (Brut. 250 and 156). And however 
ready the average Roman aristocrat was to steal Greek statues and pictures, he would 


. § 3. CICERO AND CAESAR. lix 


But the richness and variety of language with which Cicero 
dilates on such constantly recurring themes are perfectly marvel- 
lous: and if this variety of expression is anywhere surpassed, it is 
only by Cicero himself, in the commendatory letters of which we 
possess such numbers in the thirteenth book ad Familiares. 

So passed August and a considerable portion of September. 
About the middle of that month an important event took place. 
In the Senate L. Piso made the proposal that M. Marcellus’ 
be restored; and when his brother C. Marcellus fell on his knees 
before Caesar, and all the Senators rose in their places and 
seconded the request, Caesar pointed out the bitter hostility which 
M. Marcellus had always exhibited towards him, but he left it to the 
Senate to pass what decree it pleased on the subject. The ques- 
tion was put to the senators one by one, and the great majority, 
in voting ay, thanked Caesar for his restoration of Marcellus. 
Cicero, with his impressionable and impulsive nature, was carried 
away with an enthusiastic hope that this was the first sign of an 
intention on the part of Caesar to restore its authority to the 
Senate, and to govern henceforth constitutionally as its princeps. 
Cicero had intended never to speak in Caesar’s Senate; but the 
generosity shown on this occasion swept away the barriers of his 
reserve, and he poured out the full torrent of bis gratitude and 
his expectations in the speech now known as that Pio Marcello. 
None of Cicero’s orations is pitched in a higher key; but few 
who grasp the situation and know Cicero’s character, so naturally 
impulsive, so enthusiastic for every noble action, and thrilling 
with hopes of the revival of the free State,> can think that the 


probably have considered a study of Greek art somewhat unworthy of the dignity of 
a Roman noble. Dr. Mahaffy (p. 139) notices Cicero’s affectation that he knew but 
little of Greek art (Verr. iv. 5); and Cicero does urge them to the study of literature, 
in which great Romans might legitimately take interest: 488. 12 (Caecina); 490, 5 
(Ampius Balbus), Sed est unum perfugium_doctrina ac litterae quibus semper usi sumus ¢ 
quae secundis rebus delectationem modo habere videbantur, nune vero etiam salutem: 
495. 3 (Servius Sulpicius). Cicero was very sensitive himself, to the historical 
associations connected with localities; see Fin, v, 2-5. 

1 See below, p. lxxxvii. : 

2 Cp. 495. 4. From the subject-matter it should rather be called De Marcello. 

3 Cp. Mare, 27, hic restat actus, in hoc elaborandum est ut rempublicam constituas ; 
29, nisi belli civilis incendium salute patriae restinxeris: cp. Fam. xiii. 68. 2 (482) (to 
_ Servilius Isauricus), written shortly after the speech, Sperare tamen videor Caesari, 
ἣ 62 


ΙΧ. INTRODUCTION. 


praise of Caesar in that oration passes beyond the bounds set by 
honesty and self-respect.' ‘I venture to assert, Caesar, that no 
laurel you have ever won is nobler than that which you have won 
to-day. . . . All other victors in civil wars you have surpassed in 
justice and mercy, but to-day you have surpassed yourself.’ 
Cicero entertained high hopes now, but they lasted little more 
than a fortnight. The Ludi Victoriae Caesaris were first cele- 
brated about September 24, 8.0. 40. At these games Caesar 
collegae nostro, fore curae et esse ut habeamus aliquam rempublicam; 495. 3 (to 


Servius Sulpicius), ita pulcher hic dies visus est ut speciem aliquam viderer videre quasr 
reviviscentis reipublicae. 


1 Plutarch (Cic. 40) appears to have held a different view when referring to 


another occasion on which Cicero spoke before Caesar. Plutarch says : ‘ Cicero rarely 
went down to the city, and that only to flatter Caesar (θεραπείας ἕνεκα τοῦ Καίσαρος) ; 
and he was foremost among those who spoke in favour of the honours given to him and 
who were eager always to be saying something original about the man and his deeds. 
An example is his remark about the statues of Pompey which Caesar ordered to be 
set up after they had been taken away and thrown down, and they were set up. For 
Cicero said that by this act of generosity Caesar erected the statues of Pompey, but 


firmly rooted his own’ (ὅτε ταύτῃ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ Καῖσαρ τοὺς μὲν Πομπηΐου ἵστησι,. 
τοὺς δ᾽ αὑτοῦ πήγνυσιν ἀνδριάντας). This remark has a most Ciceronian ring. It was. 


made doubtless soon after the pardon of Marcellus, when Cicero had high hopes that 
Caesar would restore its authority to the Senate; and it is probable that Plutarch has 
referred speeches made by Cicero during this short period to the whole time during 
which Caesar remained at Rome. 


* Marcell. §§ 4,12. The genuineness of this speech, which Wolf disputed, is now 


very generally acknowledged. Its few flaws of expression (see Mr. Fausset’s intro- 
duction to his ed. of the speech) may be due to Cicero’s having never revised a first 
draft of his speech, and to this rough draft having been published by Tiro only after 
Cicero’s death. ‘The speedy disillusionment of Cicero’s hopes that Caesar would restore 


the republic may have restrained him from publishing during his lifetime this. 


extremely laudatory effusion. But Cicero was sincere and actually palpitating with 


hope when he delivered it; and in that frame of mind such an enthusiastic nature. 
as Cicero’s could not refrain from what calmer judgment would regard as excessive: 


flattery. Schmidt (p. 525) admirably points out that Cicero gives his own opinion 
as to the extent to which flattery might be carried in the sacred cause of peace,. 
340(a). 1, Cum autem ad eam (sc. pucem) hortarer eum praesertim hominem (sc. 
Caesarem) non videbar ullo modo facilius moturus quam si id, quod eum hortarer, 
conventre eius sapientiae dicerem. Ham si ‘admirabilem’ dizi, quoniam eum ad salutem: 
patriae hortabar, non sum veritus ne viderer adsentart, cut tali in re libenter mead 
pedes abiecissem. 

3 In after years they appear in the Calendars as being celebrated from July 20th 
to 30th. But they originally lasted only one day, viz., July 28 or 24; so that it has 
been fairly argued that in 46, ‘the year of confusion,’ they were celebrated on the 
day which corresponded to July 23 or 24 in the unreformed Calendar: i.e. to 
Sept. 24 or 25 (Mommsen) or Sept. 23 or 24 (Groebe). See Mommsen in C. I. L. i.*, 
p- 322 (=p. 397, ed. 1), and Dict. Antiq. 5. v. Lup Vicrortaz CaEsanis. 


rt 3S slap asic animales 


§ 3. CICERO AND CAESAR. lxi 


compelled Laberius, a Roman knight, to appear on the stage, ‘ as 
a penalty for his republican candour, and evidently on account 
of his sharp tongue,’ and the low-born Publilius Syrus was 
awarded the prize. It was perhaps shortly after this that, in 
writing to Oornificius,? Cicero declares that he has grown 
so callous, that he can tolerate such tyrannical indignities. He is, 
however, still full of admiration for Caesar personally, and throws 
all the blame of such actions on the necessities of Caesar’s position. 
He considers, as before, that the wretched state of affairs at Rome 
is due, not to the fault of the conqueror, ‘ nothing could be more 
moderate than he is, but to the victory itself, which in civil war is 
always outrageous (énsolens).”> About November 26th Cicero 
spoke in Caesar’s house,‘ advocating the restoration of Ligarius. 
‘Caesar refused courteously, stating apparently that he would hold 
a formal trial of Ligarius in the Forum. Allowing the due 
interval of a ¢rinundinum, the trial of Ligarius, at which Cicero 
delivered the extant speech Pro Ligario,? must have taken place 
some time about the middle or latter end of the first intercalary 
month.° 


' Teuffel (ed. Schwabe), § 192. ὃ. 

2 Fam xii. 18. 2 (670). In drawing up the list of letters for the year 708 (46) we 
omitted, we now think erroneously, Fam. xii. 18 and 19(670, 671.) We did so, as we 
thought that the games at which Laberius appeared were held in 45, and in this we 

“followed the lead of such eminent scholars as Teuffel (ed. Schwabe) (1. c.), Wordsworth 
(Fragments and Specimens, p. 604), and Watson (ed. 4), p. 486. Schanz (ᾧ 88) 
seems to be of the same opinion. But there does not appear to be any objection to 
supposing that Laberius appeared upon the stage in 46. Further, Caesar was absent 
from Rome when the games were celebrated in 45; and it is unlikely that he would 
have determined to humiliate Laberius in games at which he himself was not present. 
Lastly, by supposing that the games in question were those of 46, we obtain a very 
satisfactory reason for the despair which fell upon Cicero so soon after the pardon of 
Marcellus: cp. 488. 4; 495. 2. 

3 iv, 4, 2 (495); Fam. xii. 18. 2 (670). 

4 This passage, 498. 2, is interesting, as showing that Caesar was now virtually 
monarch, and his house his court: see especially cwm venissem mane ad Caesarem 
atque omnem adeundi et conveniendi illius indignitatem et molestiam pertulissem: cp. 
p. lviii. Ε 

5 On the great admiration entertained by the ancients for this speech, see below, 
p. lxxxiy. Even Drumann is constrained into praising Cicero for it, ‘ Ouly a Cicero,’ 
he says (iii. 637, ed. Groebe), ‘could have cumbined in such trying circumstances 
the dignity and independence of the republican with the elegance (Feinheit) and 

_reserve of the courtier.’ 

6 In this year 46, in order to bring the calendar into accord with the actual 


lxii INTRODUCTION. 


Soon after this, probably about the beginning of the second 
intercalary month, Caesar left for Spain. Before leaving he had 
commissioned his Master of the Horse, M. Lepidus, consul for the 
year 46, to procure his election as consul without colleague for 45. 
Tribunes of the people and plebeian aediles appear to have been 
chosen for 45, but no other magistrates were elected before Caesar 
left Rome. Cicero asks Atticus to find out from his brother-in- 
law (or father-in-law) Pilius, whether Caesar is going to hold the | 
elections in the Field of Fennel (i.e. in Spain), or in the Field of 
Mars.t Caesar did not hold any elections at all, either in the 
Field of Fennel or in the Field of Mars, but left the administra- 
tion of Rome in the hands of eight (or six) praefecti urbis,? with 
pro-praetorian powers, all nominally subject to Lepidus (ep. 
Ferrero 11, Ὁ. 321). The real administration, however, at least in 
all civil matters, was in the hands of Balbus and Oppius.? Any 
hope which Cicero may have entertained that the government of 
the Senate was likely to be restored must have now utterly 
disappeared. 

But it was a great relief to Cicero that the ‘ prefect of morals,’ 
as he calls Caesar, had departed,‘ and he was able to leave Rome. 
In the first instance he went to Tusculum, and made what arrange- 
ments he could in reference to the repayment of T'ullia’s dowry 
by Dolabella. That shows that the divorce had been effected (501). 
He published his Cato, and made preparations for publishing his 
Orator (499. 3.) He was apparently in some doubt whether to 
permit young Cicero to accompany Dolabella to Spain, and serve in 
Caesar’s army there, or to send him to study at Athens; and we 
have an interesting sketch of a conversation between father and 


seasons, Caesar added two intercalary months of 29 and 28 days between November 
and December, and also ten days; these ten days it is supposed were added to the 
second intercalary month, so that the latter reaily had 38 days. 
1 Ep. 501, where see note. 
? Dio Cass. xlili. 28.2, τὴν πόλιν τῷ τε Λεπίδῳ καὶ πολιανόμοις τισὶν ὄκτω ὥς 
τισι δοκεῖ, ἤ ἕξ, ὧς μᾶλλον πεπίστευται, ἐπιτρέψας. The very essence of ἃ praefectus: 
was that he was not an independent magistrate. 
3 Cp. 527. 1, guod omnibus rebus perspexeram quae Balbus et Oppius absente Caesare 
᾿ egissent ea solere illi rata esse. 
4 Cp. 481. 5, guamdiu hic erit noster hic praefectus moribus parebo auctoritati tune, 
i.e. to stay in Rome, See note on this passage. : 


§ 3. CICERO AND CAESAR. Ixili 


son on the point (500. 1). He finally decided to send him to 
Athens (501). Towards the end of the second intercalary month 
Cicero went on a short tour of a few weeks round his estates in 
Campania, where he saw Paetus and M. Marius, and returned to 
Rome about the beginning of December (505). The chief subject 
of his deliberations now was whom he should take as his second 
wife. The energetic Postumia (502), wife of Servius Sulpicius, 
appears to have exerted herself in this matter. After due con- 
sideration had been bestowed on the daughter of Pompey and 
another lady, of whom Cicero says that ‘he never saw anything 
more hideous’ (foedius), he finally married, solely for her money, 
his rich ward Publilia, who was a mere child, and could not possibly 
be a suitable companion for the sexagenarian statesman and philo- 
sopher.. During December and the early part of January Cicero 
was in Rome, on account of the delicate health of Tullia (534. 5). 
About the middle of January she bore a son, who was called 
Lentulus. As soon as she was able to move Cicero brought her 
down to Tusculum., There early in February she died. This was 
perhaps the severest blow which Cicero had as yet experienced in 
his long and chequered life. But the account of his grief and 
prostration at this loss is to be found in the next volume. 


1 Cicero incurred much censure for this marriage (Plut. Cic. 41; Dio Cass. xlvi. 
- 18.4; Quintilian vi. 3. 75) ; and he deserved it. Dio Cassius (lvii. 15) says that Vibius 
Rufus, who lived in the reign of Tiberius, married Cicero’s widow. This was probably 
Publilia ; surely not Terentia, though she did live to be 103 (Val. Max. viii. 13. 6), 


lxiv INTRODUCTION. 


II.—CICERO’S CORRESPONDENTS. 


1. Garus TREBONIUS. 


Gaius Trebonius was quaestor in 60, and supported the consuls 
Afranius and Metellus Scipio in opposing the tribune Herennius, 
who had brought forward a law on the subject of the transference 
of Clodius to the plebeians.! In 55 he was tribune, and in the 
interests of the triumvirs proposed the well-known Trebonian law, 
that Syria should be given to Cassius, and the two Spains to 
Pompey.’ In return probably for this good service, Caesar made 
him one of his legati in Gaul, and from 54 to 49 he appears to 
have served in the army there.? At the outbreak of the Civil 
War he remained in the province, and probably had some conflicts 
with the Pompeian Afranius in the Pyrenees, and certainly 
besieged Massilia from the land side‘ In 48 he was praetor 
urbanus, and opposed with firmness and judgment the wild schemes 
of Caelius.° Caesar thus formed a high opinion of ‘T'rebonius ; 
and accordingly Cicero, when at Brundisium, urged Atticus to ask 
‘Trebonius to write to Caesar, saying that Cicero’s whole conduct 
at that time was regulated in accordance with his advice.° 
‘l'rebonius vacated his office as praetor on December 29th, 48, and 
was sent to Spain early in 47 as successor to Q. Cassius Longinus, 


1 Fam. xv. 21. 2 (450). @-Cp. vol. {1.5 p. Ixi, 

3 Caesar B. G. v. 17. 2; vi. 89. 1; vii. 11. 3; viii. 54. 4, and often. The Ὁ. 
Trebonius called egues Romanus in vi. 40. 4 is a different man from our C. Trebonius 
the legatus. 

4 333.7; Caes. B. C.i. 36. 5. 

5 Dio Cass. xlii. 22. 2, and vol. 111.? p. lvii. 

6418.3: cp. 450. 2, ut haee recentia, guae meminero semper, obliviscar, quae tua 
sollicitudo de mein armis, quae laetitia in reditu, quae cura, qui dolor, cum ad te curae et 
dolores mei perferrentur, Brundisium denique te ad me venturum fuisse nisi subito in 
Hispaniam missus esses. As Trebonius was praetor in 48, and accordingly in Italy 
during that year, if we accept the reading C. Trebonius for C. Treboni u. of M in Att. 
xi. 20. 1 (444), and do not read with Schmidt (p. 231) C. Treboni ἰ, (= libertus), we 
must take the C. Trebonius mentioned there to be a different man from the praetor. 


1. GAIUS TREBONIUS. lxv 


who had mismanaged Caesar’s cause gravely in that province.’ 
_ Trebonius governed Spain until June, 46, when he was driven 
out? by the leaders of the Pompeian party, Q. Aponius and T. 


Quintius Scapula; but he did not on that account forfeit the good 
opinion of Caesar. He appears to have made a journey towards 


Spain at the end of 46. During this journey he had an interview 


with Antony at Narbo, in the course of which 'T'rebonius sounded 
Antony on the subject of the conspiracy. Antony refused to have 
any connexion with the plot, but did not disclose it to Caesar.’ 


It was during this absence of 'l'rebonius from Rome that Cicero 


tia 0) Bye Ole aie Ὁ ἘΝ δι. 


_ wrote both Fam. xv. 20 (702) and 21 (450) to him. Just before 


starting he sent Cicero a collection he had made of ‘ Ciceroniana.’ 


This delicate flattery called forth an excellent letter from Cicero 


(450).4 Though Trebonius was already meditating treachery to 
Caesar, he did not refuse to allow Caesar to make him consul 
suffectus in October, 45 (Ὁ. I. L. 1.2 p. 158), and the province of 
Asia was decreed to him for the following year.° 

On the Ides of March the duty assigned to Trebonius was to 
keep Antony away from the actual scene of the murder.’ Shortly 
after the murder Trebonius repaired secretly to his province.’ 
During his journey he wrote in May an interesting letter to Cicero 
from Athens (Fam. xii. 16 (736)). It tells that he had met young 
Cicero, who was studying there, and that, as the young man had 
expressed a wish to see Asia, he had asked him to come on a visit, 
and to bring his tutor, the eminent philosopher Cratippus, along 


1 Tt must have been in 47 and not in 46 that Trebonius was sent to govern Spain: 
because Lepidus was there when Trebonius arrived (Bell. Alex. 64. 2), and Lepidus was 
in Rome on January Ist, 46, as consul. For the dates of the governorship of Spain by 


_ Trebonius cp: Sternkopf, Jabrdbuch, 1893, pp. 424-432, an able and convincing 


discussion. 

3 Dio Cass, xliii. 29. ὃ. 

3 Cic. Phil. ii. 34; Plut. Ant. 18. 

4 We were wrong in attributing 702 to a time after Caesar’s death. We have 
been convinced by Sternkopf’s reasoning, and have corrected the dating in vol. v, 


ΠΡ. 246, ed. 2. 


5 Dio Cass. xliii. 46. 2: ep. Appian, B. C. iii. 2. 
5 Cic. Phil. ii. 34; xiii. 22. In Plut. Caes. 66 this duty is said to have been und er- 
taken by Brutus Albinus, i.e. Decimus Brutus; in Plut. Ant. 13 by ‘some of the 


- ¢onspirators.’ 


7 Att, xiv. 10. 1 (718). 


Ixvi INTRODUCTION. 


with him, ‘so that you must not think that he is going to have a 
holiday from his studies in Asia.’ Trebonius also sent Cicero 


some satirical verses against Antony, written in rather ‘broad’ — 
language in the style of Lucilius, which he had composed during 
some leisure hours on ship-board.' He helped Brutus and Cassius _ 
with money when they went to their provinces,? and he would | 


doubtless have been a strong support to the republican cause, 


5 


Α 
᾿ 
€ 


Ἢ 
7 


but he was treacherously murdered by Dolabella at Smyrna early 


in February, 43.° 

Besides the two letters mentioned above (450, 702), Cicero 
wrote to T'rebonius another extant letter, Fam. x, 28 (819), in the 
beginning of February, 43, which, however, cannot have reached 


him. ‘This is the letter which begins with the celebrated words. 


Quam vellem adillas pulcherrimas epulas me Idibus Martiis invitasses : 
reliquiarum nihil haberemus. 

It is interesting to see the extreme views taken of the character 
of Trebonius by men of different parties. To Cicero he is (Phil. 
ΧΙ, 1) optimus civis moderatissimusque homo; and (ib. 11) ‘ Everyone 
knows his judgment, intellect, culture, blameless life, and the 
greatness of soul he has shown in the liberation of his country.’ 
Yo Antony (Phil. xiii, 22) it is a source of exultation that this 
wicked man (scederatum) met his due within a year of his crime; 
and Velleius (ii. 69. 1) regards him as a monster of ingratitude 
(tngratissumum) because he allowed himself to be advanced by 


Caesar to the dignity of consulship, and yet took part in his — 


murder. 


2. Marcus 'TERENTIUS VARRO. 


M. ‘Terentius Varro was born at Reate in 116. He first 
appears as triumvir monetalis in 94. He subsequently went 
through the usual series of magistracies, and was quaestor, tri- 


bune, and praetor, the latter probably in 76.4 He was considered — 
the most learned of the Romans.’ He was trained under Aelius © 


1 Fam. xii. 16. 2, ὃ (736). 2 Dio xlvii. 21. 3; 26.1. 

8 Cic. Phil. xi, 1-8; xii. 12. 1 (856); 14. 5 (883); 15. 4 (882). 

* Goll. xii. 12, 6. 

5 Superlatives are generally used when any allusion is made to Varro’s learning : 


Att. xili. 18 (630), πολυγραφώτατος : Dion. Hal. Antiq. ii. 21, πολυπειρότατος ; Quintil. — 


2. MARCUS TERENTIUS VARRO. Ixvil 


Stilo, and attended the lectures of Antiochus.! Though princi- 
pally a student, Varro did not shrink from military duties, and in 
67, during the Mithridatic war and the war against the Pirates, 

we find him in command over Sicily and the Ionian Sea as far 
-as Acarnania, and he obtained from Pompey the honour of a 

‘naval crown.’? At the outbreak of the Civil War he was general 
of the Pompeian forces in Further Spain, where he had been since 
δῦ. Caesar speaks with disparagement of Varro’s time-serving 
conduct in that country.’ During the campaign in Thessaly 

Varro was with Cicero at Dyrrhachium.‘ His villa at Casinum 

was plundered by Antony when the latter was governor of Italy 

in 47.5 Caesar, as was his wont, forgave Varro, and appointed 
him librarian of his new Palatine Library.° Varro was proscribed 
during the triumvirate in 48, but he was concealed by the help of 

Fufius Calenus and the loyalty of his own and Calenus’ slaves, 
and so escaped death.” He lived till 27, when he died at the age of 
-eighty-nine, working and writing up to the very end of his life.® 

On his philosophical views see Dr. Reid’s ed. of Cicero’s 

Academica (p. 50) and St. Augustine (Civ. Dei, xix. 1-3); and on 
bis multifarious learning an eloquent and sympathetic description 
in Mommsen, R. H. iv. 591-598, and a detailed account in Teuffel, 
S8§ 164-169, and Schanz, δὲ 183-198. Of his literary works, his 
Menippean satires, written in a medley of prose and verse, are 
much the most interesting. It would appear that he was austere, 
and not very straightforward. Cicero evidently did not like him, 
and did not care for his company. On one occasion, as we read, 
Varro dropped in on Cicero, and Cicero could not help urging him 


Χ. 1. 95, vir Romanorum eruditissimus. Plurimos hie libros et doctissimos composuit 
peritissimus linguae Latinae et omnis antiquitatis et rerum Graecarum nostrarumque ; 
Gell. iv. 9.1, Figulus, homo, ut ego arbitror, iuata M. Varronem doctissimus; Plutarch 
Rom. 12, ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων ἐν ἱστορίᾳ βιβλιακωτατον ; Augustine, Civ. Dei. vi. 2, homo 

omnium facile acutissimus et sine ulla dubitatione doctissimus : cp. also Cic. Acad. i. 9. 

1 Cic. Brut. 205; Acad. i. 12. 

2 Pliny, H. N. iii. 101; vii. 115; Appian Mithr. 95. 
3. Caes. B. C. ii. 17-20, especially c. 17. 4 De Div. i. 68; ii. 114. 
5. Phil. ii, 103-105. 6 Suet. Iul. 44. 2. 

_ 7 Appian, B. C. iv. 47 fin., says that the friends of Varro were eager to give him 
shelter, and contended with one another for the privilege of doing so—which shows 
him in a more attractive light than one would gather from Cicero. 

8 Val. Max. viii. 7. 3. 


Ixvili INTRODUCTION. 


to stay: ‘but I did not,’ he says, ‘quite tear his cloak’ in the 
effort to keep him from leaving. He describes him in one place 
as ‘having a most extraordinary character, as you know, all twists — 
and contortions’; in another, by the line in which Patroclus | 
describes Achilles, ‘a terrible man, readily would he blame even 
one that was blameless.’ ? : 
Cicero during his exile was urged by Atticus to write to Varro | 
a letter of thanks for his exertions on his behalf, and Cicero 
promised to do so; but he does not seem to have believed that 
those exertions were very strenuous.? His letters to Varro are, 
as Dr. Reid says, ‘cold, forced, and artificial’; and the trepidation 
which Cicero exhibited with regard to the dedication of the - 
Academica to Varro shows that the relations between the two men | 
were strained, and anything but cordial. On the dedication of tlie | 
Academica to Varro ep. vol. V.2 p. xix, note 3, and the references | 
quoted there. | 


ΨΥ 


3. GnaEus Domirius AHENOBARBUS. 


Cn. Domitius was son of L. Domitius, who commanded at) 
Corfinium, and Porcia, sister of Cato. We first hear of him 88. 
accusing the son of Cn. Saturninus, who appears to have been: 
instrumental in effecting the rejection of the elder Domitius in his | 
candidature for the augurate: cp. Fam. viii. 14. 1 (280). He) 
was taken prisoner with his father at Corfinium, but spared by | 
Caesar.4 On March 8th, 49, he passed through Formiae, on his, 
way to Naples to see his mother, and spread the report that the, 
elder Domitius was at Rome (358. 1. He did not follow his) 
tather to Massilia, but probably served under Pompey in the, 
campaign in Greece and afterwards under his uncle Cato in 

1 Att. xiii, 33. 4 (636), De Varrone loguebamur : lupus in fabula. Venit enim ad) 
me, et quidem id temporis ut retinendus esset. Sed ego ita ἐσὲ ut non scinderem, 
paenulam. Dr. Reid notices (Acad. p. 35 n, 1) that on matters of literary taste Cicero’ 
and Varro differed toto caelo, e.g. 499.1, Habes Hegesiae genus quod Varro laudat, and 
cp. Brut. 286 ; Orat. 226 (where see Sir J. Sandys’ learned note). 

2 Att. ii, 25. 1 (52), mirabdiliter moratus est, sicut nosti, ἕλικτα καὶ οὐδέν : Atte 
xiii. 25. 3 (642): cp. Hom, II. xi. 654, δεινὸς ἀνήρ, τάχα κεν καὶ ἀναίτιον ἀντιόῳτο. | 

3 Att. iii. 8. 3 (64) : ep. 15. 3. (73); 18.1 (76). ; 

4 Caes. B: C. i. 23. 1. 


Sea 


3. GNAEUS DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS. | l\xix 


Africa. After the collapse of the Pompeians in that country he 
returned to Italy; in his despair he appears to have meditated 
throwing in his lot with the remnant of the Pompeian party in 
Spain ; and we have a letter (Ip. 465) written to him by Cicero, 
probably at the instance of the relatives of Domitius, shortly after 
the Battle of Thapsus, dissuading him from such an ill-judged act. 
Domitius seems not to have been pardoned,' and to have lived 
in obscurity in Italy during the following years. In August, 45, 
Cicero asked Atticus to forward to Domitius the /audatio he wrote 
on his mother Porcia (Att. xiii. 48. 2 (656) ; 37. 3 (657)). 

| It is an undecided question whether he was one of the con- 
spirators against Caesar or not. Both Cicero (Phil. ii. 27) and 
Dio Cassius (xlviii. 7.5; 29. 2) maintain that he was one of them, 
and Halm thought so too, rejecting the statement to the contrary 
by Suetonius (Nero 3), on the ground that flatterers probably 
had a motive for clearing the memory of Nero’s great-grandfather. 
iBut why are we to suppose that Suetonius follows flatterers of 
)Nero here when he certainly does not follow them elsewhere? ‘The 
icontemporary of Domitius, L. Cocceius Nerva (ep. Appian, v. 62), 
swas of the same opinion as Suetonius; and with them Drumann 
{iii2 25) agrees, on the grounds that Domitius is not specially 
/mentioned as one of those who, after the murder of Caesar, went 
up to the Capitol, and that the story of his participation in the 
conspiracy is very likely to have arisen from his relationship to, 
and connexion with, Brutus and Cassius.’ 

But, be that as it may, he certainly espoused the cause of the 
republicans, and in the summer of 44 collected some ships, and 
‘sailed with Brutus and Cassius to the Hast. In his absence he was 
a candidate for a place in the College of Pontiffs (ad Brut. 1. 5. ὃ 
(852); 14. 1 (913)). He succeeded next year in detaching a 
squadron of cavalry from Dolabella.’ He was accordingly ranked 
{/as one of the special enemies of the triumvirs, and was proscribed 
by the Lex Pedia, but managed to escape being put to death. 


1 This is apparently what Cicero means by spoliatio dignitatis (Phil. ii. 27). 
_ * Porcia, wife of Brutus, was niece of his mother; and Cassius was married to 
‘ the half-sister of Brutus. . 
3 8 Att. xvi. 4. 4 (771); Phil. x. 13, On. Domitius adulescens summa virtute, 
} gravitate, constantia. 


Ixx INTRODUCTION, 


In 42 in conjunction with Statius Murcus he defeated on the day © 
of the Battle of Philippi Domitius Calvinus, who tried to sail out — 
of Brundisium ; and for this victory he was saluted as imperator,' — 
After the defeat of Brutus and Cassius, when Statius Murcus joined © 


Sext. Pompey, Domitius continued to carry on the war indepen- 
dently for two years with such success that in 40, through the 
mediation of Asinius Pollio, he became reconciled to Antony on 


equal terms (Appian v. 50; ὅδ); but when Octavius complained | 


that connexion with one of the proscribed persons was a breach 
of faith, Antony appointed Domitius to the province of Bithynia, 
which he administered from 40 to 35 8.0. (ib. 63). In 39, when a 
treaty was made with Sext. Pompey, provision was also made for 
the restoration of Domitius, and the consulship promised him for 
32 (ib. 73). He accompanied Antony on his Parthian expedition 
in 36, and addressed the soldiers when Antony was ashamed to 
appear before them (Plut. Ant. 40). It,was owing in a considerable 
measure to Domitius, who incurred in the matter some danger 
from the treachery of one Curius, that Sextus Pompey was 
captured in 35 (Appian v. 137). In 32 he obtained the consul- 
ship, and did his best to moderate the violent proceedings of 
his colleague Sosius.? When the breach between Antony and 
Octavian occurred, Domitius went to Antony at Ephesus ;* and 
such was the disgust felt by many of the officers and soldiers at 
Antony’s subservience to Cleopatra, that they urged Domitius to 
take the chief command.‘ But his health was broken down; he 
could not accept the offer, so he merely left Antony’s camp. 
Antony sent his goods after him, not with ‘gentle adieus and 


1 Appian, B. C. iv. 86, 100, 108, 115, 116. The exploits of Domitius as com- 
mander of the fleet are celebrated on coins, which style him imperator, and acknow- 
ledge Antony as his general: so that these coins would seem to have been struck after 
his reconciliation with Antony: cp. Gardthausen, Augustus i, p. 214, note 8 (=i. (2), 
p- 101). A coin also records his rebuilding, while imperator, of the temple of 
Neptune: cp. Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 26; also Babelon, Monnaies romaines, i. 466-7: 
cp. 178. 

* Dio Cass. 1. 2. 2, 3. This Sosius was praetor in 49; cp. 337. 1; 353. 2. 

3 Dio Cass. 1. 2.6; Suet. Aug. 17. 

4 Suet. Nero 3. Plutarch (Ant. 56) says that Domitius urged Antony to send 
Cleopatra back to Egypt away from the camp. Velleius (ii. 84. 8) tells us that ‘ the 
illustrious Cn. Domitius was the only one of the Antonian party who never greeted 
Cleopatra as queen, but always addressed her by her own name Cleopatra.’ 


ate ery Simm as Speer ter bt 


4, LUCIUS CORNELIUS BALBUS. Ixxi 


greetings, but with a scoff at his amorous propensities.’ He 


died shortly after the Battle of Actium. 


Domitius appears to have been a manly and energetic soldier, 
and was doubtless, as Suetonius says, the best of the family of 
the Domitii;? but he was hardly, we think, as interesting as 
Shakespeare has pourtrayed him in Antony and Cleopatra.’ Schoell 
and Wissowa (cp. PW iv, 1833) suppose him to be the hero of 
the drama of Curiatius Maternus mentioned in Tac. Dial. 3. So 
does Gudeman. The ordinary view supposes that it was his 


father; but the son’s career was certainly more striking and 


romantic than the father’s. 


4. Lucius Cornextius BALBus. 


This able man of business was not a native Roman. He was 
born at Gades, about 100, of a good family. As soon as oppor- 
tunity was granted him he devoted himself to the interests of the 
Romans, and did them good service in the Sertorian War. During 
that period his merits were recognized by Metellus, Memmius the 
brother-in-law of Pompey, and Pompey himself; and by the help 
of the latter, he and his brother and nephew obtained Roman citizen- 
ship—a grant which was definitely ratified by the Lex Cornelia 
Gellia, passed in 72. ‘lhe cognomen Balbus was a very common 
one, appearing in several families, such as the Ampii, Atii, Laelii 
Lucilii, Nonii, Octavii, &c., and possibly was a near equivalent of a 
Punic name;‘ or it may have been a name given to foreigners from 
their imperfect pronunciation of Latin. He adopted the prenomen 
and nomen Lucius Cornelius, perhaps from the L. Cornelius who 
was in old times (about 200 8.0.) a patron of Gades ;° or possibly 


1 Plut. Ant. 63; Dio Cass. 1. 18.6; Suet. Nero’ ὃ fin., (Domitius) transiit ad 
Augustum et in paucis diebus obiit, nonnulia et ipse infamia aspersus. ~Nam Antonius 
eum desiderio amicae Serviliae Naidis transfugisse iactavit. 

2 Suet. Nero 3, (L. Domitius) reliquit filium omnibus gentis suae procul dubio 
praeferendum—which indeed is not saying much for him. 

® The original evidence for the events of the life of Domitius has been collected 
by Drumann, 1115, 24-28. 

4 It has been said that Balbus was the name of a mountain near Carthage, but the 


true reading in Livy xxix. 31. 8, is Bedium. Possibly it should be Belum, connected 
with ‘ Baal.’ 


5 Cic. Balb. 41. 


Ixxii | INTRODUCTION. 


he adopted the nomen from the Cornelius who was joint proposer 
of the law of 72, and the prenomen from the other proposer, 
Lucius Gellius. The view of Manutius (on Att, ix. 7 b. 2), adopted 
by Miinzer in Pauly-Wissowa iv. 1261, attributes it to L. Cornelius 
Lentulus, consul in 49, who may have served in the Sertorian 
War, and recommended Balbus for citizenship. In 346.2, Balbus 
calls him Lentuluwm meum: ep. 354. 2. 

In the year 70, when the censorship was restored, Balbus | 
became a citizen, and was enrolled in one of the city tribes. 
Soon afterwards he accused a member of the aristocratic tribus 
Clustumina of ambitus, and having secured a condemnation, 
obtained, in accordance with the laws, the place in that tribe 
which the convicted man had occupied.1 He soon became so 
intimate with Pompey and his circle, and was so highly esteemed 
by them, that he was adopted by Pompey’s confidential friend, 
Theophanes of Mytilene, who had himself some time previously 
been enfranchised by Pompey.’ 

Balbus had the thoroughly mercantile gift of forming exten- 
sive connexions, and during the years which followed his enfran- 
chisement we may be well assured that he made his mark in Rome. 
Caesar, when he became propraetor of Farther Spain, especially 
perceived in him a valuable assistant, and in 61 he appointed 
Balbus his praefectus fabrum ;? and again in 58, when he became 
proconsul of Gaul, he re-appointed him to that position. As early 
as 60 it would appear that Balbus was in the most intimate con- 
nexion with Caesar ;* and during most of Caesar’s campaigns in 
Gaul he acted as Caesar’s agent at Rome, and as such rapidly rose 
to be a power in the city. He appears to have been one of the 
accusers of L. Valerius Flaccus, whom Cicero defended in 59, and 


1 Cie; Balb. 57. 

‘2 Hence by Capitolinus (Maximus et Balbinus, 7. 3) Balbus is called Balbus 
Cornelius Theofanes: cp. Balb. 56; Att. vil. 7. 6 (298), adoptatum Gaditanum a 
Mitylenaeo. 

> Balbus may have already come into connexion with Caesar during the latter’s 
quaestorship in Spain in 68 B.c. 

* Att. 11. 3. 3 (29), ‘Caesar,’ says Cicero, ‘fully expects me to support his 
agrarian law ’—nam fuit apud me Cornelius—hune dico Balbum, Caesaris familiarem : 
is affirmabat illum omnibus in rebus meo et Pompei consilio usurum daturumque operam 
ut cum Pompeio Crassum coniungeret. 


pipe ΤΕΣ “δι τέσ ἃ αν τ ϑα 


\ 


3 4, LUCIUS CORNELIUS BALBUS. Lxxiii 


strangely, too, to have been subsequently left by Flaccus sole heir 
of his property.’ But, no matter how carefully he endeavoured to 
create no enemies, the influential foreigner could not escape 
being regarded with jealousy by the haughty Roman nobles. 
The result was that an attempt was made to deprive Balbus of 
his Roman citizenship, and thereby to teach the upstart and 
alien to remember that the rod could be laid upon his back; 
and this course had the further object in the feeling that Caesar 
would be annoyed by an outrage perpetrated on his trusty 
dependant.’ 

Balbus was accused in 56 by a fellow-townsman, and defended 
by Pompey, Crassus and Cicero. The speech which Cicero de- 
livered on this occasion is still extant. The prosecutor urged 
mainly two points—(1) that the Gaditanes had a treaty with 
Rome, and such people could not be regarded as having the 
franchise unless their State adopted it ; (2) that, whereas in many 


treaties with other States it was explicitly stated that Rome 


should not have the power to make any of the members of those 
other States citizens, it may be considered as a general rule that 


- Rome has no such power. ‘lo the first point the answer is, that 
it is true that whole communities cannot be regarded as possessing 
_ the citizenship unless they adopt it; but that it does not follow 
that the adoption by the community is necessary to allow indi- 


vidual citizens to accept the grant; and it is quite absurd to 
suppose that Rome is to be debarred, unless in special exceptional 
cases, from bestowing the honour of her citizenship on individual 
foreigners who have done her good service, As regards (2), the 
answer is quite simple, and just the reverse of what the prosecutor 
urged. If Rome is expressly forbidden by treaties to grant 
citizenship to members of certain States, she has perfect liberty 
to grant her franchise in cases where no such restriction is found. 
Now no such restriction is found in the vase of the treaty with 


1 Schol. Bob., p. 228. 15 Or. and Val. Max. vii. 8. 7. 

2 Plin, H. N. vii. 1386, Fuit οὐ Balbus Cornelius maior consul, sed accusatus idque de 
wre virgarum in eum iudice in consilium misso, primus externorum atque etiam in oceano 
genitorum usus illo honore (i.e. consulship), guem maiores Latio quoque negaverint. We 
remember that Marcellus some years later grievously insulted Caesar by actually 
scourging a Transpadane: cp. Att. v. 11. 2 (200). 


VOL. IV. fe 


\ 


Ixxiv INTRODUCTION. 


Gades.! Cicero’s case was a good one, and deservedly successful, 
though not argued quite as lucidly as is Cicero’s wont. But there 
is one point in the speech which is worth remarking, and that is 
the way in which Cicero, while showing that it is pure jealousy 
which has prompted the accusation, yet cannot himself refrain 
from striking a blow at the upstart. ‘Balbus,’ he says, ‘is 
accused of having a landed estate. True, but estates pass by 
purchase to complete strangers, often to men of the very lowest 
rank. Balbus must have winced; but he, doubtless, bore it 
with a patient shrug, for ‘sufferance was the badge of all his 
tribe.’ 

We next hear of Balbus as continuing to be Caesar’s agent in 
Rome, and as furthering the interests of Quintus Cicero® and 
Trebatius,t who were at that time serving under Caesar in Gaul. 
Marcus Cicero says, ‘I regard him as the apple of my eye.” In 
54 Balbus made (as Dr. Reid most acutely sees) two journeys to 
Caesar in Gaul. He was gradually becoming more and more 
attached to Caesar, and drawing away from Pompey. In 51 he 
expostulated with Metellus Scipio, who proposed that the question 
of depriving Caesar of his provinces should .be discussed on the 
Kalends of March, 50.7. In the matter of Cicero’s triumph he 
declared that Curio’s conduct would certainly not meet with the 
approval of Caesar. Just before the Civil War broke out he 
appears to have intended to lay before Scipio certain information 
received from Caesar, and thus to have been in intimate connexion 
with the Pompeians.? At the same time Balbus, as well as 
Caesar, wrote persuasive letters to Cicero, urging him to take 
Caesar’s side, but Cicero would not deviate a finger’s breadth 


1 We need not discuss other very questionable arguments put forward by Cicero, 
such as that a law can override obligations made by treaty. The various intricacies of 
the case are admirably set forth in Dr. Reid’s Introduction to his edition of the speech. 

2 Balb. 56, saepe ad infimos pervenire. 

3 Q. Fr. ii. 10. 4 (133) ; iii. 1. 12 (148). 

Kam. yi. 6. 1 (136); 7. 1 (137); 9.1 (145); 16. 3 (167); 18. 3 (178). 

5 Q. Fr. iii. 1. 9 (148), in oculis fero. 

6 Possibly the letter from Cicero to Caesar, which is found in Nonius 287. 25 (Balbum 
quanti faciam quamque ei me totum dicaverim ex ipso scies), may have been brought to 
Caesar by Balbus in one of these journeys. 

7 Fam. viii. 9. 5 (211): ep. vol III. p. lxxii. 

8. Fam. viii. 11. 2 (267). 9 Att. vii. 4. 2 (295). 


t— 


— 


4, LUCIUS CORNELIUS BALBUS. Ixxv 


- from the honourable course,' though he pretended to be troubled 


about some money he owed Caesar. ‘If I make a brilliant speech 
in the Senate in defence of the constitution, your Tartessian 
friend (Balbus) will meet me at the door, and politely ask me for 
‘payment of that money.” 

We have thus seen Balbus as the agent of Caesar and devoted 
to his interests, but at the same time in friendly connexion with 
decided members of the Pompeian party. ‘l'his capacity for 


Keeping on good terms with both sides, but on the best terms 


with the side which was likely to win, was a gift which Balbus 
(like Atticus) possessed in full measure. Thus, when the rupture 
came, he acted as agent both for Caesar and for Lentulus, the 
consul for 49 (346. 2); and owing to the obligations he was 
under to members of both parties, Caesar magnanimously allowed 
him to take no active part in the war, and to continue to act as 
agent for the Pompeians as well as for himself (354. 2). , 

He frequently corresponded with Cicero, and we have some of 
his letters of this period still extant; also letters which Cicero 
wrote to him and Oppius.? At the end of February, 49, he wrote 
an effusive letter (346) to Cicero, begging him to use his influence 
to bring about peace—a letter by which Cicero thought Balbus 
meant to ridicule him. Some days later, however, Cicero wrote 
to him and Oppius, asking what were Caesar’s real plans with 
regard to the treatment of Pompey. They replied (851) cautiously 
that they did not know, and in the circumstances advised Cicero 
to remain neutral. The letter reads to us sincere; but this 
is not the case with another (written a few days later, about 
March 8th, when they knew that Caesar earnestly desired peace), 
in which Balbus urged Cicero to act as he had done himself, and 


1 Att. vii. 3. 11 (294), Ile (sc. Caesar) mihi litteras blandas mittit : facit idem pro 
40 Balbus : mihi certum est ab honestissima sententia digitum nusquam, 

2 Att. vii. 3. 11 (294). 

3 Gellius xvii. 9. 1-4, says that Caesar used a cypher in writing to his agents— 
Libri sunt epistularum C. Caesaris ad C. Oppium et Balbum Cornelium, qui rebus eius 
absentis curabant. In his epistulis quibusdam in locis inveniuntur litterae singulariae 
sine coagmentis syllabarum quas tu putes positas incondite; nam verba ex his litteris 
confici nulla possunt. rat autem conventum inter eos clandestinum de commutando situ 
litterarum ; ut in scripto quidem alia aliae locum et nomen teneret, sed in legendo locus 
cuigque suus et potestas restitueretur : quaenam vero littera pro qua scriberetur, ante its, 
sicuti dizi, complacebat, gui hane scribendi latebram parabant. 

£2 


Ixxvi | INTRODUCTION. 


to serve two masters ; also to ask Caesar for a special guard, as in © 


the Milonian crisis he had asked for one from Pompey. Balbus 
is characteristically over-effusive in his general statements when 
he says, ‘If I know Caesar at all, I pledge my word that he will 
regard your dignity as more important than his own interests” 
(354, 2). About March 10th Balbus sent Cicero Caesar’s famous 
letter (347) written from Arpi on March Ist, in which he says his 
new plan for victory is to erect the strong bulwarks of mercy and 
generosity. On the 20th of March he wrote to Cicero, declaring 
that he was tortured with anxiety and fear that all negotiations for 
peace would break down (370). Cicero considered this gross 
insincerity, and regarded the obvious adoption by Balbus of 
Caesar’s side as rank ingratitude to Pompey.! After Cicero’s. 


rejection of Caesar’s request to attend the meeting of the Senate | 


on April 1st, he still kept up intercourse with Balbus, and even 
condescended to ask Atticus to clear the mind of Balbus of some 
suspicion he had that Cicero was going to Join Pompey (404. 2). 
But he evidently dishked the man, and was intensely annoyed 
at his efforts to become a senator.’ 

During the following years Balbus still retained the confidence 
of Caesar, and conducted his business in Rome ;* and accordingly,. 


1 371. 8, habeo a Balbo litteras (Ep. 370) quarum ad te exemplum misi; lege, 
quaeso, et illud infimum caput ipsius Balbi optimi, cut Gnaeus noster locum οὐδὲ hortos: 
aedificaret dedit, quem cui nostrum non saepe praetulit 2 Itague miser torquetur. 

2 396. 4, Etiamne Balbus in senatum ire cogitet 2—Schmidt (p. 174) supposes that: 
Balbus is a mistake here for Oppius, who was made a senator about this time: cp.. 
394. 7. He holds that the facts related in Fam. viii. 11. 2 (267), Att. vii. 3. 11 (294); 
prove that Balbus was already a senator. But it is quite possible that a conversation 
between Balbus and Curio, held in the office of the former, may have become public; 
and in the other case, probably Balbus may be regarded as having been among the 
audience who thronged the doors of the senate-house, and who appear to have been able 
to recognize what course proceedings were taking: cp. Fam. x. 2. 1 (788). 
Schmidt’s other supposition (p. 174), that there was a special symbol to express Balbus: 
et Oppius, owing to the frequency with which these names are conjoined, and that 
hence the mistake arose, cannot be accepted until definite proof is adduced that there was. 
such asymbol used in the manuscripts. Far better is Schmidt’s other proposal (p. 177), 
to read in 396. 4 Balbus minor, for this Balbus had not as yet held a magistracy: cp. 
Fam. x. 32. 1 (892). But we see no valid reason for supposing that the elder Balbus. 
was a senator before this time. If he were not a senator, Schmidt’s view (p. 165), 
that the emptus pacificator of 378. 3 was the elder Balbus, can hardly be right; and 
few will follow him in supposing that Reginus in 397. 1 means ‘creature of the 
monarch” (Kénigsknecht), and refers to one of the Balbi. 

3 The Cornelius Balbus mentioned in Caes. B. C. iii. 19. 6 is almost certainly 
Balbus minor: cp. Vell. ii. 51. 3. 


pave 
ΕΠ - 


΄- 


4, LUCIUS CORNELIUS BALBUS. xxvii 


when Cicero returned to Brundisium, he used what influence he 
had with Balbus to obtain lenient treatment from Caesar. Though 
at first the letters of Balbus were reassuring,' he does not appear 
to have done much for Cicero at this time, and, as he was uncertain 
about Caesar’s feelings towards Cicero, he gradually began to — 
hold out less and less hope.? In June, 47, Cicero wrote to 
Balbus and.Oppius, as well as to Antony, asking for permission 
to leave Brundisium; but they were unable to accede to his 
request, as they had no instructions from their master on the 
subject. | 

On Caesar’s return Balbus was doubtless amply rewarded for 
his faithful stewardship, and began to live in a grander style than 
heretofore. Cicero complains that he is building new mansions 
during the crisis of the State—‘for what does le care?’* and 
refers elsewhere to his intemperate habits, whence perhaps the 
gout from which Balbus suffered. When Caesar left for Spain, 
Balbus and Oppius were virtually given complete authority to act 
on his behalf, according to their discretion.® They were almost 
despots; for Caesar was sure to confirm all their acts (478. 1; 
527. 1); so that, however much Cicero instinctively disliked 
Balbus, it was necessary to keep on good terms with him. So he 
frequently wrote to him, received letters from him, and had 
business dealings with him.’ He wrote to him also in the interests 
of many of his friends whose pardon he desired to secure.’ Cicero 
showed him and Oppius the letter to Caesar which he wrote in 
May, 45, and they suggested so many alterations that Cicero 


1418.3: Cicero repeatedly asks Atticus to urge Balbus to press his case with 
Caesar: 420.4; 422.1, 2. 

2423. 1: cp. 429. 2. 

3459.2. On aedificare as a term of reproach cp. Mayor on Juv. xiv. 86. We 
heay of an architect of Balbus, one Corumbus, being expected by Cicero in April, 44, 
ep. Att. xiv. 3. 1 (705). 

4 Fam. ix. 17. 1 (480); vi. 19. 2 (648) ; xvi. 28. 1 (754); Att. xiii. 475. 1 (654). 

5 Fam. vi. 18. 1 (534): ep. Tacitus Ann. xii, 60. 5, C. Oppius et Cornelius Balbus 
primi Caesaris opibus potuere condiciones pacis et arbitria belli tractare. 

6 480.1; Att. xii. 19. 2 (552); 12. 1 (556); 44. 4 (590); xiii, 21. 26 (632) ; 


| 37. 4 (657); 45. 1 (662); 46. 3 (663); 50. 3 (667). 


᾿ 


Τρ.5. 483. 5 (for Nigidius Figulus) ; 490. 2 (for Ampius Balbus); 498, 2 (for 
Ligarius) ; 527. 1 (for Caecina). He does not always specify Balbus and Oppius, 
but they are plainly included in the familiares Caesaris of whom he gives a list in 
490. 2, viz. Pansa, Hirtius, Balbus, Oppius, Matius, (Curtius) Postumus. 


Ixxviii INTRODUCTION. 


decided not to send it at all.1 But they spoke very warmly of 
Cicero’s speech for Ligarius, and sent it to Caesar when published ; 
they showed Cicero a letter of Caesar’s in which he praised the 
style of Cicero’s Cato, and they transmitted to Caesar Cicero’s. 
complimentary remarks on Caesar’s Anti-Cato.? 

Judging from his character and from that of Caesar, we should 
say that there was no truth whatsoever in the story that Balbus. 
induced Caesar not to rise to meet the Senate when the latter 
came to inform him of extravagant honours which they had paid 
him (Plut. Caes. 60; Suet. Iul. 78). It was doubtless a story 
which was invented by the jealousy of his enemies. On the death 
of Caesar the importance of Balbus vanished. But with keen. 
judgment he attached himself to Octavius, and was probably one 
of the first to greet the young man as Caesar.* In the summer 
of 44 he frequently met Cicero in Campania, and afterwards con- 
tinued to write to him from Rome.* During that period we find 
him on confidential terms with the leading Caesareans, and 
especially with Hirtius.’ On one occasion we find Cicero speaking 
severely of his insincerity—‘ Good heavens! how readily you can 
see that he is afraid of peace ; and you know how guarded he is 
(quam tectus), yet for all that he began to tell me the designs of 
Antony. He complained of the hatred felt towards him, and his 
whole speech led me to be believe that he was devoted to Antony 3 
in short, he is utterly insincere’ (quid quaerts ? nihil sinceri).® 

In 40 Balbus was made consud suffectus, and according to Pliny 


1 Att. xili. 27. 1 (603); 28. 2. (604); 31. 3 (607): cp. Vol. V.? pp. xxi, xxil. 

2 Att. xiii. 19. 2 (631); 46. 2 (663); 50. 1 (667). 

3 Att. xiv. 10. 3 (713); 11. 2 (714). 

4 Att. xv. 4b. 5 (735); 5. 2 (737); 6.4 (738) 8.1 (741); 9. 1 (742); xvi 11. 8 
(799). In July of that year Cicero asked Balbus to help him financially: Att. xvi. 
3. 5 (773). 

5 Att. xiv. 20. 4 (727); 21. 4 (728). Balbus urged Hirtius to write a continuation 
of Caesar’s ‘Commentaries on the Gallic War,’ and Hirtius did write the 8th book 
and dedicated it to Balbus. The so-called ‘ Diary of Balbus’ mentioned by Sidonius 
Apollinaris (ix. 14. 7, gui Balbi ephemeridem . . . adaequaverit) has been supposed to 
be this work of Hirtius: cp. Teuffel-Schwabe, § 196.1. But it was rather of the 
nature of memoirs of his time; and hence Capitolinus, Max. et Balb. 7. 3, calls him 
historiae scriptor. Perhaps Suet. Iul, 81 may contain an extract from this diary of 
Balbus. That Balbus liked learned men may be seen from his friendship with Varro 
(470. 1). ΡΗΣ 

6 Att. xiv. 21. 2 (728). 


4, LUCIUS CORNELIUS BALBUS. Ixxix 


he was the first foreigner who attained this dignity.’ He wasa 
close friend of Atticus, and was called along with Agrippa and 
Peducaeus to visit him when near death (Nepos Att. 21. 4). The 
date of his death is unknown. By his will he left all his property 
to the people, 25 denarii to each Roman citizen (Dio Cass. xlviii. 
32. 2). 

Caution was the main characteristic of Balbus. ‘You know 
how guarded he is,’ said Cicero, and to an impulsive and expan- 
sive nature like Cicero’s guardedness often appeared as insincerity. 
He was a thorough man of business, and he always enjoyed the 
full confidence of Caesar. His sound judgment and tact, which 
were troubled with no ideals or ambitions beyond self-advance- 
ment, enabled him to steer his course successfully in a troublous 
time, and to obtain great power and influence. As Miinzer says 
(in PW iv. 1268), Balbus stood to Caesar much as Maecenas did 
to Augustus; but he never attained the same social position or 
had the distinction of Maecenas. Still he was a signally successful 
man. But worldly success is not the main thing to strive for ; 
and we must endorse, in reference to this Balbus, words used by 
Cicero in the same connexion—‘ Ὁ a seeker after truth does it 
not appear that for a man whose aim is pleasure, and not right, 
viait is the word ? ” 


1 Pliny H. N. vii. 186, quoted on p. Ixxiii; Dio Cass. xlviii. 32.2; C. I. L. x. 3854, 
(Capua) L. Cornelio L. [ f.] Balbo cos. patr[ono] d. ὁ. d. (= de conscriptorum decreto). 
In a passage of Vell. ii. 51. 8, which refers mainly to Balbus minor, that man is 
described as one who in triumphum et pontificatum assurgeret fieretque ex privato 
consularis, which seems as if Velleius confused the two men. The elder Balbus was 
the consul, the younger the pontiff and the triumphator—the first foreigner who had 
a triumph, and the last private man who was granted that honour. Groag (in PW 
iv. 1270), however, thinks that it is more probable that the younger Balbus was 
enrolled among the consulares by Augustus than that Velleius blundered. It is to 
this Balbus minor, who governed Spain about 40 or 39, that the Spanish coin which 
has Balbus pro pr. belongs. The club on this coin refers to the Hercules of Gades : 
see Babelon i. 429. 

2 459. 2, Verum si quaeris, homini non recta sed voluptaria guaerentt nonne 


 BeBlwrar? 


Ixxx INTRODUCTION. 


5. Gaius OPppius. 


The shadow follows the man. The junior partner of Balbus, 
the Spaniard, appears to have been the Roman knight, Gaius 
Oppius. He is nearly always mentioned in connexion with 
Balbus; but in 54 he is mentioned by himself as a friend of 
Caesar’s: cp. Att. iv. 16.8 (144); Q. Fr. 111. 1. 8, 10, 18 (148), 
and, as has been noticed, there was some talk of his being made a 
senator in May, 49.1 We hear of a conversation which he alone 
had with Atticus in June, 47 ;? but elsewhere during these years 
he is always mentioned along with Balbus. ‘They would seem to 
have dissolved partnership after the death of Caesar, for they 
appear to have separately espoused the cause of Octavian,’ and we 
find references to Oppius without Balbus at this time.* Cicero, 
just before starting for Greece in July, 44, wrote a most admirably 
phrased letter to him, expressing gratitude for the many services 
which Oppius had done him during his chequered life, and especially 
for his friendship since the death of Caesar, and asking Oppius to 
look after his interests.© Oppius appears to have written a ‘ very 
kind’ (perhumana) letter in reply. He urged Cicero strongly 
in the autumn of 44 to support the cause of Octavian and the 
veterans.’ Oppius was something of a literary man; and in the 
second century the credit of having written the treatises on the 
Alexandrian, African, and Spanish wars was divided between him 
and Hirtius.6 There is some reason to allow this as regards the 
account of the Alexandrian War; but the books on the African 
and Spanish Wars were written by men of quite inferior culture, 
and actual participants in those campaigns.’ Oppius is said to 


1 394. 7: cp. 396.4. Yetsee Tacitus Ann. xii. 60. 5, quoted on p. Ixxvii, note 5. 
2 439.2; 484. 2. 
3 Att. xiv. 10. 3 (713); xvi. 15. 8 (807). 


4 Att. xvi. 2. 5 (772), ne necesse habueris reddere litteras . .. Oppio quidem utique, 


quem tibt amicissimum cognovrt. 

5 Fam. xi. 29. 3 (762). It looks as if those interests were financial, as Atticus is 
to tell him what they were: cp. Cicero’s request to Balbus, Att. xvi. 3. 5 (773). We 
find that Cicero previously had money dealings with Oppius, Att. v. 1. 2 (184); 
4. 3 (187). 

6 Att. xvi. 12 1 (800). 7 Att. xvi. 15. 3 (807). 8 Suet. Tul. 56. 1. 

9 Cp. Teuffel (ed. Schwabe), § 197. 3, 6. If Hirtius did not compose the account 


6. TITUS AMPLIUS BALBUS. Ixxxi 


have also written lives of Scipio Africanus, Marius, Cassius, 
Pompey,! and Caesar. From the latter work Suetonius and 
Plutarch appear to have derived some of the materials for their 
biographies.? Plutarch, in his Life of Caesar (c. 17: ep. Suet. 
Tul. 72), tells a pretty story relative to this Oppius—‘ Once upon 
a journey Caesar was driven by a storm to seek shelter in a poor 
man’s cabin, where he found only one room, barely able to hold a 
single person. Turniug to his friends, he said that, while honours 
should be given to the noble, necessaries should be given to the 
feeble, and ordered Oppius to sleep in the room, while he and 
his companions slept in the porch of the door.’ 


6. Tirus Ampius BaLBus. 


This headstrong man was tribune in 63, but, though supported 
by Pompey, did not gain the aedileship. He was praetor in 59, 
and was proconsul of Asia in 57.2 He was a devoted satellite 
of Pompey’s, and, along with Labienus, had proposed that at the 
games Pompey should wear a golden crown, and the triumphal 
dress, and in the theatre the toga praetexta and a laurel crown.’ 
When the Civil War broke out in 49, he was so very vigorous in 
raising a levy for Pompey, that he was called the Clarion of the 
Civil War (tuba belli civilis).? Next year we hear of his endea- 
vouring to plunder the ‘'emple of Diana at Ephesus, but he was 
prevented by Caesar’s approach; yet he was pardoned by Caesar 
in 46, through the intercession of Cimber, Pansa, and Cicero.° 
Cicero (509) speaks of the friendly relations between himself and 


of the Alexandrian War, the author was probably Oppius. W6lfflin-Miodonski in 


‘their ed. of Bell. Afr. suppose that Asinius Pollio edited what material Caesar had 


left, and himself composed Bell. Africum. The question of the authorship of these 
commentaries is not yet settled. See also Schanz, § 122. 

1Cp. Plut. Pomp. 10, where he tells of a deed of treacherous cruelty done by 
Pompey ; but Plutarch adds that one must be cautious about believing Oppius when 
he speaks about friends or enemies of Caesar. 

2 Plutarch (Caes. 17) also relates on the authority of Oppius that Caesar practised 
himself in dictating letters, even when riding, to more than two scribes. Oppius also 
wrote a book to prove that Caesar was not the father of Cleopatra’s son Caesarion 
(Suet. Iul. 43). 

3 Plane. 25 and Schol. Bob. p. 257 ed. Or.; Fam. i. 3. 2 (97); iii. 7. 5 (244) and 
note there. 
4 Vell. ii. 40. 4. 5 327.2; 490. 3. 6 Caes. B. C. iii. 105 ; 490. 2. 


]xxxil INTRODUCTION. 


Ampius; and commends his freedman Menander to Servilius 
Isauricus, Governor of Asia, in 47. His wife was called Eppuleia 
(490. 3). His name appears in two decrees of the Senate of the 
year 49 quoted by Josephus Ant. xiv. 229, 238, where Borghesi 
corrected “Amwmioc to ΓΑμπιος. Ampius appears to have written 
biographies of eminent men, and Suetonius notices a very violent 
statement of Caesar’s, which, he says, was recorded by T. Ampius.* 
He was engaged in some lawsuit at some uncertain date in which 
Pompey and Cicero spoke on his behalf (Cic. Leg. ii. 6). At 
what time Cicero wrote the speech for T. Ampius noticed by 
Quintilian (111. 8. 50) is not clearly ascertained. 


7. CAERELIIA. 


Caerellia was a wealthy and cultivated lady, with whom 
Cicero was on intimate terms of friendship. We read that she 
copied out the De Finibus, having apparently obtained that 
work, against Cicero’s wishes, from the copyists of Atticus.? 
When introducing her to Servilius, Cicero calls her ‘ my intimate 
friend’ (necessaria). She was very rich, and had property even in 
Asia.’ Cicero appears to have borrowed some money from her, 
which Atticus thought was inconsistent with his dignity.‘ 


1490. 5; Suet. Iul. 77, nihil esse rempublicam, appellationem modo sine corpore 
ac specie. Sullam nescire litteras qui dictaturam deposuerit. Ὁ 

2 Att. xiii. 21. 5 (632); 22. 3 (635). 

3 Fam. xiii. 72 (511). 

4 Att. xii. 51. 3 (598). It was absurdly supposed in later ages that Cicero had 
an intrigue with her, though she was reputed to be seventy years of age: cp. Calenus 
in Dio Cass. xlvi. 18. 4, οὐδ᾽ ἐκείνην (Publiliam) μέντοι κατέσχες ἵνα Κερελλίαν ἐπ᾽ 
ἀδείας ἔχῃς, ἣν τοσούτῳ πρεσβυτέραν σαυτοῦ οὖσαν ἐμοιχεύσας bow νεωτέραν τὴν κόρην 
ἔγημας, πρὸς ἣν καὶ αὐτὴν τοιαύτας ἐπιστολὰς γράφεις οἵας ἂν γράψειεν ἀνὴρ σκωπτόλη“. 
ἀθυρόγλωσσος πρὸς yuvaika ἑβδομηκοντοῦτιν πληκτιζόμενος. Cicero undoubtedly 
carried on a correspondence with Caerellia (Quintil. vi. 3. 112), and it is argued that. 
in Ausonius Idyll. 13 (p. 118, ed. Peiper) we should read meminerint eruditi in 
praeceptis Ciceronis (MS. omnibus) exstare severitatem, in epistulis ad Caerelliam 
subesse petulantiam. But this charge is sufficiently refuted, if refutation is needed, 
by the fact that Publilia, Cicero’s second wife, whom he divorced so unfeelingly, asked 
Caerellia to reconcile her to Cicero (Att. xv. 1. 4 (730): cp. xiv. 19. 4 (725)). 


8. QUINTUS LIGARIUS. Lxxxiib 


8. Quintus Ligarius. 


Quintus Ligarius was a Sabine by extraction.’ We first hear 
of him in 50 as legatus of C. Considius Longus in Africa. On 
the departure of Considius to stand for the consulship, Ligarius 
took temporary command of the province when the Civil War 
broke out. Inasmuch as L. Aelius Tubero,? the governor appointed 
by the Senate, did not come, while a former propraetor of Africa, 
P. Attius Varus, who had been defeated by Caesar near Auximum,. 
did come, and was warmly received by the provincials, Ligarius. 
received the latter, acknowledged him as governor, and finally, 
when Tubero at last arrived, would not allow him to set foot in 
the province, or even to land his son who was suffering from some 
illness, or to take in water.* Hence arose a bitter enmity between 
Tubero and Ligarius. 

In 49 Ligarius fought with Varus against C. Curio; and in 
46 against Caesar at T‘hapsus. Caesar pardoned him, but refused 
to allow him to return to Italy.* A scholiast, cited by Gronovius, 
in a graphic introduction to the Pro Ligario, says that Caesar 
was especially hostile to his enemies in Africa, not only because 
they brought him into serious peril, but principally because he 
considered that they were fighting, not from devotion to Pompey, 
but from sheer obstinacy.? The two brothers of Ligarius and his. 
uncle ‘I’. Brocchus, as well as Cicero, were earnest in their efforts 
to secure his restoration. In an audience which was granted 
them on November 26th, 46, Caesar spoke very courteously, but 
refused their petition,’ deciding apparently that the case of 


1 Cic, Lig. 32. 

2 Cicero B.C. i. 380. 2. We hear of L. Aclius Tubero in Cicero’s letter to- 
Quintus i. 1, 10 (30) as a historian. 

* Caes. i. 31. 2, 3;, Pomponius in Dig. i. 2. 2. 46. 

4 Bell, Afr. 89. 5: cp. Ep. 489. 3. 

> Orelli, p. 415 (Stangl 291. 22), guia iam non pro Pompeio pugnabant sed pertinacia = 
unde inexorabilis vel maxime fuerat his qui in Africa contra Caesarem <arma> sump- 
serant, according to a probable restoration: cp. Ep. 489. 3, Africanae causae iratior 
diutius velle videtur eos habere solilicitos a quibus se putat diuturnioribus esse molestiis. 
conflictatum. 

6 Fam, vi. 14. 2 (498), 


IxXxxiv INTRODUCTION. : 
ἢ 
Ligarius should come to a formal trial. Accordingly, shortly — 
afterwards Quintus,! the son of L. Tubero, prosecuted Ligarius on 
a charge of perduellio for his conduct in Africa? The charge was , 
that Ligarius, by persisting in continuing the war after the death — 
of Pompey, had virtually taken the side of Juba, a foreign king, 
against tome.’ Cicero defended him in a tactful and eloquent 
speech, which is extant. It is the only example among Cicero’s 
orations of an appeal for mercy (deprecatio).4 It succeeded in 
moving Caesar so effectually, that he allowed Ligarius to return.® 
In the Caesarean circle Cicero’s speech for Ligarius was regarded 


as a masterpiece,’ and in after ages it was held in the highest 


esteem, as we may judge from the many quotations which are 
made from it by Quintilian.’ ἢ 


Φ 

1 For the subsequent distinction of Quintus Tubero as a lawyer, see Pomponius 
in Digest i. 2. 2. 46. 

2 The scholiast is fairly vivid here—Cum Caesar vellet paene ignoscere surrexit 
Tubero cut iam indulgentiam dederat et divit ‘In Africa fuit’; scit enim quia eos 
snaxime exsecrabatur qui in Africa fuerant. 

3 Quintilian xi. 1. 80, Tudero iuvenem se patri haesisse, illum a senatu missum non 
ad bellum sed ad frumentum coemendum ait, ut primum licuertt, a partibus recessisse : 
Ligarium et perseverasse et non pro On. Pompeio, inter quem et Caesarem dignitatis 

JSuerit contentio, cum salvam uterque remp. vellet, sed pro Iuba atque Afris inimicissiinis 
populo Romano stetisse. This is a strong point, and Cicero does not deal with it. Cicero 
himself highly disapproved of Juba being brought into the war: 464. 3; 470. 3: ep. 
418. 2 (where see note) ; 420. 3. 

+ Pomponius (ὦ. 6.) calls it puleherrima. 

5 Plutarch gives a most graphic account of Cicero’s speech (Cic. 39)—‘ There is a 
story too that, when Quintus Ligarius was put on trial for being one of Caesar’s 
enemies, and Cicero was his advocate, Caesar said to his friends, ‘‘ Why should we not 
hear a speech of Cicero’s after a long time, since Ligarius has been long since adjudged 
a villain and an enemy?’’ But when Cicero, at the commencement of his speech, 
began to move him in a remarkable manner, and the oration, as it went on, was varied 
in emotions and wondrous in charm (πάθει Te ποικίλος καὶ χάριτι θαυμαστὸς), Caesar’s 
face often changed colour, and he was evidently subject to every possible movement of 
mind. But when finally the orator touched on the Battle of Pharsalia, Caesar’s 
emotions got the better of him (ἐκπαθῆ γενόμενον), his body trembled, and he let some 
papers fall from his hands. Accordingly he acquitted Ligarius of the charge per- 
force (βεβιασμένος).᾽ Drumann (vi. 273, note 70) speaks of this as a ‘legend,’ and 
supposes that Caesar induced Tubero to attack Ligarius in order that he (Caesar) 
might pardon Ligarius, and so acquire popularity, which he needed now that he was 
on the point of leaving for the Spanish campaign. 

6 Att. xiii. 19. 2 (631). Ligarianam, ut video, praeciare auctoritas tua commendavit. 
Seripsit enim ad me Balbus et Oppius mirifice se probare, ob eamque causam ad Caesarem 
eam 86 oratiunculam misisse. ' 

7 He quotes sixteen passages, many of them more than once (see Halm’s Index). 


9. AULUS CAECINA. lxxxv 


Ligarius was thus allowed to return, but he ‘bore Caesar 
hard’; so, like a true Roman noble, he accepted the favour, but 
repaid it by conspiracy against his generous opponent.’ Plutarch 
(Brut. 11) tells a story, which Shakespeare has introduced into 
Julius Caesar (ii, 1. 310 ff.) that at the time of the conspiracy 
Ligarius was lying ill in bed, and that Brutus, having come to 
visit him, said, ‘ Ligarius, at what a time you are sick.’ Straight- 
way raising himself on his elbow, and laying hold of the hand of 
Brutus, Ligarius answered, ‘ But if you, Brutus, are designing 
anything worthy of yourself, I am well.’ It would appear that 
Ligarius perished during the proscriptions. The gruesome story 
of the deaths of several of the Ligarii is told by Appian, B. C. iv. 
22, 23. Most probably Q, Ligarius was one of them, One 
relative, Publius Ligarius, had been put to death by Caesar because, 
after having been released when he surrendered with Afranius in 


Spain in 49, he again took up arms against Caesar (Bell. Afr. 
64. 1). 


9, AuLUS CAECINA. 


Aulus Caecina, the correspondent of Cicero, was son of the 
Caecina, or Ceicna, of Volaterrae in Etruria, whose case Cicero 
conducted in 69 in the speech Pro Caecina, which has come down 
to us. This younger Caecina fought on the side of Pompey, and 
after the African campaign was granted his life by Caesar,’ but 
he was not allowed to return to Italy, most probably because 
during the war he wrote a violent invective against Caesar. 
Caesar bore this, says Suetonius, as any ordinary citizen would 


bear it; but this is questionable,* for Caesar was, as Mr. Jeans 


justly says, at this time more afraid of republican writers than of 
republican warriors, Caecina wrote a most abject palinode, which 


he called his ‘ Remonstrances’ ;* but Caesar apparently did not 


ᾧ 
ἔ 


Ἷ 


1 Appian, B. C. ii. 113, * Bell. Afr. 89. 5. 

3 Suet. ul. 75.5, Aulique Caecinae criminosissimo libro et Pitholai carminibus male- 
dicentissimis laveratam existimationem suam civili animo tulit. 

4 488, 8, Liber Querelarum. Wieland supposes that this was a collection of poems, 


like Ovid’s Zristia; Teuffel (δ 199. 5) says it was a prose work, poseibly in the form 


i 
i 
ἦ 


of a letter to Caesar. Schanz (ᾧ 201, 2) also holds that it was in prose. This is 


probable from the contrast with the poems of Pitholaus in Suetonius, 7. ὁ. 


Ixxxvi . INTRODUCTION... 


pay any heed to the work, notwithstanding the anxious care with 
which it was composed,' for he did not allow him to return to 


Italy. During the latter part of 46 Caecina was in Sicily, and — 
Cicero wrote for him a commendatory letter to Furfanius, the” 


proconsul of that province.? Early in 45 Caecina left for Asia, 
‘as he was not allowed to remain any longer so near Rome as 
Sicily, and Cicero gave him a letter of introduction to Servilius 


the governor.® We read of a Caecina who was in Rome in 43, 


a 
4 
4 
Ἵ 


but that may have been his son. Nothing more is known — 


about the life of Caecina. Besides his ‘ Remonstrances,’ Caecina 
was author of a work on the Etruscan system of augury (De 
Etrusca disciplina), which is mentioned by Pliny,’ from which 
Seneca quotes passages about the different kinds of flashes of 
lightning. Cicero wrote to Caecina three extant letters—Fam vi. 
5 (533), 6 (488), ὃ (527), and Caecina wrote one to Cicero, v1. 
7 (832). 


10. Marcus Craupius MARcELLUS. 


Marcus Marcellus may, perhaps, have been quaestor along with 
Cato in 65. In 63 he apprised Cicero of plots of the Catilinarians 
against his life (Cic. Cat. i. 21). He may have been candidate 
for the curule aedileship in 56, but apparently he was not a very 
vigorous canvasser, for Cicero, who was his next-door neighbour, 
complained that at the time of his candidature his snoring was so 


loud that it was quite audible.” In 56 he defended Milo ona 


1 532. 8, 4, a long passage well worth reading. 
2 Fam. vi. 9 (628). ; 


3 Fam. xiii. 66 (506). Caecina appears to have had some banking business in | 


Asia: 506.2; 527. 2. 

4 Fam. x. 25. 3 (880): for Caecina’s son cp. 488. 13. The Caecina quidam Vola- 
terranus in Att. xvi. 8. 2 (797) can hardly have been this young Caecina. 

5 Hist. Nat. i. 10, p. 10, ed. Jan. : ep. Cic. Fam. vi. 5. 3 (488) ; Seneca, Quaest. 
Nat. ii. 39 ff.: Pliny ii. 137 ff. Caecina was an authority in this department of 


study. 


6 Plut. Cat. min. 18. We are there told, what is surprising, that when Marcellus — 


was by himself he was easily led by others through false shame (ὑπ᾽ αἰδοῦς), and 
required Cato to keep him from being misled. Possibly this statement might refer to 


some other Marcellus. ᾿ 
7 Att. iv. 8. 5 (92), Marcellus candidatus ita stertebat ut ego vicinus audirem. But 


this may, perhaps, be the C. Marcellus who was afterwards consul in 50, who was in 


that year, 57, a candidate for the aedileship. 


10. MARCUS CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS. | 1xxxvii 


charge of vis brought by Clodius.' In 54 he, with five other 
advocates, defended Scaurus,? and he appeared for Milo in 52 
when he was accused de ambitu before Aulus Torquatus.* In 
Milo’s trial for the murder of Clodius he also was one of his 
defenders, and cross-examined witnesses We have already 
given an account’ of his actions from his consulship in 51 to the 
outbreak of the Civil War, 49. He left Italy with Pompey, not 
very willingly, and was no very zealous prosecutor of the war. 
He did not consider that Pompey’s generalship was good or that he 
had a sufficient number of troops or troops of the right sort. He 
and his cousin, C. Marcellus, would have remained in Italy, says 
Cicero (353. 4), had they not feared the sword of Caesar. After 
the Battle of Pharsalia he gave up the struggle, and retired to 
Mytilene, where he studied philosophy under Cratippus the 
Peripatetic.’ The scene in the Senate at which the return of 
Marcellus was voted has been already described (p. lix). He 
does not appear to have been very anxious to return, as may be 
seen both from his letter of thanks to Cicero, and also by the fact 
that he did not make any haste to leave Mytilene.® On his 


τ Fx, i.os 2 (102). 

2 Asconius 18, ed. KS = 20 ed Clark. 

3 Asconius 34 KS = 39 Clark. 

4 Asconius 30. 35 KS = 34. 40 Clark. 

5 Vol. III, Introd., ὁ 3, pp. lxvii—-xcix, ed. 2. 

5 Cp. 486. 2, Sed idem etiam illa vidi neque te consilium civilis belli ita gerendi nec 
copias Cn. Pompei nec genus exercitus probare semperque summe difidere. No doubt he 
considered that Pompey’s forces were too heterogeneous; as, indeed, they were: cp. 
Caes. B. C. iii. 3 and 4. 

7 Cic. Brut. 250, Vidi (sc. Brutus) enim Mytilenis nuper virum atque, ut dixi, vidi 


plane virum. Itaqueeum eum antea tui (sc. Ciceronis) similem in dicendo viderim, tum 


vero nunc ὦ doctissimo viro tibique, ut intellexi, amicissimo Cratippo instructum omni copia 
mulio videbam similiorem; Senec. ad Helv. 9. 4, Brutus in eo libro quem de virtute 
composuit (this work was dedicated to Cicero, Fin. i. 8; Tusc. v. 1) ait se Marcellum 
vidisse Mytilenis exulantem et, quantum modo natura hominis pateretur, beatissime 


 wiventem neque umquam cupidiorem bonarum artium quam illo tempore ; ttaque adicit 


Ss τς anno ele pits 


visum sibi se magis in exilium ire qui sine illo rediturus esset, quam illum in exilio 


relingui. O fortunatiorem Marcellum eo tempore quo exilium suum Bruto adprobavit 


quam quo reipublicae consulatum! The rest of the chapter, too, is worth reading. 

8 496.2; 536. 1. 7.5. Bossier (Cicéron et ses Amis, p. 286) notices that the reason 
for the very pressing manner in which Cicero urges Marcellus to return was that if 
many eminent Pompeians returned to Rome and acquiesced in Caesar’s supremacy, less 
fensure would fall on those who, like Cicero himself, had already accepted the 
victor’s clemency. 


Ixxxvili INTRODUCTION. 


journey home he was murdered in the Piraeus by one Magius Cilo,. 
in May, 45. Servius Sulpicius relates in a letter to Cicero the. 
circumstances of the murder.’ Servius had his body burned in the 
Academy at Athens, and got the Athenians to raise a marble 
monument to him there. 

Marcellus appears to have been an average specimen of the 
better class of ltoman aristocrat, respectable, ponderous, and in a. 


a ΕΞ 


measure capable, but intolerant, hard, and somewhat ungracious. 


Caelius says he was slow and inefficient,’ and Cicero gives as a 
reason why Magius Cilo murdered Marcellus, that Cilo, being in 
debt, made some request to Marcellus, and that the latter, true to 
his character, replied with considerable determination.’ Cicero 
says he was a most excellent orator, and he is one of the few 
then living orators mentioned in the Brutus. 


11. Pusuius Nicipius Figuuus. 


Nigidius Figulus was considered the most learned man in 
Rome after Varro.2 He was the chief exponent of what was 
called the New Pythagoreanism, and was especially distinguished 
in physical science and astronomy, which studies, however, with 
him degenerated into magic and astrology. Apuleius relates that 
by means of incantations he inspired certain boys so that they 
were able to indicate where certain stolen money was.’ Lucan 
(i. 639 ff.) intreduces him as making a long astrological speech at 
the beginning of the Civil War. Nigidius, however, was not a 
mere ancient Paracelsus. He felt it to be the Roman’s and the 


1 Fam. iv. 12 (613), where see notes. 

2 Fam. viii. 10. 3 (226), Nosti Marcellum quam tardus et parum efficax sit. 

3 Att. xiii. 10. 3 (624), credo eum petisse Marcello aliquid, et illum, ut erat, 
constantius respondisse. 

4 Brut. 250, lectis utitur verbis et frequentibus sententiis et splendore vocis et digni- 
tate motus fit speciosum et inlustre quod dicit : omniaque sic suppetunt ut et nullam 
deesse virtutem oratoris putem. Dio Cass. (xl. 58,3) says he was elected consul διὰ τὴν 
τῶν λόγων δύναμιν. 7 

5 Gell. iv. 9. 1. 

6 Suet. Aug. 94. 5; Dio Cass. xlv. 1, 3; Apuleius Apol. 42; Mommsen, R. H. 
iv. (2) 562-8; Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen 111, (2), p. 109, ed. 4; Teuffel- 
Schwabe, § 170; Schanz, § 181. 


12, SERVIUS SULPICIUS RUFUS. lxxxix 


| Pythagorean’s duty to take an active part. in public life, ‘and thus 
he rendered’ good service to Cicero) during: the Catilinarian con- 
| spiracy, took a vigorous part. in polities, and was praetor in 58. 
He stood with Pompey in the Civil War, and died in exile, 45. 
In 46 Cicero wrote him a very elaborate letter of consolation (483), 
in which he holds out some faint hope of restoration, and promise 
to use all his efforts to effect that end. 

We fancy that the man was much greater than his studies. 
His works on grammar, according to Gellius, were too obscure and 
‘minute to be useful, and his etymologies were especially absurd, 
eg. he derived frater from fere alter.2 However, Cicero speaks 
warmly of him, and considers him to have been an acute and 
hard-working investigator of the more recondite departments of 
nature.’ 


12, Servius Surpicius RuFus. 


Servius Sulpicius Rufus, of the Lemonian tribe, was born in 105. 
His father was of equestrian rank, but his grandfather was an 
ordinary citizen. He early devoted himself to the study of oratory 
and law, and, along with Cicero, attended the lectures of Molon 
at Rhodes. On his return to Rome he directed his attention 
especially to jurisprudence, choosing to be first in this secondary 
porenit rather than second in the primary department of oratory.° 


1 Sull. 42 ; Plut. Cic. 20; Att.-ii. 2.3 {28); Ὁ. Fr. i. 2. 16 (53). 

2 Att. vil. 24 (323). 

3 Gell. xiii. 10.4: cp. xvii. 7.5; xix. 14. 3, where ere are given of his 
discussions. See also Hertz, Index to Gellius, Vol. II, p. 475. The learned editor of 
his fragments, A. Swoboda, confesses that they are disappointing. 

4 Tim. 1, Fuit enim vir ilie cum ceteris artibus quae quidem dignae libero essent 
ornatus omnibus tum dcer investigator et diligens earum rerum quae a natura involutae 
videntur. 

5 Brut. 151, videtur mihi in secunda arte primus esse maluisse quam in prima 
secundus. Pomponius, in the Digest (1, 2, 2, 43), says that his deep study of juris- 

prudence arose from a rebuke administered by Mucius Scaevola for his. ignorance in 
- failing to understand a legal opinion which Mucius had given him: Sulpicius was 
quite the foremost lawyer of his own day: cp. Cic. Leg. i. 17, αὖ e0 uno nune ius civile 
summa auctoritate et-scientia sustinetur. .We have.a decision which he. gave in the 
causa Siliana, Fam, vii.'21 (760). . He was also a tolerable speaker and well versed in 
_ literature. (Brut. 153). Three speeches of his. were extant in Quintilian’s time (x. 
_ 7.30). Besides the speech against Murena; ‘his speech in: defence of Aufidia against 
i Messalla was especially famous: cp. Quintil. vi; 1..20; x.1. 22, 116. 
εἰ VOL. IV. 


ξ 


ΧΟ INTRODUCTION. 


But he did not shrink from political life, and in 74 was quaestor 
of Ostia, and in 65 praetor: during the tenure of this office he 
presided over the court for peculation.' In 63 he stood for the con-, 
sulship, but was defeated by Licinius Murena, probably owing his 
failure to the bribery of the latter. At any rate, Sulpicius and 
Cato prosecuted Murena for bribery. Cicero defended Murena in 


a lively speech, which is still extant, and obtained his acquittal, 


virtually by the argument that the State required men of action, 
like Murena, in the crisis of the Catilinarian conspiracy, rather 
than students of the stamp of Sulpicius.2 He was mentioned as 
a possible candidate for the consulship for 58: ep. Att. ii. 5, 2 (32). 
We hardly hear again of Sulpicius till 52, when, as Interrex, he 
nominated Pompey as sole consul.? In 51 he at length attained 
to the consulship, but showed no particular activity in that 
magistracy ;* Cicero complained that he prevented the raising of 
reinforcements in Italy for the armies of Cicero and Bibulus.* 
During the early part of the Civil War Sulpicius was one of 
those undecided Pompeians who left Rome with the other senators, 
but very soon returned to the city ; and he attended Caesar’s senate 
of April 1st,° but he appears to have spoken with some freedom 
there.” He had both correspondence and some interviews with 
Cicero during April and May.’ The son of Sulpicius, ike many 
young men of the time, threw himself energetically into Caesar’s 
cause, and served with the army that blockaded Brundisium.® 
For this Sulpicius incurred much odium with the Pompeians, 
though the blame was due possibly rather to Postumia, the restless 
and energetic wife of Sulpicius. On May 8th Sulpicius had an 


1 Cic. Muren. 18. 42. 

2 See Mr. Heitland’s admirable Introduction to his edition of the ὅκα ἢ for 
Murena. 

3 Asconius 31 KS = 36 Clark. 

4 Itemque Servius, quam cunctator, says Caelius, Fam. viii. 10. ὃ (226). 

5 Fam. iii. 3. 1 (191). 

6 398.3; 381. 2. 

7 387. 1 and note. See also Dr. Sihler, Cicero of Arpinum, p. 314, note. 

8 Epp. 387 and 389, addressed to Servius. Postumia and young Servius desired 
that Cicero and the elder Servius should have a meeting: 393. 3; 395. 3; 398.4, 
Servium exspecto nec ab eo quidquam ὑγιές ; 400. 1, Servius . . . postridie ad me sini 
Ne diutius te teneam nullius consilt exitum invenimus: cp. 401. 1. 

9 376.2; 377.2; 381.2; 388.2; 400.3. _ 


ee Cg a ρα τ ee Ty 


12, SERVIUS SULPICIUS RUFUS. 'χοὶ 


interview with Cicero, who appears to have despised him somewhat 
for his timidity, his tears, and his desire ‘to die in his bed’ ;! but 


‘the man of law was positive on one point, that if the exiles were 
restored he would leave Italy, and go into exile. 


After the Battle of Pharsalia Sulpicius lived at Samos, and 
Brutus attended lectures which he gave there on the connexion of 
pontifical with civil law.” In 46 Caesar set him over the province 
of Achaea. He was no doubt far from being satisfied with his 
position, as there were many Pompeians in Greece who could give 
him trouble.2 While he was there Cicero wrote him several 
letters of introduction.« We have also two letters written by 
Servius to Cicero from Athens during his administration there— 
one the celebrated letter of consolation on the death of Tullia 
(Fam. iv. 5, Ep. 555); the other the account of the murder of 
Marcellus (Fam. iv. 12, Ep. 613). 

Times of trouble and excitement were not at all suited to 
Sulpicius, and accordingly we find him plunged in grief and 
alarm at the events which occurred after the murder of Caesar. 
His proposal that no law containing any decree or grant of Caesar 
be posted after the Ides of March was well received. Towards 
the end of May he endeavoured to bring about some compromise 
between the contending parties, in a manner which Cicero ridiculed.” 
His high character and the universal respect in which he was held 
led to his being selected with two others, by the Senate, as 
ambassadors to Antony, when the latter was encamped before 
Mutina, in January, 43. Sulpicius, though in ill-health, went on 


1 Att. x. 14.1 (400), Nunquam vidi hominem perturbatiorem metu... Atque haec 
ita multis cum lacrimis loguebatur ut ego mirarer eas tam diuturna miseria non exaruisse 
. . . § 9, sed est tardus ad exeundum ‘ multo 86 in suo lectulo malle quidguid foret’.... 
Unum illud firmissime adseverabat, si damnati restituerentur, in exsilium se iturum. 

2 Brut. 156. 

3 Bardt compares his serving under Caesar to the action of the half-hearted jurist 
Whitelocke who went as Cromwell’s ambassador to Christina of Sweden. 

4 Fam. xiii. 17-28 a (512-524). 

5 Att. xiv. 18. 3 (726) in May, Servius proficiscens quod desperanter tecum locutus 
est minime miror, neque et quidquam in desperatione concedo; 19. 4 (725), Servi 
orationem cognosco ; in qua plus timoris video quam consili. 

* Pri.’ i. 9: 

7 Att. xv. 7 (739), Servius vero pacificator cum librartolo suo videntur obisse lega- 
Lionem et omnis captiunculas pertimescere. 


gz 


=i want - 


'ΧΟΙΪ _ INTRODUCTION, |’ 


the embassy, but died before he could return. Pansa. proposed 
that he should be honoured with a public funeral, and that: his 
statue should be erected on the Rostra ; and Cicero, in supporting ' 
that proposal, pronounced an meaieit panegyric on. his old - 
friend, which has come down to us as the Ninth Philippic. This — 
panegyric was thoroughly sincere; and Cicero, in letters written 
after the death of Sulpicius, deplored the serious loss which the 
republican party had sustained by his death. 

Sulpicius was a man of peace, and, like Pegasus fdas 
Domitian, was a most excellent and a most upright interpreter of 
the laws; but he thought that in those dreadful times all matters 
should be treated by Justice without her sword.2 He was a very 
great jurist, and his legal writings were most important and 
extensive.» Mr. Long, in the Dict. Biogr. (11. 947), has a very 
warm encomium on him, and concludes by expressing as his 
opinion that ‘perhaps of all the men of his age, or of any age, he 
was, as an orator, a jurist, and an advocate, without an equal or 
a rival.’ 


13. AuLtus Manuius TorQuatus. 


The Aulus ‘Torquatus to whom Cicero addresses the first four | 
letters of the sixth book ad Familiares was perhaps son of the A. 
Torquatus who was propraetor of Africain 77.4. He was president 
of the court before which Milo was tried,’ and so was probably | 
praetor.’ He appears to have shown Cicero considerable kindness | 
at the time of his exile; but when governor of Cilicia Cicero was | 
compelled, on principle, to refuse a request which 'orquatus made, 
that a friend of his, who was a negotiator, should be made a prefect 


1 Fam. x. 28. 8 (819); xii. 5. 3 (821). 
2 Juvenal iv. 79: 
Optimus atque 
Interpres legu sanctissimus omnia, quamquam 
Temporibus diris, tractanda putabat anerms 
LTustitia. 
3 Op. Dig. 1. 2. 2, 43, 44; Teuffel- Schwabe, δ 174, 2-4 ; Schanz, § 198. 
4 Cic. Plane. 27. 
5 Ascon. pp. 34, 48 KS (= 39, 54 Clark). 
© Yet cp. Mommsen, St. R. ii.? 92, note 4. 


14. PUBLIUS SERVILIUS VATIA ISAURICUS. xciii: 


in Cicero’s province.!’: In January, 49, he wrote Cicero a statement 
about Caesar’s gladiators, which afterwards turned out to be 


|| erroneous (310. 2). Torquatus followed the Pompeians into Greece | 


some time after the main body of senators had departed (3863.1). He 
was apparently forbidden to return to Italy at the conclusion of 
the war, and was at the end of 46 living in exile at Athens. It is 
possible that he may have been allowed to return to Italy in 
45, but not to have been allowed to return to Rome.? Cicero 
mentions him with considerable feeling in the De Finibus, and ° 
calls him ‘a most excellent man, and strongly attached to myself.’ 
He was a great friend of Atticus, and was helped by him after the 
Battle of Philippi,‘ in which he appears to have been engaged on 
the side of Brutus and Cassius. 


14. Pusiius Servitius VatTia ]SAURICUS. 


‘This P. Servilius was son of the Servilius who first acquired 
the title of Isauricus by his victory over the pirates in 78. He 
seemed to be a staunch aristocrat in his younger days, and a 
follower of Cato,> but he was a very poor pupil, as all through 
life he was only an opportunist. He was praetor in δά, and 
prevented Pomptinus from gaining a triumph.’ Six years later, 


however, he appears as a Caesarean, and was consul with Caesar 


in 48, in which capacity he resisted the absurd disturbances raised 
by Caelius.’ In November of that year Cicero asked Atticus to 
have a letter written to Servilius on his behalf (416. 3). In 46° 
he was governor of Asia, and Cicero wrote several letters of 


1 Att. v. 21. 10 (250); vi. 1. 6 (252). ec 

2 Cp. Att. xiii. 9. 1 (623) and note. Possibly he may have received full pardon ; 
and the matter in which Dolabella’s services were asked was about the restoration of 
his property. The question is uncertain. 

3 Fin. ii. 72, Vir optimus nostrique amantissimus, A. Torquatus, ver satur ‘ante 
oculos: cuius quantum studium fuerit et quam insigne erga.me tempor ibus illis quae 
nota sunt omnibus scire neeesse est utrumque vestrum : cp. Att. v. 1.5 (185), A. Torquatum 
amantissime dimisi Menturnis, optimum virum. 

4 Nepos Att. 11 and 15. 

5 Att. i. 19. 9 (25); ii. 1. 10 (27); Q. Fr. ii. 3. 2 (102). 

6 Q. Fr. iii. 4. 6 (152); Att. iv. 18. 4 (154). 

7 Vol. iii. p. lvii, ed. 2. 

8 Lange, Rom. Alt. iii.? 442. 


XC1V INTRODUCTION. 


introduction to him.’ In the same year he was probably made 4 


augur.” In 44, 48, he stood by the Senate against Antony, 
and often appears in the debates of the time. Cicero generally 
praises him, but sometimes thought that he was too mild towards. 
Antony and his crew.* He voted in favour of granting a public 
funeral to Servius Sulpicius, but against erecting a statue to him.* 
It was proposed, against the advice of Cicero, that Servilius, though 
holding no magistracy, should be entrusted with the conduct of 
the war against Dolabella.* In April, 43, Cicero had a violent 
contention with him in the Senate,° because he opposed the grant 
of honours to Plancus, who was, perhaps, his personal enemy. 
After the Battle of Forum Gallorum he proposed that the dress 
of peace be resumed and a public thanksgiving held in honour of 
the victory. Cicero in the Fourteenth Philippic welcomed the 
latter proposal, but deprecated the resumption of the ¢oga until the 
siege of Mutina had been raised. Afterwards Servilius deserted 
the Senatorial party, attached himself to Octavian, as the latter 
promised to marry his daughter, and was by him reconciled to: 
Antony.’ Octavian did not marry Servilia, but compensated her 
father by investing him with the consulship for 41 along with 
L. Antonius. He was too indolent (ἡσυχαίτερός πως ὧν) either 
to side with or to oppose his colleague when the latter stirred up: 
the war at Pernsia.’ We do not hear anything further about him ; 
but, from his general character and desire for quietness, we are 
led to think it is most probable that he died in his bed. 


1 Fam, xiii, 66-72 (482, 506-511). 

2 See Introductory note to 482. 1. 

* Pam, sii. 2..1 {790}: Pail. vil, 27 5 a. ὃ; σὶν 7, 11. 

+ Phil, tx. 14. 

* Phil, xi, 19, 

6 Ad Brut. ii. 2. 3 (839), ego hic cum homine furioso satis habeo negoti, Servilio ; 
Fam, x. 12, 3, 4 (838). 

7 Suet. Aug. 62. 1, 

8 Dio Cass. xlviii. 4. 1; 13. 4. 


4 
i 


" 


4 


15. PUBLIUS CORNELIUS DOLABELLA. ΧΟΥ͂ 


15. Pusuius Οὐκ Νεισσ DoLABELLA.! 


Dolabella was born about 69.323 He was son probably of the 
P. Cornelius Dolabella who was praetor in that year (Caee. 23). 
He must have spent a very wild youth, for before he was 
eighteen years of age he had apparently been twice tried on a 
capital charge, and only escaped by the advocacy of Cicero.? In 
51 he was quindecemvir, and next year accused Appius Claudius 
of extortion in Cilicia. Cicero wrote from Cilicia to Appius, 
expressing great indignation at the recklessness of Dolabella, but 
found it difficult to persuade that noble of his sincerity, as Cicero’s 
family had meanwhile betrothed Tullia to Dolabella.® Cicero 
himself wished that ‘ullia should marry Tiberius Claudius Nero ; 
but Dolabella, who is universally allowed to have had most 
attractive manners,’ appears to have won Tullia’s affection, and to 
have obtained ‘Terentia’s support in his suit, notwithstanding his 
‘ wild oats.” He was about nineteen and '‘l'ullia twenty-eight at 


τ Drumann-Groebe ii. 486-497 ; Miinzer in Pauly- Wissowa iv. 1300-1308. 

+ App. B. GC. 1.129, 3 Fam. ili. 10. 5 (261). 

4 Fam. viii. 4. 1 (206); 6. 1 (242). 

5 Fam. 111, 12, 2 (275): ep. ib. 10, 1. 4 (261). Dolabella -had been previously 
married to Fabia. She appears to have been the lady who said that she was 
thirty years of age, and of whom Cicero replied that he really ought to be aware of 
that fact, as he had been hearing her assert it for the previous twenty years (Quintil. 
vi. ὃ. 73). Fabia left Dolabella at the time of the prosecution of Appius: cp. Fam. 
viii. 6. 1 (242). He seems to have had a son by Fabia who, owing to a certain liking 
he had for Cleopatra (οὗτος εἶχε πρὸς τὴν Κλεοπάτραν οὐκ ἀηδῶς, Plut. Ant. 84), told 
her that Octavian intended to lead her in triumph, and thus precipitated her death. He 
appears in Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra (v. 2. 64 ff.) as being gradually induced 
to give her that information. It is to this young man of twenty that Cleopatra 
declaims her dream, ‘ I dreamed there was an Emperor Antony,’ &c. 

6 Att. vii. 8. 12 (294), gener est suavis mihi, Tulliae, Terentiae ; Caesar ap. Att. ix, 
16, ὃ (374), Dolabella tuo nihil scito mihi esse iucundius, He appears to have been 
small of stature. On one occasion Cicero, seeing Dolabella equipped in full military 
costume, scoffingly asked him who had tied him to his long sword (Macrob. ii. 3. 3). 
7 Att. vi. 6. 1 (276) mulieres quidem valde inteltego delectari obsequio et comitate 
adulescentis ; cetera noli ἐξακανθίζειν. Dolabella was very much in debt at this time, 
and probably wanted to get Tullia’s dowry, though we need not suppose that Tullia’s 


own personality had no influence on the young man. At the end of 50 Dolabella was 


i 


left a legacy by a certain Livia on condition that he would change his name, Att. vii. 
8. 3 (299) ; but as he did not change his same) we may suppose that he did not get 
the inheritance, ~ 


ΧΟΥΪ δου ΟΣ ΤΟ ΟΙΤΤΟΝ λυ (οἱ 


this time. ‘This connexion with Cicero’s family just at the time 
of his accusation of Appius may have been formed by Dolabella 


with a view to rendering Cicero’s support of Appius less ener getic | 
than it would otherwise have been. Appius was acquitted, and — 


Cicero acquiesced in his new son-in-law; though his character was 
none of the best, hopes were entertained that Tullia would reform 
him.’ Cicero, in after. days, says Dolabella’s character was as 


vicious as could possibly be, but that at the time of the marriage 


he did not know that it was so bad.? 

But his debts were enormous (cp. 394. 5), and accordingly 
he joined Caesar’s party, not from principle, but solely from a 
hope that Caesar would cancel all debts. His letters to Cicero 


during the first few months of 49 appear to have been, like those ΟΣ β 


the other: young Caesareans, Caelius and Curio, very ‘cock-sure ’ 

in their expression of the certainty of Pompey’s defeat. He wrote 
to Cicero early in February, telling of the total loss of Picenum, 
but saying that Caesar was satisfied with Cicero’s conduct (319. 2, 3). 
In March his letters from Brundisium related ‘simple horrors,’ and 
breathed ‘simple war.’ Cicero generally expresses grief that 
Dolabella should have Br Caesar’s side: but he was glad 
enough at times to reflect that Dolabella was in that commander’s 
camp, and would use his influence on behalf of Cicero’s family if 
serious dangers arose. When Dolabella returned:to Rome from 
Brundisium with Caesar in April, he was beset by his creditors, 
and subjected to no little worry (394. 5). After that he was put 
in command ofa squadron of ships in the Adriatic, but: was 
defeated by Pompey’ s admirals, Octavius and Libo; but he was 


not taken prisoner, as C. Antonius was. He was in Caesar’s 


camp in Epirus i in May, 48, and wrote a letter to Cicero, which 
is extant, urging him to retire from the conflict:” He fought 
at Pharsalia, but did not follow Caesar to Egypt. After. the 
battle Caesar told him to inform Cicero that he might return. to 


Italy as soon as he'pleased (420. 2). Dolabella himself returned to 


oot dal Wade 5. aie 5 ee Pit xi 10... 
“3 Att. ix. 13,-§1 (369), mera seelera ; ὁ 8 (370), merum bellum. ᾿ 
ΠΑ 907-3; 212. δ. ; 


“5 Dio Cass. ‘xii, 40.1: Suet. Tal. 36. The text of Appian ii. 47. 118 ancertain. 


“6 Fam. ix. 9 (409). ° “This letter, though a little laboured, is ‘expressed in kindly 
language. 


15. PUBLIUS. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA. καονὶϊ 


Rome, possibly owing to ill-health (op. 419) : but, as no cancelling of 
debts had taken place, he was again assailed by his creditors. 70 
extricate himself from his financial difficulties, he induced a certain 
plebeian, named: Lentulus, to adopt him,’ so that he might be 
eligible for the tribunate, and Dolabella’s popularity sueceeded in 
obtaining that magistracy for 47. He then. attempted to carry 
out the same radical’ programme which Caelius had supported 
a year ‘before, and proposed abolition of debts and reduction of 
house rents.. Owing to the perilous. position of Caesar in 
Alexandria and the uncertain news that came from that quarter, 
the time seemed favourable for such schemes.- Violent disorders 
ensued. -Dolabella was in a measure resisted- by Trebellius, but 
at length Antony, who was in command in Italy at this time, put 
down Dolabella’s revolution with a vigorous hand.? (See above, 
p. 11.) Cicero expresses the utmost grief at these wild doings 
of his son-in-law,? and felt constrained, in the midst of all his 
troubles, and notwithstanding the fear he had in doing so .(489), 
to take measures for divorcing Dolabella from 'Tullia—not merely 
on political grounds, but also because Dolabella’s amours with the 
notorious Cecilia Metella and other women were barefaced and 
flagrant, and-he was believed to have had an intrigue even with 
Antony’s wife, Antonia.‘ | 
Notwithstanding this extravagant and revolutionary conduct 
of Dolabella, he did not apparently in the least forfeit the goodwill 
of Caesar,’ and served in his army during the African campaign. 
On his return, in July, 46, Dolabella lived for some weeks at 
Tusculum’ on’ friendly terms with Cicero, and practised rhetoric 
under /his tuition... He also renewed his connexion with Tullia, 
as the divorce had never been formally executed ; but towards 


1 Hence Cicero calls Tullia’s son by Dolabella ere puer, Ati. xii. 28. 3 1664), 
where see Introductory note, ed. 2; 80. 1 (567); cp. Macrob. ii. 3.3; Ascon. p. 5, 
ed. Clark. ᾿ : 

2 Dio Cass. xlii. 29- 33; Livy, Epit. cxiii. 

3 427.4; 429.2; 430. 3; 437. 3. 

4 437.3; Phil. ii. 99; Plut. Ant. 10. 

5 Dio (xlii. 33 fin.) says that Caesar’s motive for pardoning Dolabella was Seat 
tude for his having espoused his cause at the beginning of the Civil War. Plutarch 
(Ant. 10), however, attributes it to a wish to humiliate Antony, who, by- his 
licentiousness, had allowed military discipline i in Italy to be completely relaxed. 

© 472.73 474. 2; Quintilian xii. 11. 6. eae. 2» 


xeviii INTRODUCTION. 


the close of the year the separation was finally effected. In | 
December he followed Caesar into Spain, and was wounded in . 


that campaign.’ Cicero wrote some letters to him there, viz., 


5387, 543 (recommending to his consideration two Pompeian 
prisoners), and Fam. ix. 11 (576), after the news of the Battle of 


Munda had arrived. Dolabella wrote to Cicero some account of | 


the slanders against his uncle that young Quintus was spreading | 


broadcast,” and also a letter of condolence on the occasion of the 
death of Tullia, whose love he had so ill-deserved, and whose life 
he had so grievously embittered? The extraordinary unconcern 


with which marriage connexions were broken off, as well as the | 


absence of any ill-feeling between the families of the separated 
parties, is a remarkable feature in the social life of Rome. All 
Dolabella’s profligacy was forgotten and forgiven, and Cicero 
remained on friendly terms with him,‘ his chief matter of concern 
being how to extract Tullia’s dowry from such an impecunious 
person.’ On his return he visited Cicero at Tusculum, and interested 
himself in the pardon of T'rebianus and Torquatus. He went on to 
Baiae, and Cicero sent to him there his recently published speech 
for Deiotarus.® Muiinzer (in Pauly-Wissowa iv. 13804) notices that 
Dolabella appears to have become a rich man after the Spanish 
campaign, as we hear of his owning villas.’ 

Caesar had promised Dolabella the consulship for 44, but he 
took it himself instead on the 1st of January, along with Antony, 
intending that Dolabella should have it when he himself went to 
the Parthian War. This was opposed by Antony, and the contest 
between the two subsisted up to the Ides of March, on which day 
it was to be decided.® On that day, after the murder of Caesar, 

1 Phil. di, 7; 

4 Fam. ix. 11. 2 (576) ; Att. xii. 38. 2 (681). 

3 Fam. ix. 11. 1 (576). 

4. For example, he wrote him a most merry letter, Fam ix. 10 (537) in January, 
45, Cicero says, not quite truthfully, that he did not know how vicious Dolabella. 
was. But we may believe him when he goes on to say that he would probably never 
have become estranged from him if he had not owe himself an enemy of the State 
(Pil, x1, 10), 

5501; 534. 5: ep. olan ἀτισία, Att. xiv. 19, 1 (725), if that redial is 
accepted. 

6 Fam. vi. 11 (622); Att. xiii, 9, 1 (623); Fam. ix. 12 (680), 

7 Att. xiii. 52. 2'(679) ; xv. 13. 5 (794): ep. Phil. xiii, 11. 

8 Phil. ii. 79 f., 82, 88; Plut, Ant. 11, 


18. PUBLIUS CORNELIUS DOLABELLA. ΧΟΙΧ 


‘Dolabella came forth with all the insignia of consul, and joined 
the tyrannicides.’ Naturally he supported the proposal to confirm 
‘Caesar’s acts which was made on the 17th, in the Temple of 
Tellus, because it was on Caesar’s individual promise that he, who 
had never been praetor,? and was only twenty-five years of age 
(eighteen years under consular age), should hold the consulship. 
‘In April he and Antony brought in a law for assignations of land 
to the veterans, and acted as commissioners of the land law of. 
L. Antonius.? Towards the end of April Dolabella put down with 
great determination the riotous assemblies which were meeting 
around the altar which had been erected where Caesar’s body was 
burned.‘ Cicero wrote an enthusiastic letter of commendation 
(Fam. ix. 14 = Att. xiv. 17a (722)) to Dolabella for this ‘ heroic 
exploit, and later he took some credit to himself that he had 
been instrumental in urging Dolabella to this course.? ‘The un- 
emotional Atticus deprecated such extravagant eulogy, and advised 
Cicero rather to urge Dolabella to pay him his debts.?. On June 2 
‘he got the province of Syria for five years, and immediately gave 
Cicero a post as one of his /egati. This was a mere sinecure, but 
would admit of Cicero’s coming to or going from Rome as he 
pleased.* Dolabella, however, did not leave Rome for some time, 
and he presided at the Senate on September 2, when Cicero delivered 
the First Philippic. About the end of October he left for his 
province. He spent November and December on the journey 
through Greece to the Hellespont, and about the end of the year 
reached Asia, after having lost a considerable portion of his troops, 
who deserted to Brutus.” 


1 Appian ii. 119, 122; Dio Cass. xliv. 22. 1. 2 Dio Cass. xlii. 33, 3. 

3 Phil. viii. 25 (see vol. V, p. Ixvi, note lL; Phil. xi. 13), 

* Att. xiv. 15. 1 (720) and often in subsequent letters: Phil. i. 30; Dio Cass. 

‘Kliv. 51, 2. 

_ Att. xiv. 16,2 (721), O Dolabellae nostri magnam ἀριστείαν | essen est ava- 
θεώρησις ! pe 

6 Att. xvi. 15. 1 (807), cum eam (remp. ) me aire defendere coepisset, 
' 7 Att. xiv. 19. ὅ (725), Tibi vero adsentior maiorem ἘΠΕῚ eius fore, st — quod 
 debuit dissolverit, 

ὃ Att. xv. 11. 4 (744), Dolabella me sibi legavit a. d. iti Noes 19. 2, Dolabella 
_ mandata habebo quae mihi videbuntur, id est, nihil. 
9. He was at Baiae on the way to the East about. October 28 : Att, xv. 18a. 5 (795). 
10 Phil. x. 13; Plut. Brut, 23,1, It was during this journey when at Argos that 


x 


= 


Or ΣῊ A ARO CTION AOS OS 


At this time Asia was being adininistered by Trebonius, who 
would. not: allow Dolabella to enter Pergamum ‘or ‘Smyrna, but. 


gave him provisions and a free passage, and promised him | 
admission into’ Ephesus. Dolabella went. on his: way, but. at | 


night returned to Smyrna, murdered Trebonius in his bed, and. 


exposed his head in publie.!| This occurred about the middle of 


January. On the news of this reaching Rome about the middle 
of February, the Senate, on the motion of Fufius Calenus, 


declared Dolabella a public enemy.? In the Eleventh Philippic 
Cicero recommended that Syria, the province of Dolabella, shouid 
be assigned to Cassius, and that he should be ordered to execute 
vengeance on Dolabella. Dolabella seems to have extorted great 
sums from many of the towns of Asia, though some states 
voluntarily joined him, e.g. Rhodes.2 He had two legions of 
infantry; but he lost much of his cavalry by desertion, and his 
fleet was destroyed, and the Egyptian legions of his officer 
A. Allienus went over to Cassius,‘ who, after the death of 
the consuls at Mutina, had been appointed by the Senate 
to oppose him. In his march through Cilicia he received help 
from Tarsus, but was refused admission to Antioch. With 
forces reduced owing to losses and desertion he threw himself into 
Laodicea,> where he was at last, about the end of July, mainly 
owing to lack of provisions, rendered unable to make any further 
resistance to the superior forces-of Cassius, and he died by the 
hand of one of his trusty servants,° at the age of twenty-six. 

His life was little else than tumult. He had attractive 
manners,’ and was personally brave; but: there is nothing more 
to be said in his favour. He was sensual, ruthless, and utterly 
unprincipled. Of the picturesque trio of able young men of the 


Dolabella bought ‘ Seius’s horse,’ which had indeed a marvellous pedigree, but.always 
brought ill-luck to its owner. Cassius got it afterwards: cp. Gellius iii. 9. 4. 

‘ Appian iii. 26; Dio Cass. xlvii. 29. ὃ. 

e Pile ΧΙ. 16. 

3 Fam. xii..15. 1, 2 (882). 

4 Fam. xii. 14. 6 (883); 15. 5, 6 (882); 12. 1 (856). 

5 Fam. xii, 14. 4:(883).. : | 

6 Appian iv. 62; Dio Cass. xivii..30. . . | 

7 Caésar evidently li liked διπι: cp. Att. ix. a 3 (Gr) Dolabelia tuo nihil scito mihi 
esse iucundius, 5. INGE Gee Doge τ δ 


16. QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS. Cr 


day, Curio, Caelius, Dolabella, he was the worst. And to think, 
O gracious Heaven! as Cicero said, that he was Tullia’s husband.! 


16. Quintus CoRNIFIC1Us.” 


This Quintus Cornificius was the son of the Q. Cornificius who 
was tribune in 69, and was a candidate for consulship in 63: cp. 
Att.i.1.1(10). In his custody Cethegus was placed when arrested 
(Sallust Cat. 47. 4). He was a manof stern and upright character 
(1 Verr. i. 30: ep. Asconius, p. 82. 12, ed. Clark, sobrius e¢ sanctus 
vir), and was the first who brought forward in the Senate the 
scandal about Clodius and the Bona Dea: ep. Att.i. 15. 3 (19). 
The Cornificia mentioned in Att. xiii. 29. 1 (604) was probably 
his daughter, but was much older than his son. 

We first hear of young Cornificius in April, 50, as becoming 
engaged to the daughter of the notorious Aurelia Orestilla : ep. 
Fam. viii. 7. 2 (243). He obtained the quaestorship in 48. In 
that year Caesar sent him with pro-praetorian powers to I]lyricum, 
where he acted with watchfulness, prudence, and vigour, both 
before and after the unsuccessful intervention of Gabinius in that 
quarter. He co-operated with Vatinius (who succeeded Gabinius) 
in his vigorous actions against the Pompeian fleet under Octavius ; 
and when these were crowned with success in the battle off the 


island of ‘Tauris, he received back his province. In 47 he 


returned to Rome and was chosen Praetor and Augur (C. I. L. vi. 
1300 a). In his first two letters Cicero styles him Codlega (i.e. in 
the Augurate), but afterwards when the novelty wore off he 
omitted the title. During the next year he appears to have been 
in Rome as Praetor ; and it was during this stay in the city that he 
and Cicero, two Mterary men with similar tastes and many interests 


ὃ 

1. Phil. xi. 10, Et hie, ἢ immortales, aliquando Suit meus. 

2 See excellent accounts of this interesting man by Drumann, ii, pp. 531-535 
(ed. Groebe), by F. L. Ganter in Philologus, 1894, pp. 1382-146, and by Miinzer in 
Pauly- Wissowa iv. 1624-1628. Asallthe letters to Cornificius are together, Fam. eh 
17-30, we need only refer to them by the number of the letter, not adding ‘ Fam. xii.’ 
in each case. 

3, We made a careless mistake in stating in our note .on 604. [29]. 1, ed. 2, that 
Cornificius was a judge in the,trial of Verres, |As tribune: he wasinot a aidewd in that 
trial; 1 Verr, i. 30. ' Kayser considers that he was the author of the Bet. ad ψνμας 

4 See details of these operations in Bell. Alex. 42-47. 


cll INTRODUCTION. 


in common, appear to have become intimate, and Cicero certainly - 


liked his company: 18.1, 2 (670). If Κορφίνιος is a mistake for 


Κορνιφίκιος in Plut. Caes. 51. 2, as it certainly is in ¢ 43. 1, it | 
would appear that Cornificius incurred considerable unpopularity — 


by ‘doing-up’ (oxevwpovpevoc) the house of Pompey, and rebuilding 
it as not being good enough for him: ‘for the Romans were 
annoyed at these things.’ | 


About March in 46 Cornificius was sent off to the East 


apparently as governor of Cilicia'—and it is at this point that 
Cicero’s correspondence with him begins. It consists of fifteen 
letters, Fam. xii. 17 to 30 (Ep. 22 is really two letters which have 
been handed down as one). ‘They are in chronological order, 
except that Ep. 22, §§ 3, 4, snould come after Ep. 23, as is con- 
vincingly proved by Ganter (p. 140): the first was written in 
September, 46, and the last in June, 43. Cicero did not expect 
that Cornificius would have any trouble in the East; but when 
he got out there he found that the adventurer, Caecilius Bassus,’ 
had killed Sext. Julius Caesar, a young relative of the Dictator 
(whom he had left as Governor of Syria (quaestor pro praetore : 
cp. ταμίᾳ, Dio Cass. xlvii. 26. 3) when he himself proceeded to 
the campaign against Pharnaces), gained over his soldiers, and 
occupied Apamea (about July). When this occurred, Caesar 
appointed Cornificius, who was in the neighbouring province, as 
temporary Governor of Syria until he could send reinforcements 
and make other arrangements. But Cornificius had wholly 
inadequate forces, especially in view of a possible attack by the 
Parthians: 19. 2. (671); and he acted on the defensive (as is 
implied in Dio Cass. xlvii. 27. 1) until a new temporary governor 


1 This is the view now held, which was first advocated by Holzl ( Fasti praetorii). 
Cornificius was sent out before Caecilius Bassus began his rebellion; and his subse- 
quent temporary appointment to Syria can only have taken place after the death 
(about July) of the former governor, Sextus Julius Caesar. During the latter part 
of 47, Cilicia may have been governed by C. Sextilius Rufus as guaestor pro praetore: 
cp. Fam.- xiii. 48 (929); who was left in command, as Cicero left his quaestor, 
Coelius Caldus (Fam. ii. 15. 4, Ep. 273), to administer the province when he himself 
returned to Rome. 

218.1 (670). We are satisfied now that Epp. 18 and 19 (670, 671) really belong 
to 46 (the former having been written about October, and the latter in November) ; 
and that it was at the games of 46 that Laberius was compelled to appear on the 
stage: cp. p. ΙΧ]. 


16. QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS. cili 


(perhaps he was Antistius Vetus) came with additional forces. He 
returned to Rome during the winter, and was Praetor in 46. 
L. Volcatius Tullus, Praetor in 46 (455, 1), appears to have been 
Governor of Syria in 45, with Antistius Vetus as one of his officers : 
Att. xiv. 9. 38 (712). On one of the days immediately succeeding 
‘the Ides of March, 44, Cornificius was appointed by the Senate, 
with the concurrence of Antony, doubtless on the basis of the acta 
Caesaris, to be Governor of Africa Vetus, whither he went in the 
summer of 44; and it is to this time that we may assign the 
journey he made to South Italy which is mentioned in the little 
note Ep. 20 (930). The rest of his history is associated with the 
Province of Africa. 
He adhéred to the Senate, and thus incurred the hostility of 
Antony, who declaimed against him at a meeting held in Septem- 
ber, 44: cp. 22. 1 (813); and at the evening session of the Senate 
on November 28th (Phil. iii. 26) Antony carried a new distribution 
of the provinces, in which Cornificius was dispossessed, and his 
predecessor, C. Calvisius Sabinus, a devoted Caesarean (Nic. Dam. 
26. 2), appointed in his stead. Cicero in Phil. 111. 26 ironically says 
Calvisius, with prophetic insight that he would return, left two of 
his /egati at Utica. So we are not surprised to discover indica- 
tions that Cornificius found troublesome and disaffected elements 
in the province, such as apparently was Sempronius: 22. 4, (813) : 
ep. 23. 1 (792); 25. 3-5 (825) ἃ and we even hear of actual force 
being used to threaten Lilybaeum : 28. 1 (828). Cicero considers 
that Cornificius had not been sufficiently’ strong in punishing 
such disloyalty: cp. 23.1 (792) ; 22. 4 (818); 28. 1 (828): ep. 30. 7 
(899). Cornificius appears to have been a proud man, and Cicero 
represents the annoyances he was subjected to as insults to his 
dignity, in order thereby to stimulate him to severity: ep. 23. 1. 
(792); 28. 1 (828); but Cornificius, with his wonted prudence, was 

unwilling to be too unrestrained in his punishments (28. 1 (828), 
nimis liber in ulciscendo). On the 20th of December, the Senate 
annulled the assignment of Africa Vetus to Calvisius, which 


1 We think it possible that the Sempronianum senatus consultum, 29. 2 (831), may, 
_ perhaps, mean a decree concerning this Sempronius, and need not imply that it was 
_ some Sempronius who moved it. Movers of decrees in the Senate were not indicated 
at this time: see note to the passage. 


ἂν τ ΥΝΤΕΟΡΟΟΊΤΊΟΝ. 


had been made by Antony on November 28 (Phil. iii. 26), and 
ordered that Cornificius should stay in his province until super- 
seied: ep. 22. 3 (813); Phil. iii. 38. Cicero is constantly urging — 
Cornificius to maintain his ‘dignity’ and strenuously support the 
republic, i.e. the Senatorial policy,' which shows, as might be 
expected from one of Caesar’s approved officers, that he was not 
an uncompromising supporter of the party which Cicero was then 
leading. When his term of office had expired in March, 43, his 
imperium was prolonged by a decree couched in very complimentary 
terms: cp. 25. 2 (825); and one of the three legions held by the 
Governor of Africa Nova (i.e. Numidia), T’. Sextius, was given to 
Cornificius, the other two being recalled to Italy (Appian iii. 85); 
but Appian is wrong in placing this order for recall after’ the 
junction of Antony and Lepidus (May 29). The African legions 
were expected at the end of May:cp. Fam. xi. 14. 3 (886). 
Calvisius then gave up all pretensions to be Governor of the 
province, and entered the city, thereby resigning his tperium :, 
see 25. 2 (825). The last extant letter to Cornificius was written 
in June, 43. It is in answer to a letter of complaint that Cicero 
wrote to him only to introduce litigants,’ and that what he really 
wants, to wit, money, Cicero does not send. We admire the 
command of temper with which Cicero replies. In April Cicero 
told Cornificius to raise a loan if he could not order contributions 
of money in virtue of the decree of the Senate which appointed, 


1 22. 4 (818); 24.1 (817): compare 25. 5 (825), Quam ob rem, mi Quinte, con-. 
scende nobiscum et quidem ad puppim. Una navis est iam bonorum omnium quam 
quidem nos damus operam ut rectam tenéamus, utinam prospero cursu! Sed quicunque 
venti erunt, ars nostra certe non aberit. Similar language in Att. vii. 3. 5 (294), mihi) 
σκάφος unum erit quod a Pompeio gubernabitur. 

2 In the correspondence there are several letters of recommendation to Cees 
21 (698) asks for lictors to be given to his friend Anicius, a senator who had gone to 
Africa: on a legatio libera: 24. 8 (817), if ὁ 3 is not a separate letter, recommends ) 
Pinarius ; 26 (829) the heirs of Turius; 27 (830) Sex. Aufidius; 29 (831) is for. 
Cicero’s good friend Lamia. Cornificius had thought that Lamia had taken part in 
the drafting of ἃ decree of the Senate which reflected on him. Cicero says that‘ 
Lamia was not in Rome at all at the time ; and besides all the decrees of the Senate: 
which were supposed to have been then passed were forgeries. This is an important 
passage, even though highly coloured : cp. note to 481. 4, We think that Cornificins 
was too ready to complain that Cicero did not write to him; for Cicero: frequently - 
declares that he sent letters. on all possible oncanlond ἃς 18. 1 by SOB in & Stig 
30. 1 (899). otha? Jn) OF esos Sea 25 


16. QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS. cv 


him : 28. 2 (828). But now in June he can offer no suggestion 
about money ; even in Italy he fears that they cannot raise any 
without having recourse to the ¢ributum. Pansa, who was so 
kindly disposed to Cornificius,’ might have had sufficient influence 
to secure a grant for him; but Pansa was no more, and Cicero 
could do nothing (30.4.6), Cornificius, judging from his position 
in Illyricum (B. Alex. 43), in Syria, 19. 2 (671), and now in 
Africa, seemed fated always to receive inadequate support from 
his superiors. 

When the ‘T'riumvirate was established, Cornificius did not 
desert the Senatorial side. He received proscribed men into Africa 
(Appian iv. 36), sent reinforcements to Sextus Pompeius (Dio 

Cass. xlviii. 17 fin.), and refused to give up Africa Vetus to 11". 
Sextius, basing his refusal on the decree of the Senate of December 
20th, 44. Sextius and he accordingly went to war.’ Sextius invaded 
Africa Vetus, but was compelled to retire. Cornificius and his 
legates, Ventidius (not the notorious Ventidius) and 1). Laelius (ep. 
331.1), replied with vigour by invading Africa Nova, and Laelius 
laid siege to Cirta.* But the Numidian prince Arabio (see note 
to Att. xv. 17. 1 (749), ed. 2), who had killed that able leader 
of condottiert, P. Sittius, and taken over his soldiers, appeared 
unexpectedly on the side of Sextius.* Ventidius was slain and the 
Senatorial armies were driven back into Africa Vetus, and finally 
a decisive victory was won at Utica. Laelius and Cornificius 
acted with bravery and ability in the engagement: but the 
Numidian cavalry of Arabio, and the agility of some of his troops 


1 If a man is to be judged by his friends, Cornificius was a good man. Cicero 

speaks warmly of Tratorius, 23. 4 (792) ; Chaerippus (30. 4) ; and all men spoke well 
of Pansa (541. 3), though Cicero at times was censorious ; cp. Att. xvi. 1. 4 (769). 

2 The details of this war are to be found in Dio Cass. xlviii. 21, and more fully 
in Appian iv. 53-56. 

3 For this victory Cornificius struck coins which still exist with the head of 
Jupiter Ammon on the obverse. See Babelon i. 434. As Juno Sospita of Lanuvium 
appears on the reverse, that learned numismatist thinks that Cornificius must have 
been born at Lanuvium. 

4 The reason assigned is that he held that the Pompeian side was ‘ unmitigatedly 
unlucky ’ (ὡς ἀτυχούσης ἀμειλίκτω5), Appian iv. 54 fin. Conversely we are told that 
the misfortunes of, Gabinius in Illyria were conjectured to be due to his excessive 

- trust in the luck of Caesar (B. Alex. 48. 1). 
VOL. IV. h 


evi INTRODUCTION. 


who seized the camp of Cornificius when the latter went to the 
help of Laelius, decided the battle. Cornificius fell fighting, and, 
when defeat was certain, Laelius killed himself. The soldiers of 
Cornificius were not very trustworthy, and he is said (in Jerome's 
Chronicle, a. 1976) to have called them ‘ hares in helmets’ (epores 
galeatos). 

Cornificius was something of a literary man: hence his attrac- 
tion to Cicero: and as he also took part in public affairs, he was 
naturally an orator (ep. 18.1 (670), vos magnos oratores). He was 
also a critic of oratorical style, being apparently an Atticist (note to 
493.2). But it isin poetry that we hear principally of his literary 
performances ;! and one of the most pathetic poems of Catullus, 
written in deep dejection, complains that in his trouble Cornificius 
had sent him no line of comfort, ‘I feel angered with thee, dear 
friend of mine, to treat me 80. (Send me) just one little line of 
comfort, a sadder strain than the dirges of Simonides.’ Ovid 
speaks of him with other νεώτεροι (ep. Att. vil. 2. 1, Hp. 293) as 
composing erotic trifles Tyrist. 11.436, Cinna quoque his comes est 
Cinnaque procacior Anser, Et leve Cornifici parque Catonts (Valerius 
Cato) opus. Some commentators on Vergil speak of him as being 
the poet indicated by Codrus in the Eclogues, who was said to be 
a friend® and also an enemy*—he may have been both at different 


1 The complete poetical works of Cornificius which have come down to us are in 
Macrobius vi. 5. 13 (Cornificius in Glauco ‘ centauros foedare bimembris,’? which shows 
that Vergil was not the first (Aen. viii. 293) to use that epithet of the Centaurs; in 
the same writer, vi. 4. 12, item apud Cornificiwm ‘ deducta mihi voce garrienti’—a use of 
deductus applied to what had a ‘thin’ sound before Vergil (Ecl. 6. 5); and in Servius 
on Georg. 1. 55, Cornificius ‘ut folia quae frugibus arboreis tegmina gignuntur,’ which 
is in some metre of which we cannot feel sure. We do not think that even a zoologist, 
who can construct the lion from a claw (ἐξ ὄνυχος τὸν λέοντα); could with this material 
reconstruct the poet Cornificius. 

* Catull. 38. 6, Jrascor tibi: sie meos amores! Paulum quidiubet allocutionis 
Maestius lacrimis Simonideis. For meos amores cp. Att. li. 19. 2 (46), Pompeius, 
nostri amores. 

3 Schol. Veron. on ἘΠῚ]. 7.22, Codrum plerique Vergilium accipiunt, alii Cornificium, 
nonnulli Heivium Cinnam de quo bene sentit. 

* Schol. Bern. ἘΠ]. 7, Introd., Allegorice certamen poetarum intelligitur. Corydon 
enim Vergilium, Thyrsis Cornificium inimicum Vergilii, Meliboeus Cornelium Gallium 
poetam optimum tudicantem inter eos significat. Daphnis vero allegorice Caesarem: cp. 
the same Scholiast’s note on Eel. 7. 26 (rwmpantur ut ilia Codro). | 


Pee St ee ae ον 
ay 4 bo faa 4 


16. QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS., evil 


times, as artists do sometimes quarrel with one another—though 
we think the evidence is against Cornificius ever having been an. 


; enemy of Vergil. But this question we may leave to Vergilian 


scholars, and ‘hope that they may prove conclusively that there 
never was any falling out between two such excellent men as 


Vergil and Cornificius. 


Parum fortis videtur (Cicero) quibusdam, quibus optime respondit 1986, 


non se timidum in susciprendis sed in providendis perreulis. 


QUINTILIAN xii. 1. 17. 


me ΤΣ ΤΠ] 


ΠΥ, 


DIC M. TULLI. SYNTOMA, CN. POMPEIO ADSENTIOR. 


De 
ome 
oa 


ee 


ΝΣ 


PART VI. 


| LETTERS FROM THE OUTBREAK OF THE CIVIL WAR TO CICERO’S 
_ RETURN TO ITALY AFTER THE BATTLE OF PHARSALIA. 


EPP. 301-414. 
ἊΣ 1). C. .Φ . . . e .Φ 705, 706 
Bor , : : ᾿ : 49, 48 


AET, CIC. ° . Φ . ° Si; 58 


LETTERS OF THE TWENTIETH YEAR OF CICERO’S 
CORRESPONDENCE. 


EPP. 301-405. 


A. τὺ 7055 π΄ Ὁ ΟΣ AEDT. CIC. 57; 


COSS. C. CLAUDIUS M. F. MARCELLUS AND L. CORNELIUS 
LENTULUS CRUS. 


THoveH Cicero’s correspondence during this year extends over only five 
months and a-half, still we have a great number of letters, especially letters” 


to Atticus. The theme which runs through nearly all of them is anxious 
deliberation as to what course he should adopt in the crisis (ep. Plut, Cie. 37) ;__ 


how he should decide between, on the one hand, his long connexion with the 
Optimates and his personal regard for and gratitude to Pompey, and, on the 
other, his fear that the victory would be with Caesar. Cicero’s sympathies | 
undoubtedly lay with the Optimates, or, rather, with the principles they | 
represented, and his conscience always pointed out to him that, if no com-_ 
promise could be effected, he must cast in his lot with them; and he ultimately | 
obeyed his conscience; but he was not for an instant blind to the inefficiency, | 


violence, and selfishness which characterized their words and deeds. | 


2 
“ ἾἌ ὥς νὰ, 5 
ee ee ee ag ere ie ee eee ee 


CICERO’S CORRESPONDENCE, 


¢ 


301. CICERO AND HIS FAMILY TO TIRO, 


AT PaTRAE (FAM. XVI. 11). 


| BEFORE ROME; JANUARY 123 A. U. C. 705; B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Tironem rogat ut valetudini operam det : de suo ad urbem adventu, de 


t rbato rei publicae statu, de triumpho ac Campana praefectura. 


DIC. 


1. Erst opportunitatem operae tuae omnibus locis desidero, tamen 
hon tam mea quam tua causa doleo te non valere. Sed quoniam 
quartanam conversa vis est morbi—sic enim scribit Curius— 
pero te diligentia adhibita iam firmiorem fore. Modo fac, id 
uod est humanitatis tuae, ne quid aliud cures hoc tempore nisi 
0 quam commodissime convalescas. Non ignoro quantum ex 
desiderio labores, sed erunt omnia facilia, si valebis. Festinare te 
nolo, ne nauseae molestiam suscipias aeger et periculose hieme 
haviges. 2. Kgo ad urbem accessi pridie Nonas Ianuar. Obviam 
mihi sic est proditum ut nihil posset fieri ornatius. Sed incidi in 
ipsam flammam civilis discordiae vel potius belli, cui cum cuperem 


SHRERET mem” amr RDB” pm: 55s Meg PRB rrsnmere 
a aad 2 ΩΣ ΠΡ ΤῊΣ 


δ Στ ως ΠΠ δ΄ ΣΝ 


4 Q. 4.1 Quintigue, ‘Quintus, father Curius] abanker at Patrae, and close 
‘and son.’ friend of Cicero: cp. Introd. to Ep. 477. 
1. opportunitatem] ‘although at every 2. Obviam .. . ornatius] ‘ Nothing 


_ turn I miss your ever-seasonable assis- could have been more complimentary 
{1 . Dr. Reid, on Lael. 22, remarks than the reception I met with.’ A similar 
ἐξ ἢ opportunitas is ‘opportuneness,’ compliment was paid to Cicero when he 
~ rather than ‘ opportunity.’ returned to Rome on August 31, 44 
Ἢ prerienee) sc. febrim. For the (Plut. Cic. 43): ep. vol. V*, p. xciii, 
ellipse cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 290. note 1. 


6 EP. 301 (FAM. XVI. 11). 


mederi et, ut arbitror, possem, cupiditates certorum hominum—_ 
nam ex utraque parte sunt qui pugnare cupiant—impedimento 
mihi fuerunt. Omnino et ipse Caesar, amicus noster, minacis 


ad senatum et acerbas litteras miserat et erat adhuc impudens | 


qui exercitum et provinciam invito senatu teneret, et Curio meus 
illum incitabat. Antonius quidem noster et Q. Cassius nulla vi 
expulsi ad Caesarem cum Curione profecti erant, postea quam 


senatus consulibus, praetoribus, tribunis pl. et nobis qui pro coss. © 


sumus negotium dederat ut curaremus NE QUID RES PUBLICA 
DETRIMENTL CAPERET. 9. Numquam maiore in periculo civitas 
fuit: numquam improbi cives habuerunt paratiorem ducem. 
Omnino ex hac quoque parte diligentissime comparatur. Id fit 
auctoritate et studio Pompei nostri, qui Caesarem sero coepit 
timere. Nobis inter has turbas senatus tamen frequens flagitavit 
triumphum, sed Lentulus consul, quo maius suum beneficium 


faceret, simul atque expedisset quae essent necessaria de re publica — 
dixit se relaturum. Nos agimus nihil cupide eoque est nostra — 


pluris auctoritas. 
partem tueretur: 


certorum}| We may translate ‘ certain.’ 
The epithet signifies that the author 
knows exactly who are the men re- 
ferred to (the expression therein differing 
from mescio qui), but does not wish 
to specify them further: cp. Sest. 41, 
Mare. 16, Deiot. 11. 

Omnino| ‘tosum up,’ ‘looking on the 
whole affair’: see Dr. Reid on Lael. 78. 

amicus noster| Note how Cicero indi- 
cates the perplexity he was in because he 
was friendly with both sides: ep. below 
Curio meus, Antonius noster. By meus a 
closer friendship is marked than by noster. 

minacis .. . et acerbas litteras] cp. 
Appian, B.C. ii. 82, περιεῖχε δὲ ἡ γραφὴ 
κατάλογόν τε σεμνὸν ὧν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁ 
Καῖσαρ ἐπεπράχει, καὶ πρόκλησιν ὅτι θέλοι 
Πομπηίῳ συναποθέσθαι, ἄρχοντος δ᾽ ἔτι 
ἐκείνου οὔτε ἀποθήσεσθαι καὶ τιμωρὸς 
αὐτίκα τε τῇ πατρίδι καὶ ἑαυτῷ κατὰ 
τάχος ἀφίξεσθαι. 

adhue| ‘even still,’ erat being the 
epistolary imperfect. For adhue with the 
imperfect cp. 408. 3; Fin. iii. 40; 
Fam. x. 13. 4 (900). For adhue with the 
pluperfect the Thesaurus (s. v. adhuc 
655. 41) quotes many examples: e.g. 
358. 2; 897.1; 428.1; 489. 1. 


Italiae regiones discriptae sunt quam quisque 
nos Capuam sumpsimus. 


Laee te scire volui. 


provinciam| Boot alters (Obs. Crit. 26) | 


to provincias, as Caesar held two pro- — 
and Gallia — 


vinces, Galiia Citerior 


Ulterior (cp. 312. 3, Galiias, ib. 4). But 


the idea is not so much ‘ Ais province ’ as © 
‘a province ’—the illegality is a general — 
one, the retention of an army and a pro- | 


vince against the will of the Senate. 

nulla vi] ep. vol. 1112, pp. ci, cii. 

senatus ...CAPERET]| Groebe (iii. 726) 
appeals to this passage and to Dio Cassius 
xli. ὃ. ὃ to prove that the decretum 
tumultus was passed before the date of 
this letter (so too Nissen, p. 92), and 
probably on January 7. Holzapfel 
(Klio iv. 331) and Ferrero (ii. 227), how- 
ever, follow Plutarch (Pomp. 61; Caes. 
33) in placing it on January 17. Schmidt 
(p. 118) places it on January 14, when 
the news of the fall of Ariminum reached 
Rome. See Introduction 1, § 1 init. 

3. quo maius... relaturum] ‘ that he 
might bring his own service into greater 
prominence, said that, as soon as he had 
got through the urgent matters of State, 


he would bring forward a motion on the > 


subject.’ 
Capuam] 
No. 1. 


See Addenda to Comm. 


we ee Ps 


UP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 7 


τὰ etiam atque etiam cura ut valeas litterasque ad me mittas 
“quotienscumque habebis cui des. Etiam atque etiam vale, D. 
_pridie Idus Ian. 


fe 


302. CICERO 1Ὸ MESCINIUS RUFUS (Fam. v. 20). 


ἱ BEFORE ROME; MIDDLE OF JANUARY; A. U. C. 7053 Β. Ο. 49; 
AET. CIC. 57. 


] — Excusat se M. Cicero Rufo quod ante eius reditum rationes provinciales, in quibus 
4116 quaedam vel addita vel immutata cupiebat, ad aerarium rettulerit. 


CICERO RUFO. 


1. Quoguo modo potuissem, te convenissem, si eo quo consti- 
_tueras venire voluisses. Qua re etsi mei commodi causa com- 
j -movere me noluisti, tamen ita existimes velim me antelaturum 
[ fuisse, si ad me misisses, voluntatem tuam commodo meo. Ad ea 
quae scripsisti commodius equidem possem de singulis ad te rebus 
_scribere, si M. Tullius, scriba meus, adesset : a quo mihi explora- 
tum est in rationibus dumtaxat referendis—de ceteris rebus 
_adfirmare non possum—nihil eum fecisse scientem quod esset 


i 


contra aut rem aut existimationem tuam: dein, si rationum 


Rufo| This Mescinius Rufus was one 


| of the quaestors of Cicero in Cilicia; and 
ἢ has been described (Att. vi. 3, 1, ep. 264) 


as levis libidinosus tagax. The present 


: Blotter is in answer to a letter from Rufus 
to Cicero, in which he complained of 
- ‘various 
E Cicero, both in the haste with which he 
᾿ sent to the Treasury the public accounts 
4 Self, and in the accounts themselves. 
- must remember that the quaestor was 


irregularities committed by 


without any interview with Rufus him- 
We 


' responsible to the State, 80 that 
_ the complaints of Rufus were not 
_ necessarily vexatious. But, on _ the 


' other hand, no one can suppose for 
ἃ moment anything like dishonesty on 
_ Cicero’s part. 
_ due at worst to carelessness. 
- hated accounts, as so many literary men 
_ do. He always had the most hazy notion 
as to the state of his own personal money 
affairs, and must have proved a great 
trial in this respect to the business-like 
Atticus. 


The irregularities were 
Cicero 


It is pleasant to see that this 


little official difference between Cicero and 
Mescinius did not impair their friendship 
permanently (cp. 390. 1). 

1. M. Tullius| A freedman of Cicero’s. 
His full name was M. Tullius Laurea 
(Plin. H. N. xxxi. 7). Freedmen gene- 
rally took the prenomen and nomen of 
their master: cp. notes on Att. iv. 15. 1 
(143) and on 516. 2 

a quo| ‘in respect of whom’: for this 
use of ὦ cp. note to 411. 8, and 
Thesaurus, vol.i. 35.16. An old correction 
is de. But perhaps a guo mihi exploratum 
est means ‘from whom I have ascer- 
tained.’ Cicero had definite information 
from Tullius about the accounts at any 
rate. 
dein| If looked at closely, it seems a 
somewhat harsh zeugma to under- 
stand ‘I can assure you’ out of explora- 
tum est; but the ellipse naturally sup- 
plies itself if we read the sentence 
rapidly. Wesenberg (2m. 68), following 
Martyni-Laguna, wishes to supply scito 
after dein. 


8 EP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 


referendarum ius vetus et mos antiquus maneret, me relaturum 
rationes, nisi tecum pro coniunctione nostrae necessitudinis contu- 
lissem confecissemque, non fuisse. 2. Quod igitur fecissem ad 


Z " 


urbem, si consuetudo pristina maneret, id, quoniam lege Iulia 


relinquere rationes in provincia necesse erat easdemque totidem — 


verbis referre ad aerarium, feci in provincia; neque ita feci ut 


te ad meum arbitrium adducerem, sed tribui tibi tantum quan-— 
tum me tribuisse numquam me paenitebit: totum enim scribam — 


meum, quem tibi video nune esse suspectum, tibi tradidi: tu ei 


M. Mindium fratrem tuum adiunxisti. 


Rationes confectae me 


absente sunt tecum, ad quas ego nihil adhibui praeter lectionem : 
ita accepi librum a meo servo scriba ut eundem acceperim a 


fratre tuo. 


ius vetus| i.e. the old system in force 
prior to the Lex Julia, which ordered the 
accounts to be deposited in the two 
principal towns of the province as well 
as at Rome: cp. § 2 (see Addenda to 
vol. 1115. p. 328). 

necessitudinis| For the close bond of 
relationship, almost that of father and 
son, which existed between the governor 
and his quaestor, see Index s. v. guaes- 
tor, and cp. Div. in Caecil. 61; Mayor 
on Phils 1. 71, 

contulissem confecissemque| “ examined 
and made up.’ For conferre rationes cp. 
Att. v. 21. 12 (250): for conficere Fam. 
ii. 17. 4 (272). The con- in conferre 
seems to imply comparison with the 
separate account-books: that in conjicere 
indicates the completeness and finality of 
the procedure. 

2. ad urbem] “ before the city.’ Cicero 
was waiting outside the city in hopes of 
obtaining atriumph. On the phrase ep. 
note to Fam. iii. 8. 1 (222). 

easdemque ...adaerarium] ‘and to re- 
turn an exact duplicate of them to the 
Treasury.’ 

ut te ad meum arbitrium adducerem] 
‘my object was not to bring you over to 
what was my own individual judgment,’ 
ie. I did not endeavour, by thus making 
up and sending in my statement of 
accounts without an interview with you, 
to force you to alter your accounts so as 
to make them tally exactly with mine. 
The accounts of quaestor and governor 
ought to agree; and it might be thought 
that Cicero, by hastily sending in his 


Si honos is fuit, maiorem tibi habere non potui: si 


accounts without having had any con- 
ference and discussion with Rufus, wished 
to hide certain discrepancies and irregu- 
larities in his own accounts and to force 


δὼ ἀεὶ 


Rufus either to alter his accounts so as to * 


bring them into harmony with Cicero’s, 
or else to incur the scandal of a different 
presentation of accounts by quaestor and 
governor; in which case the quaestor 
would have the greater difficulty in es- 
tablishing his honesty. 

Sed tribui.. . paenitebit] ‘but I showed 
you consideration to an extent which I 
shall never regret having shown.’ 

M. Mindium] first cousin of Rufus. 
He was a banker at Elis in Greece, and 
made Rufus his heir: ep. 521. 2. 

ita. . . tuo] ‘ in receiving a book of 
the accounts from my clerk, I considered 
that 1 had received it from your cousin.’ 

servo scriba| Tullius was Cicero’s freed- 
man: cp. ᾧ 7. But in republican times. 
freedmen were occasionally considered as 
belonging to the servile class. Mommsen 
St. R. iii, p. 428, quotes the Cincian law 
of 204 (st quis a servis suis quigue pro 
servis servitutem servierunt (note the per- 
fect tense) accipit duitve iis. 
quis a servis suis’ liberti continentur ut 
patronis dare possint, viz. Frag. Vat. 
§ 307, given by Husckhe (‘ Iurispru- 
dentiae Anteiustinianae quae supersunt,’ 
p- 804): and C.I.L. ii. 3495 Plotia L. 
(Ploti) et Fufiae l.— Prune (i.e. Phryne) 
haec vocitatast ancilla—heie sitast. So 
we need not delete the word servo. 
Dr. Reid suggests that servo. scriba may 
be an error for seriba Laurea. 


Verbis ‘st - 


Ree 


necesse erat, 


ne quid .... referretur| ‘that no 

return should be made which would be 

detrimental to your character or advan- 
tage’: cp. § 1 quod esset contra aut rem 
aut existimationem tuam. 

quam cui dedi| This is the reading of 

_ Graevius, ‘and so clear and certainly 

correct is it,’ says that scholar, ‘that not 

-even Carneades could doubt of 11. In 

GR we find quam dedi; in M, quam 

_darem, which Wesenberg (Em. 71) 

altered into quam quoi dederam. 

a maxime| ‘seemed most advisable.’ 
_ Crat. altered to maximae ‘ largest,’ which 
is perhaps right. 

Ι confectas collatasque] For the phrase 

860 ᾧ 1. The reading collatasque is found 
1 in R. In M itis consolatus (consolatasque 
_ G), whence has arisen a conjecture, con- 

_solidatas ‘balanced,’ which is found in 

; some inferior mss: cp. Pseudo-Asconius 

on 2 Verr. i. 92, p. 185 ed. Orelli (on the 

4 word quadrarint). ‘ Solida facta sint ut 

~ neque plus quisquam neque minus in- 
_ veniatur in summa: ubi enim ratio sine 

᾿ς fraude est, difficile est sexcenta, detractis 

'quadringentis, quadrare et solidari vel 

ΟΠ solida fieri, quin aut minus aut plus 

_ aliquid reperiatur.’ 
rationes deferre| The more usual word 

is referre: see Dr. Reid on Arch. 11. 

_ ‘The phrase ξένων in aerarium (Balb. 63) 
is especially used of the beneficia [see § 7], 
Bhi referre in aerarium is used of money 

ἢ and accounts.’ But deferre is found in 
_Pis. 61, and the words appear elsewhere 

(Cat. 111, 7. Flace. 21) as variants. There is 
perhaps no more essential’ difference in 

_ the usage of the words than there would 

4 be between our usual phrase ‘ to return 
the accounts’ and the somewhat less usual 

_ ‘hand in the accounts.’ 

- 270 relatis | ‘as good as sgn to 
the Treasury. 


EP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 9 


Ἂν maiorem tibi habui quam paene ipsi mihi: si providendum 
fi fuit ne quid aliter ac tibi et honestum et utile esset referretur, 
non habui cui potius id negoti darem quam cw? dedi. Illud quidem 
certe factum est, quod lex iubebat, ut apud duas civitates, Laodi- 
eensem et Apameensem, quae nobis maxime videbantur, quoniam 
| rationes confectas collatasque deponeremus. 
Itaque huic loco primum respondeo, me, quamquam iustis de 
eausis rationes deferre properarim, tamen te exspectaturum fuisse, 
“Nisi in provincia relictas rationes pro relatis haberem ; quam ob 
em...3. De Volusio quod scribis, non est id rationum : docuerunt 


quam ob rem... ἡ Possibly some- 
thing is lost like non erat integra res or 
non habut integram rem. 

3. De Volusio) The exceedingly per- 
plexed events alluded to in this section 
and the next appear to be as follows :— 
Volusius, one of Cicero’s most trusted 
followers, as we see from Att. v. 21. 6 
(250), had engaged in some speculation 
connected probably with the collection of 
some branch of the revenue; but he did 
not appear formally in the transaction ; 
the contract was made by an agent, one 
Valerius, who had, according to custom, 
to give sureties that would be responsible 
for his fulfilling his bargain. These 
sureties included certain officials in 
Cicero’s retinue, his praefectus fabrum 
(Q. Lepta) and one of his legati. The 
bargain that Valerius made was one which 
Cicero now considers was too advan- 
tageous to the State. Valerius had paid 
portion of the money, but could not pay 
all that he had undertaken to pay, and 
wished when the crash came to transfer 
the obligation to Volusius, the speculator 
who had not appeared formally in the 
business at all, though doubtless it was 
known that he was interested in it, and 
that he had provided the money which 
Valerius did pay. The jurisconsult 
Camillus gave a legal opinion that the 
obligation could not be transferred from 
Valerius to Volusius, but must pass from 
the bankrupt Valerius to his sureties. But 
these sureties, who, as well as Volusius, 
were officials of Cicero, had to be saved 
from the results of their imprudence or 
good-nature in going bail for Valerius, 
which they probably did for the sake of 
Volusius: and this is how Cicero saved 
them. He entered the balance due by 
Valerius (religuum quod erat) in the 
account—he does not say under what 


10 


enim me periti homines, in his cum omnium peritissimus tum 
mihi amicissimus, CO. Camillus, ad Volusium traferri nomen ἃ 
Valerio non potuisse, praedes Valerianos teneri. 
HS [XxxXj, ut scribis, sed HS [X1Tx)) 


EP, 302 (FAM. V. 20). 


pecunia Valeri mancipis nomine, ex qua reliquum quod erat in 


rationibus rettuli. 


4. Sed sic me et liberalitatis fructu privas — 


et diligentiae et, quod minime tamen laboro, mediocris etiam 


prudentiae: liberalitatis, quod mavis scribae mei beneficio quam — 


meo legatum meum praefectumque [Q. Leptam] maxima calami- 


head, possibly under that of remissions 
or bad debts or something of the kind: 
and he may have trusted to the general 
feeling that an inconsiderate bargain 
had been made, that the State had not 
really lost by the transaction, but had 
obtained a fair price in what had been 
already paid by Volusius (cwm populus 
suum servaret), that the sureties were 
friends of his own and Roman citizens 
(civiwm), and that it was hard that they 
should be sued for the money (cum 
praesertim non deberent esse obligati)— 
just as we consider it hard that a man 
who backs a bill for a friend should have 
to pay up—that no one would be inclined 
to press the case of the State and insist on 
its getting the full amount of its too 
favourable contract. Possibly the sureties 
in this case gave their guarantees from 
friendliness and good-nature; but we 
cannot but suppose that very often such 
sureties could only have been secured for 
a substantial consideration, and that the 
abuse prevailed whereby, in case their 
principal made default, they were able 
to use influence to prevent their having 
themselves to pay up the guarantee 
which they had given. Cicero does not 
by any means wish to hide what he 
did—quite the reverse, he takes credit for 
it. The State was not really injured, and 
good friends of his own who were Roman 
citizens were freed from a heavy amerce- 
ment (muita). It may not have been 
strict business; but contracts and esti- 


mates are not always enforced to the 


letter even in our own days. 

non est id vationum| ‘that has nothing 
to say to the accounts.’ Volusius was 
quite free from the transaction now: there 
was no need that his name should appear 
at all in the accounts; no remission had 
been made to him. Another error on the 
part of Rufus was in the sum remitted; 
it was only 1,900,000 sesterces, not 


3,000,000. Valerius had paid up most of 
the sum due, but there remained 1,900,000 
sesterces as arrears. This is an incidental 
matter to which Cicero refers, so we have 
put it in a parenthesis. 

C. Camillus] a lawyer friend of Cicero : 
Att. v. 8. 8 (198); Fam. xiv. 14. 2 (309). 

Erat enim] ‘It is Valerius and his 
sureties who are liable; for the money 
was paid us in the name of Valerius as the 
purchaser ; the balance, or arrears, I have 
duly returned in my accounts.’ Cicero 
does not say under what head (see note 
above). There was aterm residuae pecuniae 
for balances in the hands of contractors, 
the non-payment of which was an indict- 
able offence (Dig. xlviii. 18. 2: ep. Cic. 
Clu. 94); but it can hardly have been 
under this heading that Cicero entered the 
deficit, as that would still leave the parties 
in the transaction liable to be sued. More 
probably he entered the deficit in some 
such way as we would ‘ write off’ a bad 
debt. Manceps is applied to purchasers of 
State-contracts, Fest., p. 151, Mill. 
‘ Manceps dicitur qui quid a populo emit 
conducitve, quia manu sublata significat 
se auctorem emptionis esse: qui idem 
praes dicitur quia tam debet praestare 
populo quod promisit quam is qui pro eo 
praes factus est’ ; also Pseudo-Ascon. on 
Div. in Caecil, § 33, p. 113 (= 196 
Stangl). Jn rationes referre, ‘to make 
an entry in the accounts’; in rationibus 
referre, ‘to return (to the Treasury) in 
the accounts.’ 

4. Q. Leptam] Asit is not in G, perhaps 
thisname is to be omitted. Rufus knew the 
persons who were involved in the whole 
transaction, so there was no necessity for 
Cicero to specify the names. Wesenberg 
(Em. 76) thinks that, so far from cutting 
out Q. Leptam, we should add the name 
of one or other of Cicero’s four legati, 
e.g. M. Anneium, after meuwm : cp. Att. v. 
4. 2 (187). 


(Neque id erat — 
Erat enim curata nobis — 


Pa 
Hes 


i all.’ 


ire 
ug 


ᾧ EP. 302 (FAM, V. 20). 
ff 
- tate levatos, cum praesertim non deberent esse obligati: dili- 
_ gentiae, quod existimas de tanto officio meo, tanto etiam periculo, 
nee scisse me quidquam nee cogitavisse, scribam quidquid voluisset, 
eum id mihi ne recitavisset quidem, rettulisse: prudentiae, quod 
“rem a me non insipienter excogitatam ne cogitatam quidem putas. 
- Nam et Volusi liberandi meum fuit consilium et, ut multa tam 
_ gravis Valerianis praedibus ipsique 1, Mario depelleretur, a me 
_ inita ratio est: quam quidem omnes non solum probant sed etiam 
 laudant, et, si verum scire vis, hoc uni scribae meo intellexi non 
nimium placere. Sed ego putavi esse viri boni, cum populus 
suum servaret, consulere fortunis tot vel amicorum vel civium. 
τ, Nam de Lucceio est ita actum, ut auctore Cn. Pompeio ista 


non deberent esse obligati|] as being only 


_ praedes, not principals, in the transaction, 
_ who may possibly have gone surety from 
friendship, and not from any pecuniary 


consideration. Hence the sum for which 
they have become liable is called multa 
below. 

de tanto... periculo| ‘in a matter 
wherein my duty was so much involved, 


᾿ and I ran such risk,’ viz., of being called 


to account by the urban quaestors for the 
unbusiness-like conduct of the whole 
transaction. We can hardly suppose that 


τ΄ meorum has been lost after periculv, and 
- that the reference is to the danger of 


serious pecuniary loss which his friends 
would have sustained if the full amount of 
their guarantee had been exacted. 

qguod| so we read with Lamb., instead 
of Mss cum, both for the sake of symmetry 
(for quod is used after Jiberalitatis and 
diligentiae), and because eum would re- 
quire the subjunctive. 
ne cogitatam| ‘evinced no thought at 
This is the admirable addition of 


the early editors. Rufus had attributed 


_ the whole remission to Cicero’s clerk : 


and, in criticizing the remission, said that 
it showed a complete absence of thought. 
‘Cicero now takes credit for the whole 
transaction, and says that Rufus has, +o 
all intents and purposes, accused him of 
want of ordinary intelligence (prudentiae), 
for the plan had been most carefully 
thought out (excogitatam), and just the 
one person who was displeased at it was 
Cicero’s clerk. For cogitare and excogitare 
contrasted, cp. Att. ix, 6, 7 (360). 

1. Mario) We do not know anything 
of this man, or how he was liable to loss. 


11 


5. The difficulty in this and the follow- 
ing section is that there are two sums of 
money, one deposited by Cicero’s order 
and used by Pompey, another deposited 
by Rufus’s order and used by Sestius: 
while both sums appear to be referred to 
as ista pecunia. The only explanation 
we can offer is that Sestius, who was on 
State service in Asia (possibly as pro- 
praetor in Cilicia), took the latter sum 
for his own expenses, while he took over 
the former sum in trust for Pompey. 
This is probable, as Pompey had not yet 
left Italy. Rufus, however, in handing 
the money over to Sestius, acted under 
Cicero’s orders, as Cicero readily acknow- 
ledges: he did not enter in his accounts 
that he had given these orders to Rufus, 
for he considered it unnecessary to do 
so, as the matter was so very well 
authenticated. ‘This passage (cp. § 9) is 
very interesting, as showing that Pompey 
and the other Optimates had been already 
making preparations in the East for the 
conflict with Caesar, which they con- 
sidered very probable, if not inevitable 
(cp. Att. vil. 4. 2 (295), de rep. autem ita 
mecum locutus est quasi non dubium bellum 
haberemus). Itis noteworthy, too, as this 
passage shows us, that actual decrees of the 
senate authorizing such appropriations as 
this appear to have been made in the 
latter half of the year 50, before anything 
like a crisis had become imminent. 

As to the explanation of the whole 
passage, we offer the following with the 
greatest hesitation, leaving the ultimate 
interpretation, whatever it may be found 
to be, to better manuscripts or clearer 
insight for its establishment. At the 


12 EP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 


pecunia in fano poneretur: id ego agnovi meo iussu esse factum : 
qua pecunia Pompeius est usus, ut illa quam tu deposueras — 
Sed haec ad te nihil intellego pertinere. ἢ 
animadvertisse moleste ferrem, ut ascriberem te in fano pecuniam — 


Sestius. 


iussu meo deposuisse, nisi ἰδέα pecunia gravissimis esset certissi- 
misque monimentis testata, cui data, quo senatus consulto, quibus 


tuis, quibus meis litteris P. Sestio tradita esset. 
viderem tot vestigiis impressa ut in lis errari non posset, non — 
ascripsi id quod tua nihil referebat. 


direction of Pompey, Cicero had ordered a 
certain sum of money in dispute between 
one Lucceius and the State to be deposited 
in a temple. ‘I acknowledge that I 
ordered it to be deposited,’ says Cicero, 
‘and that Pompey took that sum for 
State purposes, just as Sestins took a 
similar sum which you deposited. 1 am 
sorry I did not add that this latter sum 
was deposited by my orders, but I have 
no reason to deny it. The handing over 
of the money to Sestius was so very well 
authorized, and the documents in the 
transaction so formal and regular, that I 
never dreamed that there could be any 
difficulty in the matter, nor thought that 
it could affect you at all.” But why then 
did Rufus find any fault with Cicero? 
The whole letter shows that the grievances 
of Rufus were not altogether imaginary ; 
but this does seem to have been a some- 
what trivial matter, and as being trivial, 
Cicero yields to the request of Rufus with 
a great deal of circumstance. The point 
appears to have been that odium naturally 
attached to the appropriating by the State 
of money which had been lodged in a 
temple as still awaiting adjudication ; and 
Rufus naturally did not wish to bear 
personal responsibility for the lodgment 
of this money in a temple whence it 
would be possible for the Optimates to 
withdraw it, or indeed for any part of a 
transaction which was somewhat high- 
handed and contrary to ordinary proce- 
dure. 
from municipalities and temples at the 
outbreak of the Civil War is stated by 
Caesar (B. C. i. 6. 8, pecuniae a municipiis 
exiguntur, 6 fanis tolluntur). 

Cicero continues—The case is quite 
different about the 900,000 sesterces: 
that entry was authorized by you, or at 
any rate by your cousin ; so you should not 


That the Optimates took money " 


Quae cum 
Ego tamen ascripsisse 


evade the responsibility of it now. But 
while in the former matter I, for my part, 
shall see what can be done to alter the 
accounts, you, on your part, certainly 
ought not in the account of money raised 
(or ‘ collected’) to disagree so widely with 
my accounts already sent in—governor 
and quaestor ought not in their accounts 
to exhibit such a wide discrepancy— 
though of course I may be in error. But 
be assured I shall do everything I can for 
ou. 

᾿ Nam] For this use of nam, introducing 
a transition to a new subject, Manutius 
compares § 6; also Fam. i. 9. 19 (153) 
Nam de Appio; Att iii. 10. 2 (67); ili. 
15. 2 (88). Still there is no doubt that 
tam would be more natural. 

in fano poneretur| For the lodgment 
of disputed money in a temple cp. Att. v. 
21. 12 (250). 

Sestius] was praetor in 53, and may 
have been propraetor of Cilicia for some 
time during the latter part of 49. He 
was certainly in Italy, and composed a 
manifesto for Pompey in the spring of 
this year: cp. 315. 2. But he was more 
probably sent out by Pompey as a kind 
of commissioner to see after affairs in the 
East, and try to raise money for the 
aristocratic war-chest. In later times we 
find him sent to take command of some 
soldiers in Pontus (Bell. Alex. 34. 5). 

animadvertisse . . . ut adscriberem] 
‘take care to add a note’: ep. Liv. iv. 
45. 4, adverterent animos ne quid novi 
tumultus Labicts oreretur. ἡ 

tot vestigiis impressa] “ ear-marked with 
such a number of clues (as to its origin 
and allocation) that no error was possible.’ 
For tot ... ut ep. 542. 1, tot rusticos 
Stoicos regeram ut Catium Athenis natum 
esse dicas. 


Illud me non , | 


Oe ee a eT ee eee eh ee 


EP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 13 


| mallem, quoniam id te video desiderare. 6. Sicut scribis tibi id 
| esse referendum, idem ipse sentio, neque in eo quidquam a meis 
| yvationibus discrepabunt tuae. Addes enim tu meo iussu, quod 
ego qui non addidi nec causa est cur negem nee, si causa esset et 
tu nolles, negarem. Nam de HS nongentis milibus certe ita 
relatum est ut tu sive frater tuus referri voluit. Sed si quid est, 
ἢ ; quoniam de tlogaeo parum gravisum est, quod ego in rationibus 
_yeferendis etiam nunc corrigere possim, de eo mihi, quoniam 
_ senatus consulto non sum usus, quid per leges liceat considerandum 


Eee, ae 


6. idem] It is hardly necessary to alter 
to item with Lambinus, though, no doubt, 
as sicut, and not quod, has preceded, item 
would be more strictly correct. 

Addes| polite fut. for imperative ‘ you 
will kindly add.’ 

Nam de HS nongentis| Nam is again 
(cp. § 5) transitional. This matter seems 
_ to be one of posting in his ledger some 
money which had been received for the 
State. The way it was posted in Cicero’s 
account was (he says) approved by you 
(Rufus) or your cousin. It may be 
wrong, and I shall see what can be done 
to correct the entry, which possibly I 
may be allowed to do by the home autho- 
_ rities, as I returned my accounts long 
before I was bound to return them. But 
I do think that you ought not to have 
adopted in your accounts a posting (appar- 
_ ently under the heading ‘ taxes collected ’) 
_ which differed from mine, after my 
accounts were sent in; though, perhaps, 
᾿ς professional accountants may think other- 
wise, and hold that, when a quaestor finds 
out an error after the governor has sent 
i in his accounts, the quaestor should make 
_ the correction, or at least notify the 
error. This seems to be the sense of the 
[ last sentence; but we cannot be sure of 
᾿ 


_ the details, for the words as they appear 
in the mss. are unsound, and we cannot 
put forward any probable correction. See 
below. 

quoniam de logaeo parum gravisum est | 
It seems impossible to restore this clause 
with any certainty: see Adn. Crit. An 
old correction of logaeo is Lucceio, which 
is possible, as proper names are especially 
liable to corruption. In § 5 Boot (Obs. 
_ «Crit., p. 11) suggested ἐκλογείῳ, a strange 
_ word, which he supposes to mean ‘money 
_ exacted,’ as ἐκλογεῖς are ‘ tax-collectors,’ 
and ἐκλέγειν = ‘to exact.’ For gravisum 
Egnatius conjectured provisum, which 


would make good sense, ‘ since little care 
has been taken in the matter of Lucceius’; 
but the word is unlikely to have been 
corrupted into gravisum. One would 
naturally think of an ‘auditor’ (Aoyic- 
Tns) in this connexion, and then suppose , 
some such words were written as quoniam 
de λογιστῃ parum gravate visum est, 
‘since as far as the auditor was con- 
cerned there seemed to be little reluc- 
tance’ (to allow such an alteration to 
be made); but the expression would be 
strange. Or could Jlogaeum be for 
λογεῖον, and that be used for Bureau des 
Comptes, ‘the Account Office’? Then 
we might read quoniam de Aoyeiw parum 
gra<viter pro>visum est, ‘since as re- 
gards the Account Office, the conduct of 
business has been far from serious,’ i.e., 
has been careless. But there is no 
evidence for this use of the word, though 
words connected with the technicalities 
of accounts are often found nowhere else, 
e.g. rationarium (Suet. Aug. 28). Orelli 
reads guoniam de Lucceio parum grave 
visum est, which he seems to translate 
‘as little ‘seriousness (or ‘dignity of 
conduct ᾽) seemed to have been shown in 
the matter of Lucceius’ (i.e., in the way 
the money was appropriated and accounted 
for) ; but that expression, too, is strange. 
The passage, we think, still needs emen- 
dation. 

senatus consulto| Cicero did not make 
use of a decree of the Senate which 
allowed him to hold back his accounts for 
a considerable time ; on the contrary, he 
sent them in long before the necessary 
time, probably because he wished to have 
done with his province and all its affairs. 
We must now, says Cicero, see what the 
law allows us to do in the way ofaltering 
the accounts already sent in. It is not 
known to what senatus consultum Cicero 
is alluding. 


14 EP. 302 (FAM. V. 90). 


est. 


et contubernalis dumtaxat meos delatos esse. 
ratio fefellit: liberum enim mihi tempus ad eos deferendos existi- 


mabam dari: postea certior sum factus triginta diebus deferri — 


necesse esse quibus rationes rettulissem. Sane moleste tuli non 
illa beneficia tuae potius ambition reservata esse quam meae, qui 
ambitione nihil uterer. De centurionibus tamen et de tribunorum 
militarium contubernalibus res est in integro: genus enim horum 


116 certe in pecuniae exactae ita efferre ex meis rationibus — 
relatis non oportuit, nisi quid me fallit: sunt enim alii peritiores. — 
Sed illud cave dubites quin. ego omnia faciam quae interesse tua — 
aut etiam velle te existimem, si ullo modo facere possim. 7. Quod 
scribis de beneficiis, scito a me et tribunos militaris et praefectos — 
In quo quidem me ~ 


beneficiorum definitum lege non erat. 


Te certe . . . non oportuit] We have 
left this sentence obelized. For the mss. 
reading see Adn. Crit. Wesenberg (Zm., 
p- 74) reads in pecuniam exactam ista 
vreferre ex meis rationibus relatis non 
oportuit ; but we are in doubt as to how 
he would translate ex. It could hardly 
be taken as ‘ after my accounts were sent 
in,’ as referre ex would certainly suggest 
‘entering from my accounts,’ and this 
would give a meaning opposed to what 
we consider is Cicero’s argument. Could 
the reading be in pecuniam exactam ista 
referre |IX| (= nongenta millia)? if so, 
the numeral might well have been cor- 
rupted into Ex. 

Sed iilud| We have ventured to add 
sed before illud: it may have been lost 
after the s of peritiores. A particle of 
transition is certainly required. 

7. beneficiis] On the return of the 
governor to Rome he presented to the 
Treasury a list (headed ‘ Beneficia’) of 
persons on his staff or in his suite (cohors 
praetoria) to whom he had granted rewards 
for special service : cp. Dr. Reid on Arch. 
11. These would naturally appear in the 
accounts : cp. 2 Verr. i. 36. The quaestor 
seems to have sent in a similar list, it 
being a kind of pendant to the accounts : 
cp. Mommeen, St. R. 15, 300. 5. 

contubernalis| The same as the comites : 
Att. xiii. 38. 3 (616); Planc. 27; Cael. 
73; Q. Fr. i. 1. 11 (30). 

dumtaxat meos} Accordingly not those 
of the quaestor. 

In quo quidem] ‘In which matter 
indeed I made a miscalculation; for I 


8. Reliquum est de HS 


thought there was no fixed limit of time 
within which I should return the names. 
I was afterwards informed that they must 
be returned within thirty days after I had 
sent in my accounts.’ 

Sane| The men mentioned as deserving 
of beneficia would of course be likely in 
after times to help the governor or quaes- 
tor who recommended them. I am sorry, 
suys Cicero, that I returned this list as 
my Own: you want influence, as your 
career is just commencing ; I have reached 
the highest positions, and I am not am- 
bitious. But you can return a list of 
centurions and companions of the military 
tribunes; for there is no specification in 
the law of the time within which the list 
of these beneficiarit must be returned. 

lege| Apparently the Lex Julia de 
Repetundis. 

8. Reliquum 66] From some book- 
keeping error on the part of Rufus (or his 
cousin, or Cicero's clerk, Tullius) the 
accounts showed Rufus indebted to the 
Treasury for about a hundred thousand 
sesterces. Rufus, in a letter from Myrina, 
had acknowledged that the mistake was 
his, not Cicero’s. However, it may well 
be that Cicero, as governor, was to some 
degree technically responsible. But the 
accounts had been returned, Cicero had 
left his province, and so no correction 
could be made. It might perhaps have 
involved Cicero’s going back to his pro- 
vince, and all sorts of unpleasant trouble. 
Cicero, in his eagerness to get rid of his 
hated provincial worries (among which 
finance was probably the greatest), and full 


| fuisse HS [XXII 


» 


of hope that he would be quite rich when he 
' returned to Rome (proque ea spe facultatum 
quam tum habebamus), replied apparently 
in some such friendly terms as that be 
| would see and have the matter put right, 
and that Rufus should not sustain any 
loss, thereby leading Rufus to believe 
that, if he (Cicero) could not put it right 
_ otherwise, he would pay the money out of 
his own pocket. But now that Cicero has 
returned to Rome he sees that his hopes 
_ of having money at his disposal are vain, 
and lets Rufus know that he must not 
_ regard the words of his previous letter as 
anything more than those of ordinary 
politeness. Rufus is to consider the loss 
_ of the money as so much deduction from 
his allowances and from the presents 
given him by the governor. It must not, 
owever, for an instant be supposed that 
icero misappropriated the money ; 
vulgar avarice was certainly no failing of 
his: no, the money all went into the 
‘Treasury. Butstill Rufus was somewhat 
hardly dealt with ; and perhaps he and the 
‘rest of the cohors may have had some 
‘reasons for regarding with less com- 
‘placency than Cicero did the extreme 
_ elegantia of the latter’s administration. 

Myrina\ A seaport town in Aeolia. 

᾿ς decessimus| The indicative should 
follow quod. Crat. and most edd. read 
decessissemus (mss. decessimus). They 
would explain the subjunctive probably 


Ὶ 


EP. 302 (FAM. V. 20). 15 


centum milibus, de quibus memini mihi a te Myrina litteras esse 
-adlatas, non mei errati, sed tui: in quo peccatum videbatur esse, 
si modo erat, fratris tui et Tulli. Sed cum id corrigi non posset, 
quod iam depositis rationibus ex provincia decessimus, credo me 
quidem tibi pro animi mei voluntate proque ea spe facultatum 
quam tum habebamus quam humanissime, potuerim rescripsisse. 
Sed neque tum me humanitate litterarum mearum obligatum puto 
| neque me tuam hodie epistulam de HS centum sic accepisse ut 
“ii accipiunt quibus epistulae per haec tempora molestae sunt. 
9. Simul illud cogitare debes, me omnem pecuniam, quae ad me 
' salvis legibus pervenisset, Ephesi apud publicanos deposuisse: id 
: eam omnem pecuniam Pompeium abstulisse. 
| Quod ego sive aequo animo sive iniquo fero, tu de HS centum 
aequo animo ferre debes et existimare eo minus ad te vel de tuis 
| cibariis vel de mea liberalitate pervenisse. 


Quod si mihi expensa. 


as a virtual oblique ‘ because (as I said) 
I had left the province.’ 

pro anim met... facultatum] ‘as 
my feelings and financial expectations at 
the time prompted.’ See note on Religuum 
est, above. 

epistulae| sc. creditorum pecuniam cre-. 
ditam exigentium (Schiitz). 

haec tempora] i.e. the uncertain con- 
dition of affairs, owing to the Civil War, 
when a man would be very loth to part 
with whatever he had. Besides, Cicero. 
had hopes of a triumph, and he would 
want all his resources for that. 

9. Pompeium] cp. 407.33; 411. 33. 
428. 4. 

Quod... fero| ‘ Whether 7 am satisfied’ 
or not at this, you ought to be satisfied 
as regards the 100,000 sesterces’ (a com- 
paratively small sum). 

cibariis| ‘allowance for your mainte- 
nance.’ lor other meanings of cidaria, 
viz. (1) soldiers’ pay, (2) money paid by 
provincials in commutation of the corn- 
supply imposed on them, see Mommsen,. 
St. R. i?, 287. Doubtless it was this. 
latter method of obtaining money, added 
to the economy with which Cicero spent. 
his vasariwm, which enabled him to save 
such a large sum as 2,200,000 sesterces 
(abont £18,000). 

liberalitate| The officers of the provin- 
cial governor were certainly entitled to 
be maintained at the public expense. 


16 EP. 802 (FAM. V. 20). 


ἰδία HS centum tulisses, tamen, quae tua est suavitas quique in 
me amor, nolles a me hoc tempore aestimationem accipere: nam 
numeratum si cuperem, non erat. 
ut ego te existimo. Ego tamen, cum Tullius rure redierit, mittam 
eum ad te, si quid ad rem putabis pertinere. 


conscindi velim causa nulla est. 


This maintenance was converted into an 
ample money allowance called ciburia. 
The officers were not in absolute strict- 
ness entitled to any salary; but they 
virtually obtained a salary from the 
governor in the form of presents, though 
such salary or presents were very small 
in Cicero’s year of administration. From 
Att. vii. 1, 6 (284), we may infer that it 
was customary to divide among the offi- 
cers and suite the balance of the State 
grant for the administration which re- 
mained after the expenses of the year had 
been defrayed. The State grant (which 
was levied ultimately on the provincials) 
must have been very considerable; for 
Cicero not only left a large balance to one 
of his quaestors, Caelius Caldus, whom he 
left in charge of the province, but besides 
paid into the Treasury HS 1,000,000, if 
the numeral is right in Att. vil. 1. 6 (284). 

aestimationem accipere| This was a 
formula which came into prominence 
later, when Caesar promulgated his laws 
about bankruptcy: cp. Caes. B. C. iii. 1; 
and note on 472. 7. Creditors had to take, 
in liquidation of their claims, the debtor’s 
estate at the value which it would have 
fetched before the ‘bad times’ began, and 
the great depreciation of property set in. 
It was probably a solution of the debt 
question which had already been begun to 
be talked about ; just as all sorts of solu- 
tions of difficult political problems are 
advanced now-a-days, some one of which, 
with its technical nomenclature, may be 
ultimately adopted. It is referred to with 
a certain playfulness; ‘I know you 
wouldn’t like to require me to settle with 


Sed haec iocatum me putato, | 


Hance epistulam cur 


would fetch in normal times. It would 
be like distraining on a man’s ‘property 
with us, which is decidedly an unfriendly — 
act; and Cicero declares he has no ready _ 
cash at all. 


numeratum| ‘If I wished to pay cash, 
I shouldn’t be able.’ οἱ 
non erat] sc. numerandum. For the 


gerundive and indicative after a subjunc- 
tive protasis cp. Mil. 58, Ovid Fast. v. — 
408, quoted by Roby, § 1570. 

Hane epistulam .. . nuliaest| The mss. 
give non scindi. If this reading is right, 
it must mean ‘ I have no reason for wish- 
ing that this letter should not be torn up.’ 
Cicero would then hint that he would like 
the letter to be torn up; and we could not 
very much wonder, as he does seem to 
have been somewhat careless as regards — 
his accounts, notwithstanding all his 
special pleading. But, on the other hand, — 
he does not seem throughout the letter to 
desire to shirk responsibility. Shuckburgh: 
thinks that Cicero permits Rufus to de-— 
stroy this letter if he should think that it — 
would be his interest to do so, or would in — 
any respect tie his hands in dealing with 
Tullius. But on the whole we think that 
O. Hirschfeld (Hermes v. 297) is right in 
reading conscindi for non scindi: and con-— 
scindi is elsewhere used of destroying — 
letters, Fam. vii. 18. 4 (173) : 25. 1 (668). 
Cicero then means that Rufus may keep 
this letter and make what use he likes of 
it: and that he (Cicero) is quite prepared 
to take the responsibility for all that has — 
been done: and, to say the truth, that — 
seems the tenor of the whole epistle. For — 
con- and mon confused, Miiller compares — 


you on the estate-valuation plan,’ i.e. to 


Fam. xi. 2. 1 (740) non scripsissemus HD: — 
receive property estimated at what it 


conscripsissemus M. 


th 
an 


7 


- ΔΝ 
ΣΕ 


consilium ut exirem| ‘to leave Rome.’ 
| He had not entered the city, for he had 
/ not laid down his imperium. After words 
| like mos, consilium, the construction with 
| the subjunctive (Att. v. 8. 2 Ep. 193) is 
as common in Cicero as the genitive of 
_ the gerund (302. 4). In 304.3 quod takes 
_ the place of wt, and is followed by a past 
tense, consilium . . quod reliquerit ‘his 
‘policy in leaving the city.’ Consilium, 
which usually means ‘ advice,’ here means 
‘decision, resolution’ (cp. 333. 2). 
 lictoribus praesertim laureatis| cp. 
305. 4. Cicero still cherished the hope of 
securing a triumph, and so did not resign 
his imperium. But he found the lictors 
‘troublesome (328. 3: 418. 2). The latter 
epistle (written in November, 48) is the 
last place we hear of these lictors. 

᾿ς amentissimi| the determination of the 
consuls and other magistrates to follow 
the example of Pompey and leave the 
city. Cicero is very severe on his aban- 
donment of the city, 305. 3; 319. 1; 
828. 3; 332.2; 339. 1; yet cp. note to 
804. 3. 

in oppidis coartatus et stupens| ‘in be- 
wildered brooding on the towns’ which 
have been lost. So Nissen understands 
these words; but the phrase is peculiar, 
and the word denoting ‘captured’ towns 
ean hardly be omitted. The word for being 
_ absorbed in any thought is totws in Horace 


vol. Iv. 


EP. 303 (ATT. VIT, 10). 17 


τ 303. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vu. 10). 
| LEAVING ROME; JANUARY 18; A.U.C. 705; B.C. 493 ABT. CIC, 57. 


De exitu suo subito ex urbe et de inopia consilii quid agendum sit. 


Ἢ CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


Subito consilium cepi ut ante quam luceret exirem, ne qui 
conspectus fieret aut sermo, lictoribus praesertim laureatis. De 
ΗΝ neque hercule quid agam nec quid acturus sim 5010: ita 
sum perturbatus temeritate nostri amentissimi consili. Tibi vero 
/ quid suadeam, culus ipse consilium exspecto? Gnaeus noster 
quid consili ceperit capiatve, nescio, adhuc in oppidis coartatus et 
_ stupens. Omnes, si in Italia consistet, erimus una: sin cedet, 


Sat.1. 9. 2, so that Nissen’s idea would be 
brought out by some such words as in oppi- . 
dis captis totus et stupens: but it would 
be very venturesome to read that. The 
word cannot be applied to Pompey’s 
forces such as he had. We might have 
in oppidis dispertitus, but not coartatus: 
for this would imply concentration, which 
would have been no bad thing. But 
Pompey when not at the head of his 
army can hardly be identified with that 
army. We thought of reading, Adhuc 
in oppidis cohortes sunt. Stupent omnes: 
cp. 305. 2 ibt (Larini) enim cohortes 
et Luceriae et Teani reliquaque in Apulia. 
But that would be too violent a change. 
Mr. Jeans translates ‘ he being at present 
somewhere among the country towns 
cooped up and quite bewildered.’ But 
Pompey had only left Rome the day 
before: and surely Cicero would have 
said in oppido quodam if he meant this. 
Lehmann (p. 133) suggested contionatus 
est (or contionatur): stupent omnes, com- 
paring 319. 1, timidissimas in oppidis 
contiones. But he had not timeto make a 
speech anywhere outside Rome, much 
Jess in several towns. 

erimus| ‘if he makes a stand in Italy, 
we shall all join him; if he leaves the 
country, we must consider our position.’ 

cedet| cp. 305.4: for genitive consili 
est 378. 3: 470. 2. 


ἐν 


18 EP. 304 (ATT. VII. 11). 


consili res est. Adhue certe, nisi ego insanio, stulte omnia e 
incaute. Tu, quaeso, crebro ad me scribe vel quod in buccam, 
venerit. 


1 
| 
304. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. viz. 11). ! 


TARRACINA (Ὁ); JANUARY 19; A. U. ©. 705; B.C. 493; AET. CIC. 57. 


De discessu Labieni a Caesnre, de Caesaris consilio nefario rem publ. armis — 
obtinendi, de Pompeii malo consilio urbem relinquendi, de procuratione sibi destinata, 
de commercio litterarum. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Quaeso, quid hoc est ἢ aut quid agitur ? Mihi enim tene- 
brae sunt. ‘Cingulum ’ inquit ‘nos tenemus : Anconem amisimus. 
Labienus discessit a Caesare.’ Utrum de imperatore populi 
Romani an de Hannibale loquimur? O hominem amentem, et 
miserum qui ne umbram quidem umquam τοῦ καλοῦ viderit! 
Atque haec ait omnia facere se dignitatis causa. Ubi est autem — 
dignitas nisi ubi honestas? Honestum igitur habere exercitum 
nullo publico consilio? oceupare urbis civium, quo facilior sit 


stulte ...et incaute| sc. facta sunt: 1. inguit] ‘people say’; the plural is 


cp. Att. vi. 6. 4 (276) nunguam essem sine 
cura si quid iracundius aut contumeliosius 
aut neglegentius, quae fert vita hominum. 
Adverbsare often in the Letters used predi- 
catively with simple esse: cp vol. 15, p. 91. 

in buccam|] ‘whatever rises to your 
lips’; we should write ‘ whatever comes 
into your head’: cp. 505. 2; Att. 1. 12. 
4 (17): xiv. 7. 2 (709). Another expres- 
sion used by Cicero in the same sense is 
quod in solum (venit); cp. τὰ ἐν (πρὸΞ5) ποσί, 
τὸ πρὸ ποδός (ποδῶν) : solum means pro- 
bably ‘ sole’ (of foot) : cp. note to 479. 2. 


We have ventured to suggest Tarracina 
as the place from which this letter was 
written. It was the stage next before 
Formiae, whither Cicero was going: cp. 
Att. vii. 6. 3 (296). In connexion with 
his sphere of office Cicero mentions Tarra- 
cina 327. 1. O. E. Schmidt thinks Antium 
was the first place Cicero went to after 
leaving Rome. 


more usual, except when a speaker is 
stating objections to his own arguments, 
when the singular inguit is common: ep. 
Dr. Reid on Acad. ii. 79. But, perhaps, 
the nom. may be Pompey, and the refer- 
ence be to a statement he made in the 
Senate on the 17th. 

Anconem| Lucan ii. 402 and Juvenal 
iv. 40 use Ancon for the nominative, and 
Catullus xxxvi. 11, uses Ancona for the 
accusative. Strabo calls the town ᾿Αγκών, 


and Pomponius Mela derives the name © 


from ἀγκὼν ‘elbow.’ The ss. ie 


Anconam at 312. 2,and most probably the — 


Latin form of the name was Ancona (-ae). 


We can find no other example of Anco- — 


nem; but cp. Crotonem in 377. 8, and — 
often in Livy. 


amentem, et miserum] The latter ad- — 


jective alone qualifies qui . . . viderit, 
‘how demented he is! and how much to 


be pitied for never having had so much | 


as a glimpse of the Right !’ 


EP. 304 (ATT. VII. 11). 19 


τὴν θεῶν μεγίστην ὥστ᾽ ἴχειν τυραυγέθῳ eee 


ibi Rabat suam fortunam ! Unam melercule tecum apricationem 
: in illo lucrativo tuo sole malim quam omnia istius modi regna, vel 
otius mori miliens quam semel istius modi quidquam cogitare. 
? ‘Quid si tu velis.?’ inquis. Age quis est cui velle non liceat ἢ 
| Sed ego hoc i ipsum velle miserius esse duco quam in crucem tolli. 


- hactenus. 


— καθόδους} ‘in the 
᾿ς ΟΝ Τῆς abolition of debts and return 
of banished men.’ Cicero might have used 
Oy atin words novas tabulas, and restitu- 
- damnatorum (De Lege Agr. 11. 10), 
or exsulum reditum (392. 2). But these 

words are given in Greek, as revolution 
“and its attendant violation of rights were 
tim much more common in Greek states 
than at Rome. Generally it is γῆς avd- 
Sacuos that goes with χρεῶν ἀποκοπάς 
(Plat. Rep. 566 a, with Adam/’s note). 
ἢ For Cicero’s use of Greek words cp. vol. 
“15. 87. 
He thy Oe@v... τυραννίδα] Kurip. 
Phoen. 506, ‘and all for Empire, greatest 
᾿ “power divine.’ 
Sibi habeat] The form for repudiation 
was res tibi habeto tuas. The sentence 
which follows shows that Cicero just 
‘allowed his consciousness to play for a 
_ moment on the thought of the commanding 


hould make common cause with Caesar ; 
‘repudiates’ the very thought, and 
(as we would say) ‘shakes the dust off 
᾿ς hisfeet.’ Commanding political influence 


‘compared with a life of political insignifi- 
¢ance and literary leisure with Atticus, 
hay, death would be better than the 
hought of such a volte-face. In the next 
ection he puts the unlikely: case that his 
_ wishes should be for such ἃ position 

_ with Caesar, and adds ‘a man may have 
what wishes he may (wishes do no harm if 
hey do not lead to action); but Z should 
consider such a wish to be more to be 
deplored than an ignominious death; to 
mtertain such a wish would be the worst 


Una res est ea miserior, adipisci quod ita volueris. 


Sed haec 


Libenter enim in his molestiis ἐνσχολάζω τόσον. 


thing that could happen to a man, except 
one thing—to see it gratified.’ Watson 
well compares Juv. x. 95 ff. gui nolunt 
occidere quemquam posse volunt. 

lucrativo| In judicial language res lu- 
crativa is a gift or bequest which is pure 
gain. We might then translate ‘in what 
you call your unencumbered sun,’ if that 
is not making too much of the metaphor. 
The word is found elsewhere applied to 
‘leisure’ time or ‘ spare’ time, i.e. time 
taken from one’s regular business hours. 
Compare Quintilian x. 7. 27, neque enim 
fere tam est ullus dies occupatus ut nihil 
lucratwae, ut Cicero Brutum facere tradit, 
operae ad seribendum aut legendum aut 
dicendum rapt aliqguo momento temporis 
possit; Fronto ad M. Ant. ii. 2.1 (p. 105, 
Naber), lucrativa tua in tantis negotiis 
tempora meis quogue orationibus legendis 
oceupare non inutile tibt arbitraris nee 
infructuosum: cp. subsicivus. Faernus 
suggested Lucretilino, and refers it to the 
villa Atticus had at Nomentum (cp. 
Nepos 14), which was in the neighbour- 
hood of Mons Lucretilis (Monte Gennaro). 
See also Adn. Crit. 

2. ipsum velle| cp. ipsum vinci (448. 2). 

ἐνσχολάζω) ‘For I am ready to 
inflict my dissertation on you at such 
length in these troublous affairs.’ The 
MSS. give σόσον, for which σοὶ is usually 
read—perhaps rightly: cp. ἐμπολιτεύο- 
gat σοι, Att. vii. 7. 7 (298), where see 
note on the force of ἐν- in such words : 
cp. ἐντυραννεῖσθαι, Att. ii. 14. 1 (41) and 
Eur. Bacch. 200 (if we adopt Musgrave’ 8 
emendation) οὐδ᾽ ἐνσοφιζόμεσθα τοῖσι 
δαίμοσιν. For σχόλιον “ἃ dissertation,’ 
ep. Att. xvi. 7. 3 (783) and Fam. ix. 


C2 


20 EP, 304 (ATT. VII. 11); 


3. Redeamus ad nostrum. Per fortunas! quale tibi consilium 
Pompei videtur? Hoc quaero, quod urbem_ reliquerit. 
Tum nihil absurdius. Urbem tu relinquas? Ergo 
‘Non est’ inquit ‘in parietibus res — 
‘Fecit idem Themistocles.’ Fluc- 


enim ἀπορῶ. 
idem, si Galli venirent. 
publica.’ At in aris et focis. 


tum enim totius barbariae ferre urbs una non poterat. 
Pericles non fecit, annum fere post quinquagesimum, cum praeter 
moenia nihil teneret : nostri olim urbe reliqua capta arcem tamen — 


retinuerunt. 


Οὕτω που τῶν πρόσθεν ἐπευθόμεθα κλέα ἀνδρῶν... 


22. 4 (633) Habes scholam Stoicam. For 
σχολάζειν, ‘to give lectures,’ cp. Plut. 
Dem. 5, ᾿Ισοκράτους τότε σχολάζοντος. 
The late Greek sense of a word is invari- 
ably the right sense to ascribe to Cicero. 
Enim explains haec hactenus. ‘The meaning 
is ‘I must pull myself up (haec hactenus), 
for my tendency is to go on theorizing for 
ever in the present crisis.’ 

ὃ. Per fortunas!| See Att. 11. 20. 1 
(78). 

Hoe quaero, quod reliquerit| ‘I mean 
his leaving the city.’ Yet this line of 
policy which Pompey adopted was clearly 
before Cicero’s mind just before the crisis 
at the end of December, 50, Att. vii. 9.2 
(300), suscepto autem bello aut tenenda sit 
urbs aut ea relicta ille commeatu et reliquis 
copiis iutercludendus. Perhaps it had 
been hinted at by Pompey himself in the 
interview Cicero had with him shortly 
before in Campania: cp. Att. vii. 4. 2 
(295). 

Tum| The implied criticism in the 
foregoing sentence Ego enim ἀπορῶ is that 
the step which Pompey took in leaving the 
city is inexplicable, meaningless. Zum 
introduces a second criticism: ‘ moreover, 
such a step is quite absurd (just the step 
which the circumstances do not call for) ; 
if Caesar is an invading enemy, why 
should you evacuate the city betore him 
any more than you would do so before 
invading Gauls?’ Tum is correlative to 
rursus in § 4, which introduces the argu- 
ments on the other side. It is hard to 
see how else ¢wm can be explained. It 
is, however, quite possible that the text 
is corrupt. Perhaps for twm we should 
read tamen, or cum mihi, or perhaps Cicero 
wrote ego enim ἀπορῶ totum. Nihil ab- 
surdius. But in that sense it should 


Ego 


At idem 


rather be totus; and in totum would not, 
we think, be Ciceronian. 

Ergo idem, si Galli venirent| se. face- 
retis: cp. Tac. Hist. 1. 84, Vos quidem 
istud pro me (sc. fecistis). * Well then you 
would have done the same (i.e. no more) 
if the Gauls were coming upon us.’ It 
would be simpler if we could read quasi. 

Non est ...respublica| cp. Appian, 
B. C. ii. 87, οὐ yap τὰ χωρία καὶ τὰ 
οἰκήματα τὴν δύναμιν ἢ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν 
εἶναι τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἄνδρας, ὅπῃ; 
ποτ᾽ ἂν ὦσιν, ἔχειν ταῦτα σὺν ἑαυτοῖς : 
ep. Thucyd. i. 143. 5. 

‘ Fecit idem Themistocles’ | The inverted 
comma should come after Zhemistocles. 
The advocate of Pompey first urges that a 
man’s country does not consist of the mere: 
material buildings of his town; to which 
the answer is ‘no, but a man’s country is 
the place hallowed by religious and domes- 
tic ties.’ ‘ Yet,’ says Pompey’s advocate,. 
‘Themistocles left Athens.’ ‘ Aye,’ 
replies the opponent, ‘ because an over- 
powering force constrained him; yet 
Pericles did mot take this: step, nor did 
our ancestors, 

If right we read the deeds they did 
in the brave days of old.’ 
Because σέ introduces the first plea of the 
assailant of Pompey, it is hastily inferred 
that it must also introduce the second. 
But the train of thought plainly demands 


‘the view which we have taken: fluctum 


. . non poterat is certainly urged by one — 
who seeks to show that the act of Themis- — 
tocles cannot be claimed as a precedent — 
for that of Pompey. It would be quite — 
otiose in the mouth of the supposed advo- — 
cate of Pompey. Pompey may have — 
justified his abandonment of the city by — 
the example of Themistocles: ep. Appian, 


EP. 304 (ATT. VII. 11). 21 


4. Rursus autem ex dolore municipali sermonibusque eorum 
quos convenio videtur hoe consilium exitum habiturum. Mira 
hominum querela est—nescio istic’ne, sed facies ut sclam—sine 
magistratibus urbem esse, sine senatu. Fugiens denique Pom- 
_peius mirabiliter homines movet. Quid quaeris? Alia causa 
facta est : nihil iam concedendum putant Caesari. Haec tu mihi 
explica qualia sint. 5. Ego negotio praesum non turbulento. 
‘Vult enim me Pompeius esse quem tota haec Campania et mari- 
tima ora habeat ἐπίσκοπον ad quem dilectus et summa negoti 


_ successful 


deferatur. 


quaé sit ὁρμὴ Caesaris, qui populus, qui totius negoti status. 


Itaque vagus esse cogitabam. Te puto iam videre 


Ka 


velim scribas ad me et quidem, quoniam mutabilia sunt, quam 
saepissime. Acquiesco enim et scribens ad te et legens tua. 


B.C. ii. 50 (Pompey’s speech to his army 
in Greece). For similar references to the 
conduct of historical characters in times 


of crisis cp. 365. 3. 


Οὕτω... .. ἀνδρῶν] Homer, 1]. ix. 
524, but there the verse runs οὕτω καὶ τῶν 
πρόσθεν. 

4. Rursus . . . habiturum] ‘on the 
other hand, if I may judge by the feeling 
excited in the municipal towns and the 
talk I hear, it looks as if the step of 
Pompey would be a success.’ He goes on 
to say that Pompey’s flight from the city 
is producing a great sensation, and has 
given a new complexion to the whole 
ease, and steeled public opinion against 
any concession to Caesar. Lxitum habere 
is ‘to succeed,’ but an adjective such as 
secundum (Hor. Carm. iv. 14. 38) or 
meliorem (394. 6) is usually added. Τύ is, 
however, unqualified in Phil. v. 42, fugam 
quae ipsa exttum non habebat, ‘ offered no 
issue’: De Domo 123 Date 
huie religiont aditum, wpontifices: iam 
nullunm fortunis communibus exitum re- 


 perietis: Verr. 111. 190. 


EST nS A eT Oe eas σι  ἐσασας 


istic) Wesenberg suggests that we 
should read isticine, as Nescio istic could 
only mean ‘I (being) there do not know.’ 
The interrogative form of the pronoun is 


“not found elsewhere in Cicero, and this 


would account for the corruption. ‘The 
form isticine is common in Plautus and 
Terence (Neue-Wagener 1158. 402), and 
therefore natural in Cicero’s letters. 
Miiller, however, would retain the ss. 
reading, quoting ‘I'erence Heaut. 396 
Nescio alias (sc. mulieres): 1088 Deos 
mescio. “1 do not know about other 


women’ (i.e. whether other women do so 
or not); ‘I do not know about the gods’ 
(i.e. whether the gods will prevent it or 
not). Then istic will be equivalent to 
locum ubi tu es, 1.6. Romam. This is a 
clever interpretation, and is probably 
right. 

haec Campania] Cicero cannot possibly 
have been in Campania by this time: so 
that haee must have some unusual signi- 
ficance if Campunia is retained at all. M 
reads Campana, but that does not help us. 
Schmidt (p. 117) holds that Campania 
(or Campana) was applied in ordinary 
language to the Campagna of Rome : 
so that Cicero might speak of haec 
Campania in this sense. But Schmidt 
acknowledges that no other example of 
this use of the word is forthcoming in 
Republican times; and he does not 
make anv reference to the regio of 
Augustus, but to Porphyrion, the scholiast 
on Horace, who says (on A. P. 65) that 
the Pomptine Marshes are in Campania: 
ep. C. 1.1L. xiv. 2934, regione Camp(ania) 
territorio Prae(nestino). But, perhaps, we 
need not press haee to mean more than 
Campania‘ with w hich I amnow entrusted, 
and with which my thoughts are now 
constantly occupied.’ It is just possible 
that Campania (or Campana) et may bea 
corruption of Campaniae, and that the word 
is a gloss on ora. On the whole question 
of Cicero’s sphere of command in Cam- 
pania cp. Addenda to the Commentary i. 

vagus esse} ‘I mean to keep moving 
about’: ep. 326. 3. 

δρμὴ}] ‘aim’ ‘ motive,’ appetitio qua 
ad agendum impellimur, Acad. ii. 24. 


22 EP. 305 (ATT. VII. 12). 


305. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vn. 12). 


FORMIAE; JANUARY 21 OR 223 A. Uy.C. 7053 B.C. 49 3 AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero ab Attico requirit ut 5101 scribat quid iam sibi faciendum esse putet, © 
Pompeium ipsum quid agat nescire et inutilia omnia facere, de Μ᾽. Lepidi, de ~ 
L. Torquati consilio, se imperio impediri, denique de Labieni discessu a Caesare, de — 
Terentia et Tullia. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 

1. Unam adhue a te epistulam acceperam, datam xu Kal., in — 

qua significabatur aliam te ante dedisse, quam non acceperam. 
Sed quaeso ut scribas quam saepissime, non modo si quid scies — 
aut audieris sed etiam si quid suspicabere, maximeque quid nobis 
faciendum aut non faciendum putes. Nam quod rogas curem ut 
scias quid Pompeius agat, ne ipsum quidem scire puto, nostrum 
quidem nemo. 2. Vidi Lentulum consulem Formiis x Kal., vidi 
Libonem: plena timoris et erroris omnia. [116 iter Larinum: 
ibi enim cohortes et Luceriae et Teani reliquaque in Apulia. 
Inde utrum consistere uspiam velit an mare transire nescitur. Si 
manet, vereor ne exercitum firmum habere non possit : sin discedit, 
quo aut qua aut quid nobis agendum sit nescio. Nam istum 
quidem, quoius φαλαρισμὸν times, omnia teterrime facturum puto. 


This letter was written on January 21 
or 22, probably the former. Cicero wrote 
to Att. every day after leaving the city, 
at least up to the 26th (911. 1). 

1. rogas curem] = rogas wt curem, an 
ellipse very characteristic of Latin comedy, 
but common also in Caesar. 

nostrum quidem| ‘ of us at least.’ 

2. Libonem| About three weeks later 
Libo was working vigorously (329. 2). 

erroris| ‘bewilderment,’ ‘uncertainty.’ 

Teani] i.e. Teanum Apulum (ep. Clu. 
27) to be distinguished from Teanum 
Sidicinum, which is also called Teanum 
simply (308. 3). Teanum Apulum, some- 
times called Teate on coins (cp. Liv. ix. 
20. 7), was about 25 miles north of 
Luceria. 

consistere| ‘make a stand’ (303). From 
the very beginning of the war Cicero 
regarded the possibility of Pompey’s 
leaving Italy, though he says, in writing 
to Pompey on February 27, that he never 
had a conception that Pompey would do 
so: cp. 343. 5 Nam suspicione adsequi non 


potut, quod omnia prius arbitratus sum 
Sore quam ut haec reip. causa in Italia non 
posset duce te conststere. 

quo aut gua| ‘whither or where, or 
what I am todo.’ ‘This elliptical sentence 
should, if fully expressed, be guo nobis 
eundum sit aut qua nobis manendum sit aut 
quid nobis agendum sit, ‘where I am to go 
or stay, or what I am to do, I have no idea.’ 


φαλαρισμὺν) See 318. 2, where ~ 


Cicero says that it is uncertain whether 
Caesar will turn out a Phalaris or a 
Pisistratus. He very soon showed that 
he was going to be a greater and better 
man than even Pisistratus. By φαλαρισμόν 


Cicero means pretty much what used to ἷ 


be called ‘incivism’; but a precise ren- 


dering should contain a personal desig- — 
nation; ‘ Napoleonism,’ ‘Caesarism,’ are — 


perhaps the words which we should use. 

teterrime | 
manner’: cp. Lucan i. 479 Nee qualiem 
(Caesarem) meminere vident ; mavorque 


Serusque | mentibus oceurrit victogue im- _ 


manior hoste. 


‘in the most frightful — 


eS ee ae ete Eee ere ee! 


| 


q 


" 


᾿ 
ἵ 


EP. 305 (ATT. VII. 12). 23 


Nec eum rerum prolatio nec senatus magistratuumque discessus nec 
-aerarium clausum tardabit. 8. Sed haec, ut scribis, cito sciemus. 
4 Interim velim mihi ignoscas quod ad te scribo tam multa totiens. 
_ Acquiesco enim et tuas volo elicere litteras maximeque consilium 
quid agam aut quo me pacto geram, demittamne me penitus in 
_ causam?—non deterreor periculo sed dirumpor dolore: tamne nullo 
consilio aut tam contra meum consilium gesta esse omnia !—an 
| euncter et tergiverser et iis me dem qui tenent, qui potiuntur ἢ 
| ᾿Αἰδέομαι Τρῶας, nec solum civis sed etiam amici ofticio revocor, 
etsi frangor saepe misericordia puerorum. 4. Ut igitur ita per- 
turbato, etsi te eadem sollicitant, scribe aliquid, et maxime, si 
Pompeius Italia cedit, quid nobis agendum putes. Μ᾽’, quidem 
Lepidus—nam fuimus una—eum finem statuit, L. Torquatus 
eundem. Me cum multa tum etiam lictores impediunt; nihil 


certi exquiro sed quid videatur. 


rerum prolatio| ‘the postponement of 
business,’ i.e. the iustitiwm: cp. Liv. iii. 
27. 2, iustitiam edicit, claudi tabernas tota 
urbe iubet, vetat quemguam privatae quic- 
quam rei agere. ‘That a tumultus was 
_ decreed on Jan. 14 (cp. 301. 3), and that 

this involved a iustitiwm (cp. Phil. v. 31) 
_and a closing of the treasury (cp. Har. 
Resp. 55), is maintained by Schmidt 
_(p. 107 ff.). 

3. Acquiesco enim] sc. scribens ad te. 

ο΄ demittamne| a metaphor from aban- 
_ doning a favuurable position, cp. 383.5: 
_ 456. 2; ‘shall I abandon my present 
_ favourable position,’ asks Cicero, ‘and 
_ throw myself heartily into the cause (of 
Pompey)?’ From the other alternative— 
awaiting events, ‘temporizing,’ and ulti- 
mately joining the winning side—he is 
withheld by his fear of public opinion, to 
which he alludes as usual in the words of 
Hector. 

tamne nullo . .. omnia] ‘so utterly 
_ without judgment has the whole thing 
_ been carried out, so completely against 
_ my judgment’; lit. ‘could everything 
_ have been done so inconsiderately as it 
has been’: cp. such passages as Ter. 
Andr. 253, Tantamne rem tam negligenter 
_ agere! Sometimes without -ve, ib. 870, 
ἡ Tantum laborem capere οὗ talem filium ! 
_ Fam. xiv. 1. 1 (82), te. . . incidisse ! 
‘i 


ay 


q 


vidi umquam quod minus explicari posset. 


Itaque a te nihildum 
Denique ipsam ἀπορίαν tuam 


qui tenent, qui potiuntur] ‘the party 
in occupation and possession’ (usually 
the object ves, rerum is added): cp. 
Lebreton, pp. 156-166, and note to Att. 
vii. 7. 5 (298), sustinwisset, and to 470. 3, 
δὲ essent nostrt potitt. 

Aidéouat Τρῶας) Hom. 1]. vi. 442— 
a frequent quotation of Cicero’s. See 
Index. | 

misericordia puerorum| his son and 
nephew. For the obj. genit. cp. Ter. 
Andr. 260-1, tot me impediunt curae... 
amor, misericordia huius, nuptiarum sol- 
licttatio, tum patris pudor. 

4. Italia cedet| cp. καὶ 2 and Ep. 808. 

MW’. quidem Lepidus) 321.1; 340. ὃ. 
He and Volcatius Tullus (828.3; 350. 2; 
365. 7) had been consuls in 66. Both 
probably attended Caesar’s senate in 
April (350. 2). 

eum finem statuit| ‘laid down that as 
the limit of the obligation to be loyal to 
Pompey,’ that is, expressed his opinion 
that only so long as Pompey remained in 
Italy were his supporters bound to be 
loyal to his cause. We might render, 
‘drew the line there.’ 

L. Torquatus] 321. 1: 327. 1. He 
left Italy with Pompey (note to 363. 1). 

lictores| 303 init. 

sed quid videatur] 


‘ probabilities,’ 
‘ forecasts.’ 


24 EP, 306 (FAM. XIV. 18). 


cupio cognoscere. 5. Labienum ab illo discessisse propemodum 
constat. Si ita factum esset ut ille Romam veniens magistratus et 
senatum Romae offenderet, magno usui causae nostrae fuisset. | 
Damnasse enim sceleris hominem amicum rei publicae causa 
videretur, quod nune quoque videtur sed minus prodest: non ~ 
enim habet cui prosit, eumque arbitror paenitere, nisi forte id — 
ipsum est falsum, discessisse illum. Nos quidem pro certo habe- ~ 
bamus. 6. Et velim, quamquam, ut scribis, domesticis te finibus 
tenes, formam mihi urbis exponas, ecquod Pompei desiderium, ἢ 
ecquae Caesaris invidia appareat, etiam quid censeas de Terentia — 
et Tullia, Romae eas esse an mecum an aliquo tuto loco. Haec © 
et si quid aliud ad me scribas velim vel potius scriptites. 


CICERO AND HIS SON TO TERENTIA AND 
TULLIA (Fam. xiv. 18). 


306. 


FORMIAE; JANUARY 225 A. U. CG. 705; B.C. 495 AKT. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero permittit suis quid Caesare ad urbem adventante faciendum videatur. 


TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE ET PATER SUAVISSIMAE FILIAE, 
CICERO MATRI ET SORORI S. P. D. 


1. Considerandum vobis etiam atque etiam, animae meae, 
diligenter puto quid faciatis, Romaene sitis an mecum an aliquo 


tuto loco. Id non solum meum consilium est sed etiam vestrum. 


5. ab illo] sc. a Caesare. In the next Cicero] Young Marcus was with his 


sentences idle, ewm, and illum refer to 
Labienus. For tile and ewm referring to 
the same person cp. Lael. 59 and Dr. 
Reid’s note, who quotes Prov. Cons. 1. 

6. formam .. . urbis} ‘an outline of 
the state of the city.’ 

ecquod Pompei desiderium] ‘ whether 
there is any regret for Pompey ’: obj. 
gen. cp. ὃ ὃ. Plutarch (Pomp. 61 fin.) 
notices the affection that the people had 
for Pompey, even in this danger. 

Romae| Dr. Reid suggests Romaene, 
as in 306. 1, written at the same time as 
this letter. 

eas esse| 306. 1. 
stantival in apposition to quid, 
governed by censeas. 

scriptites| ‘keep writing.’ 


The infin. is sub- 
and 


oe: ree 


father at Formiae: cp. 312 fin. 

1. puto] Cicero uses the singular, as 
the addition of young Cicero to the super- 
scription is purely formal. 


Romaene sitis}] cp. 305 fin., where Cicero 


uses esse. 

an aliguo tuto loco| Wesenberg (£m. 
Alt. 50) reads an for im of the Mss. 
alaquo tuto loco means in nostris praedtis ; 
cp. 305. 6, EHtwam quid censeas de Terentia 
et Tullia Romae eas esse an mecum AN 
aliquo tuto loco. There is also, both at 
the end of this section and in 309. 1, a 
difference indicated between their being 
with Cicero and being in his estates: cp. 
Cicero expected to be moving 
about (vagus esse, 304. δ). 


LP ee ΕΘ ΠΣ 


 dicetis. 


EP. 307 (ATT. VII. 13 a). 25 


Mihi veniunt in mentem haec: Romae vos esse tuto posse per 
Dolabellam, eamque rem posse nobis adiumento esse, si quae vis 
aut si quae rapinae fieri coeperint. Sed rursus illud me movet, 
quod video omnis bonos abesse Roma et eos mulieres suas secum 


_habere. Haec autem regio in qua ego sum nostrorum est cum 
 oppidorum tum etiam praediorum, ut et multum esse mecum et, 
eum abieritis, commode in nostris esse possitis. 
non satis constat adhue utrum sit melius. 
faciant isto loco feminae et ne cum velitis exire non liceat. 


2. Mihi plane 
Vos videte quid aliae 
Id 
-velim diligenter etiam atque etiam vobiscum et cum amicis consi- 
deretis. Domus ut propugnacula et praesidium habeat Philotimo 
Kt velim tabellarios instituatis certos, ut cotidie aliquas 
a vobis litteras accipiam. Maxime autem date operam ut valeatis, 
$1 nos vultis valere. vi111 Kal. Formiis. 


907. CICERO ΤΟΥ ΤΟΣ (Ani vit, 19:4). 


MINTURNAE 3 JANUARY 233 A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AE. CIC. 57. 


De Labieno et Pisone, de genere belli civilis, de summa Cn. Pompeii consilii 
᾽ 5 ᾿ 
inopia, de exigua spe sua, de Ciceronibus an in Graeciam amandandi sint, de Tullia 


_ et Terentia Romaene remanere possint necne, item de ipso Attico et Peducaeo, de 


litterarum commercio. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. De Vennonianis rebus tibi adsentior. Labienum ἥρωα iudico. 


ΟΠ Facinus iam diu nullum eivile praeclarius: qui ut aliud nihil 
} > q 


ce 
᾿ 


Campania and the coast) consists, not 


esse tuto] For adverbs with esse cp. 
note to Ep. 303 and vol. 15, 91. 

Dolabeliam] 307. ὃ. 

Haee autem regio] 


able to leave the city when you want to 
do so.’ Notice »idete taken in two senses: 
cp. note to 310. 3. 

propuynacula et praesidium| ‘* barri- 
cades and defenders,’ incase Caesar should 


‘this district (sc. 


‘only of towns belonging to me, but also of 
estates of ours,’ e.g. at Sinuessa, Cales, 
_ Anagnia, Formiae, Cumae (cp. Watson, 
p- 133). Ern. says the towns were devoted 
to Cicero as being in his elientela ; but the 
_ reference is rather to the towns over 
which he had authority : cf. 310. 8. 
nostris| wpraediis is sometimes added : 
ep. 809. 1; 310. 3; but it is not necessary. 
Mendelssohn compares 464. 3, in meis esse 
— wolui. 
2. videte quid... mne| ‘observe what 
Other ladies of your rank (310. 3) are 
doing, and take care lest you may not be 


attempt to plunder the city. 

tabellurios instituatis certos| ‘arrange 
a trustworthy set of letter-carriers.’ 

vu Kal.| Schiitz erroneously alters to 
11. This letter was written about the 
same time as 3098. 


1. Vennonianis rebus| Vennonius is 
mentioned above in an amusing and 
delicately expressed passage: Att. vi. 1, 
25 (252): ep. 3, 5 (264). What the trans- 
action is which is here referred to we do 
not know. 


Labienum| ‘I regard Labienus as a 


26 


hoe tamen profecit: dedit illi dolorem. Sed etiam ad summam — 
Amo etiam Pisonem, cuius iudicium de | 
Quamquam genus belli quod sit 
Ita civile est ut non ex civium dissensione sed ex unius 
Is autem valet exercitu, tenet — 
multos spe et promissis, omnia omnium concupivit. 
urbs est, nuda praesidio, referta copiis. 


profectum aliquid puto. 
genero suspicor visum iri grave. 
vides. 
perditi civis audacia natum sit. 


EP. 307 (ATT. VII. 124). 


Quid est quod ab eo non 


metuas, qui illa templa et tecta non patriam sed praedam putet ? 


Quid autem sit acturus aut quo modo nescio, sine senatu, sine — 
Ne simulare quidem poterit quidquam πολιτικῶς. 
Nos autem ubi exsurgere poterimus aut quando? 


magistratibus. 


Quorum dux 


quam ἀστρατήγητος tu quoque animadvertis, quoi ne Picena quidem 


nota fuerint, quam autem sine consilio res testis. 


Ut enim alia 


omittam decem annorum peccata, quae condicio non huic fugae 
praestitit ? 2. Nec vero nune quid cogitet scio, ac non desino per 


litteras sciscitari. 


paladin.” One regrets the spite which 
makes Cicero say that if the defection of 
Labienus from Caesar has had no other 
good effect, it has at least had one, ‘it 
has given Caesar pain.” We must, how- 
ever, remember that Cicero did not yet 
know whether Caesar was going to be a 
Phalaris or a Pisistratus. 

hoe tamen profecit : dedit illi dolorem] 
For a sentence in apposition to a demon- 
strative pronoun cp. Sjogren, p. 162. 
He compares Att. v. 11. 3 (200), where 
see note; also Att. xili. ὃ. 1 (611). 

ad swmmam] § our main interests.’ But 
summa seems to be always used in this 
sense with a genitive. Perhaps swmmam 
is an adjective and 7. 39. has been lost 
before pr. We can hardly take ad sum- 
mam in its ordinary sense (309. 2) of ‘in 
a word,’ ‘on the whole.’ In Fin. iv. 41 
the context seems to show that ad summam 
= ad summam bonorum. Profectum is of 
course from projicio: ‘we have gained a 
solid advantage.’ 

Pisonem| cp. 309. 2. Caesar was 
married to his daughter Calpurnia. 

Quamquam] The argument seems to 
be—If it was an ordinary civil war with 
a public opinion on the other side, this 


defection would carry weight; but not ᾿ 


so when the other side is merely an indi- 
vidual of reckless audacity. 


Nihil esse timidius constat, nihil perturbatius. 


ita... ut] ‘itis a civil war only in 
the sense that it is the result of the reck- 
lessness of an individual citizen, not that. 
it has arisen from any civil differences.’ 
For ita . . . ut, see vol. 15; p. 84. 

templa et tecta non patriam sed praedam | 
Note the alliteration. 

πολιτικῶς) ‘he will not be able 
even to keep up the pretence of acting 
constitutionally.’ 

exsurgere| ‘to raise our heads.’ Cp. 
Fam. xii. 10, 4 (910) auctoritate vestra 
resp. exsurget. 

aorpatnyntos| ‘howlittle of the 
military commander is in our general.’ 

quot... fuerint] ‘considering that he 
did not even perceive what was going on 
at Picenum.’ Res Picentes or Picenae: 
would have been more normal than 
Picena. Picenus is used only of things: 
Picens of both persons and things. By 
Picena it would seem that Cicero referred 
to the state of disaffection which pre- 
vailed in Picenum: for Caesar had 
not yet opened his campaign in that. 
district. 

condicio| ‘ convention, agreement, com- 
promise.’ So below condicionum amissum 
tempus est, ‘the opportunity for negotia- 
tions has been let slip.’ 

2. Nihil... perturbatius| cp. 305. 2, 
plena timoris et erroris omnia. 


Huic tradita [ 


Pe ee ee ee ὡς ee 


EP. 307 (ATT. VII. 18 4). 27 


Itaque nec praesidium, cuius parandi causa ad urbem retentus est, 
nec locum ac sedem praesidi ullam video. Spes omnis in duabus 
‘insidiose retentis, paene alienis legionibus. Nam dilectus adhuc 
“quidem invitorum est et a pugnando abhorrentium. Condicionum 
| autem amissum tempus est. Quid futurum sit non video. Com- 
- missum quidem a nobis certe est sive a nostro duce ut e portu sine 
 gubernaculis egressi tempestati nos traderemus. ὃ. Itaque de 
- Ciceronibus nostris dubito quid agam: nam mihi interdum aman- 
dandi videntur in Graeciam. De Tullia autem et Terentia, cum 
mihi barbarorum adventus ad urbem proponitur, omnia timeo; cum 
autem Dolabellae venit in mentem, paullum respiro. Sed velim 
consideres quid faciendum putes: primum πρὸς τὸ aogadéc—-aliter 
enim mihi de illis ac de me ipso consulendum est—deinde ad 
opiniones, ne reprehendamur quod eas Romae velimus esse in 


communi bonorum fuga. 


retentus| cp. Att. v. 21. 3 (250), cum 

Pompeius propter metum rerum novarum 

nusquam (1.6. neither to Spain nor to 

Syria) dimittatur. 

locum ac sedem praesidi| ‘any place for 
the rendezvous of our forces.’—Watson. 

insidiose| ‘treacherously,’ because these 
legions were withdrawn from Caesar nomi- 
nally for the prosecution of the Parthian 

War, but really were kept by the Senate 

_ for the use of Pompey: ΟΡ. vol. 1112, 

a p. 1xxxiv. 

Ἢ paene alienis| ‘which can hardly be 
called his own at all,’ as their sympathies 
were almost entirely with Caesar. 

commissum| ‘we have brought it to 
this that we must go where the storm 

impels us’: cp. Att. iii, 10, 2 (67). 

For the metaphor cp. Plut. Caes. 34: a 

slightly different one in Lucan i. 498 ff. 

3. Crceronibus nostris| his son and his 

_ nephew, the son of his brother Quintus. 

᾿ barbarorum| Perhaps an allusion to the 

number of Gauls in Caesar’s army, but 

possibly also a general term for the whole 
forces of Caesar: cp. Lucan 481 ff. 
Dolabeliae| ‘when I think of Dola- 
bella’: for the gen. cp. 464. 1, solet in 
mentem venire illius temporis, where see 
note: Fin. v. 2, venit mihi Platonis in 
mentem ; venit in mentem ‘I am reminded, 

I bethink me,’ and hence a gen. naturally 

follows: cp. Madv. 291, obs. 3. But the 

nom. is also found, Fam. xi, 29, 1 (762). 


Quin etiam tibi et Peducaeo—scripsit 
enim ad me—quid faciatis videndum est. 


Is enim splendor est 
paullum resprro| ‘1 get some heart 
again.’ 

aliter| Cicero says that the questions 
of his own conduct and of the best dis- 
posal of his family rest on different con- 
siderations. In their case he has only to 
make up his mind what is the safest 
course; in mapping out his own conduct 
he has also to consider what his reputa- 
tion will demand, and that complicates 
the question of the disposal of his family, 
for their remaining in Rome might be 
injurious to his own dignity. -dd means 
‘ with regard to,’ an unusual sense, which, 
however, is supported by the foregoing 
πρός. 

Peducaeo| For Sextus Peducaeus ep. 
note on Att. vii. 17, 1 (315). 

Is enim splendor est vestrum| It might 
seem from this that Peducaeus as well as 
Atticus was only a knight; but he was a 
senator: cp. Willems Le Sénat,i.p.497. But 
neither was of very high lineage, though 
their distinction in society was great. 
Atticus, though only a knight, was quite 
in the highest social circles in Rome. 
Like great financiers in all ages, he kept 
aloof from directly engaging in politics. 
Vestrum is used when the genitive of the 
personal pronoun is used in a possessive 
sense; vestri when it is objective: e.g. 
309. 1, vestri similes; Verr. iii. 224, 
cupidus vestri. Dr. Reid suggests vester 
both here and in Phil. iv. 1; v. 2. 


28 


vestrum ut eadem postulentur a vobis quae ab amplissimis civibus. — 
Sed de hoc tu videbis, quippe cum de me ipso ac de meis te con-_ 
4, Reliquum est ut et quid agatur quoad poteris | 
explores scribasque ad me et quid ipse coniectura adsequare, quod — 
Nam acta omnibus nuntiantibus a [Θ᾽ 
Loquacitati ignosces, — 


siderare velim. 
etiam a te magis exspecto. 


exspecto futura. 


numero Platonis obscurius. 


308. 


EP, 308 (ATT. VII. 13 Ὁ). 


Μάντις δ᾽ ἄριστος . . | 
quae et me levat ad te quidem scribentem et elicit tuas litteras. — 
Aenigma [Oppiorum ex Velia] plane non intellexi. 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vn. 133). 


MINTURNAE; JANUARY 23 OR 243 A. U.C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico de re familiari αἰνιγματικῶς scribit, de L. Caesare a se Minturnis 
viso, de Labieno et de infirmitate partium Pompeianarum atque consilii inopia. 


Litteras ab Attico exspectat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Iam intellexi tuum. 


Oppios enim de Velia saccones dices. 


In eo aestuavi diu ; quo aperto reliqua patebant et cum Terentiae 


quippe cum... velim] ‘seeing that I 
want you to take thought about myself 
and my family.’ 

4. quid ipse coniectura adsequare | 
‘what you can succeed in conjecturing.’ 
Cicero is constantly asking Atticus for his 
Opinion as to what is going to happen: 
cp. 805. 1 st quid suspicabere: 4 sed 
quid videatur; 308. 3 quae tua coniec- 
tura. 

Nan... futura| ‘For when every- 
one telis me what has happened, I expect 
from you what is going to happen.’ 

Mavris δ᾽ &ptoros...| ‘**The 
best prophet,’’? you know ’ (Shuckburgh). 
This is the beginning of a line from an 
unknown play of Euripides (Nauck Frag. 
973), μάντις δ᾽ ἄριστος ὅστις εἰκάζει καλῶς, 
“true prophet he who forms conjectures 
well.” It was with this verse that 
Alexander the Great answered the Chal- 
daeans when, shortly before his death, 
they warned him not to enter Babylon 
(Arrian, Anab. vii. 16, 6; App. B. C. ii. 


153). Cicero translates the verse thus 
(De Div. 11. 12), bene qui coniciet vatem 
hune perhibebo optimum. 

Aenigma.. 
(p. 120 f.) rightly considers this sentence 
concludes the letter. Cicero did not 
understand the riddle as yet. When he 
found the solution of it,he at once wrote 
Ep. 308. For Plato’s ‘nuptial number’ 
cp. Rep. viil. 545 C ff., and Adam’s note 
in his edition, vol. ii. pp. 264-312. The 
words Oppiorum ex Velia are provably a 
gloss, which has crept in from a marginal 
note. 


1. Lam intellexi tuwm] Cicero at once 
on guessing the allusion of Att. writes off 
to him about it: see on 307. 4. 

Oppios . . . dices} ‘I take it I shall 
find you mean the Oppii by the ‘baggards 
of Velia.’ The word sacco is invented by 
Atticus on the analogy of substantives 
with the depreciatory termination in -o, 
like bucco, glutto, cachinno, lurco, popino, 


Est enim © 


. obscurius| O. Εἰ. Schmidt © 


a i ΤΑ A gh ΤΡ 


4 ‘cha 
Ἢ ΤΣ τ 
4} τῷ 
aes 


umma congruebant. 


- Venafri. 


nebulo. We have a depreciatory termi- 
“nation in words like coward, dotard, 
— wizard, braggart. Schutz reads succones, 
and ascribes a too elaborate joke to Atti- 
~ cus, who, he supposes, applies the term 
_succones to the Oppli because succus may 
be the Latin for ὁπός, ‘juice.’ The Oppii 
were bankers and friends of Atticus 
(338.3; 382.12; 388.3). Perhaps that 
‘is the reason why Cicero continues with 
ἃ banking phrase reliqua patebant, ‘the 
balance was clear.’ For reliqua cp. Att. 
vi. 1. 19 (252). The Oppii appear to 
have done banking business for ‘Terentia 
' (382. 12). 
| dices] It is possible that this is a mere 
slip for dicts ; but the future is defensible. 
it will mean ‘no doubt you call,’ that 
is, ‘ you will be found to call,’ ‘ the solu- 
“tion of the riddle will be found to be that 
ou call’ the Oppii ‘ baggards from Velia.’ 
his use of the future is characteristic of 
the comic drama: cp. non credibile dices, 
-fyou will be found to be mistaken in 
Ἢ Ἔνι you say,’ Plaut. Trin. 606; hic 
merunt viginti minae, ‘ there will be found 
to be in it 20 minae,’ As. 734, where 
pM. Gray gives many examples ; conveniet, 
“you'll find it right,’ Ter. Phorm. 53 ; 
“and sic erit, “80 it will be found to be,’ 
common in Plautus (e.g. Pseud. 677). 
_ 2. L. Caesarem] On the negotiations of 
_ Lucius Caesar and Roscius Fabatus 
with Julius Caesar in January, 49, see 
_ Addenda to the Commentary, ii. 
4 non hominem sed| The words intro- 
_ duce, as usual, a strong metaphor: see 
on Att. i. 18, i (24). Here L. Caesar is 
| described as being as worthless as a broom 


ΘΗΝ ΘΗΝ RE eR ΜΌΛΗΙ a 


EP. 308 (ATT. VII. 13). 


“Sed ego nondum habeo quod ad te ex his locis scribam. 
Ι΄ παρα exspecto, quid illim adferatur, quo pacto de Labieno ferat,. 


‘diplomacy of his opponents; ‘or 


29 


2. Lu. Caesarem vidi Menturnis a. d. vii 
al. Febr. mane cum absurdissimis mandatis, non hominem sed 
opas solutas; ut id ipsum mihi ille videatur irridendi causa. 
cisse qui tantis de rebus huic mandata dederit, nisi forte non 
dedit et hic sermone aliquo adrepto pro mandatis abusus est. 
I.abienus, vir mea sententia magnus, Teanum venit a. d. 1x 
al. Ibi Pompeium consulesque convenit. 
et quid actum sit scribam ad te cum certum sciam. 
Teano Larinum versus profectus est ἃ. ἃ. vit Kal. 

Aliquantum animi videtur nobis attulisse Labienus. 


Qui sermo fuerit 
Pompeius a. 
Ko die mansit 


Ista. 


in which all the twigs have got loose, so: 
that it cannot sweep at all. The message: 
entrusted to him seemed to Cicero so 
absurd that he doubted whether Caesar 
had not deliberately chosen such a creature 
as his emissary to throw ridicule on the 
per- 
haps,’ he adds, ‘ he was not commissioned 
by Caesar at all; may be he picked up 
some gossip and passed it off as a diplo- 
matic note entrusted to himself.’ 

scopas solutas| cp. Orat. 235, 75 
autem cum dissolvunt orationem in qua 
nec res nec verbum ullum est nisi abiectum, 
non clipeum sed, ut in proverbio est—etsv. 
humilius dictum est, tamen simile est— 
scopas, ut ita dicam, mihi videntur 
dissolvere. 

3. Teanum] sc. Sidicinum. 

certum sciam| “ know for certain 
ep. certum nescio, ‘I do not know for 
certain,’ Att. xii. 28, 2 (559). certo scio 
generally means, ‘Iam fully persuaded’; 
certum scio, “1 have certain intelligence ’; 
certe scio, ‘I am sure that I know’: but. 
these distinctions are not always strictly 
maintained. 

profectus est| An epistolary tense “ 18. 
setting out.’ This was the intention of 
Pompey, but it was not carried out. He 
did not leave till the 25th: ep. 311. 2 
compared with 327. 2. 

illiim| This form, instead of the form 
tllinc, is frequent in Cicero’s letters and in 
the comic drama. It is allowed by most. 
edd. to stand in Phil. ii. 77, and De Har. 
Resp. 42. “1 am rather expecting to hear 
from you what news is brought from 
Caesar.’ 


Xe 
Pe: 


30 EP. 809 (FAM. XIV. 14). 


quid agat Domitius in Marsis, Iguvi Thermus, P. Attius Cinguli, ᾿ 
quae sit populi urbani voluntas, quae tua coniectura de rebus | 
futuris. Haec velim crebro et quid tibi de mulieribus nostris placeat ἢ 
et quid acturus ipse sis scribas. Si scriberem ipse longior epistula — 
fuisset, sed dictavi propter lippitudinem. 


CICERO AND HIS SON TO TERENTIA AND 
TULLIA (Fam. σιν. 14). 


309. 


.MINTURNAE ; JANUARY 233 A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493; AKT. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero, cum Pompeius fugisset cum senatu ex urbe, iubet suas deliberare 
maneantne in urbe necne. 


TULLIUS TERKNTIAE ET PATER TULLIAE, DUABUS ANIMIS SUIS, 
ET CICKKO MATRI OPTIMAE, SUAVISSIMAE SORORI S. P. Ὁ. 


1. Si vos valetis, nos valemus. Vestrum iam consilium est, 
non solum meum, quid sit vobis faciendum. Si ille Romam 
modeste venturus est, recte in praesentia domi esse potestis: sin 
homo amens diripiendam urbem daturus est, vereor ut Dolabella 
ipse satis nobis prodesse possit. Etiam illud metuo, ne iam inter- 
cludamur, ut cum velitis exire non liceat. Reliquum est quod 
ipsae optime considerabitis, vestri similes feminae sintne Romae. 
Si enim non sunt, videndum est ut honeste vos esse possitis. Quo 
modo quidem nune se res habet, modo ut haec nobis loca tenere 


liceat, bellissime vel mecum vel in nostris praediis esse poteritis. 


1. modeste] ‘quietly,’ ‘in an orderly 
way,’ i.e. without military licence. 

domi esse] i.e.in Rome: cp. Att. vi. 
5. 1 (269), and Index s. v. domus. 

intercludamur| cp. 812.4. 

exire| 306. 2. 

vestrt similes feminae] 306. 2; ep. 


Domitius in Marsis| With this letter 
should be read Caesar Bell. Civ. i. 8-12. 
The absurdissima mandata are given in 
c. 9, and the positions of Domitius, 
Thermus, and Attius are described (c. 
12 ff.), but Attius is spoken of (12. 3) as 
being not in Cingulum but in Auximum. 


Perhaps he was at first at Cingulum, and 
afterwards at Auximum. 


Duanus ΑΝΊΙΜΙΒ 8015] This is the 
most affectionate superscription to any 
of the letters: for the expression animae 
meae cp. 306.1. This letter was written 
on the same day as 307 and 308. 


bonos in 306.1; 307. 3. 
videndum est ut] cp. 306.2; 310. 2. 
Quo modo res 86 hubet} cp. Q. Fr. ii. 

2, 1 (100), Quoguo modo res se habet. 
bellissime] ‘ You will be able to stay 

very nicely either with me or in my 

country houses.’ 
praediis| cp. note to 306. 1. 


/ 


EP. 310 (ATT. VII. 14). 91 


tiam illud verendum est ne brevi tempore fames in urbe sit. 
2. His de rebus velim cum Pomponio, cum Camillo, cum quibus 
obis videbitur consideretis, ad summam animo forti sitis. Labi- 
mus rem meliorem fecit. Adiuvat etiam Piso quod ab urbe 
iscedit et sceleris condemuat generum suum. Vos, meae carissi- 
mae animae, quam saepissime ad me scribite et vos quid agatis et 
quid istic agatur. Quintus pater et filius et Rufus vobis salutem 
licunt. Valete. σι Kalend. Menturnis. 


310. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vu. 14) 


CALES; JANUARY 253 A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 ABET. CIC. 57 


M. Cicero scribit se Calibus Capuam proficisci, et exponit qua condicione mandata 
Caesaris a Pompeio accepta sint, se a Pompeio ad dilectum adiuvandum arcessi, de 
 gladiatoribus Caesaris qui Capuae fuerint, mulieres suas Roma exire et in praedia sua 
_ maritima proficisci cupit, ab Attico de re publica edoceri vult, se pacis auctorem esse. 


ἐν 
κὺ 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


- 1. Α. d. vi Kal. Febr. Capuam Calibus proficiscens, cum 
 leviter lippirem, has litteras dedi. L. Caesar mandata Caesaris 
| detulit ad Pompeium a. d. virt Kal. cum is esset cum consulibus 
Teani. Probata condicio est, sed ita ut ille de iis oppidis quae 
extra suam provinciam occupavisset praesidia deduceret. Id si 
-fecisset, responsum est ad urbem nos redituros esse et rem per 
 senatum confecturos. Spero [esse] in praesentia pacem nos habere: 


2. Camillo] a lawyer and a friend of 
Cicero, with whom he was in correspon - 
dence at this time; cp. 302. 3. 

τ΄ adsummam] ‘in short,’ ‘in general’: 
ep. Off. i. 149 ad swmmam, ne agam de 


vir Καί. If we are to add any- 
thing, it should be Fedr., but there is no 
need: see Adn. Crit. 


ngulis: Hor. Ep. i. 1. 106. See also 
note to 307. 1. 
Labienus], 305.5: 307. 1: 308.3. 
Piso) 307. 2. 
Rufus| This is Mescinius Rufus, who 
may have come to Cicero very shortly 
after receiving Ep. 302, in order probably 
_ to settle the accounts with him. It can- 
not be M. Caelius Rufus, for he was with 
aesar. The visit of Caelius to Cicero, 
referred to in 394. 3, took place in De- 
ember, 50. 


1. dedi| Epistolary perfect. “1 am 
despatching.’ 

LI. Caesar] Roscius Fabatus, a praetor, 
was his partner in these negotiations: cp. 
345. 2 and Caes. B. C. i. 10.1 

oppidis| Caesar (i. 10. 2) only mentions 
Ariminum: but the early part of Caesar’s 
first book has many errors: see Introd. : 
cp. 312. 3 praesidia ex iis locis (plural). 

Spero... habere| “1 hope that peace 
is secured by now’: or in praesentia 
might mean ‘for the present.’ After 


32 EP. 310 (ATT. VII. 14). 


nam et illum furoris et hune nostrum copiarum suppaenitet. δ 
Me Pompeius Capuam venire voluit et adiuvare dilectum, in quo 
parum prolixe respondent Campani coloni. Gladiatores Caesaris — 
qui Capuae sunt, de quibus ante ad te falsum ex A. Torquati 
litteris scripseram, sane commode Pompeius distribuit bines. 
Scutorum in ludo 100 fuerunt. 


singulis patribus familiarum. 


Eruptionem facturi fuisse dicebantur. 


publicae provisum est. 


spero the ss. give esse. Editors either omit 
it with Schiitz, or read posse with Moser. 
Perhaps the word has only got out of 
place, and we should take it with confec- 
turos: see Adn. Crit. 

tllum furoris| * Caesar is beginning to 
feel somewhat uncomfortable about his 
insane enterprise, and Pompey about the 
condition of his army.’ 

suppaenitet] Cicero affects verbs com- 
pounded with sud-, e.g. subvereri, 536.1: 
suppudebat, 456. 2; subdubitare Fam. ii. 
13. 2 (207): ep. Stinner, p. 19. 

2. dilectum] cp. 304. 5. 

parum prolixe| ‘not very extensively.’ 

Campani| ‘This is the adjective of 
Capua, not Capuanus: cp. Att. ii 18. 2 
(45), and often in the Leg. Agr.: ep. 
Phil. 11 86: 101. These colonists had 
served under Pompey in Asia, and had 
received lands in Campania by Caesar’s 
Law in 59. 

falsum| For falsum, used as a subst., 
see Dr. Reid on DeSen. 4. O. E. Schmidt 
(p. 121) supposes that this false informa- 
tion was given in a lost letter of Jan. 24, 
as we have extant no letter that can be 
fixed to that date, and Cicero wrote every 
day: ep. 311. (A letter of the 21st or 
22nd has also been lost.) The false in- 
formation may have been a rumour that 
Lentulus had offered the gladiators 
liberty and horses if they would serve 
as soldiers, and that he was dissuaded 
from carrying out this promise (Caesar 
B. C. i. 14. 5 monitus ἃ suis) by his 
friends. ‘The rumour had some inherent 
probability owing to the temper of the 
Optimates ; so Caesar may be in a measure 
excused for accepting it as true. Caesar 
attributes to Lentulus the distribution of 
the gladiators among the citizens. 

Scutorum] ‘ five thousand heavy-armed 
gladiators.’ So, according to some com- 


mentators, we should understand the 
term scuta, though we do not find other 
instances of such an usage except in very 


late Latin. An usage, however, might be — 


found ina letter though it never estab- 
lished its position in formal literature. 
But a less improbable view is that 
there was found a large collection of 
shields, which were stored with a view 
to an armed revolutionary outbreak at 
some time: cp. Mil. 64. But it is quite: 
improbable that Cie. should have written 
secutorum, as Vict. suggested; for it 
is highly unlikely that all the gladiators. 


Sane multum in eo rei — 
3. De mulieribus nostris, in quibus est 
tua soror, quaeso videas ut satis honestum nobis sit eas Romae 


should have belonged to the one class, 


secutores; and even if this were so, 
Cicero would hardly have thought it 
necessary to specify the particular class. 
to which they belonged. Besides, as Prof. 
Goligher has pointed out, secutores do not 
appear before the time of Caligula (Suet. 
Cal. 30). 

Eruptionem| If prospects of freedom 
and military service had been offered 
these gladiators, and the offer withdrawn, 
an outbreak on their part might well have 
been feared. 

3. videas ut] ‘take care will it look 
respectable.’ This use of vide μέ is not 
infrequent in the letters: cp. vide ut 
possit, * take care that he does not prove 
unable,’ Quintus Cic. ap. Fam. xvi. 26, 
1 (814). 
as vereor ut veniat is lit., “1 have my fears. 
about his coming’; hence ‘I fear he will 
not come’; so, 


able’ ; 


respectable.’ 
usage, would read mum for ut. 


Of course vide ut usually has the same 


meaning as fac ut, cura ut. Thus vide ut — 


For videre ne cp. 306. 2. Just 


videas ut honestum sit 
means ‘ take care about its being respec- — 
that is, ‘take care lest it be ποῦ 
Boot, not recognising this — 
If any 

ol 
change were necessary, we should prefer 
to read videas tu satin honestum nobis sit. — 


i 


ad te ipsum antea. 


᾿ 


randium paretur can mean either ‘see 
hat the breakfast is prepared,’ or ‘ take 
are is the breakfast being neglected.’ 
-antea| 307-3. 
ea praedia . . . ut| ‘estates where 
“they can live in tolerable comfort’ ; lit. 
 *such estates that they can live in them 
‘in tolerable comfort’: cp. 806, 1. 
_ tn ora maritima] 304. 5; 312. 5; 
327. 1. 
__offendimus| ‘if we give any offence,’ 
_ by reason of the fact that his son-in-law, 
Dolabella, was with Caesar. Offendere 
| in Cicero means ‘to give offence,’ ‘to 
“take offence’ (cp. note to 584. 2), ‘to 
fail’ (e.g. apud iudices), ‘to shock, dis- 
| please,’ and simply ‘to find, experience.’ 
_ praestare| ‘though I am not bound to 
make myself responsible for him,’ ‘ though 
‘Iam not his keeper’ (Winstedt): ep. 
praestabimus, Att. v. 9, 1 (195); some- 
_ times also ‘to be responsible for the 
- absence’ of a thing, as 472. 5 nihil esse 
 sapientis praestare nisi culpam. 
- sed) ‘well, it is made worse.’ This 
conjunction is rightly used in resuming 
_ after a parenthesis, but it would have 
Deen more in accordance with his usage if 
_ Cicero had written sed si quid offendimus, 
_ maius id fit. However, sed resumes even 
after a very short parenthesis, as in Fam. 
 Kiv. 5, 2 (283), de hereditate Preciana quae 
mihi quidem magna dolori est—valde enim 
_ lum amavi—sed hoe velim cures. The con- 
junctions verum tamen are similarly used 


- esse cum ceterae illa dignitate discesserint. 
Velim eas cohortere ut exeant, praesertim 
m ea praedia in ora maritima habeamus cui ego praesum ut in 
iis pro re nata non incommode possint esse. Nam si quid offen- 
imus in genero nostro—quod quidem ego praestare non debeo— 
sed id fit maius quod mulieres nostrae praeter ceteras Romae 
‘remanserunt, Tu ipse cum Sexto scire velim quid cogites de. 
eundo de totaque re quid existimes. 
10n desino, quae vel iniusta utilior est quam iustissimum bellum 
sum civibus. Sed haec ut fors tulerit. 


EP, 310 (ATT, VII. 14). Ape, 


Hoe scripsi ad eas et 


Equidem pacem hortari 


in Att. i. 10, 1 (6), where see note. Dr. 
Reid proposes to adopt scilicet for sed, and: 
Kayser sed <eo>. 

praeter ceteras| ‘longer than the rest.’ 
With ceteros, alios, &c., praeter must have 
a comparative meaning, the exact nature 
of the comparison to be fixed by the 
context. 

Sexto] 307. ὃ. 

pacem hortari} cp. Tac. Ann. xi. 3. 2 
hortantibus ... imediam et lenem exitum. 
It is not necessary to insert ad, as many 
edd. do. Cicero in his letters is prone to 
give a direct object to verbs which usually 
take a prep., e.g. 318.1 pacem desperavi: 
464, 2 desperans victoriam primum coept 
suadere pacem. Similarly we find in 
Caelius gaudere gaudium ‘to be rejoiced 
at one’s joy,’ Fam. viii. 2, 1 (196), and 
gaudere dolorem, Fam. viii. 14. 1 (280). 

cum civibus} So probably CZ, as the 
words are found in the editions of 
Cratander and Lambinus. They are 
omitted by M!: but they are virtually 
found in M (marg.) and R and I, which 
have tn civibus, and the Balliolensis and 
Helmstadtiensis are said to have in civil- 
bus. For the sentiment cp. 540. 4 
cupiebam quamvis iniqua condicione pacem : 
Phil. ii. 37 quamvis inigua condicione 
pacis—mihi enim omnis pax cum civibus 


bello civili utilior videbatur. Also 338. 
ὃ fin. 
Sed haec| sc. sint. ‘Let this be as 


fortune brings it.’ 


94 HE Olt LATIS: Ψ.ΣΣ RO). 


311. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. vii. 15). 


CAPUA ; JANUARY 265 A. U. C. 705; B.C. 495; AET. CIC, 57. 


οὐ; si al tila tie 
SS ees 


De litteris a se cotidie missis, de consiliis quae Capuae agitata sint, se imparatos — 


esse cum a wilitibus tum a pecunia, Pompeium cum Labieno ad legiones Appianas 
profectum: ipsum Formias ire, litteras Attici exspectare. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Ut ab urbe discessi, nullum adhuc intermisi diem quin 
aliquid ad te litterarum darem, non quo haberem magno opere 
quod scriberem sed ut loquerer tecum absens, quo mihi, cum 
coram id non licet, nihil est iucundius. 2. Capuam. cum venissem 
a. d. vt Kal., pridie quam has litteras dedi, consules conveni 
multosque nostri ordinis. Omnes cupiebant Caesarem abductis 
praesidiis stare condicionibus lis quas tulisset. Uni Favonio leges 
ab illo nobis imponi non placebat, sed is aud auditus in consilio. 
Cato enim ipse iam servire quam pugnare mavult. Sed tamen 
ait in senatu se adesse velle, cum de condicionibus agatur, si 
Caesar adductus sit ut praesidia deducat. Ita, quod maxime opus 
est, in Siciliam ire non curat; quod metuo ne obsit, in senatu 
esse vult. Postumius autem, de quo nominatim senatus decrevit 
ut statim in Siciliam iret Furfanioque succederet, negat se sine 
Catone iturum et suam in senatu operam auctoritatemque quam 


2. haud auditus| See Adn. Crit. Madvig 
(A. 6. ili. 178) sed is auditus sine consilio 
‘without his views being discussed,’ 
‘‘homines Favonii verba et sermones sic 
audire dicuntur ut nihil inde consilii 
nascatur.’’ Possibly we should read sed 
via auditust in consilio. 

in Siciliam| Caesar, B. C. i. 30, tells 
us that Cato afterwards went to Sicily, 
but left it on the arrival of Curio, 
complaining that Pompey had deceived 
everyone as to his preparedness, and had 
undertaken an unnecessary war. 

Postumius| He was a follower of 
Cato, like Favonius: cp. [Sall.] Epist. 
ad C. Caes. de rep. ordinanda i. 9 fin. 
(ed. Burnouf) Z. Postwmius et M. Favonius 
mihi videntur quasi magnae navis super- 
vacua onera esse: Cic, Brut. 269 ne T. 


(qu. LZ.) quidem Postumius contemnendus 
in dicendo: de republica vero non minus 
vehemens orator quam bellator fuit: effre- 
natus et acer nimis, sed bene iuris publici 
leges atque instituta cognoverat. He, as 
well as Furfanius, was probably a quaes- 
tor. 


Furfanio| cp. 527. 3: 528: Mil. 75.- 


quam magni] Wesenberg has no objec- 
tion to ascribing to Cicero the use of quam 
with the positive. Most other edd. emend 
the mss. when they give it, either by 
omitting the guam or by changing it to 
perquam. Such expedients are of course 
simple, but it may be questioned whether 
they are scientific. We have guam clemen- 
ter, Fam. viii. 8. 9 (223), in Caelius, and 
quam brevem in Cicero (344. 2) ; and guam 
with positive adjectives and adverbs is an 


ἢ magni aestimat. 
ig in Siciliam praemittitur. 
Τῇ -yarietas est. 


__ad bellum a nobis pararetur. 
 praesidia deducat. 


=. 


_ pere cogitabam. 


undoubted comic usage (e.g. flens quam 
| familiariter, Ter. And. 136). For other 
' examples see Index s. v. quam. Is it 
not then highly probable that Cicero per- 
' mitted himself to use this colloquialism 
in his familiar letters? And is anything 
_ gained by assuming that the mss. are in 
' error whenever they present examples of 
| this usage ? 

_ _ Fannium] cp. 350.3. He may be the 
_ Fannius mentioned in 418. 6, but it is not 
certain. 
8. interposita esse] Understand dicunt 
cp. note to Fam. 


| nae out of negant: 

. 10. 4 (226). 
ES eondisions] ‘will abide by his com- 
pact.’ The change to condicionibus is 
unnecessary: cp. note to 343. 6. 
᾿ς facturum ut| ‘will takecareto.’. The 
_-use of facere ut strengthens the statement. 
‘It may be rendered as above in affirma- 
tive sentences, and ‘not to run the risk 
of’ in negative sentences. 

minore... est] ‘by a less treason- 
_ able course than that on which he has 
started.’ 

quo} Dr. Reid would alter to quod, 
and that is certainly the more usual con- 
‘struction: but the Dictionaries quote 
Rep. vi. 26 vestigiis ingressus patris, and 
several instances from the poets. 
τς flagitioseimparati] ‘infamously unpre- 
spared’: cp. ofa μελεώτατα. This is very 


Ita res ad Fannium pervenit. 
3. In disputationibus nostris summa 
Plerique negant Caesarem in condicione mansurum 
 postulataque haec ab eo interposita esse quo minus quod opus esset 
Ego autem eum puto facturum ut 
@ Vicerit enim si consul factus erit, et minore 
_ scelere vicerit quam quo ingressus est. 
 Sumus enim flagitiose imparati cum a militibus tum a pecunia, 
quam quidem omnem non modo privatam, quae in urbe est, sed 
etiam publicam, quae in aerario est, illi reliquimus. 
i legiones Appianas est profectus: Labienum secum habet. 
" tuas opiniones de his rebus exspecto. 


4 EP. 311 (ATT. VII..15). 85 


Ts cum imperio 


Sed accipienda plaga est. 


Pompeius ad 
Ego 


Formias me continuo reci- 


different from the language he uses to 
Tiro next day (812. 4) dilectus magnos 
habebamus. 

4] ‘in point of’: 
18, 2 (218). 

Appianas| This is a most probable 
correction of the ms reading acianas or 
actianas (= Attianas), which cannot be 
right. P. Attius, of whom we read in 
308, 3, as being at Cingulum, seems not to 
have been in command of any Jlegiones, but 
of only a few cohorts at Auximum (Caes, 
B.C. i. 12 fin.). The only other Attius 
who appears in the narrative of Caesar is 
Attius Paelignus (idid. 18. 1, and cep. 
below, 335. 3), who was at Sulmo, and 
who plainly cannot be referred to in this 
passage. Lipsius with great probability 
emended the word to <Appianas, The 
reference would then be to the legions 
which were taken from Caesar under 
the pretence that they were to be em- 
ployed against. the Parthians, and were 
unfairly made over to Pompey. Plutarch 
(Pomp. 47) tells us that Appius was the 
name of the officer who commanded on 
the march from Gaul ‘the force. which 
Pompey had lent to Caesar,’ ἣν ἔχρησε 
Πομπήιος Καίσαρι στρατιάν. Of course it 
is possible that the reading in Plutarch 
should be “Artios, but there is no ms: 
authority for it, 


see note on Att. v. 


D2 


36 EP, 312 (FAM XVI. 12). 


312, CICERO TO TIRO (Fam. xvi. 19). 


CAPUA$ JANUARY 273 A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AKT. CIC, 57. 


M. Cicero condicionem rei publicae deplorans initia belli civilis exponit, Tironem _ 


ut curet valetudinem admonet. 
TULLIUS S. D. TIRONL SUO. 


1. Quo in discrimine versetur salus mea et bonorum omnium 


atque universae rei publicae ex eo scire potes quod domos nostras — 


et patriam ipsam vel diripiendam vel inflammandam reliquimus. 
In eum locum res deducta est ut, nisi qui deus vel casus aliquis 
subvenerit, salvi esse nequeamns. 2. Kquidem ut veni ad urbem, 
non destiti omnia et sentire et dicere et facere quae ad concordiam 
pertinerent, sed mirus invaserat furor non solum improbis sed 
etiam iis qui boni habentur ut pugnare cuperent, me clamante 
nihil esse bello civili miserius. Itaque cum Caesar amentia 
quadam raperetur et oblitus nominis atque honorum suorum 
Ariminura, Pisaurum, Ancouam, Arretium occupavisset, urbem 


1. universae ret publicae| 
Crit. 

In ewm locum] The marked difference in 
tone between the despair of the first sec- 
tions of this letter and the hopefulness of 
the succeeding ones, has led Lehmann (p. 
122 ff.) to argue that, in this sentence, it 
must be the possibility of peace, and of 
avoiding a struggle in which one or other 
of the parties must be destroyed, of which 
Cicero is despairing. He accordingly reads 
<utrigue> ut; comparing ad Brut.i. 1. 2, 
in eum autem locum rem adductam intelle- 
git—est enim ut scis minime stulius—ut 
utrigue salvi esse non possint. However, 
we are inclined to think that Cicero at the 
outset of his letter expressed in rather 
exaggerated language pessimistic views 
on the whole situation, which to some 
extent were his real views (311. 3) ; but 
that, fearing if he set forth his reasons in 
detail, he might alarm ‘liro and hinder his 
recovery from his illness (§ 5 fin. below), 
in going into particulars he puts the 
best face he could on the whole state of 
affairs. We shall see in the correspondence 


See Adn. 


as it proceeds how Cicero’s hopes and fears. 
succeeded one another very rapidly. 

2. omnia... pertinerent| ‘ promoting 
in thought, word, and deed everything 
that made for peace’ (Shuckburgh). For 
Cicero’s efforts on behalf of peace cp. 
Plut. Cie. 37. 

invaserat furor] ‘ madness had pos- 
sessed.” On the general eagerness of all 
parties for the struggle cp. 301. 2 nam ex 
utraque parte sunt qui pugnare cupiant. 

improbis| This is the only place we 


know in Cicero where invadere is used — 


with the dat. Generally ix with the acc. 
is the construction found. Prof. Goligher 


-quotes for sxvadere with dative Varro ap. — 


Nonium 499. 28, tanta porro invasit 


cupiditas honorum plerisque, and Gell. 


xix. 4. 2. Nonius (s. v. Vastities, p. 184. 


92) quotes Attius (Ribb. Trag. p. 194), 


Quae vastitudo haec aut unde invasit mihi: 
cp. includere orationi, Att. i. 18, 5 (19). 
Anconam| We must not take this 
statement too literally; for when Cicero 
heard of the fall of Ancona he had already 
left the city: cep. Att. vii. 11. 1 (304). 


aaa i eS 


ΟΡ αν. 


Pie 


He 


; 


ἢ." 


Mea fees 


3. omnino | ‘The general result is.’ 
_ Omnino means ‘to sum up,’ ‘looking at 
the matter as a whole’: cp. Dr. Reid on 
Ἔ Lael. 78. ‘The terms offered by Caesar 
2 were very indulgent ones under the cir- 
cumstances: but perhaps, as Merivale 
ae (ii. 120) suggests, he knew that the 
᾿ς Pompeians would not accept them. 
Considio Noniano} cp. 327.2. Perhaps 
he was praetor in 52: cp. Asconius, 
> 55. 11 ed. Clark (= 54 Or.). 

trinum nundinum| ‘for the interval 
_ of three full market days,’ 1.6, 24 days 
x The idea that the interval was 
᾿ only 17 days is now abandoned: cp. 
_ Mommsen St. R. iii. 375, note 2; Weis- 
Senborn on Livy iii. 35. 1. The words 
trinum nundinum are genitive plural, 
which have come to be used as a neuter 
singular like sestertium : cp. Quintil. ii. 4. 
85. ‘The accusative is that of duration of 
time. 
 Accipimus| So HF: accepimus MD. 
But as all the other verbs in the para- 
graph are in the present tense, it is better 
_ to retain the present here also. 
 —praesidia ex iis locis| cp. note to 310. 1. 


; EP. 312 (FAM. XVI. 12). 


91 


_reliquimus: quam sapienter aut quam fortiter nihil attinet dis- 
3. Quo quidem in casu simus vides. 
condiciones ab illo, ut Pompeius eat in Hispaniam, dilectus qui 


Feruntur omnino 


' sunt habiti et praesidia nostra dimittantur, se ulteriorem’Galliam 
 Domitio, citeriorem Considio Noniano—his enim obtigerunt— 
traditurum: ad consulatus petitionem se venturum, neque se iam 
_velle absente se rationem haberi suam : 


se praesentem trinum 


/ nundinum petiturum. Accipimus condiciones, sed ita ut removeat 
t praesidia ex iis locis quae occupavit, ut sine metu de his ipsis 
| condicionibus Romae senatus haberi possit. 
" spes est pacis non honestae—leges enim imponuntur—sed quidvis 
est melius quam sic esse ut sumus. 
| dicionibus stare noluerit, bellum paratum est, eius modi tamen 
_ quod sustinere ille non possit, praesertim cum a suis condicionibus © 
 ipse fugerit, tantum modo ut eum intercludamus ne ad urbem 
[ -— accedere: quod sperabamus fieri posse. 
~ magnos habebamus putabamusque illum metuere, si ad urbem ire 
Νίκο, ne Gallias amitteret, quas ambas habet inimicissimas 
| praeter Transpadanos, ex Hispaniaque sex legiones et magna 
ie auxilia Afranio et Petreio ducibus habet a tergo: 


4. Id ille si fecerit, 


Sin autem ille suis con- 


Dilectus enim 


videtur, si 


4. suis condicionibus stare] ablat.: ep. 
Cluent. 132, censoris opinione standum non 
putavit. 

sustinere tlle non possit] For he would 
excite universal hatred by refusing to stand 
by the conditions which he had offered. 

tantum modo wt| ‘provided only that 
we can cut him off (ep. intercludamur, 
309. 1) from being able to approach the 
city.’ Cp. modo ut below. 

Dilectus enim magnos habebamus| Con- 
trast 311. 3 (to Atticus) swmus enim 
Jlagitiose imparatt cum a militibus tum 
a pecunia. 

Transpadanos| The granting of citizen- 
ship to the Transpadanes who had Latin 
rights was a project which Caesar had 
very much at heart, and it was one of 
the first which he carried into effect, 
when he came to Rome in, April: 
cp. Lange, R. A. iii. 420. The law 
enacting it was promulgated apparently. 
by L. Roscius Fabatus, and bore date 
March 11 (Mommsen in Hermes xvi.. 
(1882), p. 24: cp. p. 34). The, Lex, 
Rubria seems to’ have regulated the 
jurisdiction of the Transpadanes with 


38 EP. 312 (FAM. XVI. 12). 


insaniet, posse opprimi, modo ut urbe salva. 


adhue orae maritimae praesum a Formiis. Nullum maius nego- 


tium suscipere volui quo plus apud illum meae litterae cohor- — 


tationesque ad pacem valerent. Sin autem erit bellum, video me 
castris et certis legionibus praefuturum. 
molestiam quod Dolabella noster apud Caesarem est. Haec tibi 
nota esse volui: quae cave ne te perturbent et impediant valetudi- 
nem tuam. 6. Ego A. Varroni, quem quom amantissimum mei 
cognovl tum etiam valde tui studiosum, diligentissime te com- 
mendavi ut et valetudinis tuae rationem haberet et navigationis 
et totum te susciperet ac tueretur: quem omnia facturum confido: 
recepit enim et mecum locutus est suavissime. Tu, quoniam eo 
tempore mecum esse non potuisti quo ego maxime operam et 
fidelitatem desideravi tuam, cave festines aut committas ut aut 


Maximam autem — 
plagam accepit quod is qui summam auctoritatem in illius exer-— 
citu habebat, Τὶ Labienus, socius sceleris esse noluit: reliquit 
illum et es¢ nobiscum, multique idem facturi esse dicuntur, 5, Ego © 


Habeo etiam illam — 


aeger aut hieme naviges. 
salvus veneris. 


Numquam sero te venisse putabo si 
Adhue neminem videram qui te postea vidisset 


quam M. Volusius, a quo tuas litteras accepi: quod non mirabar : 


reference to that of the praetors, and was 
probably proposed by a tribune Rubrius, 
who entered on office on December 10, 
49. See Lange, 7. ¢., and cp. Dio Cass. 
xli. 36. 3. 

modo ut| sc. opprimatur or fiat. For 
modo ut, cp. Ter. Phorm. 58, Quid istue 
est? Gr. Scies, modo ut tacere possts ; 
Verr. iv. 10, concede ut impune emerit, 
modo ut bona ratione emerit : 309. 1. 

5. orae maritimae] 310.3: a Formiis, 
‘stretching southwards from Formiae.’ 
In 327. 1 he speaks of Zarvacinam et 
oram maritimam. 

Nullum ... valerent| It seems as if 
Cicero, in an interview with Pompey just 
before his leaving the city, made some 
difficulty about takingactive and supreme 
command at Capua, chiefly on the ground 
of lack of forces (333. 4; 848. 5): but 
did, at Pompey’s request, consent to have 
a general oversight of the coast-line of 
Latium and Campania, and to receive 
reports as to the levy and the main course 
of events (804. - ὃ). See Addenda to 
Comm.i. Cicero’s object in not taking 
an active part was, as he elsewhere says 


(e.g. 315. 4: 326. 2), a desire not to- 
commit himself and so to render himself 
more suitable to negotiate a compromise.. 
For Cicero’s efforts to bring about peace, 
see Addenda to the Commentary iv. 

6. A. Varroni| Possibly he was the 
same as the Varro Murena mentioned in 
517.1, where see note. Caesar (B. C. iii. 
19. 3) relates that at Dyrrhachium he 
would have come to treat of peace, but 
was prevented by Labienus. His sister 
Terentia was wife of Maecenas. 

totum te susciperet ac tueretur'| 
you under his charge and care.’ 

operam et fidelitatem | ‘faithful services.’ 

Adhuc neminem videram qui ... vidis- 
set] ‘Atthe time of writing I have seen 
no one who had seen you later than 
Volusius.’ 
generic: lit. ‘noone. . 
has seen you’; i.e. no traveller from 
Patrae. For such a subj. cp. Plane. 2,. 


‘take: 


z 
> 


The subjunctive vidisset ἰδ 
. such that he — 


video enim hoe in-numero neminem cui mea 


salus non cara fuerit. The pluperf. vide- 

ram is an epistolary tense. 
quam M. Volusius] se. te vidisset 

“later than Volusius (saw you).’ For 


Ὦ 
= 
‘ 


EP, 313 (ATT, VU. 16). 39 
neque enim meas puto ad te litteras tanta hieme perferri. Sed da 
_ Operam ut valeas et, si valebis, cum recte navigari poterit, tum 
aviges, Cicero meus in Formiano erat, ‘l'erentia et Tullia Romae. 
Cura ut valeas. 1v Kalendas Febr. Capua. 


313. CICERO 'TO ATTICUS (Arr. vu. 16). 


CALES} JANUARY 285 A, U. ©. 705; B. C. 49; AET. CIC, 57. 

8 in De litteris ab Attico missis et a se datis, exspectari quid Caesar acturus sit de 
_ condicione per L. Caesarem relata et quid Pompeius, qui auctore Labieno meliorem 
_ spem conceperit, de itinere suo Capuam facto, de Terentia et Tullia. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL, 


ae 
εν + παι 


_ 1. Omnis arbitror mihi tuas litteras redditas esse, sed primas 
ppreepostere, reliquas ordine quo sunt missae per Terentiam. De 
| mandatis Caesaris adventuque Labieni et responsis consulum ac 
' Pompei scripsi ad te litteris 118 quas a. ἃ. v Kal. Capua dedi, 
| pluraque praeterea in eandem epistulam conieci. 2. Nunc has 
_ exspectationes habemus duas: unam, quid Caesar acturus sit cum 
" acceperit ea quae referenda ad illum data sunt L. Caesari, alteram, 
quid Pompeius agat: qui quidem ad me scribit paucis diebus se 
 firmum exercitum habiturum spemque adfert, si in Picenum agrum 
-ipse venerit, nos Romam redituros esse. Labienum secum habet non 
_dubitantem de imbecillitate Caesaris copiarum, cuius adventu 


 Volusius cp. 302. ὃ. Val. Max. vii. responsis consulum] cp. 811. 2. 


_ 8, 8, relates how he escaped during the 
Ἧ proscriptions by dressing himself up asa 
_ Priest of Isis. 

tanta hieme] ‘in such wintry weather’ : 
ep. 3383. 5 maxima hieme: Q. Fr. ii. 9. 2 
_ (120) multa nocte and Nagelsbach (ed. 7) 
_ p. 210 


recte| ‘without danger’: cp. 320. 1. 


1. praepostere | ‘out of their regular 
am order,’ that is, not delivered in the order 
_ in which they were written and despatched. 
Seneca (Epist 23.1) uses the phrase prae- 
 posterum frigus for cold weather that has 
come out of its regular time. 


trusty clients: 


2. exspectationes| objective: ‘ things to 
wait for’; it governs guid Caesar acturus 
sit and quid Pompeius agat. For exspec- 
tatio with a rel. clause, cp. De Orat ii. 74. 

in Picenum agrum| cp. 3819. 2: 


Pompey was influential in Picenum, as 


he had large property there and many 
ep, Vell, ti. 296: 2; 
Appian, B.C. i. 80. He was three times 
patron of Auximum (C. I. L. ix. 5837). 
Besides Attius Varus and other senators 
were active in recruiting there (Caes. B. C. 
i. 13. 8): so Pompey may have thought 
that the country would rise in his favour. 
But it was rather the other way; they 


deserted Attius ψν 14, 1). 


40 


Gnaeus noster multo animi plus habet. 
venire iussi sumus ad Nonas Febr. Capua profectus sum Formias” 
Eo die cum Calibus tuas litteras hora fere nona_ 
Terentia et ‘Tullia tibi- 
adsentior, ad quas scripseram ad te ut referrent: 
profectae sunt, nihil est quod se moveant quoad perspiciamus quo | 


a. d. 11 Kal. 
accepissem, has statim dedi. 


loci sit res. 


EP. $14 (FAM. XVI. 8). 


3. De 


314. QUINTUS CICERO TO TIRO (Fam. xvt. 8). 


FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 2(?); A. U. Ὁ. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 67. 


Quintus Cicero hortatur Tironem ne naviget nisi confirmatus. 


Q. CICKRO TIRONI S$. D. 


1. Magnae nobis est sollicitudini valetudo tua. 


Nam tametsi 


qui veniunt ἀκίνδυνα piv xpovwrepa δὲ nuntiant, tamen in magna 
consolatione ingens inest sollicitudo si diutius nobis futurus es, 


15 cuius usum et suavitatem desiderando sentimus. 


Ac tamen 


quamquam videre te tota cogitatione cupio, tamen te penitus rogo 


muito animi plus habet| Holzapfel (KTio 
iv, 356) notices that from January 23 to 
February 4 (Epp. 308-17) there is no 
mention of Pompey’s leaving Italy. 
Indeed, the idea seemed to be abandoned, 
315, 1, cum fuga ex Italia quaert videbatur 
(note the tense): cp. 315. 4, totam enim 
Italiam flagraturam bello intellego. But 
Atticus in his letters of that period seems 
to regard it as a contingency that might 
‘be expected (365. 4, 5). 

Calibus| ‘The stopping-place between 
‘Capua and Formiae (310. 1; 319. 1), 
dedi is epistolary perf.: cp. 310. 1. 
3. referrent| The object is probably se: 
ep. Att. xiv. 12. 1 (715) and note there. 
Cp. also coniungendi = se coniungendi 
(318.. 2): 
me) ad Scaptium. 


The mention of the extreme cold (ᾧ 2) 
points to winter as the time-when this 
-letter was written, and the injunction to 
Tiro not to 581} during the winter fixes it 
approximately. ‘to. ‘the same time as 312. 
Possibly it was written on Febr. 2, imme- 


Att. v. 21. 12 ἰᾶσα! refero (sc. 


diately after Quintus came to Formiae, 


Nos a consulibus Capuam | : 


sl nondum — 


and no doubt heard from Marcus of the | 


state of Tiro’s health. 

nobis futurus| For the readings of the 
mss. and some conjectures see Adn. Crit. : 
nobis is dativusincommodi. Just as longe 
esse alicui = ‘to be far away from any 
one’ (of space): cp. Verg. Aen. xii. 42 


Longe tli dea mater erit, and Ovid Heroid. 


xii. 58, Quam tibi tune longe regnum 
dotale Creusue Et socer et magni nata 
Creontis erant; so diutius nobis futurus es 
= ‘you will be longer away from us’ (of 
time). Wesenberg and Biicheler conjec- 
ture nobis defuturus. The usual reading 
adopted is a nobis futurus es (or est). 


Ac tamen] So Wesenberg for attamen of — 


the mss: cp. 461. 1, Madvig Fin. ii. 85, 
and especially Munro on Lucretius v. 
1177, and Dr. Reid on De Sen. 16. 

tota cogitatione] ‘with all my mind ’— 
an unusual expression for toto animo. The 


the emotions. 
penitus rogo| 

heart’: 

tibt penitus commendo atque trado. 


-*JT ask you from my 


. idea in cogitatio is rather the intellect than — 


cp. Fam. xiii. 53. 1 (230), ewm 3 


— χν.... Ὅν 


ἘΡ. 316 (ATT. VII.-17). 41 


e te tam longae navigationi et viae per hiemem nisi bene firmum 
 committas neve uaviges nisi explorate. 2. Vix in ipsis tectis et 
oppidis frigus infirma valetudine vitatur, nedum in mari et via sit 
facile abesse ab iniuria temporis. 


Ψῦχος δὲ λεπτῷ χρωτὶ πολεμιώτατον, 


παυ!ῦ Huripides. Cui tu quantum credas nescio. Ego certe singulos 
_ eius versus singula testimonia puto. Effice, si me diligis, ut valeas 
et ut ad nos firmus ac valens quam primum venias. 
a vale. (ὦ. Εἰ, tibi salutem dicit. 


Ama nos et 


315. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vu. 17). 


FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 2; A. U. 6. 7053 B. C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit de pueris in Graeciam transportandis si ipse Hispaniam 
 peteret, de Attici commoratione in urbe cum Sexto, de responsis ad Caesaris responsa 
_ scriptis a P. Sestio, quae ipsa a Caesare non acceptum iri existimat, de Trebatii litteris 
- rogatu Caesaris ad se missis et quid Trebatio ipsi responderit, et de consiliis suis, a se 
| ᾿ Capua reverso in Formiano mulieres suas exspectari, ipsum velle Non, Febr. Capuae 
® ‘esse. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 
1. Tuae litterae mihi gratae iucundaeque sunt. De pueris in 


_ Graeciam transportandis tum cogitabam cum fuga ex Italia quaeri 
_ videbatur. Nos enim Hispaniam peteremus, illis hoc aeque com- 


nist explorate] ὁ unless withthe greatest eius Orelli conjectured ἀληθειας, Klotz 


_ certainty of a favourable voyage.’ veritatis, Koch det alicuius. See Adn. 
᾿ς 2. abesse ab iniuria temporis| ‘escape Crit. 

_ the violence of the weather’: cp. Plin. Q. F.] = Quintus filius, ‘my son 
| ALN. xiii. 134 non aestuum,non frigorum, Quintus.’ 


_ non grandinum aut nivis iniuriam ex- 
 pavescit. 


H Ψῦχος. .-.πολεμιώτατον]) It is 
_ not known from what tragedy of Euripides 
_ the line is taken: cp. Nauck Frag. 906, 

ΟΡ. 652. ‘Cold to the tender skin is 

bitterest foe.’ , 

ο΄ singula testimonia] ‘as true as so many 
_ declarations upon oath.’ We have left 

_ -out the second eiws which M reads after 

_ Singula: it is not found in HFD. For 


1. sunt] This must refer to the general 
effect of the letters of Atticus on Cicero. 
We should rather have expected fuerunt, 
and then the reference would be to certain 
letters recently received from Atticus. 
But he often expresses this sentiment 
generally. See Att. xiv, 10. 4 (714). 

peteremus| *‘ we should now be making 
for Spain.’ When it first occurred to 


42 EP. 815 (ATT. VII. 17), 


modum non erat. Tu ipse cum Sexto etiam nune mihi videris — 
Romae recte esse posse. Etenim minime amici Pompeio nostro 
esse debetis. Nemo enim umquam tantum de urbanis praediis — 
detraxit. 2. Videsne me etiam iocari? Scire iam te oportet © 
L. Caesar quae responsa referat a Pompeio, quas ab eodem ad 
Caesarem ferat litteras. Scriptae enim et datae ita sunt ut pro- | 
ponerentur in publico: in quo accusavi mecum ipse Pompeium | 
qui, cum scriptor luculentus esset, tantas res atque eas quae in © 
omnium manus venturae essent Sestio nostro scribendas dederit. 
Itaque nihil umquam legi scriptum σηστιωδέστερον. Perspici — 
tamen ex litteris Pompei potest nihil Caesari negari omniaque et. 
cumulate quae postulet dari, quae ille amentissimus fuerit nisi 
acceperit, praesertim cum impudentissime postulaverit. Quis enim 


people that Pompey would leave Italy 
(cp. 305), they naturally inferred that he 
would go to Spain (ep. 316.2). Cicero 


assumes all through this letter that he will . 


share Pompey’s fortunes, whatever they 
may be. Cicero now expected a war in 
Italv. Cum fuga quaeri videbatur means 
‘when Pompey thought of flying.’ Cicero 
now believes Pompey to have abandoned 
the design of leaving Italy. 

Sexto] cp. 807. 8. Sextus Peducaeus 
was an intimate friend of Cicero’s, as also 
was his father, who was governor of Sicily 
as propraetor B.c. 76-75. 
mentioned frequently in Cicero’s corre- 
spondence, especially the son to whom the 
reference is in this passage. 

recte| ‘safely’: cp. Att. v. 5. 2 (188), 
and often. 

de urbanis praedits detraxit| ‘ depre- 
ciated city property.’ Pompey in abandon- 
ing the city and leaving it exposed to an 
attack by Caesar, who might follow -the 
Sullan precedent of proscription and con- 


tiscation, took a step likely to depreciate ° 


property in the neighbourhood of Rome, 
and thus infiict an injury on Atticus and 
Peducaeus. The only property of any 
extent which Atticus had in Italy was 
town property : cp. Nepos Att. 14. 3 nzdlus 
habuit hortos, nullam suburbanam aut 
maritimam sumptuosam villam, neque in 
Italia, praeter Arretinum et Nomentanum, 
rusticum praedium, omnisque eius pecuniae 
reditus constabat in Eptroticis et urbanis 
possessionibus. The reading of M, praesi- 
diis, is certainly an error; these words 
are very frequently confounded by the 


They are both ᾿ 


copyists. Cicero is careful to point out. 
that what he says is not serious. 

2. proponerentur| ‘with a view to- 
its being posted up in public’: ep. 332. 
1, in publico proponat velim. It was. — 
probably posted up on some pillars like 
ordinary advertisements : cp. Prop. iii. 23. 
23, I puer et citus haec aliqua propone 
columna. 

mecum| ‘in my own mind’ ‘to myself.” — 

Ttaque| ‘and true enough.’ | 

σηστιωδέστερον͵ ‘more Sestian,’ 
that is, ‘more characteristic of Sestius,’ 
whose style was notoriously frigid. Ca- — 
tullus (xliv) tells us how he once endured ~ 
the infliction of hearing Sestius read a. — 
speech of his own composition, an expe- 
rience which was followed by such a 
cold (gravedo) and cough (tussis) that he- 
was obliged to retire to his Tiburtine farm. 
and lie up till he recovered. This is the 
same Sestius who befriended Cicero in 
his exile, and whom Cicero defended in 
the celebrated extant speech B.c. 56: 
cp. 302. 5. 

omniaque et cumulate . . . dari] For 
adj. and adv. in a collocation such as this 
Sjogren (Comm, Tull. p. 113) com- 
pares Att. vi. 3. 4 (264) swepius et certiora 
audis; 111. 5 (60) et saepe et ‘maximas 
agit gratias ; ad Brut. i. 17. 4 (865) omnia: — 
tam ultroque deferenda putat. So there is. 
no need to read ei for δέ with Koch. 

Quis enim tu es] Cicero here apostro-. 
phizes Caesar, who demanded as a condi- 
tion of his laying down arms that Pompey: — 
should retire to his province and disband — 
his army. Render, ‘ who are you to say?” — 


this 


tu es qui dicas, ‘ 
: dimiserit.’ 


cerrimus. 


-gratius facere posse. 


pisse. 


; Graeciam. 


“and for this use of the consecutive sub- 
_ junctive see Roby, 1678 sqq. This usage 
is common in Plautus; a good example 
~ is Capt. 568— 

_ YZy,. Tu enim repertu’s Philocratem guz su- 
ee peres veriverbio. 

Ar. Pol ego ut rem video tu inventu’s vera 

vanitudine 
Quzt convincas. 


op. Pseud. 631 Vae tibi ! tu inventu’s vero 
_meam qui fureilles fidem. 
E de vatione habenda| cp. vol. 
ΒΡ. lxi ff. 
_ impetrasset] ‘ had carried his point about 
standing for the consulship in his absence.’ 
_ 8. Trebatius| If Plutarch, in his Life 
of Cicero (6. 87), is referring to the 
account given here of this correspondence 
‘between Trebatius and Cicero, it is a 
proof that he must have read Cicero’s 
Letters with very little care. There was 
' certainly no anger (πρὸς ὀργήν) in Cicero’s 
reply (ἢ 4 
— ab ilio fie Caesar is often referred to 
‘simply as ii/e. In the next line ei of 
course also refers to Caesar. 


1115, 


a. 


ty. EP. 315 (ATT. ἘΠῚ, 17). 


t. Nam cum ista mandata dedisset L. Caesari, 
“paullo quietior dum responsa referrentur; dicitur autem nunc esse 
3. Trebatius quidem scribit se ab illo rx Kal. Febr. 
ogatum esse ut scriberet ad me ut essem ad urbem: nihil ei me 
Haec verbis plurimis. 
ἢ atione, ut primum de discessu nostro Caesar audisset, laborare 
eum coepisse ne omnes abessemus. 
Pisonem, quin ad Servium scripserit. 
‘Me scripsisse, non per Dolabellam, non per Caelium egisse, quam- 
‘quam non aspernor ‘T'rebati litteras, a quo me unice diligi scio. 
4, Rescripsi ad Trebatium—nam ad ipsum Caesarem, qui mihi nihil 
‘scripsisset, nolui—quam illud hoc tempore esset difficile, me tamen 
in praediis meis-esse neque dilectum ullum neque negotium susce- 
In quo quidem manebo dum spes pacis erit: sin bellum 
geretur, non deero officio nec dignitati meae, pueros ὑπεκθέμενος in 
Totam enim Italiam flagraturam bello intellego. 
Tantum mali es¢ excitatum partim ex improbis, partim ex in- 


43 


Si in Hispaniam profectus erit, si praesidia 
amen conceditur: minus honeste nunc quidem, 
fiolata iam ab illo re publica illatoque bello, quam si olim de 
atione habenda impetrasset, et tamen vereor ut his ipsis contentus 


debuit esse 


Intellexi ex dierum 


Itaque non dubito quin ad 
Illud admiror non ipsum ad 


ex dierum ratione| Cicero calculated 
that the day on which Caesar asked 
Trebatius to write to him must have been 
the very day on which Caesar had first 
heard that Pompey and the consuls and 
Cicero himself had left the city. 

Pisonem] 307. 1. 

Serviwm| Servius Sulpicius, the emi- 
nent jurist. 

4, qui mihi nihil seripsisset] ‘because 
he had not written to me himself.’ 

neque . suscepisse| Cicero had 
formally undertaken to exercise super- 
vision over the Campanian coast-line to 
the extent of being one ad quem dilectus 
et summa wnegoti deferatur (304. 5; 
cp. 312. 5): but he took no active part 
(333. 5). T. Ampius and Libo did the 
energetic work (327. 2): also, perhaps, 
M. Eppius (327. 1). See Addenda to 
Comm. i. 

ὑπεκθέμενο ς] For the prepositions 
ὑπεκ- in compounds indicating getting 
out of harm’s way, cp. ὑπεκθέωνται, 
Herod. viii. 4: ὑπεκκέεται (ib. 60. 2), 
ὑπεξέπεμψε, Eur. Hec. 6 


44 EP, 316 (ATT. VII. 18). 


vidis civibus. 
responsis intellegentur quorsum evasura sint. 
plura, si erit bellum: sin otium aut etiam indutiae, te ipsum, ut 
spero, videbo. 5. Ego 111 Non. Febr., quo die has litteras dedi, 


in Formiano, quo Capua redieram, mulieres exspectabam, quibus — 


quidem scripseram tuis litteris admonitus τις Romae manerent. 


Sed audio maiorem quemdam in urbe timorem esse. Capuae Non, 


Febr. esse volebam, quia consules iusserant. Quidquid huc erit ἃ 
Pompeio adlatum statim ad te scribam, tuasque de istis rebus — 
litteras exspectabo. 


3816. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vu. 18.) 
FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY ὃ (EARLY MORNING); A. U. 6. 7053; B. 6. 495 
AET. CIC? 57. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit mulieres suas 1111 Non. Febr. Formias venisse et ibi esse 
mansuras, se 1111 Non. Capuam profectum, de rumore ex urbe adlato, de responsis 
Pompeii et de Cassio Ancona expulso, Caesarem dici acerrime bellum praeparare, se 
tempori parere, Dionysium se in fuga sequi debuisse, Q. fratrem valde laborare ut 
‘quod Attico debeat ab Egnatio solvat, omnes se summa penuria premi. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. 1111 Non. Febr. mulieres nostrae Formias venerunt tuaque — 


erga se officia plena tui suavissimi studi ad me pertulerunt. Has 
ego, quoad sciremus utrum turpi pace nobis an misero bello esset 
utendum, in Formiano esse volui et una Cicerones. Ipse cum 
fratre Capuam ad consules—Nonis enim adesse iussi sumus—III 
Non. profectus sum, cum has litteras dedi. Responsa Pompei 


Sed haec paucis diebus ex illius ad nostra responsa — 
Tum ad te seribam — 


otium] The mss have sin autem etiam 
indutiae, which has been corrected to sin 
pax aut etiam indutiae. But otiwm aut 
would more easily have been corrupted 
into the autem of the Mss. .The. word is 
used in the next letter (§2): O via ullo 
otio compensandam turpitudinem ! 

5. seripseram ut manerent | ‘I had 
told them by letter to remain in Rome.’ 
Cp. § 3 ut seriberet ad me ut essem ad 
urbem. 


That this letter Wheiawritten in the 


early morning of February 3 is shown by — 


317.1 


1. tuaque . . . pertulerunt] ‘and 


brought me an account of your services | 


to them, which fully showed your kind — 
interest on their behalf.’ 


utendum| For uti used of what is 


disagreeable, ‘experience,’ cp. Ter. 


Phorm. 31, ne simili utamur fortuna atque ὦ 


ust sumus Quom per tumultum.noster grex 
motus locost, and note to 860. 7. 

profectus sum . . . dedi) epistolary 
perfects. 


So 


Soe 
ewe tas! ΜΕΝ See 


ix 


-eamque urbem a nobis teneri. 


Β..} 


_ —praesidiis. 
hance rei publicae turpitudinem ! 


yA 


si acceperit| This is usually understood 
- to be a case of aposiopesis. He could not 

bring himself to say what the result of an 
~ acceptance of the terms would be. But 
posiopesis is applicable only when the 
mitted words are easily and unmis- 
takably supplied by the reader or hearer, 
_ which certainly is not the case here. It 
__ seems rather that some word has fallen out 
through the carelessness of the copyists. 
Such a word might be perit, which would 
asily fall out after acce-perit. Cicero 
ancies that Caesar is in a dilemma; if he 
efuses Pompey’s proposals, all his prestige 
will leave him (iacedit) ; if he accepts them, 
he is done for (perit). Or the words lost 
“might be otiwm erit ; or consul erit. Cicero 
_ would no doubt have wished him to refuse 
‘if he could have been sure that Pompey 
_was prepared for war. Itis to be observed 
that the ms. reading is tacebit, not iacebit, 


2. erat hie auditum] ‘there was a 
umour here that Cassius had been driven 
out of Ancona.’ This was Q, Cassius 
‘Longinus, who had embraced the cause 
r: ep. 301. 2. C. Cassius was a 
sop, 448. 1; 321, 1. The 
mour may have arisen from Caesar’s 
aving withdrawn his forces from Ancona 
0 attack Auximum. . 

vincire praesidiis| ‘to secure them (the 
Ositions, /oca) with garrisons.’ The 
‘positions are to be secured both from 
attacks by the enemy and by the obedience 
of the inhabitants. Miiller compares Leg. 
gr. li. 86 devincire praesidiis (oppida) 
nd Tuse, ii, 48 pars animi.. . vinciatur 


EP. 316 (ATT. VII. 18). 


grata populo et probata contioni esse dicuntur. 
— Quae quidem ille 8ὲ repudiarit, 


45; 


Ita putaram,. 
iacebit : si acceperit ,., Utrum 


_igitur, inquies, mavis? Responderem, si quem ad modum parati 
essemus scirem. 2. Cassium erat hic auditum expulsum Ancona 


Si bellum futurum est, negotium 


ἢ Caesarem quidem L. Caesare cum mandatis de pace misso 
-tamen aiunt acerrime dilectum habere, loca occupare, vincire 
O perditum latronem ! 0 vix ullo otio compensandam 


Sed stomachari desinamus, tem- 


-pori pareamus, cum Pompeio in Hispaniam eamus. Haec optima 
“in malis, quoniam illius alterum consulatum a re publica ne 
| data quidem occasione reppulimus. 


Sed haec hactenus. 


3, De- 


et constringatur amicorum propinqguorum-=. 
que custodiis. Indeed he thinks we might 
read devincire here, the de- having been 
lost after -re. Klotz proposes munire for 
vincire, comparing Cat. i. 8, Sest. 78. 

otio] cp. note to 315. 4. 

temport pareamus| “yield to circum- 
stances’: cp. Fin. 11. 73. Compare καιρῷ; 
λατρεύειν μηδ᾽ ἀντιπλέειν ἀνέμοισιν, 
among the Pseudo-Phocylidea 121 (Bergk): 
but it is an interpolation even there. 

in Hispaniam]| cp. 315. 1, and note. 

optima} So Lipsius for opto of M: 
cp. Hom. 1]. xvii. 105 φέρτατον κακῶν.. 
Possibly we should read opto <ut> in malis,. 
‘I pray for this, considering the evil state 
we are in.’ 

quoniam... reppulimus] ‘since we did 
not peremptorily refuse his candidature: 
for a second consulship, even when oppor- 
tunity was given us’ by his request to- 
be allowed to compete for consulship in 
his absence. This was a constant ground 
of complaint by Cicero against Pompey : 
cp. Att. vii. 3. 4 (294): 6. 2 (297) :: 
333. 3: Phil. 11. 24 duo tamen tempora 
inciderunt quibus aliquid contra Caesarem 
Pompeio suaserim. Ea velim reprehendas: 
si potes; unum ne quinquennt imperium: 
Caesari prorogaret, alterum ne pateretur 
ferrt ut absentis eius ratio habeatur. 
Others understand it ‘since we refused. 
him a second consulship when not even 
an opportunity was given us of doing 
otherwise,’ 1.6. because he had a large- 
army. But we cannot believe but that 
Cicero, if he meant this, would haye- 
expressed himself differently, 


46 


Dionysio fugit me ad te antea scribere, sed ita constitui, exspec- 
tare responsa Caesaris, ut, si ad urbem rediremus, 101 nos exspec-_ 
taret: sin tardius id fieret, tum eum arcesseremus. 
ille facere debuerit in nostra illa fuga, quid docto homine et amico — 
dignum fuerit, cum praesertim rogatus esset, 8010, sed haec non | 
Tu tamen videbis, si erit, quod nolim, — 


nimis exquiro a Graecis. 


arcessendus, ne molesti simus invito. 


EP, 316 (ATT. VII. 18). 


4, Quintus frater laborat ut 


Omnino quid | 


‘a 


tibi quod debet ab Egnatio solvat nec Kgnatio voluntas deest nec — 
parum locuples est, sed cum tale tempus sit ut ὦ. Titinius—_ 
multum enim est nobiscum—viaticum se neget habere idemque 
debitoribus suis denuntiarit ut eodem fenore uterentur, atque hoe > 
idem etiam. L. Ligus fecisse dicatur, nec hoe tempore aut domi 
nummos Quintus habeat aut exigere ab Henatio aut versuram 


3. Dionysio] a literary slave of Cicero’s, 
whom he manumitted, and to whom he 
entrusted the education of his son and 
nephew. Cicero had before this (Att. vil. 7. 
1 Ep. 298) expressed himself as not quite 
satisfied with the manners of Dionysius, 
but subsequently withdrew his condem- 
nation. Observe what consideration Cicero 
here shows for his freedman ; he says that 
he thinks Dionysius ought to accompany 
him in his flight if he should fly from 
Rome; ‘but,’ he adds, ‘we must not 


expect too much from a Greek,’ and, ‘if 


I am obliged to send for him (which I 
hope I may not be), you must see that we 
consult his convenience in every way.’ 
It appears from 335, 336, that Dionysius 
flatly refused to remain an inmate of the 
house of Cicero during this unhappy 
crisis, but afterwards became alarmed 
and apologized. Cicero courteously dis- 
missed him, as we learn from 341. His 
conduct seems to have been most ungrate- 
ful afterthis. In 368.2, Cicero writes: 1 
hate him, and always shall. I wish I 
could punish him for his conduct. But 
his own character will punish him.’ In 
402.1, weread that Dionysius apologized 
to Cicero, and the latter accorded him 
pardon grudgingly, writing to Atticus, ‘I 
hope you may preserve his friendship. 
When 1 utter this wish, I am wishing for 
the permanence of your prosperity. The 
two will coincide.’ Yet he writes in 
Att. xiii. 2. 3 (609): ‘ Dionysius writes 
me at length telling how he feels his 
long separation from his pupils. I fancy 
it will be longer. Yet I am sorry for it. 


I miss him greatly.’ The Dionysius who, 
after having for several years carried on 
peculations when librarian to Cicero, 
finally absconded to escape punishment, 
was a slave, and is not to be confounded 
with the Dionysius of this letter. 

fugit] ‘I forgot.’ See on Att. v. 12, 
3 (202). 

4. ab Eynatio solvat] ‘Quintus is 
anxious to give you an order on Egnatius 
for the money he owes you.’ This was 
called delegatio, which is stated by Ulpian 
(Dig. xlvi. 2.11) to be vice sua alium 
reum dare creditori vel cui iusserit: ep. 
also note to 468. 2, and to Att. xii. 21. 1 
(556) in ed. 2. 

tale tempus| For the scarcity of money 
at this time cp. 364. 4 : 896. 2 : Caes. B. C. 
ili. 1. 2 cum fides tota Ltalia esset angustior. 

Q. Titinius] He was with Cicero in 
Cilicia: cp. Att. v. 21. 5 (240). He is 
also mentioned in Att. 11. 4. 1 (31). From 
these passages one can gather that he 
was rather sharp and grasping in money 
matters. 


idemque denuntiarit| ‘and yet has 


given notice to his debtors that they may _ 
let the debt stand over, they paying the — 


same interest as before.’ 


I. Ligus| perhaps the Aelius Ligus | 


mentioned in Sest. 94 as among the quis- 
quilias seditionis Olodianae: 


cp. ib. 68 — 


Ligus iste nescio qui, additamentum inimi- — 
corum meorum:; Harusp. Resp. 5 stipitem ὦ 


illum qui quorum hominum esset nescire- — 


mus, nisi se Ligurem ipse esse diceret. 
aut exigere ab Egnatio) 
not pay Atticus in cash. 


Quintus can- — 
The best he 


eee 


uidquid est, te scire volui. 


317. 


oar Non. Febr. Capuam proficisci scribit. 


do is to ‘delegate’ his debtor 
Egnatius to be the debtor of Atticus. 
 Egnatius was a rich man, but he cannot 
= pay cash either, possibly because he could 
~ not realize his investments at this crisis. 
ἯΙ versuram facere| ‘to raise a loan to 
pay this debt.’ This was such a common 
Ξ ἫΝ procedure that it evolved a technical ex- 
_ pression which is literally ‘to effect a 


Νὴρ 


transfer’ of creditor: cp. Fest. 379 
ed. Miiller. 
— huius publicae difficultatis] ‘ general 


_ scarcity of money.’ In Verr. 11. 69 Cicero 
adds nummaria. In 400. 1 we have difi- 
οὐ οίδηι pecuniariam. For other references 
_ to the scarcity of money at this time 
ep. 364.4 nummorum caritatem : 396. 2 
μηδὲ δίκην] δικάσῃς πρὶν ἂν ἀαφοῖν 
ἐξ ᾿ μῦθον ἀκούσῃς. This is one of the cases 

in which Cicero goes to the Greek for a 
Sa ~ familiar quotation, while we have recourse 
to Latin, audi alteram partem. It also 
: affords a good instance of iy elliptical 
_ manner of quoting. See 13, p. 87. No 
doubt the verse is ‘ falsely tbctftion to 

- Hesiod,’ but its author is unknown. 
‘References to it in Eur. Heracl. 179, 
_ Andr. 957; Aristoph. Vesp. 725. 


mquam vidi temere fieri, tamen illius querela movebar. 


-  FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 8; A. U. C. 7053 B. 6. 495 


EP. 317 (ATT. VII: 19). oe 


usquam facere possit, miratur te non habuisse rationem huius 


Hoe, 


Moin TO ATTICUS (Art vit; 19). 


AET. CIC. 67. 


M. Cicero accepto nuntio de condicionibus a Caesare reiectis scribit se desperantem 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


_ Nihil habeo quod ad te scribam: qui etiam eam epistulam 
quam eram elucubratus ad te non dederim. 
 bonae, quod et contionis voluntatem audieram et illum condicionibus 
usurum putabam, praesertim suis. 


Erat enim plena spei 


Eece tibi 111 Non. Febr. mane 


querela| Quintus seems to have been 
‘making a poor mouth’ to his brother, 
complaining that Atticus was unrea- 
sonably pressing for payment, in hopes, 
apparently, that the latter would use his 
influence with Atticus to give Quintus a 
long day to pay the debt, if not a com- 
plete remission. 


qui etiam] ‘as you may judge when 
I tell you that I did not send you a 
letter I had written overnight,’ i.e. Ep. 
316. The force of the subjunctive can 
hardly be expressed without some such 
periphrasis. The reason why he sup- 
pressed his letter was because the com- 
munications subsequently received by 
him showed him that its hopeful tone 
was not justified by the circumstances. 
Cicero often worked during the night 
(317, 1 ante lucem), and took a little 
sleep afterwards: cp. Att. xiii. 38, 1 (658) 
and note there. 

suis] In 312.4 Cicero also emphasizes 
the fact that the terms are Caesar’s own. 

Ecce tibi] ‘lo and behold you.’ Cp. 
Att. ii. 8 1 (35) and note there, - 


48 EP, 818 (ATT. VII. 20). 


accepi litteras tuas, Philotimi, Furni, Curionis ad Furnium, quibus } 


irridet L, Caesaris legationem. Plane oppressi videmur, nec quid 


consili capiam scio, nec mehercule de me laboro: de pueris quid 


agam non habeo. 


Capuam tamen proficiscebar haec scribens, φιο 


facilius de Pompei rebus cognoscerem. 


318. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit 20). 


CAPUA ; FEBRUARY 53 A. U. C. 7053 B. C. 7053. AET. 


CIC. 57. 


Desperata pace queritur M. Cicero tamen bellum non parari a consulibus, a Caesar 


omnia acerrime agi. 


Quaerit ab Attico quid 5101 agendum putet. 


CICKRO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Breviloquentem iam me tempus ipsum facit. 
desperavi, bellum nostri nullum administrant. 


Pacem enim 
Cave enim putes 


ity Sean 


quidquam esse minoris his consulibus: quorum ergo spe audiendi 


irridet L. Caesaris legationem] It was 
extravagant for the Pompeians to ask 
Caesar to surrender the towns he had 
taken and retire into his province: for 
there were considerable forces under 
Attius Varus in Auximum, and it looks 
as if an attack on Ancona was being 
planned (§ 2); and Caesar’s enemies 
would easily find a pretext for war the 
moment they felt strong enough to declare 
it: ep. Ferrero ii. 232. 

guid agam non habeo| ‘Ido not know 
what to do.” See Madv. 362. Nihil 
habeo quod ad te scribam, at the com- 
mencement of the letter, means ‘I have 
nothing to write to you.’ 


1. Pacem enim desperavi| See on 310. 


bellum ..nullum| “ [86 military opera- 
tions on our side are nil.’ This isa much 
stronger expression than non administrant 
would have been, and may be compared 
with such colloquial expressions as nud/us 
venit, ‘not a bit of him came,’ 441. 4; 


nullus discederet, ‘not to move an inch,’. 
Att. xv, 22, 1 (755); nullus tu quidem 


domum, ‘don’t stir a foot to visit him,’ 
Att, xv. 29, 1 (768). 


Cave... consulibus| ‘don’t imagine 


that there is anything which concerns our 
present consuls less than the war.’ This 
seems more probably right than the other 
possible rendering, according to which 
consulibus is not dative but ablative after 
minoris ; 
could be more worthless than our present. 
consuls.’ 

quorum ergo| ‘on account of whom 
in the hope of hearing something I came 
to Capua in heavy rain.” We have ven- 
tured to read with Bosius and Boot ergo 
for ego, the reading of the mss. It has. 


been thought that we might retain ego 


and suppose that quorum spe audiendi is 
an example of that ‘intermediate’ con- 
struction (Madvig on Fin. i. 60) between 
quos audiendt and quorum audiendorum >. 
cp. Plaut. Capt. 852 nominandi istorum 
tibi erit copia (where see Prof. Lindsay’s 
note, and also his note on line 1008) ; . Ter 
Heaut. 29 novarum spectandi copia; Cic.. 
Fin. v. 19 causa eorum adipiscendi: cp. De 
Inv. ii. 5 exemplorum eligendi potestas ; 
Phil. v. 6 facultas agrorum condonandi : 
Lucret. v. 1225 poenarum solvendi tempus: 
cp. Roby vol, ii., p. xviii (many apparent 
examples of this usage are not real 
examples as is shown by Dr. Reid on 
Acad. ii. 128). 


‘don’t imagine that anything. 


' The fact, however, ere 


2 


9 


| 
ἢ 
1] 


a | 


3 Diudiendi has in this instance an object ali- 
_ quid, and that another genitive follows, 
makes it slightly different from the other 
examples cited above, and induces us to 
follow Bosius in changing ego to ergo. 
Dr. Reid thinks that a substantive in 
_ the ablative has dropped out on which 
quorum depended, such as vocatu. But 
then wt eram iussus would be somewhat 
redundant. It would be impossible to 
_ take the genitive guorum as governed by 
audiendi (like ἀκούειν), as that construc- 
tion is found only in Christian writers : 
/ ep. Rénsch Itala und Vulgata, p. 488. 
_ Miller reads the whole passage thus: 
Cave enim putes quicquam esse minori his 
consulibus curae (for quo rum). Ego spe, 
&e. 
maximo imbrij ablative, like tanta 
 hieme (312. 6). Lmbri is the correct form 
of the abl.: ep. Phil. v.15; Dr. Reid on 
De Sen. 34 (Crit. note). Neue-Wagener 
i? 362 gives many examples. 

Tilt... venerant| C, the ms. which 
Cratander used, is said by him to have the 
reading ili autem adhuc, id est Nonis, 
nondum venerant. This reading may be 
right, and is adopted by Wesenberg ; for 
this letter was written on the morning of 
the 5th, as is shown by the use of hodie in 
_ § 2, and we read at the end of the letter 
_ that the consuls are to arrive ‘on their 
_ appointed 5th.’ Boot, seeing that some 
_ statement of the time at which the consuls 
were expected would naturally find a 
_ place in the sentence, proposed to read 
Nonis for inanes. We might also suppose 
that ad Nonas fell out before imanes, and 
that C preserved a part of the right tradi- 
tion by introducing the Nones, but pre- 
served it in the wrong place. Cicero 
heard the report that they were expected 
‘by February 5th,’ and that they were 
_ without equipment or preparation of any 
kind, ‘bare and bootless.’ But we confess 
_ that inanes, imparatiseem strange epithets, 


VOL. IV. 


Gen κατ τς, 


EP, 318 (ATT. VII. 90). 49 


aliquid et cognoscendi nostri apparatus maximo imbri Capuam 
_ yeni pridie Nonas, ut eram iussus, 
sed erant venturi inanes, imparati. Gnaeus autem Luceriae 
᾿ dicebatur esse et adire cohortes Jegionum Appianarum, non firmis- 
-simarum. At illum ruere nuntiant et iam iamque adesse, non ut 
᾿ς manum Semeerer cence enim ?—sed ut fugam intercludat. 2. 
Riso autem in Italia κἂν ἀποθανεῖν nec te id consulo—sin extra, 
ἢ ago?—Ad manendum hiems, lictores, improvidi et neglegentes 


Illi autem nondum venerant> 


especially the former (‘empty-handed ’), 
to indicate, as would appear, that they 
had no forces. Possibly inanes is a corrup- 
tion of mane, and the curious use of inanes 
led to a gloss imparati. If the consuls 
had been expected mane ‘early in the 
day,’ there would be special point in 
saying that Lentulus arrived sero ‘late in 
the day’ (319. 1). 

illum] Caesar. 

ruere| ‘is eerie headlong.’ 

ial ΠΕ 312 

2. Ego...ago?] ἽΝ ow, were the scene 
Italy, Bid: me to die, and I will dare— 
on that point I am not asking your counsel 
—but if the issue is to be decided out of 
Italy, what am I to do?’ According to 
a frequent practice, Cicero quotes but a 
couple of words of the saying he had in 
his mind. So we often quote but a few 
words of a proverbial expression, ‘ Needs 
must > or ‘When thieves fall out 
.᾽ Cf. Hamlet, iii. 2, 358, “ While 
the grass grows, —the proverb is some- 
thing musty.’ The quotation is attri- 
buted by Peerlkamp to Diphilus (though 
we cannot find it in Meineke), and is 
sald to run κἂν ἀποθανεῖν δέῃ με θάνοιμ᾽ 
ἑκούσιος (we have in Aristoph. Lys. 
123 ποιήσομεν, κἂν ἀποθανεῖν ἡμᾶς δέῃ, 
which has somewhat of ἃ proverbial 
tone). Consulere, with a double accus. of 
the person and of the thing, is rare except 
in the comic writers (e.g. Plaut. Men. 700, 
consulam hanc rem amicos). The Thesaurus 
quotes Statius (Theb. vii. 628), non vos 
longinqua sorores Consulimus. The acc. of 
the person is of course quite regular, and 
the acc. of the thing (esp. when a neut. 
pronoun, cp. note to 429. 2) not very rare, 
Plaut. Most, 1102 consulere quiddamst quod 
tecum volo, Cic. De Divin. i. 3: ib. ii. 10: 
Mil. 16 (these last two passages we owe 
to Dr. Reid): Liv. ii. 28. 2 rem delatam 
consulere : Verg. Aen. xi, 343. 

lictores] cp. 303 init. and note. 


Τὶ 
4 


50 HP B10 (ADT: VII). 


: 
duces; ad fugam hortatur amicitia Gnaei, causa bonorum, turpitudo 
coniungendi cum tyranno: qui quidem incertum est Phalarimne _ 
an Pisistratum sit imitaturus. Haec velim explices et me iuves 
-consilio, etsi te ipsum istic iam calere puto. Sed tamen quantum | 


poteris. 


aderunt consules ad suas Nonas. 


Ego si quid hie hodie novi cognoro, scies. 


Iam enim 
Tuas cotidie litteras exspectabo. 


Ad has autem cum poteris rescribes. Mulieres et Cicerones in 


Formiano reliqui. 


919. 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 21). 


CALES ,; FEBRUARY 8; A. U. C. 705; B. C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit se Capuae fuisse, eo alterum consulem usque ad vir Id. 


Febr. nor venisse, nihil agi neque a consulibus neque a Pompeio. 


De mandatis a 


C. Cassio tribuno pl. adlatis ad consules, de summa sua consilii inopia. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1, De malis nostris tu prius audis quam ego. 
Boni autem hine quod exspectes nihil est. 


emanant. 


Istim enim 


Veni 


Capuam ad Nonas Febr., ita ut iusserant consules. Eo die 


coniungendi| On the apparently passive 
use of the gerund see Roby ii. pref. 
lxiv-lxvii. The examples collected there 
under class ¢ especially illustrate the pre- 
sent passage, because here the gerund 
may be regarded as rather reflexive than 
passive ; among the best of the examples 
are signo recipiendi dato, Caes. B. G. vii. 
52. 15; lusus exercendique causa, Liv. v. 
27. 2; vix spatium instruendi fuit, Liv. 
xxxi. 21. 6; potestatem defendendi, Cic. 
Mil. 11. See Dr. Reid on Acad. ii. ἐξ 
26, 101. 

Phalarimne an Pisistratum] Phalaris 
was typical of the worst kind of tyrant, 
Pisistratus of the best. 

calere| This is not nearly so strong an 
expression as ‘to be in hot water.’ It 
means little more than ‘to have one’s hands 
full,’ ‘ to have plenty of business of one’s 
own to occupy one’: cp. Fam. viii. 6. 4 
(242), Si Parthi vos nihil calfaciunt, nos 


frigore frigescimus; and Fam. vii. 10. 
2 (161) ne frigeas in hibernis... Quame 
quam vos nune istic satis calere audio. 
Boot reads carere (sc. consilio), which is 
probable on account of quantum poteris, 
and because there is no reason (such as 
antithesis of frigere) to prompt Cicero to 
use the metaphorical calere. 

ad suas Nonas] ‘on the Nones as they 
arranged.’ 


1. Istim] an archaism for istine often 
found in the Letters: cp. Att. ii. 1. 4 (27), 
xiv. 12. 1 (715): Fam. vi. 20. 1, 3 (645), 
x. 20. 1 (884): cp. illim 308. 8 ‘For the 
bad news comes from where you are,’ i.e., 
Rome. 

ad Nonas| ‘I arrived in Capua for the 
Nones,’ so as to be there on Feb. 5. We 
read in the last letter that he actually 
entered Capua on the 4th. 


_ quo praesidio ἢ ? deinde exeant : 


sero| cp. note to 318. 1. 

alter consul] OC. Claudius Marcellus. 
ante lucem| cp. note to 317. 

_ nihil in consulibus] ‘that the consuls 
are worthless.’ 

| Nec enim] ‘the recruiting sergeants do 
’ not even dare to show their faces, while 
“Caesar is everywhere, and Pompey never 
8 anywhere or doing anything: the men 
re not enlisting’ ; φαινοπροσωπεῖν means 
4 put in an appearance ’ cp. Att. xiv. 
2, 2(729); or, if we might use an English 
olloquialism, «to show their noses.’ The 
yord occurs only in these passages. 

iacet| cp. 316. 1. 

timidissimas| ‘faint-hearted.’ 

_ ignorationem| See the excellent note of 
Dr. Reid on Acad. i. 42; where he decides 
“that ignorantiam is probably an error 
πο ignorationem. Cicero, he adds, uses 
_Aactatio but not iactantia, which is common 
_ in Tacitus ; probably Aaesitantium in Phil. 
ii. 16 should be haesitationem; on the 
_ Other hand, Cicero has both toleratio and 
olerantia. Cicero seems of set purpose 
0 avoid ignorantia. He says ignoratio 


ie onsilium, non copiae, non diligentia. 
urbe turpissimam, timidissimas in oppidis contiones, ignorationem 
“non, solum adversari sed etiam suarum copiarum. 2. Hoe cuius 
‘modi est? vi Id. Febr. Capuam C. Cassius tribunus pl. venit 
_ attulit mandata ad consules ut Romam venirent, pecuniam de 

_ sanctiore aerario auferrent, statim exirent. Urbe relicta, redeant : 
quis sinat ? Consul ei rescripsit 
“ut prius ipse in Picenum. At illud totum erat amissum ; 
“nemo praeter me ex litteris Dolabellae. 
‘quin ille iam iamque foret in Apulia, Gnaeus noster in navi. 
38. Ego quid agam σκέμμα magnum,—neque mehercule mihi 
ΠΗ͂ΜΑ ullum, nisi omnia essent acta turpissime neque ego ullius 
“consili particeps—sed tamen quod me deceat. 


EP. 319 (ATT. VII.‘ 21). 61 


entulus venit sero, alter consul omnino non venerat vit Idus. 
Ο enim die ego Capua discessi et mansi Calibus. | 
tteras postridie ante lucem dedi. 
ovi: nihil in consulibus, nullum usquam dilectum. Nee enim 
conquisitores φαινοπροσωπεῖν audent cum ille adsit, contraque 
noster dux nusquam sit, nihil agat; nec nomina dant. 


Inde has 
Haec Capuae dum fui cog- 


Deficit 
Gnaeus autem noster—o rem 
Non animus est, non 
Mittam illa, fugam ab 


sciebat 
Mihi dubium non erat 


Ipse me Caesar 


locorum in Rep. i. 29, while Caesar (B.C. 
ili. 68. 2) uses ignorantia locorum. 

2. C. Cassius) ‘The tyrannicide: cp. 
note to 316. 2: 321. 1. 

mandata| orders from Pompey. 

sanctiore aerario| Here the fund was 
kept to meet the exigency of a Gallic war ; 
it was raised from spoil taken in war and 
the 5 per cent. duty on the manumission 
of slaves. See Dict. Antiq. 15 37b. 

Consul] Lentulus ; “Marcellus had not 
yet arrived. 

ut prius ipse in Picenum] This con- 
temptuous reply shows that Pompey can- 
not be supposed to have been formally 
invested with full military powers: cp., 
too, his whole correspondence with 
Domitius (325, 329, 330): he requests and 
does not command. For Picenum cp. 
313. 2. 

sciebat nemo praeter me] O. E. Schmidt 
(p. 180 fin.) notices that the intelligence 
department of the Optimates was very 
defective: cp. 329. 1 note. 

3. Εο quid... deceat) ‘itisa serious 
problem what should ‘be my course 


E 2 


52 
.ad pacem hortatur. 


-torquet. 
provide. 
Tuas litteras exspecto. 


EP... 820 (ATT. VII. 22). 


Sed antiquiores litterae quam ruere coepit. 
Dolabella, Caelius ‘me illi valde satis facere.’. 
Iuva me consilio si potes, et tamen ἰδία quantum potes— 
Nihil habeo tanta rerum perturbatione quod. scribam. 


320. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 23). 


FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 9: 


M. Cicero Attico scribit iam Caesarem totam occupare Italiam, quo iverit Pompeius — 
se ignorare et quo eum sequatur nescire, Attici consilium requirit, honestum non esse 


se tradere Caesari. 


A. U. CG. 705; B.C. 49: AET. CIC. 87, 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1, Pedem in Italia video nullum esse qui non in istius potes- 


tate sit. 
tulerit, exceptum iri puto. 


De Pompeio scio nihil, eumque, nisi in navim se con- 
O celeritatem incredibilem! huius 


autem nostri—sed non possum sine dolore accusare eum de quo 


angor et crucior. 


Tu caedem non sine causa times, non quo 


minus quidquam Caesari expediat ad diuturnitatem victoriae et 


(though indeed it would not be so for 
me, but for the disgraceful mismanage- 
ment of the whole business, and the fact 
that I was not consulted on any plan); 
however, I repeat, it is a serious consider- 
ation what would be my most becoming 
course.’ Quid agam depends on σκέμμα, 
and is again understood before guod me 
deceat. 'The sentence is resumed after the 
parenthesis by sed tamen, but the quid agam 
is expanded into the question quid agam 
quod me deceat. The desirableness of 
making a parenthesis as short as possible 
may perhaps account for the omission 
of esset after ulium and of essem after 
particeps. 

 antiquiores ... quam] ‘but his letter 
was written before he began to run his 
headlong course’ (318.1). Ruere is the 
word by which Cicero often expresses the 
complete abandonment of all Pe of 
constitutional action: ep. Att. ii. 14.1 
(41); 15. 2 (42). 


tamen| ‘in any case.’ 

tanta rerum pertur batione | This is the 
ablative of manner, for which see note on 
181. 4. 


1. celeritatem|  ‘Caesar’s rapidity’ 
became proverbial: cp. Att. xvi. 10. 
1 (801) aiunt enim eum Caesariana uti. 
celeritate. Lucan 1. 148 says of him 
successsus urgere suos instare favort Nu- 
minis, and compares him to lightning. 

huius autem nostri] This is a real case 
of aposiopesis, and is quite different from 
that supposed example of the same figure 
in 316. 1. 

non guo minus] ‘not that anything 
could be more prejudicial to the chances 


Mira me 4 Tropia 


Ἢ 


of a lasting victory or supremacy.’ We 


think of Mommsen’s celebrated remark 
(R. H. ti. p. 142, ed. 1872), ‘*Terror is 
a bad weapon of proselytism ’’ (Das Ent- 
setzen macht schlecte Propaganda), made 
in reference to Hannibal. 


EN νων ee eg aera Pe ee 


set censeo cedendum. 
) -factu videbitur facies. 
tiam habebis Idibus. 


9921. 


EP. 391 (ATT. VII. 38). 


-dominationis, sed video quorum arbitrio sit acturus. 
2. De Oppiis egeo consili. 
Cum Philotimo loquere, atque adeo Teren- 
Ego quid agam? qua aut terra aut mari 
_persequar eum qui ubi sit neseio ἢ Htsi terra quidem qui possum ὃ 
mari quo? . Tradam igitur isti me ?. 
hortantur—num etiam honeste? Nullo modo quidem. 
petam consilium, ut soleo? Explicari res non potest. 
si quid in mentem venit velim scribas et ipse quid sis acturus. 


δ. 
Recte sit ; 
Quod optimum 


Fac posse tuto—multi enim 
A te 


Sed tamen 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vii. 23). 
FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 10; A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


De Philotimi litteris bonae spei plenis, quibus tamen ipse fidem nullam habuerit ; 
 sibi illud verius videri omnia iam perdita esse, l’?ompeium Italia cedere persequente 
Caesare, se lectis Philotimi litteris de mulieribus consilium mutasse, sibi difficile esse 
᾿ς quidquam conari, apud suos omnia iacere, exemplum litterarum Caesaris se misisse. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


i 1. v Id. Febr. vesperi a Philotimo litteras accepi, ‘ Domitium 


~ exercitum firmum habere, cohortes ex Piceno Lentulo et Thermo 


Ε quorum arbitrio| Cicero seems to have 
thought that some of Caesar’s friends, 
_ perhaps Antony and Caelius, would 
- counsel severe measures of retaliation. 

τ΄ Recte sit . . . consili] ‘The reading of 
a 

, 


the ss. is recte sit: censeo codindum de 
᾿ς oppidis iis egeo consili. For attempted 
_ corrections see Adn. Crit. We feel pretty 
sure that Boot is right in discovering 
Oppiis under oppidis, owing to the 
immediate mention of Philotimus and 
- Terentia: cp. 308.1; 338.3. He reads 
_ recte sit. Censeo cedendum Oppiis. Hie 
 egeo tuo auxtlio. We venture to suggest 
| Recte sit: <set> censeocedendum. 2. De 
 Oppiis egeo consili ‘It may be quite safe 
fox ‘I trust it may be safe’), but I think 
you had better leave (Rome). As to the 
_ Oppii I want your advice.’ The iis may 
Ἶ 7215 
have arisen from a correction oppidis. 
atque adeo| ‘These words have the 


augmentative sense, ‘nay, more’; for the 
corrective sense, see Att. i. 17. 9 (28): 
and on the two uses of atgue adeo see 
Palmer’s note on Plaut. Amph. il. 2. 46 
(678), p. 198. 

Etsi . . . quo?) ‘and vet how (qut) 
can 1 (follow him) by land? And by sea, 
whither?’ This use of etsi, ‘and yet,’ 
is common in the Letters; see the 
Dictionaries. 

Nulio modo quidem] So 
(p. 34) punctuates the sentence. Quidem 
is appropriate in the reply: cp. Legg. ii. 
1, sane quidem. Most editors after Biicheler 
read Nullo modo. Equidem a te. 


Lehmann 


1. a Philotimo] He generally lied in 
favour of Pompey: cp. 393. 1 Cuius 
hominis, quam insulsi et quam saepe pro 
Pompeio mentientis: 362. 6 mtmium 
optimatt. 


δ4. EP. 391 (ATT. VII. 38). 


sed tamen Μ᾽. Lepidum, L. Torquatum, C. Cassium tribunum 
pl.—hi enim sunt nobiscum, id est in Formiano,—Philotimi 
litterae ad vitam revocaverunt. Ego autem illa metuo ne veriora. — 
sint nos omnis paene iam captos esse, Pompeium Italia cedere, ἡ 
quem quidem—o rem acerbam !—persequi Caesar dicitur. Persequi 
Caesar Pompeium? Quid? ut interficiat? O me miserum! et: 
non omnes nostra corpora opponimus? in quo tu quoque ingemiscis. 
Sed quid faciamus ? Victi, oppressi, capti plane sumus. 2. Ego 
tamen Philotimi litteris lectis mutavi consilium de mulieribus, 
quas, ut scripseram ad te, Romam remittebam, sed mihi venit in 
mentem multum fore sermonem me iudicium iam de causa publica 
fecisse, qua desperata quasi hune gradum mei reditus esse quod 
mulieres revertissent. De me autem ipso tibi adsentior, ne me 
dem incertae et periculosae fugae, cum rei publicae nihil prosim, 
nihil Pompeio, pro quo emori cum pie possum tum lubenter. | 
-Manebo igitur: etsi vivere ... 3. Quod quaeris hie quid agatur, 
tota Capua et omnis hic dilectus iacet, desperata res est, in fuga 
omnes sunt, nisi qui deus iuerit ut Pompeius istas Domiti copias 


neme dem| Understand some word like 
scribenti with dt, 

pro quo... lubenter| ‘for whom I can 
in duty and affection face death.’ 332. 4. 

vivere| Here is another case (cp. 316. 
1) in which aposiopesis is unsuitable. 
Something has fallen out, probably a 
Greek word such as ἀβίωτον, or ἀηδές, or 
αἰσχρόν, or possibly some words like isto 
modo υἱῷ est vivere. 

3. tota... Capua tacet| 319.1. 
iacet ‘has broken down’ cp. 319. 1. 

nisi qui deus iuerit| So Tyrrell corrected 
nisi quid eius fuerit. Boot had already 
proposed nisi gui deus fecerit. Editors 
usually add modi after eins. For the 
sentiment cp. 312. 1 mist qui deus subve- — 
merit. Tyrrell’s emendation is accepted — 
by Miller. For the form iwerit =iuverit 
οἵ. Catull. 66. 18 Non ita me divi vera 


M’. Lepidum, L. Torquatum| 305. 4: 
327. 1: C. Cassius seems tohave come on 
from Capua (319. 2) to Formiae. Lepidus 
ultimately returned tu Rome and joined 
Caesar (350. 2; 358. 2). Torquatus, on 
the contrary, joined Pompey (363. 1). 
He was captured by Caesar at Oricum, 
but set free (Caes. B.C. iii. 11.4). He 
afterwards met his death in Africa with 
Metellus Scipio after the battle of Thapsus 
(Bell. Afr. 96.1). Cicero speaks cordially 
of him (Brut. 265), and he makes him the 
exponent of the Epicurean philosophy in 
Fin, i. 

paene| So the mss. On account of 
penne captos at the end of the section, Wes. 
alters to plane, perhaps rightly. 

2. remittebam| = remissurus eram, “1 
intended to send back to Rome’ ; see note 
on habebam, 209. 1. 


For 


me... reverlissent| ‘that I had passed 
a judgment on the political situation, and 
that, since I regarded it as hopeless, the 
return of the ladies of my house was as it 
were one step on my own way back.’ 


gemunt iuerint: Fam. x. 24. 7 (916) — 


iuero (so M corrupted into ¢wero in D, and 
tueor in H): x. 17. 2 (872) iuare is to be 
read, as Mendelssohn shows, from twave 


M: tuvare HD, while the inferior mss. 


ut adhuce nihil faciam turpiter. 


ut ad se Luceriam veniat. 


CN. 


_ subsequl. 
puto fore. 


ENR Tac reaps | 
y=. ἘΞ Eso 


corrupt still further to tueri. Also 
ep. De Sen. 1 O Tite, si quid ego adiuero. 

cui nos valde satis facere| Caesar’s 
letter is not extant: it had been alluded 
to in 319. 3 71.986 me Caesar ad pacem 
hortatur: sed antiquiores litterae quam 
ruere coepit. 


75 ἢ = 


παλὶς asa. 
sear 


th 
ΓΑ 
ἢ 


Ep. 322] Ο. E. Schmidt (p. 134) thinks 
that this ietter is only the postscript 
_ which Pompey wrote with his own hand 
(328, 1 sed in ea Pompei epistula erat in 
 extremo ipsius manu, “ Tu censeo Luceriam 
_ venias: nusquam eris tutius’). There is 
nothing about the actions in Picenum, 
the letter of Vibullius, or the levy of 
_ Domitius, which are stated (328. 1) to be 
_ mentioned in the letter. And where is 
_ there any cause for a διπλῇ (332. 4) in 
- such a short note as this? cp. Sternkopf 


EP. 322 (ATT. 


MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. 


Q. Fabius ad me venit a. ἃ. 
LL. Domitium cum suis cohortibus 
~ quas Vibullius adduxit ad me iter 
_ proficisci Corfinio a. ἃ. v Id. Febr., 
Censeo. ad nos Luceriam venias. 


VIII. 11 A). δδ᾽ 


eum suis coniungat. Sed videbamur omnia biduo triduove scituri. 
Caesaris litterarum exemplum tibi misi: rogaras enim: cui nos 
_ valde satis facere multi ad me scripser unt, quod patior facile, dum 


3822, POMPEY TO CICERO (Arr. vii. 114). 


LUCERIA 5; FEBRUARY 10; A. U.C. 7055; B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


Cn. Pompeius nuntiat copias ex Samnio ad se iter habere monetque Ciceronem 


M, CICERONI IMP. 


ιν Idus Febr. Is nuntiat 
ΧΙ et cum cohortibus xtv 
habere: habuisse in animo 
C. Hirrum cum v cohortibus 
Nam te hic tutissime 


(Marburg Dissertation (1884), No. 82, 


pp. 52, 53). 

Q. Fabius] Perhaps Q. Fabius Vergi- 
lianus, the legate of Appius Claudius : 
cp. Fam. iii. 1(191). 

xu] It seems reasonable to read 
ΧΙ here with Wesenberg instead of x1 
of the mss. ‘The change is very slight, 
and Pompey mentions twelve cohorts 
under the command of Domitius in 331. 1. 
For the forces at Corfinium and in 
Samnium see Addenda to Comm. iii. 

Censeo.. . venias| cp. Antony in 395. 2 
ad Caesarem mittas censeo. The expres- 
sion is somewhat brusque. 

tutissime] cp. Neue- Wagener 115 757. 
It is to be observed that Pompey does not 
use the rare form tutissimo which is used 
by Cicero when in 328. 2 he is referring 
to this letter. 


56 EP. 324 (ATT. VIT. 26). 


328, CICERO TO ATTIOUS (Arr. vit. 24). 
FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 11, MORNING; A. U. 6. 7053 B. C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 


De Philotimi litteris et Pompeianorum fuga, se a consilio fugiendi abesse. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


Philotimi litterae me quidem non nimis sed eos qui in his 
locis erant admodum delectarunt. Ecce postridie Cassi litterae 
Capua a Lucretio, familiari eius, Nigidium a Domitio Capuam 
venisse: eum dicere Vibullium cum paucis militibus e Piceno 
currere ad Gnaeum, coufestim insequi Caesarem, Domitium non 
habere militum 111 milia. Idem scripsit Capua consules discessisse. 
Non dubito quin Gnaeus in fuga sit; modo effugiat. Kgo a consilio 
fugiendi, ut tu censes, absum. 


. 


324. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 58). 


FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 11, AFTERNOON ; A. U. C. 705; B. C. 49; AET. 
CIC. δὴ: 


M. Cicero Attico scribit se hilarioribus eius litteris non satis credere, Pompeii 


causam iacere. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


Cum dedissem ad te litteras tristis et metuo ne veras de Lucreti 


Philotimi litterae] 321.1. 

Eece| 317. 

Cassi litterae Capua a Lucretio] ‘Cassius’ 
letter from his friend Lucretius from 
Capua.’ Cassius had come on from 
Capua to Formiae (321. 1). For Cassi 
litterae = ‘a letter to Cassius,’ cp. note to 
Att. 11.13. 1 (40) tuam epistulam. In 
324. 1 we have de Lucreti ad Cassium 
litteris Capua missis. This Lucretius is 
generally supposed to be the senator 
Quintus Lucretius who was in command 
at Sulmo, and had to fly therefrom about 
February i8: cp. 335. 3 and note, also 
Caesar B.C. i. 18.2. But the Lucretius 
here mentioned wrote plainly from Capua ; 


so Corradus held that it is a different 
Lucretius who 15 referred to _ here. 


Nothing certain can be said: but it is 


possible that Quintus Lucretius may have 
come to Capua to consult with the consuls, 
and got back to Sulmo before Caesar 
arrived in the vicinity of that town. 

u1 millia| Domitius had 12 cohorts 
(831. 1), and we may suppose each had 
300 men at all events. So that this esti- 
mate of 3000 seems rather low. 

modo effugiat] ‘I only pray that he 
may escape.’ 

absum] “1 hold aloof from, am dis- 
inclined to’ : cp, abfuisse ab istis studiis 
Planc. 62: Sall. Cat. 6. 4. 


ee ee Pe ee 


=. 
eran 
Vag 


EP. 325 (ATT. VIII, 12 B). δὴ 


| ad Cassium litteris Capua missis, Cephalio venit a vobis, attulit 

etiam a te litteras hilariores, nec tamen firmas, ut soles. Omnia 
facilius credere possum quam quod scribitis Pompeium exercitum 
habere. Nemo huc ita adfert omniaque quae nolim. O rem mise- 
‘yam! Malas causas semper obtinuit, in optima concidit. Quid 
‘dicam? nisi illud eum scisse—neque enim erat difficile—hoe 
_nescisse. Erat enim ars difficilis recte rem publicam regere. Sed 
iam iamque omnia sciemus et scribemus ad te statim. 


325. POMPEY TO DOMITIUS (Art. vu. 128). 


| LUCERIA; BETWEEN FEBRUARY 10 AND 16; A. U. ©. 705; B. Ο. 493 
ABT, CIC. δ᾽. | 


_ Cn. Pompeius L. Domitium vehementer rogat ut quam celerrime ad se Luceriam 


_adveniat ne abs se excludatur. 
ae 
᾿ς 


Ὶ CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. 5. D. L. DOMITIO PROCOS. 

1. Valde miror te ad me nihil scribere et potius ab aliis quam a 
te de re publica me certiorem fieri. Nos disiecta manu pares ad- 
_ Yersario esse non possumus: contractis nostris copiis spero nos et 
rei publicae et communi saluti prodesse posse. Quam ob rem cum 
constituisses, ut Vibullius mihi scripserat, a.d. v Id. Febr. Corfinio 
_ proficisci cum exercitu et ad me venire, miror quid causae fuerit 
"qua re consilium mutaris. Nam illa causa quam mihi Vibullius 


Ἐχ e 


 seribit levis est, te propterea moratum esse quod audieris Caesarem 


Cephalio| a letter-carrier of Atticus, 


Ἢ confestimque.. . ad te 
_ often mentioned: cp. 377. 4 and Index. 


cp. also Tusc. 


exspectavti dum... 
iter facere coepi, 343. 1: 


᾿ς vobis| 1.6, from your people in Rome. i. 4, 71, and Madv. § 488, obs. 2. Nolim 
- He brought letters from others than is in the subjunctive, because quae 
_ Atticus: hence the plural seriditis. expresses the kind, character, of the 


ο΄ firmas| “ decided,’ ‘ confident.’ 
ee Nemo—nolim] ‘no one gives this ac- 
Eye 


' count, and everyone brings all the news 


intelligence brought to him. 
obtinuit] ‘he carried through’ to a 
successful issue. 


ost unwelcome to me.’ Quisque must 
ibe taken out of nemo in accordance witha 
‘common usage of which there is a good 
example in Hor. Sat. i. 1, 4, where see 
᾿ Palmer’s note. The use of the adv. (ita 

adfert) predicatively instead of an adj. is 
_ characteristic of the letters: see I? p. 91. 
 Forthe use of gue in omniague quae nolim, 
here weshould rather have expected an 
adversative particle, Boot compares non 


illud| refers to malas causas obtinere, 
and hoc to optimam causam (obtinere). 

Erat ...regere| The imperf. seems to 
make the remark specially applicable to 
Pompey’s period of supremacy. It was 
difficult then to guide the State. 


1. levis est] Pompey gives the reason 
in 329.1. Domitius appears to have 


58 EP. 395 (ATT. VIII. 12 B). 


Firmo progressum in Castrum Truentinum venisse. 


: 


Quanto enim 


magis appropinquare adversarius coepit, eo tibi celerius agendum 
erat ut te mecum coniungeres prius quam Oaesar aut tuum iter 


impedire aut me abs te excludere posset. 


2. Quam ob rem etiam 


atque etiam te rogo et hortor, id quod non destiti superioribus litteris _ 
a te petere, ut primo quoque die Luceriam advenires, ante quam — 
coplae quas instituit Caesar contrahere in unum locum coactae vos — 


a nobis distrahant. 


Sed si erunt qui te impediant ut villas suas — 


servent, aequum est me a te impetrare ut cohortes quae ex Piceno © 
et Camerino venerunt, quae fortunas suas reliquerunt, ad me | 


missum facias. 


delayed, as he was not sure what Caesar’s 
plan was in going from Firmum to 
Castrum Truentinum—whether to make 
a dash along the coast-line to attack 
Pompey (in which case Domitius would 
at once proceed to join Pompey) or only 
to goas far as Aternum and then proceed 
inland to Corfinium (in which case he 
would wait for Caesar). Pompey fears 
that in the latter case he and Domitius 
would be prevented from joining forces, 
and a junction seemed to him to be 
imperative under the circumstances. 

Firmo| This passage defends the ms. 
reading in Caesar B. C. i. 16. 1 Recepto 
Firmo, which has been altered to Aseulo 
and oppido. Nodoubt Caesarin ὁ. 15. 3says 
that after taking Auximum he Ascu/uwm 
Picenum proficiscitur ; but that indicates 
his direction (cp. Ο. E Schmidt, p. 128) 
rather than that he actually went to 
Asculum. He went to Firmum: at the 
news of his approach Lentulus fled from 
Asculum, Caesar did not go to Asculum, 
but went east to Castrum Truentinum to 
get the level coast-road in order to march 
south. Sooner than alter Firmo, which 
has virtually all the Mss. in its favour, 
we would, if it were necessary, add in the 
passage of Caesar (cacophony notwith- 
standing) expulsoque Lentulo <Asculo>. 
That Lentulus Spinther was at Asculum 
is certain: Caesar B. C. i. 15.3; ep. Lucan 
11, 468 depellitur arce Lentulus Asculea. 
See Mr. Peskett’s good notes on these 
chapters of Caesar, esp. 16. 1. 

2. primo quoque die} This use of 
primus quisque is somewhat different 
from the usual use of the phrase, viz. : 
“each successive’: see Mady.’on Fin. ii. 


105; Dr. Reid on Acad. 11. 49 ; Munroon 
Lucr. 1. 389: cp, Fam. xii. 1. 1. {728} 
Here it means ‘ on the first day possible’ : 
ep. Att. iv. 17. 3 (149); -Phil.. ini. 39, 
viii. 33. It looks as if it was a phrase 
belonging tothe sphere of public adminis- 
tration. 

advenires|] The regular sequence 
would be advenias, as the verb strictly 
follows rogo et hortor; but the past tense 
of destiti led the writer into using ad- 
venires, though the clause id quod. . 
petere is really parenthetical. 

in unum locum... distrahant] ‘ be= 
come concentrated and effect a severance 
between us.’ 

ut villas suas servent| This shows that: 
many of the Optimates were prepared to 
neglect military considerations in order 
to preserve their property. . 

fortunas suas reliquerunt] ‘who have 
abandoned their own interests’ to serve 
the State. These were the new levies, 
under the command of Vibullius and 
Hirrus (322). 

missum facias| The use of the past part. 
of mitto with facere as equivalent to 
mittere, dimittere is found in the comic 
writers (e.g. Ter. Andr. 680: Eun. 90), 
and also in Cicero (e. δ. Rose. Am. 76: — 
Sest. 138: Phil. v.33) and Caesar — 
(347. 2 below). But the participle is 
always made to agree with the substan- 
tive. It has been suggested that we may 
save Pompey from having made a slip in _ 
grammar by regarding misswmfacere as — 
a single word. ‘Thielmann (Cornif., p. 28, 
quoted by Landgraf on Rose. Am.. 76): 
says of our passage: | 
plane aire: nee dicendi formu- q 


‘hoe enim exemplo — 


" Ciceronibus pueris. 


ΣΎ 


 exorior.’ 


᾿ς tibus. 
_ parabatur repressa est. 


- respuuntur. 


_Servem, gratum est. 


See ca ete ey 3, 


dam adeo pervulgatam fuisse in sermone 
᾿ cotidiano et castrensi ut duo ex quibus 
constat verba interdum quasi in unum 
-coalescerent. : 


Pee 


1. Non venit idem usu] ‘I have not 
had the same experience which you imply 
_ you have had when you write every time 
I feel a revival of hope. I feel that re- 
& vival only now, and only in a slight 
degree.’ It seems better not to take 
5 quotiens as an exclamation. Atticus 
would hardly have written ‘how often do 
I Yevive’! It would improve the 
sentence to insert primum, which might 
have fallen out before paulum. 

_ quae Koma adferuntur| Apparently in 
a letter from Philotimus 328. 1. 

Si... offendero) ‘If by to- morrow’s 


mye 


λαμπὰς ὄψεται θεοῦ ... θανεῖ, Eur. Med. 
᾿ 962. Cicero quotes ‘this line from the 
_ * Medea’ of Ennius (Ribbeck, p. 47) in 
_Rabir. Post. 29, as an example of a 
: ae ‘threat—Regum autem sunt haec 
‘animadverte et dicto pare’ et 
3  praeter rogitatum si plus’ | according to 


EP, 3296 (ATT. VII. 2). 


“light - I find thee here,’ εἰ σ᾽ ἡ πιοῦσα. 


59 


π΄ 826. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vn. 26). 
4 -FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 133 A. U. C. Τοῦ ; B. Ὁ. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


OM. Mined cia spem se recepisse scribit, de condicione sua, de re familiari, de 


“. | CICERO ATTICO SAI. 


1. Non venit idem usu mihi quod tu tibi scribis, ‘ Quotiens 
Ego enim nune paulum exorior, et maxime quidem iis 
_litteris quae Roma adferuntur, de Domitio, de Picentium cohor- 
Omuia erant facta hoc biduo laetiora. 
Caesaris interdicta, 


Itaque fuga quae 


Si te secundo lumine hie offendero, 


Bona de Domitio, praeclara de Afranio fama est, 
2. Quod me amicissime admones, ut mihi integrum quoad possim 
Quod addis, ne propensior ad turpem causam 


Professor A. Οὐ. Clark’s emendation] ¢# 
illae minae 


Sz fe secundo lumine haec offendero 
Mortere. 


We do not know what Caesar’s exact 
threats were to which Cicero is alluding. 
Perhaps they were addressed to some of 
the senatorial governors who were holding 
towns in Picenum. 

2. ut mihi integrum ...servem| The 
Mss. have me. Dr. Reid (Hermathena xii 
(1903), p. 261) on Att. xvi. 2. 4 (772), 
idcirco trahebam ut quam diutissime inte- 
grum esset, holds that we should here 
read mihi integrum, supposing that mihé 
(mi) was assimilated to the preceding me 
and comparing Fam. i. 9. 10 (153) τέ 
integrum (the right of free action) mthé 

. reservarem : Caelius in Fam. viii. 6. 
5 (242) integrum tibi reserves. Add Fam. 
v. 2. 8 (14) respondit sibi non esse integrum. 
The accusative of the person, he says, is 
not found before Tac. Hist. iv. 62. 
Plancus in Fam. x. 21. 6 (861) has omnia 
integra servem: cp. x.-24. 3 (916): and 
Antony (391. 2) has wé tibi omnia integra 


60 EP, 3826 (ATT. VII. 26). 


videar, certe videri possum. Ego me ducem in civili bello, quoad 


de pace ageretur, negavi esse, non quin rectum esset sed quia 
quod multo rectius fuit id mihi fraudem tulit. 
noster alterum consulatum deferret et triumphum—at quibus 
verbis! ‘pro tuis rebus gestis amplissimis,—inimicum habere 
nolueram. Ego scio et quem metuam et quam ob rem. Sin erit 
bellum, ut video fore, partes meae non desiderabuntur. 3. De HS 
XX ‘Terentia tibi rescripsit. Dionysio, dum existimabam vagos 
nos fore, nolui molestus esse. ‘Tibi autem crebro ad me scribenti 
de eius officio nihil reseripsi, quod diem ex die exspectabam ut 
statuerem quid esset faciendum. Nune, ut video, pueri certe in 


Plane eum quoi — 


Formiano videntur hiematuri. 


ut scias. 


serves. We have adopted Dr. Reid’s 
suggestion. 

eerte vidert] “1 allow that I may seem 
so,’ the emphasis is on videri. ‘I did 
refuse to take a prominent part... I 
was unwilling to have as an enemy, &c. 
But if there is war, I shall play my part.’ 
This makes fairly good sense. But M 
has videre: and Madvig (A. C. ili. 178) 
reads ridere. ‘I can laugh at that 
charge.’ 

non quin| ‘not that it would not have 
been right totake a prominent position’ : 
ep. non quin ipse dissentiam, 486. 1. 

quod multo rectius fuit] Doubtless the 
course which he took against Catiline, as 
Manutius suggested. 

fraudem ἐπ] ep. Plaut. Mil. 294 
Sraudem creas. Usually the predicative 
dative is used, fraudi fuit. 

quem metuam | Who is this? Caesar 
(Manutius) or Pompey (Billerbeck) ? We 
think it is Caesar: for when Caesar con- 
sidered himself injured by Cicero he 
promptly proceeded to exact vengeance : 
ep. Suet. Iul. 20.4 Cicerone in iudicio 
quodam deplorante temporum  staium 
Publium Clodium inimicum eius, frustra 
iampridem a patribus ad plebem transire 
nitentem, eodem die horaque nona trans- 
duxit. Billerbeck refers to 333. 2 for the 
reasons why Cicero would have grounds 
to fear Pompey. Cicero’s inaction in 
the Pompeian cause at present (daucem 
in civili bello negavi esse) was certainly 


Et ego? 
bellum, cum Pompeio esse constitui. 


Nescio. Si enim erit 
Quod habebo certi faciam 


Figo bellum foedissimum futurum puto nisi qui, ut tu 
scribis, Parthicus casus exstiterit. 


not likely to be regarded with indulgence 
by Pompey if he should prove successful 
in the contest, and if he actually counte- 
nanced Caesar, Pompey would be natur- 
ally enraged. Moreover, Cicero may 
have been afraid that Caesar and Pompey 
would come to some azreement, and that 
Pompey would surrender him to Caesar’s 
vengeance, as he did previously. 

ὃ. HS xx.] This refers, no doubt, 
to the transaction eh the Oppii already 
alluded to: ep. 320. 

vagos| “" Se 
cp. 304. 5 

diem ex die| ‘from day today.” We 
have diem ex die ducere, Caes. B. G. i. 
16.4; diem de die prospectans, Liv. v. 
48.6; diem de die differre, Liv. xxv. 24, 4. 
The diem seems to be directly governed by 
the verb in each case, and not to be an 
accusative of duration of time. 

Parthicus casus| “ unless some Parthian 
chance, as you say, should fortunately 
supervene,’ 


‘on the move’ 


forces of the State against the Parthians: 
cp. what Caelius said, Fam. vili. 14. 4 
(280), si alter uter eorum ad Parthicum — 
bellum non eat video magnas impenderé — 
discordias quas ferrum et vis iudicabit. 
So Manutius, perhaps rightly. But edi- — 
tors since Schiitz interpret ‘ unless we 


i.e. unless there should be an — 
invasion of the Parthians which would — 
compel us to compose our civil quarrels, — 
and face the public foe; one or other οὗ 
the leaders being required to direct these — 


EP. 327 (ATT.. VIII.. 11 8). 61. 


REE 


-yenturum. 


-.. + 927.) .CICERO TO POMPEY (Arr. vit. 11 8.) 
FORMIAK; FEBRUARY 15; A. U. 6, 705; B. C. 493 ABT, CIG 57. 


M. Cicero nuntiat Cn. Pompeio se in ora maritima adhuc manere, sed, si re-- 
_ tinendam esse putet, opus esse et praesidiis et qui praesit. 


Sperat mox ad eum esse - 


M. CICERO IMP. S. ἢ. CN. MAGNO PROCOS. 


1. A. ἃ. xv Kalend. Martias Formiis accepi tuas litteras, ex. 


- quibus ea quae in agro Piceno gesta erant cognovi commodiora. 
esse multo quam ut erat nobis nuntiatum, Vibullique virtutem 
industriamque libenter agnovi. Nos adhuc in ea ora ubi praepositi 


 sumus ita fuimus ut navem paratam haberemus. 


Ea enim audie-. 


_ bamus et ea verebamur ut, quodcumque tu consilium praecepisses, 


_ id nobis persequendum putaremus. 


Nune quoniam auctoritate et 


consilio tuo in spe firmiore sumus, si teneri posse putas T'arracinam 


eter pane ah > οὐχ 


have a repetition of the Parthian inci- 
dent.’ —The Parthians had suddenly left 
the province of Bibulus, at a time when 
he was apprehending very grave results 
from their invasion. According to this 
interpretation Atticus meant that there 
- would be a most hateful (because civil) war 
- unless Caesar should, by some chance, 
imitate the Parthian tactics and suddenly 
"ἢ suspend his operations without any appa- 
_ vent reason: see Att, vi. 6. 3 (276) ; vil. 
| 1,2; 2. 8 (284, 293). In defence of this 
_ view we may refer to 342. 7, Caesaris 
᾿ς ie per Apuliam ad Brundisium cursus 
© quid efficiat exspecto. Utinam aliquid 
simile Parthicis rebus! though that may 
' refer not to the recent Parthian invasion 
_ of Syria, but to Parthian attacks gener- 
| ally, which were of the nature of raids, 
and seemed, indeed, very formidable, but 
had little effect, and soon passed away. 
τς Orelli’s correction of scis of the mss. to 
_  seribis seems necessary: wt tu scis could 
not mean ὁ which you remember,’ and the 


Tih EEE ee ae ate aR 


πρόγοσ σε ΜΗ" 


δέ oram maritimam, in ea manebo, etsi praesidia in oppidis nulla. 
sunt. Nemo enim nostri ordinis in his locis est praeter M. Eppium,. 
~ quem ego Menturnis esse volui, vigilantem hominem et industrium. 
Nam L. Torquatum, virum fortem et cum auctoritate, Formuis 


natural sense of the words does not fit 
the context. 


1. whi] It is unnecessary to change wi. 
to cui. The verbs praeesse, praepont, 
praeficere are used absolutely: for in-. 
stance, we have in eo exercitu ... fratrem 
praefecerat, ‘he had given him a com- 
mission,’ Sest. 41; illo loco praepositus, . 
‘given a command there,’ Liv. xxvii. 16. 
15. 

navem| cp. 333. 6 fin. 

oram maritimam| 304. 5; 310, 3;. 
312. 5. 

M. Eppium] cp. Fam. viii. 8. 5 (223). . 
He was pardoned by Caesar after the: 
battle of Thapsus (Bell. Afr. 89. 5). 

quem... volui) This looks as if 
Cicero at least did something as governor 
of his district. 

LI. Torquatum| cp. note to 321. 1. 

cum auctoritate| ‘a man of weight, of 
importance’: cp. Petit. Cons. 28 (12), 
homo nequam, iners, sine officio, sine 


62 EP, 327 (ATT. VIII. 11 B). 


non habemus, ad te profectum arbitramur. 2. Ego omnino, ut 
proxime tibi placuerat, Capuam veni eo ipso die quo tu Teano— 
Sidicino es profectus. Volueras enim me cum M. Considio pro — 
praetore illa negotia tueri. Cum eo venissem, vidi T. Ampium | 
dilectum habere diligentissime, ab eo accipere Libonem, summa 
item diligentia et in illa colonia auctoritate. Fui Capuae quoad © 
consules. Iterum, ut erat edictum a consulibus, veni Capuam ~ 
ad Nonas Februar. Cum fuissem triduum, recepi me Formias. — 


3. Nune quod tuum consilium aut quae ratio belli sit ignoro. Si — 


tenendam hance oram putas, quae et opportunitatem et dignitatem 
habet et egregios civis et, ut arbitror, teneri potest, opus est esse 
qui praesit. Sin omnia in unum locum contrahenda sunt, non 
dubito quin ad te statim veniam, quo mihi nihil optatius est, idque 
tecum quo die ab urbe discessimus locutus sum. Ego, si cui adhue 


ingento, cum infamia; Plaut. Trin. 1096, 
qualine amico mea commendari bona? 
CA. probo et fideli et fido et cum magna 
fide; Most. 658, nullum genus est homi- 
num taetrius Nec minus bono cum iure 
(‘or more unreasonable’) guam danisti- 
cum; Varro R. R. i. 21. 1, canes cum 
dignitate et acres. 

2. Capuam veni] On January 25: ep. 
oll. 2. 

Teano Sidicino| an inland town in 
Campania, so called to distinguish it from 
another ‘'eanum in Apnlia. 

T. Ampium] For this Ampius Balbus, 
who was called tuba belli civilis, see In- 
troduction to this volume, II, No. 6. 

ab eo accipere Libonem] ‘that Libo has 
taken over the command of the troops 
raised by Ampius.’ For Libo ep. 305. 2; 
367. 4. 

quoad consules| ‘as long as the consuls,’ 
i.e., until January 28. 

ad Nonas| ‘forthe 5th’; that is, ‘ so 
as to be there on the 5th.’ 

3. opportunitatem et dignitatem] ‘ This 
coast-line has a favourable position, and 
is a locality of importance.’ Opportuni- 
tatem habet probably refers to the favour- 
ableness of its position ‘for keeping up 
communications with Spain, and for 
threatening Caesar’s hold of the capital’ 
(Watson). In 328. 2 (to Atticus) Cicero 
considers that the coast-line should be 
held, in order to secure the corn-supply. 

opus est gui praesit| This is, we think, 
the nearest thing to the resignation of 
Cicero’s official command that we have, 


and to the act to which he afterwards 
refersin the words a me Capuam reiciebam 
(343. δ); Capuam . . . aceipere nolui 
(345). But he did at first accept (or 
rather choose himself} the command 
of Capua (301. 4; 333. 4). Mr. Duff 
(Journal of Philology, xxxiii. (1914) 
p. 160) thinks that there was no definite 
resignation. He holds that Cicero at the 
outset raised some difficulties, and re- 
quired adequate forces (333. 3; 348.2; 
345. 2); but when he went to the district 
he took no active part in the preparations 
going on there; and six weeks later, 
when all was lost to Pompey in Italy, he 
found it possible to believe that the diffi- 
culties he had raised on accepting the 
commission amounted to a definite resig- 
nation of it. See on the whole question 
Addenda to the Comm. i. 

omnia . . . contrahenda] 
concentrated’ (325. 2). 

statim veniam] Cicero did not carry 
out this promise; he left Formiae with 
the intention of doing so, but returned 
thither, fearing lest he should fall in with 
Caesar: cp. 333. 7. 

idque . . . locutus sum] Cicero on Jan... 


‘are to be 


17th seems to have had an interview with _ 


Pompey, and said that he would prefer to 


' be with him, and not have the respon- 
sibility of a separate command; and — 
Pompey said that he did not want him to _ 
take any very active part, but to bea 


person in authority, to whom reports — 
might be made and to whom cases of 
difficulty might be referred (304. 5). a 


EP. $28 (ATT. ΥΩ 1). | 63 


_videor segnior fuisse, dum ne tibi videar, non laboro, et tamen si, 
‘ut video, bellum gerendum est, confido me omnibus facile satis 
facturum. 4. M. Tullium, meum necessarium, ad te misi cui tu, 
si tibi videretur, ad me litteras dares. 


4 M. Cicero Attico scribit se Pompeii litteris invitatum esse Luceriam, se invitum in 
ἐν eam causam descendere, sed tamen eo iturum esse, non quod auctoritate Pompeii sed 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


- 1. Cum ad te litteras dedissem, redditae mihi litterae sunt a 
“Pompeio: cetera de rebus in Piceno gestis quae ad se Vibullius 
‘seripsisset, de dilectu Domiti, quae sunt vobis nota, nec tamen 
_ tam. laeta erant in his litteris quam ad me Philatinns scripserat. 
_Ipsam tibi epistulam misissem sed iam subito fratris puer pro- 
ficiscebatur; cras igitur mittam. Sed in ea Pompei epistula erat 
‘in extremo ipsius manu, ‘Tu censeo Luceriam venias: nusquam 
eris tutius.’ Id ego in eam partem accepi, haec oppida atque 
 oram maritimam illum pro derelicto habere, nec sum miratus eum 
"qui caput ipsum reliquisset reliquis membris non parcere. 2. Hi 


-  segnior| Cicero was plainly conscious (the indicative) vodis nota, because these 

_ that he had not done anything for the words are Cicero’s. 

_ Pompeian cause. litteris] 321.1. 

4, M. Tullium, meum necessarium] ‘my Philotimus| cp. 326. 1. 

friend, M. Tullius’: cp. 302. 1. Note in extremo| ‘atthe end’: cp. note to 

! B Cicero’ s kindly expression as regards his 322. 

subordinate. nusqguam eris tutius| Not the exact 

_ cut... dares| ‘so that you may give words: te hic tutissime puto fore was 

ig to him if you think well of doing Pompey’s expression: cp. 322. Cicero 

: uses ftutissimo,§ 2, a rare form like 

meritissimo. 

; ΄ litteras| Ep. 326. oram maritimam] 327.1 (note). 

i ip. 322. non parcere| ‘take no thought for’ 

seripsisset] * which (Pompey said) cp. Verg. Aen. x. 880, nee divom pareimus 

ibullius had told him’; but guae sunt τὲ, 


64 


EP. 328 (ATT. VIII, 1). 


statim rescripsi hominemque certum misi de comitibus meis, me 
non quaerere ubi tutissimo essem: si me vellet sua aut rei publicae. 
causa Luceriam venire, statim esse venturum; hortatusque sum ut | 
oram maritimam retineret, si rem frumentariam sibi ex provinciis” 
suppeditari vellet. Hoc me frustra scribere videbam. Sed uti in” 
urbe retinenda tune, sic nunc in Italia non relinquenda testificabar 
sententiam meam. Sic enim parari video ut Luceriam omnes 
copiae contrahantur, et ne is quidem locus 816 stabilis, sed ex eo ipso, 
si urgeamur, paretur fuga. 3. Quo minus mirere si invitus in ~ 
eam causam descendo in qua neque pacis neque victoriae ratio 
quaesita sit umquam sed semper flagitiosae et calamitosae fugae, — 
eundum, ut quemcumque fors tulerit casum subeam potius cum 
iis qui dicuntur esse boni quam videar a bonis dissentire. Etsi 

propediem video bonorum, id est lautorum et locupletum, urbem 


TS no 


refertam fore, municiplis vero his relictis refertissimam. 
in numero essem si hos lictores molestissimos non haberem. 


2. me non quaerere ubi tutissimo essem | 
Charisius quotes this passage twice (196. 
23; 217. 18, ed. Keil), and in both places 
reads essent. Cicero naturally felt nettled 
at Pompey’s remark that he would be safer 
with him; but we do not tind any ex- 
pression of injured feeling in his answer 
to Pompey (Ep. 327): cp. next note. 

si... vellet] ‘if he wishes a supply of 
corn to come in to him from the pro- 
vinces.’ Cicero said nothing about this 
consideration in Ep. 327 to Pompey, unless 
it is implied in opportunitatem (327. 3). 

testificabar sententiam meam] ‘ I wished 
to put my opinion on record.’ Op. Fam. 
li. 4, 2 (175), et hoc quidquid attigi non 
fect inflammandi tui causa sed testificandi 
amoris mei. The use is different in Caelius 
(883. 1, deos hominesque amicitiamque 
nostraum testificor), where it means ‘ call to 
witness.’ Cicero complains elsewhere 
that his advice was never taken (333. 3). 

Sic... paretur fuga] ‘For I see the 
plan is that all the forces be concentrated 
at Luceria, and that not even that place 
is to be held, but that from it flight is 
to be effected if we are hard pressed.’ It 
is possible, as has been suggested by 
Ernesti, that si¢should be added after or 
before stabilis. The sed can hardly be 
considered as that which usually follows 
a parenthesis, for it is not resumptive, 


Quo ego 
Nee 


but denotes the contrary of the idea con- 
tained in the parenthesis. ‘The meaning οὗ 
stabilis is unusual ; but it can mean ‘ firm,’ 
‘on which one can stand’: cp. Liv. xliv. 
9. 5, haud secus quam stabili solo per- 
sultabant; ib. 5. 10, stabilem ad in- 
sistendum nanctis locum. Madvig (A.C. 
iii. 178) denies the possibility of stabilis 
locus here, and would read standi sit. | 
3. in eam causam descendo| cp. Liv. 
xxxvi. 7, 6: Tac. Hist. iil. $1:, cpg 
demittam in 305. 3, and note. 
in qua... umquam] ‘in which the | 
question is never of peace or of victory.’ — 
eundum| Manutius would add Luce- | 
riam, and Boot would change eundum to | 
faciendum ; but ep. eundum 356. 4 ; ibitur, 
401. 3; eatur, Att. ΧΙ]. 42. 3 (681): 
also Lehmann, p. 133. We suppose with 
Miller that ewndwmn continues the sentence 
and that only a comma and not a full stop 
should be placed after fugae. Cicero says 
‘You may wonder why, under these cir- 
cumstances which are so deplorable, I am_ 
joining the Pompeians: but you will not 
wonder so much when I tell you that I 
must go and join them be their fortung 
what it will.’ 
lautorum et locupletum] ‘of men of 
style and wealth.’ 
lictores molestissimos] cp. 808 note 5 | 
333. 5. ; 


bs quam App. Claudius. 


non 
: causa? qui cum omnes Caesarem metuebamus ipse eum diligebat, 


ἔ ἀγθηΐξαβ ; ὃ 
sint displicere. 
epistulis non obtunderem. 
_ munerere sane velim. 


ΤῚΣ ΤΙ 
SS STS 


aL ears cee 


EP. 329 (ATT. VIII. 12 0). 65 


‘me Μ᾽. Lepidi, L. Volcati, Ser. Sulpici comitum paeniteret, 
quorum nemo nec stultior est quam L. Domitius nec inconstantior 
4, Unus Pompeius me movet beneficio, 
auctoritate. Quam enim ille habeat auctoritatem in hac 
_ postquam ipse metuere coepit putat omnis hostis illi esse oportere. 
Ibimus tamen Luceriam, nec eum fortasse delectabit noster 
dissimulare enim non potero mihi quae adhuce acta 
Ego si somnum capere possem tam longis te 
Tu si tibi eadem causa est me re- 


329. POMPEY TO DOMITIUS (Arr. vit. 12 ὁ). 


LUCERIA ; FEBRUARY 16; A.U.C. 7053 B.C. 493; AET, CIC. 57. 


Cn. Pompeius magno opere L. Domitium hortatur ut quam primum ad se cum 


omni copia veniat ne Corfinii a Caesare interclusus haereat et ut communi consilio 
 copiis coniunctis remp. erigere possint. 


CN. 


1. Litteras abs te M. Calenius ad me attulit ἃ. ἃ. xim1 Kal. 
_ Martias, in quibus litteris scribis tibi in animo esse observare 


MAGNUS PROCOS. 5. ἢ. L. DOMITIO PROCOS. 


_ Caesarem et, si secundum mare ad me ire coepisset, confestim in 
3 Samnium ad me venturum, sin autem ille circum istaec loca com- 
-moraretur,.te ei si propius accessisset resistere velle. 
j eenegno et forti istam rem agere existimo, sed diligentius nobis est 


Te animo 


Lepidi . . . Voleati] cp. 340. 3. M’. 
_ Aemilius Lepidus and L. Volcatius 
᾿ς Tullus were consuls in 66. They were 
_ old men now, and unwilling to go on their 
travels with Pompey if he left Italy 
7 (305. 4; 340. 3; ep. 365. 7). They 
- appear to have determined to attend 
_ Caesar’s Senate when he went to Rome 
in April (350. 2). 

_—-~paeniteret | Ἢ should not be dissatisfied 
_ with Lepidus, &c., as associates (in my 
᾿ς design of returning to Rome); none of 
_ them is stupider than Domitius, or more 
' unstable than Appius’ (who have adopted 
4a the other alternative of flying with 
_ Pompey). 

᾿ VOL. IV. 


" 


4. non obtunderem]| “1 would not pester 
you’: cp. Fam. v. 14. 3 (585), from 
Lucceius Cupio non obtundere te. 

eadem causa | If you too are kept awake 
by reflecting on the unsatisfactory state 
of affairs. 


1. secundum mare] i.e. the mare Super- 
um. On this plan of Domitius see note 
to 325. 1. 

anime | ἔνε» 
courage.’ 

istam rem agere| ‘ are carrying out your 
operations.’ agere rem (bellum) for gerere 
is said by Madvig (Lm. Liv. p. 236) to 
occur in no good or even tolerable author 


F 


forti| ‘with spirit and 


66 EP, 829 (ATT. ἘΠῚ. 190. 


-videndum ne distracti pares esse adversario non possimus, cum ille 
magnas copias habeat et maiores brevi habiturus sit. Non enim 
pro tua providentia debes illud solum animadvertere quot in 
praesentia cohortis contra te habeat Caesar sed quantas brevi 
tempore equitum et peditum copias contracturus sit. Cui rei testi-- 
monio sunt litterae quas Bussenius ad me misit, in quibus scribit, 
id quod ab aliis quoque mihi scribitur, praesidia Curionem quae | 
in Umbria et Tuscis erant contrahere et ad Caesarem iter facere, — 
Quae si copiae in unum locum fuerint coactae, ut pars exercitus ad _ 
Albam mittatur, pars ad te accedat, ut non pugnet sed locis suis | 
repugnet, haerebis neque solus cum ista copia tantam multitudi- Ἷ 
nem sustinere poteris ut frumentatum eas. 2. Quam ob rem ἴθ 
magno opere hortor ut quam primum cum omnibus copiis hoe © 
venias. Oonsules constituerunt idem facere. Ego M. Tuscilio ad 
te-mandata dedi providendum esse ne duae legiones sine Picentinis 
cohortibus in conspectum Caesaris committerentur. Quam ob rem 
nolito commoveri si audieris me regredi si forte Caesar ad me — 
veniet: cavendum enim puto esse ne implicatus haeream. Nam | 
neque castra propter anni tempus et militum animos facere possum, | 
neque ex omnibus oppidis contrahere copias expedit ne receptum 

amittam. Itaque non amplius xu cohortis Luceriam coégi. 

3. Consules praesidia omnia deducturi sunt aut in Siciliam 


(it is found in Curtius iv. 10. 29 fin.). 
But here perhaps it is only accidental 
that the phrase refers to military measures, 
and we should translate ‘doing your 
work.’ 

Bussenius| not otherwise known. 


copia} cp. ὁ 3, and note to 3381. 1. 

2. hortor| cp. 325. 2. 

copiis| See Adn. Crit. 

hoc] = huc: see note to 346. 1. 

M. Tuscilio| not otherwise known. 
nolito commoveri | ‘do not be disturbed,’ 


praesidia ... facere) As this had 
occurred during the last ten days of 
January, and as Pompey seems to have 
only quite recently heard of it, we can 
see how defective his intelligence of the 
enemy’s movements was: cp. 319. 2, 
note. 

ut pars exercitus ... eas| ‘even though 
a part of the army should be sent to Alba, 
and only a part should oppose you, even 
though he should not take the offensive, 
but merely maintain the defensive in a 
position of his own choosing, still you will 
be in an impasse, and you will not be able 
with your following to make head against 
such a force even sufficiently to allow of 
your sending out foraging parties.’ For 
ut = " though,’ ‘supposing,’ see on 333. 5: 
and for suis locis, cp. Caesar, B.C.i 61. 3. 


cp. 330. 1. 
ne implicatus haeream) 
encircled and unable to stir.’ 
castra . . facere| ‘take the field’: 
cp. 331. 1. Pompey found the two — 
legions which he had taken over from ~ 
Caesar very untrustworthy: cp. § 4 fin. ; 
380. 1s, 531: 2, ὃ, ᾿ 
8. deducturi sunt| ‘are going to bring — 
all the garrisons from the towns.’ 
thinks there is something lost before these 
words, e.g. ad me; and Schmidt proposes 
to add Brundisium. But deducere means 
‘to remove from the towns,’ and the im- 
plication is plain that they would bring 
the forces to Pompey. The idea of sending 
one of the consuls to Sicily was soon ~ 
given up (331. 3, 4). a 
aut] Sternkopf would read aut hue 


‘lest I be 


Wes. 


EP. 330 (ATT. VIII. 12 D). 67 
ituri. Nam aut exercitum firmum habere oportet quo confidamus 
perrumpere nos posse, aut regiones eius modi obtinere e quibus 
repugnemus: id quod neutrum nobis hoc tempore contigit, quod 
et magnam partem Italiae Caesar occupavit et nos non habemus 
exercitum tam amplum neque tam magnum quam ille. Itaque 
nobis providendum est ut summam rei publicae rationem habea- 


mus. 
primum ad me venias. 


Etiam atque etiam te hortor ut cum omni copia quam 
Possumus etiam nunc rem publicam 


erigere si communi consilio negotium administrabimus: si 


distrahemur infirmi erimus. 


Mihi hoe constitutum est. 


4, His litteris scriptis Sicca abs te mihi litteras attulit et 


mandata. 


Quod me hortare ut istuc veniam, id me facere non 


arbitror posse quod non magno opere 115 legionibus confido. 


330. POMPEY TO DOMITIUS (Arr. vu. 12 p). 


LUCERIA 5 FEBRUARY 17; A. U. C. 705 5 B.C. 495 AE'T. CIC, 57. 


Cn. Pompeius dolet L. Domitium Corfinii implicatum esse urgetque vehementer 
ut quacunque ratione possit erumpat et ad se iter faciat. 


CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. 5. ἢ. L. DOMITIO PROCOS. 


1. Litterae milia te redditae sunt a. d. x111 Kal. Martias, in 


quibus scribis Caesarem apud Corfinium castra posuisse. 


Quod 


putavi et praemonui fit, ut nec in praesentia committere tecum 
proelium velit et omnibus copiis conductis te implicet ne ad me 
iter tibi expeditum sit atque istas copias coniungere optimorum 


aut. This is very probable. Dr. Reid 
suggests δέ. 
ἐν obtinere| ‘to get and hold’; odtinere 
_ always means more than ‘ to obtain.’ Here 
_ perhaps ‘ to occupy.’ 
ο΄ eiusmodi . . . repugnemus| ‘such that 
- we might make them a basis for resist- 
ance.’ 

amplum| There does not seem to be 
any distinction between amplum and 
magnum; for the collocation of these 
_ adjectives cp. De Imp. Pomp. 37 ; Caecina 
ap. 532. 6. 
ut... habeamus] ‘to pay the utmost 
regard to the safety of the state.’ 


Possumus . . . constitutum est] ‘We 
can even now raise the fallen state if we 
take the matter in hand with united 
counsels; if we are divided, we shall be 
weak. ‘This is my fixed opinion.’ 

4. Sicca| A friend of Cicero’s who 
had a house at Vibo: cp. Att. iii 4 (48) ; 
xvi 6. 1 (775), and see Index. 


1. ut... velit] For this explanatory 
use of the subjunctive with wt see on 
Petit. Cons. 47 (12), ‘all that I foretold 
has happened, ‘his refusal for the present 
to give battle, and his hemming you in 
by a concentration of forces with a view to 


F 2 


68 LP. 331 (ATT. VIII. 12 A). ; 


civium possis cum iis legionibus de quarum voluntate dubitamus: 


quo etiam magis tuis litteris sum commotus. Neque enim eorum 


militum quos mecum habeo voluntate satis confido ut de omnibus — 
fortunis rei publicae dimicem, neque etiam qui ex dilectibus con- 


scripti sunt consulibus convenerunt. 2. Qua re da operam, si 
ulla ratione etiam nunc efficere potes, ut te explices, hoc quam 
primum venias ante quam omnes copiae ad adversarium con- 
verniant. Neque enim celeriter ex delectibus hoc homines 
convenire possunt et, si convenirent, quantum iis committendum 
sit, qui inter se ne noti guidem sunt, contra veteranas legiones 


non te praeterit. 


331. POMPEY TO THE CONSULS (Arr. vim. 12 4). 


LUCERIA 5; FEBRUARY 17; A. U. C. 7055 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


Cn. Pompeius consulibus nuntiat Domitium implicari hortaturque ut ad se 
Brundisium cum omnibus copiis quas contrahere possint festinent. 


CN. MAGNUS PROCOS 5S. D. C. MARCELLO L. LENTULO COSS. 


1. Ego, quod existimabam dispersos nos neque rei publicae 
utilis neque nobis praesidio esse posse, idecirco ad L. Domitium 


prevent your road to me being clear, and 
your being able to unite your thoroughly 
loyal contingent (325. 2 cohortes quae 
fortunas suas reliquerunt) with these 
legions whose fidelity we cannot trust.’ 
Pompey relied on the army of Domitius 
to hold in check his two legions which 
had served under Caesar and whose 
sympathies were with their former com- 
mander. 

commotus| Cp. 329. 2. 

voluntate| The dative both of the per- 
son and the thing is at least as usual as 
the ablative after confidere: cp. Schmalz, 
Antibarb. pp. 294-95. 

ut... adimicem| ‘to fight a decisive 
battle.’ 

consulibus| ‘for the consuls’: see note 
on Fausto (333. 7). 

2. te explices| ‘extricate yourself.’ 

ad adversarium| So we read with 
Baiter. The mss. omit ad. Wélfflin (in 
‘Archiv’ iv. 3) holds that adversarizém is 
genitive plural, comparing Ter. Hecyr. 2 
Prol. 14 poetam . . . prope tam remotum 


iniuria advorsarium a studio, the longer 
form being rejected in order to avoid 80: 


frequent a repetition of the letter 7, and 


the use of a word which would contain as. 
many as six syllables. But the longer 
form seems to occur in De Div. ii. 52. 

st convenirent | ‘even if the new recruits. 
were concentrated on this point, you can- 
not fail to see the amount of reliance to 
be placed in them—they do not even 
know each other by sight—when opposed 
to experienced troops.’ For quantum, 
‘how much,’ really meaning ‘ how little,” 
ΟΡ. Tusc. v. 107 Lam vero exsilium, 88. 
rerum naturam non ignominiam nominis 
quaerimus, quantum demum a perpetua 
peregrinatione differt. Care must be taken 
to render the indicative noti sunt correctly, 
as being merely the statement of Pompey 
about them, and not a description of them, 
which would demand the subjunctive sint. 


About this time Pompey also wrote a 
brief letter to each of the consuls: cp. 
337. 2. 


OO St nade tee oh eee 


EP. 831 (ATT. VIII. 12 A). 69 


_ litteras misi, primum uti ipse cum omni copia ad nos veniret : si de 
_ se dubitaret, ut cohortis x1x quae ex Piceno ad me iter habebant 
ad nos mitteret. Quod veritus sum factum est, ut Domitius impli- 
caretur neque ipse satis firmus esset ad castra facienda, quod meas 
_ xIx et suas x11 cohortis tribus in oppidis distributas haberet—nam 
_partim Albae, partim Sulmone collocavit—neque se, si vellet, 
_expedire posset. 2. Nunc scitote me esse in summa sollicitudine. 
_ Nam et tot et talis viros periculo obsidionis liberare cupio, neque 
_ subsidio ire possum, quod his duabus legionibus non puto esse com- 
- mittendum ut illue ducantur, ex quibus tamen non amplius xiv 
- cohortis contrahere potui, quod duwas Brundisium misi neque 
 Canusium sine praesidio dum abessem putavi esse dimittendum. 
3. D. Laelio mandaram, quod maiores copias sperabam nos habi- 
turos, ut, si vobis videretur, alteruter vestrum ad me veniret, alter 
in Siciliam cum ea copia quam Capuae et cireum Capuam com- 
parastis et cum ls militibus quos Faustus legit proficisceretur, 
Domitius cum x11 suis cohortibus eodem adiungeretur, reliquae 
copiae omnes Brundisium cogerentur et inde navibus Dyrrhachium 
transportarentur. Nune, cum hoc tempore nihilo magis ego quam 
vos subsidio Domitio ire possim, . . . . . se per montis explicare, 


1. copia] If there is any more distinc- tribus in oppidis] Corfinium, Alba 


ARES TTS PRIA RRS Naas SENT 


4 
Ἢ 


tion between copia and copiae than there is 
between ‘force’ and ‘forces,’ it may be 
that the singular denotes a hastily raised 
and irregular levy, and may be translated 
‘following.’ Dr. Reid quotes Mur. 78, 
where it is used of Catiline’s force: cp. 
Sal]. Cat. 56. 1; while copiae is the word 
for regular troops. Pompey occasionally 
applies copia to the forces of Domitius 
(329. 1, 3), ep. below §§ 3, 4, and copiae 
to those of Caesar (329. 1; 330. 1, 2). 

cohortis x1x] cp. 322, where it is 
stated that Vibullius had 14 cohorts and 
Hirrus 5. On the divergent accounts of 
the forces at Corfinium as given by 
Pompey and Caesar (B.C. i. 15. 2) see 
Addenda to the Comm. iii 

habebant| If habebant is retained, and 


᾿ς not corrected to haberent, we must under- 
_ stand that Pompey here informs the 


consuls that these cohorts were on their 


way at the time when he wrote to 
 Domitius, ‘I wrote to Domitius to send 


me the nineteen cohorts, which as a matter 
of fact were on their way to me.’ 
ad castra facienda] * to take the field’ : 


ep. 329. 2. 


Fucentia, and Sulmo. 

2. quod... potui| ‘because I did not 
think that the risk should be incurred of 
leading these two legions there, and in 
any case I have not been able to get more 
than fourteen cohorts of them together.’ 

duas| supplied from 333. 7. 

esse dimittendumj} ‘should be aban- 
doned’: often in Caesar, e.g. B.C. 1. 
25.43 44. 4. 

3. D. Laelio] cp. 348. 1. He was the 
accuser of Flaccus when Cicero defended 
the latter. He was along with Cicero in 
48 specifically exempted by Antony 
from the order of Caesar which pro- 
hibited all Pompeians from returning to 
Italy (420. 2, where see note). In Flacc. 
14 he is styled paternus amicus et perne- 
cessarius of Pompey. 

Faustus| Son of the dictator Sulla. 
He was one of the most violent of the 
Pompeians (367. 3). 

se per montis! Some such words as 
neque ipse possit or ipse autem quadam 
ratione fortasse possit (cp. 330. 2) must 
have fallen out after possim. 


70 EP. 332. (ATT. VIII. 2). 


non est nobis committendum ut ad has xiv cohortis quas dubio 


animo habeo hostis aecedere aut in itinere me consequi possit. 
4. Quam ob rem placitum est mihi (talia video censeri Marcello 
et ceteris nostri ordinis qui hic sunt) ut Brundisium ducerem 
hane copiam quam mecum habeo. Vos hortor ut quodcum- 
que militum contrahere poteritis contrahatis et eodem Brun- 
disium veniatis quam primum. Arma quae ad me missuri eratis, 
lis censeo armetis milites quos vobiscum habetis. Quae arma 
superabunt, ea si Brundisium iumentis deportaritis, vehementer rei 


publicae profueritis. 


De hac re velim nostros certiores faciatis : 


ego ad P. Lupum et C. Coponium praetores misi ut se vobis 
coniungerent et militum quod haberent ad vos deducerent. 


3832, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 2). 


FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 175 A. U. C. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 67. 


De litteris Attici, de litteris ad Caesarem a se datis, de perdita causa Pompeii et 
misera condicione sua, de sententia Attici ut ipse etiam Italia, si ille cedat, fugiat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Mihi vero omnia grata, et quod scripsisti ad me quae audi- 
eras et quod non credidisti quae digna diligentia mea non erant et 


quod monuisti quod sentiebas. 


dubio animo] 329. 2, 4. 

4. talta ... Marcello) Tyrrell sug- 
gested talia for alcia (altia) of the ss. 
(which Man. and Bosius altered to atgue 
ita), and for censori he read censerit with the 
old editors. For the disordered letters in 
altia=talia he compared 342. 1 tamen- 
lari =lamentari. But the phrase _ is 
peculiar, and we cannot give an exact 
parallel for this use of the passive censeri 
as if it were placere: we should expect 
censert <a M.> Marcello. Miiller reads 
placetque idem L. Caesari, M. Marcello, 
which is a somewhat violent re- writing of 
the clause: and Madvig (A. C. iii 180) 
would read adhibito C.Marcelio (i.e. the 
consul of 50 3.c.), which seems still less 
likely. 

Brundisium| Manutius and others have 
supposed this to be a gloss. 


Ego ad Caesarem unas Capua 


P. Lupum] cp. 353. 2 Urbem quidem 
iam refertam esse optimatium audio. 
Sosium et Lupum, quos Gnaeus noster ante 
putabat Brundisium venturos esse quam se, 
aus dicere. 

C. Coponium| This Coponius came in 
command of the Rhodian fleet to Dyrrha- 
chium shortly before news arrived there of 
the defeat at Pharsalia: cp. De Div. i. 68. 
He was proscribed in 43, but saved by his 
wife, who surrendered herself to Antony 
(App. iv. 40 fin.). 


1. quod non credidisti] ‘I am obliged 
to you for not believing a report which 
reflected on my energy in the discharge 
of my duties, and for letting me know 
your own opinion.’ 

Capua] between February 4 and 7. 


= " 
* 


| 3 EP. 332 (ATT. VIII..2). 71 


-litteras dedi, quibus ad ea reseripsi quae mecum ille de gladiator- 


_ibus suis egerat, brevis sed benevolentiam significantis, non modo 
sine contumelia sed etiam cum maxima laude Pompei. Id enim 
-illa sententia postulabat qua illum ad concordiam hortabar. Eas 
“si quo ille misit, in publico proponat velim. Alteros eodem die 
dedi quo has ad te. Non potui non dare cum et ipse ad me scrip- 
_sisset et Balbus. Earum exemplum ad te misi. 2. Nihil arbitror 
_ fore quod reprehendas. Si qua erunt, doce me quo modo μέμψιν 
_ effugere possim. ‘ Nilil,’ inquies, ‘ommnino scripseris. Qui magis 
Ἢ effugias eos qui volent fingere ?’ Verum tamen ita faciam, quoad 
fier poterit. Nam quod me hortaris ad memoriam factorum, dic- 
a torum, scriptorum etiam meorum, facis amice tu quidem mihique 
i gratissimum, sed mihi videris aliud tu honestum meque dignum 
in hac causa iudicare atque ego existimem. Mihi enim nihil ulla 
in gente umquam ab ullo auctore rei publicae ac duce turpius fac- 
_ tum esse videtur quam a nostro amico factum est : quoius ego vicem 
- doleo: qui urbem reliquit, id est, patriam, pro qua et in qua mori 
' praeclarum fuit. 3. Ignorare mihi videris haec quanta sit clades. 
Es enim etiam nunc domi tuae. Sed invitis perditissimis homini- 


bus esse diutius non potes. Hoc miserius, hoc turpius quidquam ὃ 


> 


giadiatoribus] cp. 310. 2 and Caesar likely to be corrupted, and is rendered 


mB. 0. i. 14. 
᾿ ad concordiam] cp. 312. 5 nullwm maius 
negotium suscipere volui quo plus apud 
illum (Caesarem) meae litterae cohortation- 
esque ad pacem valerent. 
si quo ille misit] ‘if Caesar has passed 
on my letter to any quarter, he may post 
up all that I write to him as a public 
_ advertisement.’ We learn from 340. 1 
that Caesar did publish a letter of Cicero’s. 
_ There is no need to alter guo to quov: 
ep. quo = quibus (of persons): cp. Plaut. 
 Aul. 491 quo lubeant nubant dum dos ne 
fiat comes; Cic. Verr. iv. 38 apud eos quo 
se contulit propter virtutem splendidus et 
 gratiosus. 
——- 2. μέμψιν] This is the conjecture of 
᾿ς Gronovius for esse of M!; M® gives enn, 
_ which is not very unlike MEMTIN, the 
_ form in which M gives μέμψιν in Att. X11. 
18. 2 (627) neque .. . potero μέμψιν effugere 
and xiii. 49. 1 (666) μέμψιν ἀναφέρει. 
_ Malaspina would read simply ea (for ee), 
 Bosius eapse. Brandt ingeniously sug- 
_ gested that 6 nassa lay hidden under esse 
and enim, but the Greek word is the more 


probable by the closely parallel passage 
in Att. xiii. 13, 2 (627). 

Nihil... fingere?| ‘Do not, you will 
say, write at all. How better will you 
escape those who will be desirous of 
fabricating stories (against you)?’ For 
nihil sevipseris cp. Mur. 65 nihil igno- 
veris... nihil omnino gratiae concesseris. 
The use of fingere without a direct acc. is 
rare: cp. 488. 4 dicerem quae ante futura 
dixissem ni vererer ne ex eventis fingere 
viderer, and Verr. iv. 30 quorum alterum 
jingere opinor 6. cera solitum esse, of 
course in a different sense from here. 

auctore reipublicae ac duce| ‘leading 
statesman and commander.’ 

vicem| ‘fate’: ep. De Domo 8 mihi 
uni necesse erit et meam et aliorum vicem 
per timescere. 

8. Ignorare| This is a peevish, petu- 
lant, and somewhat hysterical paragraph. 
Indeed Cic. confesses in the next letter 
that he showed a lack of calmness of 
mind in this letter (334.7 scripsique 
sedatiore animo quam proxime scripseram). 


72 


Vagamur egentes cum coniugibus et liberis. In unius hominis 4 
quotannis periculose aegrotantis anima positas omnis nostras spes _ 
habemus, non expulsi sed evocati ex patria, quam non servandam _ 
ad reditum nostrum sed diripiendam et inflammandam reliquimus. — 
Ita multi nobiscum sunt, non in suburbanis, non in hortis, non in ¢ 
ipsa urbe, et si nunc sunt non erunt. | 
dem sed Luceriae, et oram quidem maritimam iam relinquemus, ¥ 
Afranium exspectabimus et Petreium; nam in Labieno parum — 
.. νον illud desideras. 


est dignitatis. Hic tu in me 


periculose aegrotantis| See Mayor on 
Juv. x. 283, where Cic. Tusc. i. 86, Vell. 
1]. 48. 2 and all the passages touching 
on the recovery of Pompey in Campania 
and containing moralizings thereon are 
collected. 

Ita multi... non erunt] If these 
words are allowed to stand as in the text, 
the interpretation of them must be that 
given by Schiitz: ‘so many Pompeians 
are with us (sharing the flight of Pompey), 
not in their surburban villas (from which 
they might have been able to defend the 
city), not in Rome itself; and if some are 
now in Rome, they will soon be there no 
longer.’ But this is a directly contradictory 
sentiment to that which he expressed in 
328. 3 etst propediem video, bonorum 
urbem refertam fore, and to that which 
he expresses a little further on in this 
letter, domi vestrae estis et eritis omnes 
boni; there he says the Pompeians are 
likely to flock to Rome; how, then, can 
he say here that those who are now there 
are likely to leave it? Still he has just 
said to Atticus ‘ you are in your house now, 
but you may soon be forced by ruffians 
(meaning of course the Caesarians) to leave 
it.’ Boot’s proposed remodelling of the 
sentence, Jta multi nobiscum sunt, ut 
nune im suburbanis, nunc in hortis, nunc in 
ipsa urbe sint, et qui nune sunt (nobiscum) 
non erunt, is still more unsatisfactory, 
since it amounts to this, that he describes 
as abandonment of the city the conduct of 
those who still linger in its vicinity, 
instead of joining Pompey. Surely those 
who have abandoned the city to its fate 
are those who have joined Pompey. 
Cicero seems to mean ‘ You, Atticus, do 
not see the extent of the calamity. 
Pompey has made us leave the city: 
most of us have left it, and the few who 
remain will soon have todoso. And we 


EP, 332 (ATT. Vill. 2). 


Nihil de me 


cannot unite even in Capua, but must 
needs go off to Luceria, and presently we 
shall give up the western coast-line, and 
wait about till help comes from Spain with 
Afranius and Petreius.’ At this time the 
abandonment of the city seemed especially 
disastrous to Cicero: cp. 333.-3. quad 
foedius, quid perturbatius hoc ab urbe 
discessu sive potius turpissima nequissima 
fuga? Dr. Reid would punctuate Ita 
multi nobiscum sunt? non in suburbanis? 
non in hortis, non in ipsa urbe? et si non 
sunt, non erunt? ‘ Have so many followed 
Pompey in leaving the city ? are they not 
either there or in the vicinity? and if 
they have not gone back, will they not 
do so?’ 

Capuae .. . Luceriae| sumus must be 
supplied. Cicero means by ‘we’ the 
Pompeian forces. 

dignitatis] because Labienus had been 
a strong partisan of Caesar, and his deser- 
tion to Pompeianism did not raise his 
character, especially with the legions 
which had served under Caesar. Besides, 
he was socially inferior to the other Pom- 
pelans, who were for the most part 
nobiles. At first Labienus had by going 
over to the Pompeians raised their spirits 
(307. 1; 308.3; 313.2): but he never 
seems to have had much influence with 
them. He fought, however, to the very 
end, and fell at. Munda. 

Hic... desideras| Thereis a gap of 
sixteen letters in M between me and ἐμά. 


It is impossible to say what has been — 
We cannot gather much from — 
turpe there — 
may lend some countenance to ἀξίωμα. 
(with — 
Orelli) after quae est, where there is ἃ 
We think 
that a note of interrogation should be — 
“you 


lost. 


365. 6, though perhaps 


Then we should read ἀξίωσις 


gap of seven letters in M. 


placed after omnes dont ‘Are 


Nos interea ne Capuae qui- — 


dico, alii viderint. 


_ Optimates going to continue to stay in 
Rome? ’, as the tenor of the whole para- 
graph is that leaving the city was a 
mistake, for once it was left by the 
Optimates all of them must leave it and 
- goon theirtravels (peregrinatio as Atticus 
ealled it, 365. 4). It isjust possible, how- 
' ever, that some words fell out like Hie tu 
inme <dominorum odium> illud desideras 
_* You would like to see in me something 
of that hatred of tyrants (which Granius 
' felt, and all Romans should feel)’ (cp. the 
line of Lucilius (Marx 1182) Granius autem 
_ non contemnere se et reges odisse superbos, 
mquoted in Att. vi. 3. 7 (264): ep. Att. 
“ii. 8.1 (96). See also below, ὁ 4, poterisne 
_igitur videre tyrannum?) for Cicero 
had been holding friendly correspondence 
~ with Caesar. Then would follow Hic 
quidem quae est <dominatio>? “ What 
_ tyranny is there here where 1am?’ As 
a certain latitude may be allowed in sug- 
gestions on such a doubtful passage as 
' this, we offer also the following guess. 
_ Cicero is peevishly complaining of the 
᾿ς boni who are staying in or near Rome, 
_ and possibly he is saying here that he 
_ Cannot return. Then Hine quidem quae 
est <domuitio>? Domi vestrae estis et 
eritis omnes boni. Quis istim [this is a 
_ Suggestion of Klotz] se mihi non ostendit ? 

*Who of our people of Rome does not 
openly meet me?’ (and is not in the least 
ashamed at not having come to the war). 
But whatever the explanation may be, 
_ the whole paragraph, as we said, is 
_ somewhat hysterical, and accordingly it 


τ Hie quidem quae est, . . ? 
estis et eritis omnes boni. Quis tum se mihi non ostendit ? quis 
| mune adest hoe bello? Sic enim iam appellandum est. 4. Vibulli 
res gestae sunt adhue maximae. Id ex Pompei litteris cognosces : 
_ in quibus animadvertito illum locum ubi erit διπλῆ. 
“Gnaeo nostro ipse Vibullius quid existimet. 
“spectat oratio? Kyo pro Pompeio libenter emori possum: facio 
_ pluris omnium hominum neminem: sed non ita wt tu uno in eo iudico 
_ spem de salute rei publicae. Significas enim aliquanto secus quam 
_ solebas ut etiam Italia, si ille cedat, putes cedendum. Quod ego 
‘nec rei publicae puto esse utile nec liberis meis, praeterea neque 
“rectum neque honestum. Sed cur ‘ Poterisne igitur videre tyran- 
num ?’—Quasi intersit audiam an videam, aut locupletior mihi sit 


EP. 332 (ATT. VIII. 2). 73 


Domi vestrae 


Videbis de 
Quo igitur haec 


will be exceedingly difficult to arrive 
at any restoration which will be quite 
certain. 

tum] Probably Cicero means on the 
occasion of the Catilinarian conspiracy ; 
but it is rather forced to drag in that 
event here. 

4. Vibulli| cp. 327. 1; 328. 1; 350. 1. 
He fell into the hands of Caesar twice— 
once atCorfinium (Caes. B. Ὁ, 1. 34. 1), 
and again in Spain (ib. iii. 10. 1). 

διπλῆ) a marginal mark used by 
grammarians, like a V lying on its side, to 
indicate anything notable, or (in dramatic 
poetry) to mark the appearance of a new 
speaker. 

pro Pompeio libenter emori] 321. 2. 

sed non ita ut tu in eo iudico spem| So 
Wes. for sed non ita non meo iudicio spem 
of M. Manutius conjectured sed non 
sitam in e0 iudico spem; Miller sed non 
ut tu uno in eo iudico spem. For other 
attempted corrections see Adn. Crit. 
Almost any correction will leave a con- 
tradiction with § 3. 

Sed cur] The difficulty here which edd. 
have sought to solve by emendation or 
omission can easily be met by striking 
out the mark of interrogation immediately 
after cur. The meaning will then be ‘ But 
why do you say will you be able to look on 
the tyrant’s face?’ That is, what is the 
meaning of this question asked by you in 
your letter? ‘he ellipse of some such 
word as rogas or seribis is very common in 
these letters. Perhaps we should read Sed 
tu. See Adn. Crit. 


74 EP, 833 (ATT.. VIII. 8). 


quaerendus auctor. quam Socrates, qui cum xxx tyranni essent : 
pedem porta non extulit. Est mihi praeterea praecipua causa — 
manendi de qua utinam aliquando tecum loquar. Ego xu ὦ 
Kalend. cum eadem lucerna hance epistulam scripsissem qua — 
inflammaram tuam, Formiis ad Pompeium, si de pace apeunes 
profecturus, si de bello—-quid ero ἢ 


goo. CICKRO TO ATTICUS (Arr, ὑπ $). 
CALKS; NIGHT OF FEBRUARY 18 AND 193 A. U. C. 7053 B. C. 49; AET. 
CIC. 57: 


M. Cicero cum Attico per has litteras deliberat quid sibi, si Pompeius Italia cedat, 
agendum putet, et quo facilius ille consilium dare possit quod sibi in utramque partem 
in mentem veniat explicat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Maximis et miserrimis rebus perturbatus, cum coram tecum 
mihi potestas deliberandi non esset, uti tamen tuo consilio volui. 
Deliberatio autem omnis haec est: si Pompeius Italia excedat, 
quod eum facturum esse suspicor, quid mili agendum putes et, 
quo facilius consilium dare possis, quid in utramque partem mihi 
in mentem veniat explicabo brevi. 2. Cum merita Pompei summa 
erga salutem meam familiaritasque quae mihi cum eo est, tum 
ipsa rei publicae causa me adducit ut mihi vel consilium meum 

Socrates| He stayed in Athens during 


the rule of the Thirty: cp. Plat. Apol. 
32, CD; Xen. Mem. i 2. 32 ff.; Grote 


omnia; see also 346. 2. But the omission 
of the verb of motion is somewhat harsh 
here. Profecturtis eram is the reading of 


viii. 49. 

praecipua causa] possibly connected 
with his growing distrust of Terentia. 

Formis ad Pompeium) sc. ibam. For 
a verb of motion omitted cp. 376. 3 
continuo ipse in Pedanum, ego Arpinum. 

profecturus| could not stand for pro- 
fecturus eram even if it came from 
proficisct ; but probably it comes from pro- 
Jjicio: the meaning is ‘I am off to join 
Pompey, and am likely to do some good 
if we are to discuss the means of pre- 
serving peace; if the talk is to be about 
the conduct of the war, what position 
shall I hold ?’ cp, 345. 4 ecguae pacifica 
persona desideretur an in bellatore sint 


Ascensius, and he takes it from proficiset = 
M! has profectis: M? profectus; others 
praefectus, which is adopted by Wesen- 
berg. 

quid ero| cp. 392. 4 quid erimus: it is 
common with videri; see Dr. Reid on 
Acad. ii. 76, who quotes gwd tidbit ego 
videor in epistulis 2 . 


1. Deliberatio| ‘The whole question to | 
be considered is this : what do you think — 
I ought to do if Pompey leaves Italy?’ __ 

quid in utramque partem] For ἃ 
balancing of arguments compare 318. 2. ὦ 

2. consilium| ‘decision’: cp. subito — 
consilium cept, 303. reais de 


556 videatur. 


— mea cumillius fortuna| The italicised 
words afford a good example of corrup- 
to ex homoeoteleuto. The addition is 
Virtually as old us Malaspina. He read 
yel fortuna cum fortuna iungenda. The 
actual reading given above is that of 
Klotz. 
comitatum] “ company.’ 
7 quij agrees with significat; render ‘ I 
must fall into the hands of an individual 
(Caesar), andalthough he shows his kindly 
feeling for me in many ways (I took good 
care to try to earn it with this crisis before 
ἡ eyes), yet two things must be con- 
sidered.’ The parenthetic clause is an 
mstance of parataxis for hypotaxis, not 
rare in the letters. 
_ sacerdotio| In 53 Cicero was elected 
οὐδὲ (Plut. Cic. 86). 
non futurus sit qui fuerit] Lehmann 
(Quaest. p. 133) adds the words sit qui 
f “it, referring to 464. 4 Vetus est enim 
Ubi non sis qui fueris, non esse cur velis 
ivere,’ where see- note. The line is 
ifferently constructed by different 
scholars. Fleckeisen gives it Ubi non es 
iui fueris non est cur velis ibi vivere, and 
Biicheler the same, except that he gives 
tam for ibi. We should prefer to read 
Delis vitam vivere, scanning velis as a 
monoeylshe For vitam vivere cp. De 
g. Frag. 2. The conjecture of Gronovius 


" 
| 
| 
᾿ 
᾿ 
' 
᾿ 
; 
: 


Η 


ἘΡ 3995 (ATT: VIE. 8): "Τὸ 


gum illius consilio vel fortuna mea cum illius fortuna coniungenda 
Accedit illad: si maneo et illum comitatum opti- 
morum et eclarissimorum civium desero, cadendum est in unius 
dotestatem, qui etsi multis rebus significat se nobis esse amicum— 
et ut esset a me est, tute scis, propter suspicionem huius impen- 
dentis tempestatis multo ante provisum—tamen utrumque con- 
iderandum est et quanta fides ei sit habenda et, si maxime 
xploratum sit eum nobis amicum fore, sitne viri fortis et boni 
sivis esse in ea urbe in qua cum summis honoribus imperiisque 
isus sit, res maximas gesserit, sacerdotio sit amplissimo praeditus, 
non futurus sit qui fuerit, subeundumque periculum sit cum aliquo 
ore dedecore si quando Pompeius rem publicam recuperarit. 
hac parte haec sunt. Vide nunc quae sint in altera. 
st a Pompeio nostro sapienter, nihil fortiter: 
nisi contra consilium auctoritatemque meam. Omitto illa vetera, 
quod istum in rem publicam ille aluit, auxit, armavit, ille legibus 
per vim et contra auspicia ferendis auctor, ille Galliae ulterioris 


ee A 
Nihil actum 
addo etiam, nihil 


nomen futurus sit is clever. For non 
Suturus Sipfle-Béckel read nu/lus futurus. 
fore| The reading of ed. Iens is forte. 
Miller reads ewm aliquanto maiore dedecore, 
which is improbable. The reading of M, 
as well as of E and R, is fore, and though 
periculum would naturally be followed by 
ne with the subjunctive, as Lehmann 
pointed out, ¢imor with infinitive is found 
in De Orat. ii. 834 vincit utilitas plerumque 
cum subest ille timor ea neglecta ne digni- 
tatem quidem posse retineri, We might 
render ‘ and whether the risk should be 
run of being somewhat disgraced if 
Pompey should restore the State.’ 

3. contra consilium] ‘against my 
advice and opinion’: ep. 323 fin. In 
319. 3 he says megue ego ullius consili 
particeps. It is doubtful if he ever 
expressed decided opposition to Pompey’s 
plan before it was adopted. 


istwm] sc. Caesarem. ile is Pom- 
pey. — 
legibus . .. feréndis auctor] cp. Ter. 


Ad. 671 auctor his rebus quis est ? 

contra auspicia| Bibulus announced se 
servaturum de caelo for a great part of the 
year, which would render legislation 
irregular during that time. 

Gailliae wlterioris adiunctor| Dio Cass. 
xxXxvili 8 fin. says it was the Senate who 
gave Caesar Further Gaul. But Plutarch 


76 EP. 333 (ATT. VIII. 3). 


adiunctor, ille gener, ille in adoptando P. Clodio augur, ille 
restituendi mei quam retinendi studiosior, ille provinciae propa- 
gator, ille absentis in omnibus adiutor, idem etiam tertio consulatu, ; | 
postquam esse defensor rei publicae coepit, contendit ut decem 4 
tribuni pl. ferrent ut absentis ratio haberetur, quod idem ipse 
sanxit lege quadam sua Marcoque Marcello consuli finienti 
provincias Gallias Kalendarum Martiarum die restitit. Sed, ut — 
haee omittam, quid foedius, quid perturbatius hoc ab urbe discessu_ 


sive potius turpissima fuga? 
fuit potius quam 
erant. 
rem publicam. 


publicam defensam velint. 


(Caes. 14 circ. med.) attributes the grant 
to the people supported by Pompey. 

in adoptando| ‘he who sanctioned as 
augur the adoption of Clodius (by Fon- 
telus), and was more zealous about pro- 
curing my restoration than preventing 
my banishment.’ These two sins of 
Pompey against Cicero himself are rather 
characteristically inserted among the in- 
stances of Pompey’s relations with Caesar ; 
but these wrongs to Cicero were wrongs 
done to the constitution in his person: 

restituendi . . .retinendi|] cp. 391. 2 
(from Antony) qui tibi ut beneficium 
daret prius iuiuriam fecit, and for the 
actual words Fam. 1. 9. 14 (1538) hominibus 
Jortioribus in me restituendo quam fuerant 
idem in tenendo. For the event cep. 
Vol. 15. p. 360. 

propagator | Pompey and Crassus pro- 
longed the tenure of Caesar’s provincial 
government in 55. Cp. Vol. 1113, p. Ixi. 
For provinciae propagator cp. Liv. xxiii. 
25. 11 consult propagari in annum im- 
perium: Suet. Aug. 23 praesidibus pro- 
vinciarum propagavit imperium. 

idem] This should in strict conformity 
with prevailing usage introduce someact of 
Pompey inconsistent with those previously 
recited, and should mean ‘ and yet’; but 
that is not the meaning here; there is no 
adversativeness in the sentence ; he who 


Quae condicio non accipienda — 
relinquenda patria ? 
Fateor, sed num quid hoe peius? 4. At recuperabit 
Quando? aut quid ad eam spem est parati? — 
Non ager Picenus amissus? non patefactum iter ad urbem? non~ 
pecunia omnis et publica et privata adversario tradita? Denique 
nulla causa, nullae vires, nulla sedes quo coucurrant qui rem 
Apulia delecta est, inanissima pars ~ 


Pee 


πὴ 


condiciones — 


Malae 


was guilty of all the connivance with 
Caesar already described, ‘ also’ struggled 
to induce the ten tribunes to propose the 
law allowing him to stand for the consul- 
ship without coming to Rome, and re- 
sisted Marcellus when-he wanted to fix 
the Kalends of March as the limit of 
Caesar’s tenure of his provinces. The force — 
of idem is, that not only when he was a 
confessed supporter of Caesar, but even — 
when he had made overtures to the 
Optimates, and thus dissociated himself 
ostensibly from Caesar, he did all he 
could to advance Caesar to the position 
which he now held. 

decem tribuni| ep. vol. 1112, lxv. 

Mireoque Marcelio| cp. ib. Ixx and 
Fam. viii. 9. 5 (211) Ipse tamen hane 
sententiam dixit nullum hoe tempore | 
senatus consultum faciendum. Pompey’s 
resistance was very slight. | 

4. ad eam spem| ‘to realize that | 
hope.’ 

nulla causa] ‘no cause to fight for’: 
cp. note to Att. vii. 3. 5 (294). They had, 
as Bardt says, no ‘cry’ on their side, as 
Caesar had ‘the inviolability of th 
tribunes.’ 

sedes quo concurrant| ‘no rallying 
point for those who desire the defence o 
the State.’ 

inanissima] ‘least populous.’ 


i 


EP. 333 (ATT. VIII. 3). 7 


taliae et ab impetu huius belli remotissima, fuga et maritima. 
opportunitas visa quaeri desperatione. 
quo munus illud defugerem sed fsine causa, in 


Invite cepi Capuam, non 
qua nullus 


esset ordinum, nullus apertus privatorum dolor, bonorum autem 


‘rerum cupidi. 
sine pecunia. 


qguonam? Cum illo non: 


impetu| ‘brunt.’ 
_ fuga et maritima opportunitas] This 
‘may almost be called a hendiadys, ‘ the 
_ opportunity of flight which the seaboard 
affords.’ For maritima opportunitas ep. 
7327. 3. 
_ Invite cepi| This is the reading of E 
‘and of the second hand of O and M: the 
‘first hands of these mss. have in te. 
“Miller reads Lente after Orelli. Other 
 emendations are non accepi (Boot); non 
recepi (Lehmann and Supfle-Bockel). 
These emendations may be defended by 
345.2, Capuam... accipere nolui. Stern- 
kopf reads Hine reiecr. This latter (or 
‘perhaps Inde a me reieci) would be sup- 
| ported by 343. 5 (see below), a very 
Similar passage. The reading of the mss. is 
in te cepi. Nowit is clear from a compari- 
son of passages in the letters that Cicero 
originally undertook the administration of 
7 Capua together with the rest of the sea 
Oast. He writes nos Capuam sumpsimus, 
801. Δ 5686: διὸ 12. δ. Bei. Ὁ 
Att. viii. 11 Β, 2(327). But it is equally 
‘clear that he afterwards divested himself 
of all responsibility for Capua, which 
he thought could not be held with- 
out an armed force (exercitu or praesidio): 
ep. 343. 5 a me Capuam reiciebam quod 
fect non vitandi oneris causa sed quod vide- 
bam teneri illan urbem sine exercitu non 
posse. The old reading invite cept would, 
t herefore, well suit the meaning, ‘ it was 
against my will I undertook Capua’; he 
does not think it necessary to add ‘ ‘and 
: erwards repudiated that part of my com- 
Mission,’ because he knows that Atticus 
is aware of the fact. 
18 not necessary to make such violent 


Hence perhaps it. 


8 osset aliquis sed hebes, ut solet, et, ut ipse sensi, esset multitudo 
et infimus quisque propensus in alteram partem, multi mutationis. 
} Dixi ipsi me nihil suscepturum sine praesidio et 
5. Itaque habni nihil omnino negoti, quod ab. 
initio vidi nihil quaeri praeter fugam. Eam si nune sequor,. 
ad quem cum essem profectus, cognovi 
in iis locis esse Caesarem ut tuto Luceriam venire non possem. 


alterations of the text as non recepi or 
reieci, When Boot says, against the 
reading invite, that ‘hoc adverbio Cicero 
nusquam utitur’ he is mistaken, as it 
occurs in a passage of unimpeachable 
soundness, quem ego paulo ante sciebam 
vel pudentius vel invitius (nolo enim dicere 
de tam suavi homine fastidiosius) ad hoe 
genus sermonis accedere, De Or. 11. 364. 
It is hardly necessary to remind our 
readers how easily vt would fall out after 
in. Capere is a word which often ex- 
presses the assuming of a commission, 
e.g. Ter. Phorm. 73, O Geta, provinciam 
cepisti duram. 

tsine] The alteration usually adopted 
by editors is that of Lambinus in ea, with 
a comma atecupidi. We think it possible 
that we should read <non> sine causa. 
For the phrase cp. 320. 1. For the 
omission of non Miller quotes a great. 
number of cases in his note on p. 84. 27 of 
his edition, e.g, 332. 2 non expuilst (M} 
om. on): 3859. 2 non defendente (add. 
non Vict.). 

in qua| The antecedent is Capua, ‘ as 
in it there was no indignation of the 
classes or individuals, though there was. 
some on the part of the Optimates, yet, 
as usual, not at all keen.’ Strictly we- 
suppose the Joni would be comprised in 
the ordines ; but Cic. is thinking of those- 
who had identified themselves to some 
extent with the Optimate side in polities.. 

ipsi| sc. Pompeio. 

sine praesidio] cp. 327. 1, 2. 

5. Itaque... negoti| ‘Consequently I 
have had no responsibility at all’ (Jeans). 

Eam si nune sequor| ‘if I now pursue- 
that course.’ 


78 


Infero mari nobis, incerto cursu, hieme maxima navigandum est. — 
Age iam, cum fratre an sine eo cum filio an quo modo? In utraque 
enim re summa difficultas erit, summus animi dolor. 
impetus illius erit in nos absentis fortunasque nostras? Acrior 
quam in ceterorum, quod putabit fortasse in nobis violandis aliquid — 
Age iam, has compedes, fascis inquam hos— 


se habere populare. 


laureatos, ecferre ex Italia quam molestum est! 
erit nobis tutus, ut iam placatis utamur fluctibus, ante quam ad” 
illum venerimus? Qua autem aut quo, nihil scimus. 
restitero et fuerit nobis in hac parte locus, idem fecero quod in ~ 
Cinnae dominatione Z, Philippus, quod L. Flaccus, : 
Mucius, quoquo modo ea res huic quidem cecidit, qui tamen ita — 
dicere solebat se id fore videre quod factum est sed malle quam 
armatum ad patriae moenia accedere. 
Sed est certa quaedam illa Muci ratio atque 
sententia, est illa etiam Philippi, 


fortasse melius. 


hieme maxima] “ depth of winter.’ This 
letter was written in the middle of 
February according to the unreformed 
calendar; but according to the actual 
seasons that would be about the begin- 
ning of January. For hieme maxima 
cp. tanta hieme, 312. 6. 

Age ...quomodo?| Lehmann reads: 
Age iam, cum fratre an sine eo 2 cum filio 
an quo amando ? ‘where shall 1 consign 
him ?’ (for security) : cp. 807. 3, interdum 
amandandt videntur in Graeciam (sc. 
Cicerones nostri): 315. 4, pueros ὑπεκθέ- 
μενος in Graeciam. 

impetus illius| ‘how Caesar will wreak 
his rage on me.’ 

se habere populare| From this we learn 
that Cicero had not yet lived down the 
unpopularity incurred by him for his 
high-handed proceedings against the 
Catilinarian conspirators: cp. 343. 7 
ut mea persona semper ad tmproborum 
ewium impetus aliquid videretur habere 
populare. 

compedes| He gives this name to his 
Fasces, as fettering his freedom of action. 

p. § 5, below; also 303; 305. 4 lictores 
on. 398. 3 lictores ’ molestissimos. 
ut iam] “ even supposing for argument’s 
sake’; he had spoken above of his appre- 
hension that the voyage would be a rough 
one. For ut iam see note on Fam. i. 9. 
13 (153) and Madv. Fin. iv. 66: so often 


EP. 333 (ATT. VIII. 8). 


Qui autem | 


Qui autem locus” 
6. At si_ 


quod Q. 


Aliter Thrasybulus et 


et cum sit necesse servire 


See Munro on i. 
dilum refers to Pompey. 
‘ By what way or | 


si tam in T.ucretius. 
968. 

Qua autem aut quo| 
to what place.’ 

6. in hac parte] ‘on Caesar’s side.’ 
L. Marcius Philippus (cons. 91), and 
L. Valerius Flaccus (cons. 100), and 
Q. Mucius Scaevola (cons. 95) remained 
in Rome during the Cinnan revolution 
when the rest of their party fled to Sulla’s © 
camp. Thrasybulus (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. 427), 
on the other hand, left Athens during the © 
sway of the Thirty Tyrants, but returned 
to overthrow them. Cicero goes on to say 
that both these courses of conduct may be 
defended. Mucius Scaevola was put to 
death (cp. 368. 1; 373. 2, also note to | 
378. 4) by the order of C. Marius the 
younger: hence Cicero says of him ‘ who, 
though the step had a tragical ending in 
his case, yet used to say that he foresaw 
the issue which in fact resulted, and 
accepted it in preference to marching 
against his country.’ Σ 

certa quaedam] 
grounded.’ 

illa etiam] This certainly refers to the bs 
policy described in the words e¢ cum sit... Ἴ 
datum, but we cannot say for certain οὗ 
whose policy Cicero was thinking. Natu- — 
rally it would be that of Thrasybulus; if Ἴ 
so, we must suppose Philippi to be an ~ 
erroneous gloss. But, perhaps, the name ~ 


‘in a sense well 


_-verior. 


~ ita mihi des consilium velim. 
et Brundisi. 


_ returned he was one of the first to join 
him; cp. Mommsen, R. H. iii, p. 331 
> (Eng. trans.). 

_ molestiam| His fasces impose on him 
_ the inconvenience that he cannot leave his 
_ country when he wishes, and return to it 
at once when the opportunity serves, as 
Thrasybulus did. 

Sit... amicus| ‘suppose Caesar is 
friendly to me, which is doubtful ; but 
suppose he is, then he will offer me a 
triumph.’ 

Non accipere| We have adopted the 
reading of Dr. Reid and Miiller, which is 
the simplest, and no doubt gives the sense 
of the passage: cp. 356. 1 ‘ Ht de tri- 
wmpho erit,’ inquis, ‘ixtegrum. Quid si 
hoe ipso premar? Accipiam? Quid foe- 
dius? Negem? Repudiari se totum, magis 
etiam quam olim in vigintiviratu putabit. 
ehmann proposes to add a considerable 
number of words Non accipere <pericu- 
sum est apud hune (or ab hoc): accipere> 
9 periculosum sit, invidiosum ad bonos. 
or ne in the concessive sense, ‘ granting 
that it is not,’ cp. De Sen. 34; Acad. ii. 
102; Tusc. ii. 14; iv. 49. It is abso- 
lutely necessary to add accipere. Hofmann 
retained the reading of the ms., making 
non = nonne (cp. 480. 1) and neconcessive, 


EP. 333. (ATT. VIII. 3). 


as 


79 


tempori et non amittere tempus cum sit datum. Sed in hoc ipso 
_habent tamen iidem fasces molestiam. Sit enim nobis amicus, 
_ quod incertum est, sed sit, deferet triumphum. Non accipere 
vide ne periculosum sit, accipere invidiosum ad bonos. 
nquis, difficilem et inexplicabilem ! 
nim fieri potest? Ac ne me existimaris ad manendum esse pro- 
ensiorem quod plura in eam partem verba fecerim, potest fieri, 
quod fit in multis quaestionibus, ut res verbosior haec fuerit, illa 
Quam ob rem ut maxima de re aequo animo deliberanti 
Navis et in Caieta est parata nobis 


O rem, 
Atqui explicanda est. Quid 


7. Sed ecce nuntii scribente me haec ipsa noctu in Caleno, 
 ecce litterae Caesarem ad Corfinium, Domitium Corfini cum firmo 


‘would not an acceptance of such an 
offer, even if safe, be unpopular with the 
Pompeians?’ But this does not seem to 
be the sense required here. 

Quid enim fieri potest?) ‘ what can 
possibly be done’ to save me from having 
to face this question, shall 1 accept such 
an cfter from Caesar or not?’ Dr. Reid 
suggests qui enim ferri potest 2 ‘how can 
the present state of things be borne?’ 
Perhaps the two clauses should be trans- 
posed: Quid enim fiert potest 2 Atygui 
explicanda est. 

verbosior ... vertor| ‘it may be that 
there are more reasons on one side, but 
more reason on the other.’ Or, as Mr. 
Winstedt translates, ‘it may be that 
there are more words on one side, and 
more worth on the other.’ 

Navis ...parata] cp. 327.1; 335. 3. 
For in Caieta instead of, as one would 
expect, Caietae, cp. Att. xiv. 7.1 (709) 
and note there (ed. 2); also C. 1. L. x. 
p. 603. | 

7. ad Corfinium] 80. 
Corfinium.’ 

commissurum ut] ‘ willdo such a thing 


esse ‘is before 


duabus| 331. 2. Lucan (ii. 472), in his 
rhetoric, perverts this departure of Scipio 
from Luceria into a desertion of the town 
Tu quoque commissae nudatam deseris 
arcem, Scipio, Luceriae quam quam fir mis- 


80 EP. 384 (ATT. VIL, 110). 


conscriptam in Siciliam sibi placere a consule duci scripserat ad 
consules. Sed turpe Domitium deserere erit implorantem eius” 
auxilium. Est quaedam spes, mihi quidem non magna, sed in — 
his locis firma, Afranium in Pyrenaeo cum Trebonio pugnasse, — 
pulsum T'rebonium, etiam Fabium tuum transisse cum cohortibus, 
summa autem, Afranium cum magnis copiis adventare. Id si est, 
in Italia fortasse manebitur. Ego autem, cum esset incertum iter } 
Caesaris, quod vel ad Capuam vel ad Luceriam iturus putabatur, - 
Leptam ad Pompeium misi et litteras ; ipse ne quo inciderem — 

reverti Formias. Haec te scire volui scripsique sedatiore animo 

quam proxime scripseram, nullum meum iudicium interponens — 


sed exquirens tuum. 


38384. POMPEY TO CICERO (Art. vit. 11 c). 


CANUSIUM; FEBRUARY 20, A. U. C. 705; B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


Cn. Pompeius hortatur Ciceronem ut ad se Brundisium celeriter veniat. 


‘N. MAGNUS PROCOS. δ. D. M. CICERONI IMP. 
S. V. B. E. Tuas litteras libenter legi. 


tuam pristinam virtutem etiam in salute communi. 


Recognovi enim 
Consules ad © 


officer: cp. Caes. B. C. i, 87. 1-3. We 


sima (another rhetorical extravagance : cp. 
should not alter with Orelli to Fadiwn 


Ep. 331. 2 above) pubes his sedeat castris 
iampridem Caesaris armis Parthorum se- 
ducta metu. 

Fausto conscriptam] ‘raised for Faus- 
tus.’ A is generally inserted before 
Fausto; but Hofmann shows that the 
dativus commodi is common enough in 
passages like this; he instances conseripti 
consulibus, 880. 1. Bardt thinks that 
Fausto dat. is =a Fausto, and compares 
Tusc. ii. 2, disputatione quae mihi habita 


(i.e. Fadium Gallum): cp. 345. 1; for 
Fadius had no cohorts at his disposal. 

summa | SC. Spés. 

ad Capuam] ‘for Capua,’ 
direction of Capua. 

Leptam| Q. Lepta was Cicero’s prae- 
fectus fabrum in Cilicia: ep. 302. 4 and 
Fam. iii, 7. 4 (244). 


i.e. in the 


ne quo inciderem | ‘lest I should fall _ 


into any difficulty,’ lit. ‘into any place’ 


ep. 332. 1, δ᾽ 


est. See Mady. 250a, who compares (after a verb of ‘motion) : 
N. D. ii. 124 sie dissimillimis bestiis com- quo ilie misit. Possibly we should read | : 
muniter cibus quaeritur: the action may quot in both places ce lest I should fall in 
be regarded as done for the interest of the with anyone’); as ὁ follows quo in each ee 
doer. So the legion was enrolled by case, that vowel may have been lost. a 
Faustus (331. 8) and for service under him sedatiore animo] cp. note to 332. 3. 4 
(for his interest): cp. Madvig on Fin. ἔν 
1.11. For Faustus cp. 8391. 3. CANUSIUM | cp. 848. 4. Es 
seripserat ad consules| Ep. 331. Tuas litteras| Ep. 327. ἐν 


Fabiwm tuum] This is no doubt Caesar’s 


Recognovi] Recognovi is a rare word for — 


ee eri 
ὡς fen ste 


ee ct 
TEAR sate 


beh τα. 


Bopem atque auxilium feramus, 
eeleriter Brundisium venias. 


By) tae 


agnovi, and Cicero would probably have 
added tuenda to the words in salute com- 
muni, Cicero attributes neglegentia to 
'Pompey’s letters (342. 6). There is a 
‘want of consideration towards Cicero in 
pyriting in an off-hand, careless fashion. 
Bardt contrasts the consideration which 
Pompey shows to Domitius with the brief 
and almost curt tone in whicn he writes 
to Cicero. 

q a) Cp. 357 with 374. 3. 


1. Dionysius] See on 316. ὃ. 
3 ΤῊ Atticus constantly undertook the 
defence of this ungrateful Greek. Dr. Reid 
asks—* Does noster mean here ‘our 
common friend,’ or is it the equivalent of 
8 ἢ referring to his note on Acad. i. 
$1, and Fam.i. 9, 24 (153), Lentuli tui 
strigue ; ; but Cicero contrasts the words 
In 394. 5, Dolabellam mewm vel potius 
hostrum. Itis possibly what Prof. Conway 
Calls the Plural of Patronage (The Singular 
“Nos in Cicero's Letters, § 26, pp. 49-56), 
uch as, for example, the repeated nos = 
᾿ in the letter of Q. Cicero to Tiro; ep. 


FAG μα Ὴ} ἐν AAA δ ἈΦ). MC ἐπ: ἐν να 


᾿ veritus] This is the only place outside 
VOL. Iv. 


EP. 335 (ATT. VIII. 4). 


eum exercitum quem in Apulia habui venerunt. 
¢ te hortor, pro tuo singulari perpetuoque studio in rem publicam, 
ut te ad nos conferas ut communi consilio rei publicae adflictae 


FORMIAE } FEBRUARY 22, MORNING; A. U. 
CIC. 57. 


81 


Magno opere 


Censeo via Appia iter facias et 


335. CICERO TO ATTIOUS (Art. νι. 4). 


C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. 


M. Cicero de ingrato Dionysii magistri Ciceronum animo queritur et quae audiri 
de C. Atio Paeligno nuntiat, Attici litteras exspectat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


a 1. Dionysius quidem tuus potius quam noster, cuius ego cum 
“satis cognossem mores tuo tamen potius stabam iudicio quam meo, 
‘ne tui quidem testimoni quod ei saepe apud me dederas veritus 


Latin comedy where verert takes the 
genitive, Examples are given in Nonius 
(p. 497) from Afranius (e.g. si non 
vereare, nemo vereatur tui), Pacuyius, and 
Accius. Their precedent, however, would 
not justify us in ascribing the construc- 
tion to Cicero, the diction of whose letters 
conforms not to the extreme archaism of 
Accius and Pacuvius, but to the more 
modern colloquialism of Plautus and 
Terence. However, Terence, Phorm. 971, 
has the genitive with vereri— 


Neque huius sis veritus feminae primariae, 
quin novo modo ei faceres contumeliam— 


though in the same play (2338) he has 
non simultatem meam revereri saltem. It 
is the same kind of genitive as appears 
after pudet, paenitet, cp.Varro (ap. Nonium 
1.0. = Biicheler, No. 449, p. 209) non te 
tui saltem pudet si nil mei revereatur. We 


- have also an example in the archaizing 


Apuleius Met. ii. 2 ‘quin,’ inquit, 

‘etiam ipse parentem tuam accedis et 
salutas ?? ‘ Vereor’ inquam ‘ignotae 
mihi feminae.’ (Somewhat different are 
such genitives as cupiunt tui (Plaut. Mil. 
974) = cupidae sunt tui: fastidit mei (Aul. 


G 


82 


superbum se praebuit in fortuna quam putavit nostram fore: 
cuius fortunae nos, quantum humano consilio effici poterit, motum — 


ratione quadam gubernabimus. 


EP. 385 (ATT. VIII. 4). 


Cui qui noster honos, quod ob- 


sequium, quae etiam ad ceteros contempti cuiusdam hominis — 
commendatio defuit? ut meum iudicium reprehendi a Quinto 
fratre vulgoque ab omnibus mallem quam illum non efferre me 
laudibus, Ciceronesque nostros meo potius labore subdoceri quam — 
me alium ils magistrum quaerere. Ad quem ego quas litteras, dei — 
immortales, miseram, quantum honoris significantis, quantum 
amoris !—Dicaearchum mehercule aut Aristoxenum diceres arcessi, 


244) = fastidiosus est mei). Possibly 
Cic. fell into an archaic and colloquial 
expression, as he was writing with great 
indignation. But Boot denies the applica- 
bility of this passage by making feminae 
the dative after facere contuwmeliam, and 
taking huius sis veritus to mean ‘ did not 
care that (a snap of your fingers) for.’ 
But the natural construction is rightly 
recognized by grammarians, 6.5. Roby, 
1328. Dr. Reid thinks that the proba- 
bilities are heavily against the genuineness 
of testimoni tui veritus, and thinks that a 
word (e.g. verba) dropped out before 
veritus. So too Muller, who would add 
vim or pondus. Meyer adds auctoritatem. 

motum| Dr. Reid translates ‘the on- 
ward course.’ For gubernare fortunam 
he refers us to Vell. ii. 127. 1, and for 
fortuna used ‘for fortune generally, both 
good and bad, to 382. 4. 

ad ceteros| These words are to be 
taken with commendatio (cp. Phil. ii. 1; 
Off. ii. 45): though we should have 
rather expected ad alios ον ad omnis. Dr. 
Reid notes that ceteri is often used where 
omnes would at first sight be expected, 
because a limitation of the reference to a 
particular set of people is assumed, though 
not stated explicitly. To take only one 
example, cp. Off. 11. § 87, admiratione 
autem afficiuntur vv qui anterre ceteris virtute 
putantur, i.e. the rest of those with whom 
they live. So here ceteros = the rest of 
the people (besides myself) whom Diony- 
sius desired to approach. If the words ad 
ceteros are taken with contempti, they could 
only mean ‘ as compared with the others’ 
introduced by me to my friends, and that 
sentiment would not have been so ex- 
pressed, though this use of ad is common 
enough in Plautus: cp. Capt. 275 Nam ad 
sapientiam huius hominis nimius nugator 


Suit: Trin. 725, and in Cicero with nihil, 
e.g. De Orat. 11. 25 nihil ad Persium, where 
see Wilkins’s note, and cp. Madv. Fin. 
ili. 52. If we accepted Boot’s sugges- 
tion to read apud, that word would more 
naturally go with contempti, ‘despicable 
in the minds of others,’ though com- 
mended by me. 

cuiusdan | ‘a despicable kind of fel- 
low.’ Quidam slightly mitigates the force 
of the adj. or part. with which it is 
joined, like τις with adjectives in Greek 
and πως with adverbs. Dr. Reid holds 
that contempti cuiusdam hominis has all the 
appearance of being one of those exclama- 
tions with which copyists sometimes 
relieved their feelings, writing them on 
the margin. 

subdoceri| ‘secretly taught.’ Cicero 
says that he preferred to face the re- 
proaches of his brother Quintus and all 
his friends rather than give up eulogising 
Dionysius, and that rather than dismiss 
him for his incompetency as a teacher, 
he chose that his boys should be taught 
on the sly by (get an odd lesson from) 
himself. Possibly, however, the sub- 
indicates that Cicero was ready to take 
on himself the duties of an ‘assistant 
(under) master,’ ὑποδιδάσκαλος, 80 as to 
make up for the deficiencies in the 
teaching of the boys’ ostensible instructor. 

Dicacarchum aut Aristoxenum| These 
philosophers are pare mentioned together 
in Att. xiii. 32, 2 (610). 
that Dicacarchus and <Aristoxenus con- 
stantly go together because of the simi- 


larity of their views about the soul: e.g. 
and with such a passage as — 
this he compares 368. 2, where Cicero — 
says he had treated Dionysius with — 
more distinction than Scipio showed to © 


Tuse. i. 41: 


Panaetius. 


Dr. Reid says — 


> 


dum. 2. Sed 


_ reciperem. Serhper enim, 


nulla exceptione praecidit. 
nihil mali non inest. 


3 consultationi meae. 


- ire Brundisium,t desertum. 


2. memoria bona] ‘But you, his con- 
ant defender, will urge he has a good 
memory. He will find that I have a 
~ better.’ Miiller would read Scilicet est or 
_ δὲ est, which is possible; and Dr. Reid 
Ὅν suggests Se dicit esse, which is very 
if 3 ttractive. 
ita... ut| ‘ina tone which I never 
“used to anyone in declining to take up 
"his case.’ 
τς numquam ... praecidit} ‘never was 
᾿ς ¢lient so low, so mean, so plainly guilty, 
- or so completely a stranger to myself, 
that I gave him as abrupt a a refusal as was 
Dionysius’ abrupt, unceremonious, un- 
Qualified No.’ The elliptic use of tam, 
Which we have endeavoured to express by 
ἃ paraphrase, is here complicated by the 
fact thatit is followed by the regular and 
normal use of tam before pruecise. After 
Aumili we must understand some such 
words as quam qui humilliimus. The near-~ 
est literal translation, then, of tam humili 
would be ‘ ever so humble,’ and this would 
e a suitable rendering as being itself a 
ose expression incapable of exact ana- 
ysis, since the Rorrect form seems to have 
en ‘never so,’ as in ‘and heareth not 
8 voive of chacmers, charming never so 
ἐ τλμα 
_ praecise| ἀποτόμως. Praeciderat = prae- 
6 negaverat, 402. 1. 
_ im quo vitio nihil mali non inest] cp. 
“ingratum si dixeris omnia dixti, a familiar 
yuotation of which we are not able to 
i. find the source : cp. Shakespeare, Twelfth 
Night, iii. 4. 388, ‘‘I hate ingratitude 
“More in a man than .. . any taint of 


LARUE Mate MAGE πες Pi tril a Lentil ἃ ΒΕῚ φῷ ἃ caeek Gude ee ἀν θυ Γῆν Μὲ 


EP. 335 (ATT. VIII. 4). 88 


non hominem omnium loquacissimum et minime aptum ad docen- 
‘est memoria bona.’ 
Quibus litteris ita ἸΏΒ ut ego nemini cuius causam non 
‘si potero, si ante suscepta causa non 

_impediar’ : : numquam reo cuiquam tam humili, tam sordido, tam 
_ nocenti, tam alieno tam praecise negavi quam hic mihi plane 
Nihil cognovi ingratius, in quo vitio 
Sed de hoe nimis multa. 
paravi: tuas litteras tamen exspecto, ut sciam quid respondeant 


Me dicet esse meliore.— 


3. Ego navern 


Sulmone C. Atium Paelignum aperuisse Antonio portas, cum 
_ essent cohortes quinque, Q. Lucretium inde effugisse scis, Gnaeum 
Confecta res est. 


vice whose strong corruption inhabits our 
frail blood.”’ 

3. navem| He had vessels in readiness 
at Caieta and Brundisium, 333. 6. 

cohortes quingue | Caesar says that 
there were seven cohorts under Lucretius 
and Atius at Sulmo (B.C. i. 18.1). We 
can hardly suppose that Cicero is alluding 
here to the five cohorts which Antony 
had (id.). 

Gnaeum...desertum]| The mss. reading 
given in the text cannot be translated. 
It is possible that Cicero wrote Gnaeum 
ire Brundisium, wit Domitium desertum, 
and that the general likeness between 
ire Brundisium and irt Domitium caused 
the latter words to drop out. Still 
more naturally, if the archetype had 
Brundisium ire, the words Domitium iri 
would have dropped out, the copyist 
raising his eyes after writing ire, and 
then, by an oversight, going on with 
the word after ἐγ. But perhaps it is 
more probable, as Dr. Reid suggests, that 
Cicero wrote Domitiwm deser tum, meaning 
‘that he has turned his back on Domitius.,’ 
With Pompey on the march to Brun- 
disium, Cicero would hardly say that 


- Domitius was going to be deserted. Yet 


it is hard to see how the news of the 
surrender of Domitius (if that is what is 
meant by confecta res est), which occurred 
only the day before this letter was written, 
can have reached Formiae. It is possible. 
that Cicero heard a rumour of this which 
was gathered from the letters of Pompey 
to the consuls (331), but that there was no 
confirmation of this until Pompey’s letter 


G 2 


84 EP. 386 (ATT. VIII. δὲ, 


336. 


FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 22, EVENING, A. U. C. 705 ; 


ART. CIC. 57. 

M. Cicero Attico scribit Dionysium ipsum ad se venisse et se 5101 iam referri velle © 
eam epistulam quam Attico misisset ad illum perferendam, 
Curio commendando. 


Corfiniensi, de Tirone Μ᾽. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Cum ante lucem vit Kal. ad te de Dionysio litteras dedis- 
sem, vesperi ad nos eodem die venit ipse Dionysius, auctoritate tua 
Quid enim putem aliud ? 


permotus, ut suspicor. 


cum aliquid furiose fecit, paenitere. 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 5). 


Β. Ὁ. 493 


Tum de exspectatione 


Etsi solet eum, 
Numquam autem cerritior 


fuit quam in hoe negotio. Nam, quod ad te non scripseram, postea 


audivi a tertio miliario timuisse 


πολλὰ μάτην κεράεσσιν ἐς ἠέρα θυμήναντα᾽ 


referred to in 339. 2 reached Formiae on 
the 24th. Hence Cicero’s anxiety on the 
23rd about the fate of Corfinium (336. 2). 
But confecta res est (‘it is all up’) pro- 
bably means only that Domitius wid/ 
certainly have to surrender now that 
Pompey has set his face for Brundisium. 
Yet even so the transmission of this news 
to Formiae from Luceria in three days 
(for Pompey left Luceria on the 19th) 
was rather rapid. 


1. Etsi] ‘Yet (he might have come on 
his own mere motion and uninfluenced 
by you, for) he usually gets sorry after 
his tantrums.’ 

cerritior| This is an excellent conjec- 
ture of Bosius for certior of the Mss. : 
cp. 375. 5, ego autem illum (Dionysium) 
male sanum semper putavi. Certus usually 
means ‘safe’ of a messenger; it also 
means ‘ firm,’ ‘determined,’ 396.3. But 
here a word suitable to furiose fecit is 
evidently required; such a word exactly 
is cerritior, and it is rare enough to be 
easily ousted by such a common word as 
certior. 

a tertio miliario timuisse | 
had passed the third mile-stone,’ that is, 
as soon as he had got well out of the 
city and its suburbs. He wus apparently 


‘after he. 


resolved to leave the city and betake © 
himself to some place where Cicero could 
not even communicate with him. But 
when he had passed the third mile-stone, © 
he ‘became alarmed, took fright,’ and | 
went back again to Rome. But another | 
interpretation of a is perhaps more pro- 
bable, viz., that it means “ σέ the third 
mile-stone,’ as Miller has suggested : cp. 
Caes. B. G. ii. 7. 8 αὖ millibus. passuum 
minus duobus castra posuerunt: v. 32.15 
Frontinus Ag. 7 propius urbem a septimo 
milliario substructione andoften. For tum 
cum isse, which is rather clumsy, we 
suggested timuisse, which would closely 
resemble tmedissein the mss. For timwisse 
used absolutely ‘to take alarm,’ cp. 359. 
3, ipst tum se timuisse dicunt (a passage 
which suggests that we ought perhaps 
here too to read twm timuisse); and αὖ 
altera te ipsum nunquam timuisse certo 
scio, 538. 2: cp. also pertimuit, 338. 1. 
Possibly his uttering imprecations shows — 
that he was not frightened; and we — 
might perhaps suggest tumuisse § boiled — 
up with rage’: and this is closer to the — 
MS. reading than ¢imuisse: ‘tossing his” 
horns with rage upon the air, after, 1 4 
mean » having uttered many maledictions.” | 
πολλὰς .«θυμήναντα)]) δ'ἧ᾽ ὁ ἀο ποῦ 
know the source of this verse, but it) 


-meam mansuetudinem ! 


_ doubtless comes from some Alexandrine 
poet. It probably suggested well-known 
' passages to Vergil (Aen. xii. 104) and to 
Catullus (64, 111), mequieguam vanis 
_ iactantem cornua ventis. It reminds us 
of the Euripidean κεἰς κέρας θυμούμενοι 
_ (Bacch. 743), and προ be rendered :— 


> When he had wreaked the fury of his horns 
On the void air in vain. 


᾿ς Cicero then goes on to explain the sense 
in which he quotes the verse, which is, 
- ‘after he had uttered many idle curses, 
_ which,’ he adds, ‘I hope will come home 
) to roost, as the proverb has 10. Cum 
dixisset, the reading of the mss., should 
~ not bealtered. Editors make a mistake 
in changing it to ewm dixisse. For rough 
explanation of Greek introduced by w- 
quam, see 360. 4. 
| Sed mansuetudinem meam] We sug- 
_ gested in our previous edition to add en 
before mansuetudinem. But it is not 
necessary. The simple acc. of exclama- 
' tion is often found in Cicero, as Miller 
) allows: cp. Att. xiv. 5.2 (707) and our 
im note to Att. xiii. 33. 1 (616), ed. 2; ep. 
» Att. xv. 3.2 (733). If any addition were 
“necessary, we should adopt vide with 
' Miller. See Adn. Crit. 
_ «@ pedibus meis| If these words are 
' genuine, they must mean ‘from personal 
attendance on myself,’ which shows that 
_ Cicero had even to submit to personal in- 
_ convenience in recalling his angry missive. 
᾿ς Body-servants in close attendance on their 
_ masters might be said a pedibus stare. We 
have @ legutorum pedibus abduxerit in 


᾿ 99. Victorius changed meis to meum, and 
supposed servum a pedibus to mean ‘a 
| footman,’ but this designation of the 


EP. 336 (ATT. VIII. 5). 


| multa, inquam, mala cum dixisset : 


85 
Sed 


suo capiti, ut aiunt. 


Conieceram§in fasciculum una cum tua 
_ vementem ad illum epistulam: hance ad me referri volo, nec ullam 
' ob aliam causam Pollicem servum*a pedibus meis Romam misi- 
Eo autem ad te scripsi ut, si tibi forte reddita esset, mihi curares 
| _veferendam, ne in illius manus perveniret. 
scripsissem. Pendeo animi exspectatione de re Corfiniensi, in qua 
de salute rei publicae decernetur. 
‘inscriptus velim cures ad eum perferendum, Tironemque Curio 
᾿ commendes et ut det ei si quid opus erit in sumptum roges. 


2. Novi si quid esset 


Tu fasciculum qui est M’. Curto 


duties of slaves by the preposition a@ is 
post-Ciceronian: cp. Mr. John C. Rolfe 
in ‘ Archiv’ x. 497. Possibly the words 
a pedibus meis are a gloss. 

2. Pendeo animi] cp. note to 427.1, 
and to Fam. viii. 5. 1 (210). 

de ve Corfiniensi] We have inserted 
de re on the theory that it probably got 
out of its place and gave rise to the cor- 
rupt reading de M’. Curio. The regular 
preposition after exspectatio is de: cp. 
exspectatione de Pompeio, Att. iii. 14. 1 
(70). Exspectatio Corfiniensis for ‘ antici- 
pations of what is going on in Corfinium ἢ 
seems strange Latin, and cannot be 
absolutely defended by διατροπὴν Cor- 
Jiniensem (‘at Corfinium’) (369. 7), and 
clementiam Corfininiensem (374. 1). But 
Dr. Reid says: ‘‘I suppose it is the fact 
that exspectatio is a word describing the 
feelings of the mind, which makes this 
expression look different from a hundred 
others, such as pulsatio Puteolana; but 
I think it is hardly possible to set limits 
to the usage whereby an adjective is 
substituted for a noun dependent on a 
preposition. The best collection οὗ 
examples is in a pamphlet, ‘ Ueber den 
Gebrauch des adjectivischen Attributs, 
ἄς, by Wichert (Berlin: Weidmann, 
1875).” 

Μ΄. Curio] For Μ᾽. Curius who had 
business at Patrae, cp. 301i. 1 and intro- 
ductory note to 477. 

velin] On this word depend cures, 
commendes, roges, with the common ellipse 
of μέ in each case. 

in sumptum| ‘for expenses’: cp. 
337.5; Att.xv. 16. 4 (748) velim cures 

. ut permutetur Athenas quod sit in 
annuum sumptum ei, where perhaps we 
should add opus before sit: ep. Att. xii. 
24. 1 (560). 


86 EP. 337 (ATT. VIII. 6). 


337. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 6). 


FORMIAE: FEBRUARY 21, A. U. Ὁ. 705: B,C. 49 ; AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico nuntiat C. Sosii praetoris adventum Formias, mittit exemplum i 
litterarum Pompeii ad consules datarum, de sollicitudine sua, de valetudine Attici et 
Piliae, de Tirone. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Obsignata iam ista epistula quam de nocte daturus eram, 
_sicut dedi—nam eam vesperi scripseram—C. Sosius praetor in 
Formianum venit ad Μ᾽. Lepidum, vicinum nostrum, quoius 
quaestor fuit. Pompei litterarum ad consules exemplum attulit : 

2. “ Litterae mihi a L. Domitio a. ἃ. xu Kalend. Mart. adlatae 
sunt: earum exemplum infra scripsi. Nune, ut ego non scribam, 
tua sponte te intellegere scio quanti rei publicae intersit omnis 
copias in unum locum primo quoque tempore convenire. Tu, si tibi 
videbitur, dabis operam ut quam primum ad nos venias, praesidi 


Capuae quantum constitueris satis esse relinquas.” 

3. Deinde supposuit exemplum epistulae Domiti quod ego ad 
Di immortales, gui me horror perfudit ! quam 
sum sollicitus quidnam futurum sit! 


te pridie miseram. 


This letter was probably written on 
February 21. It is unlikely that Cicero 
in this anxious time would not have 
written to Atticus for three whole days. 
Ep. 333 was written during the night of 
the 18th and 19th, and according to our 
previous arrangement (which we now 
think was not right) Ep. 335 of Febr. 
22nd was the next letter, the present 
one having been assigned to February 
23. Besides, in this letter Cicero seems 
confident that Pompey will go to relieve 
Domitius, and he had plainly not received 
the alarming, though unconfirmed, news 
which led to the despairing last paragraph 
of Ep. 336. 

1. ista] This word, which ought in 
strictness to mean ‘that letter of yours,’ 
here means ‘that letter to you,’ on ac- 
count of the explanatory relative clause : 


Hoc tamen spero, Magnum 


cp. also Cassi litterae, meaning ‘a letter. 
to Cassius,’ in 328, where see note. 

epistula| This letter, written on the 
20th, is lost. 

C. Sosius| ep. 3538. 1. 

M’. Lepidum] consul in 66. 

Pompe: litterarum] This letter was 
written about Febr. 17 from Luceria. 
For a résumé of this letter see 343. 3. 
We must alter viii of M to wid with 
Corradus (343. 3). 

2. ut ego non scribam] ‘without a 
word from me’; lit. ‘even if I should 
not say a word.’ 

3. pridie] ‘yesterday,’ i.e. on the 20th. 
Schmidt (p. 143), however, thinks that 
it was ‘the day before Sosius came,’ 
i.e. the 19th. ; 

Magnum] ‘I hope Magnus will be ἃ 
great source of terror to his foes when : 


he arrives.’ 


EP. 338 (ATT. VIII. 7). 87 


[nomen imperatoris] fore magnum in adventu terrorem. 


Spero 


᾿ etiam, quoniam adhue nihil nobis obfuit tnihil mutasset nee 


4 4. Modo enim audivi quartanam a ‘te discessisse. 
_ magis gauderem, si id mihi accidisset. 
eam diutius habere nec id esse vestrae concordiae. 
2 nostrum ab altera relictum audio. 


 aliis mutuatum. 


~ tatem Curi. 


338. 


Moriar si 
Piliae dic non esse aequum 
5. Tironem 
Sed eum video in sumptum ab. 


Ego autem Curium nostrum, si quid opus esset, 
_ rogaram. Malo ‘l'ironis verecundiam in culpa esse quam inliberali- 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vim. 7). 


FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 233; A. U. C. 7053 8. Ὁ. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


De Pompeio fugam meditante, de incerta condicione sua, de viatico sibi per Philo- 


- timum curando. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. ᾿ 


1. Unum etiam restat amico nostro ad omne dedecus, 


mitio non subveniat. 


Terrorem is used objectively 
as in Rep. i. 71, duobus huius urbis terro- 
ribus depulsis. ‘The words nomen impera- 
toris are probably a gloss on Magnum, 
» the common designation of Pompey. See 
Ε΄ note on Att. vi. 1. 22 (252). 

nihil . . . mehercule| It seems better 
to present to the reader here the corrupt 
_ words of the mss. than to put before him 
_ any of the attempts which have been made 
to correctthem. From the words fortiter e¢ 


| diligenter we may conclude that the early 
_ part of the corruption was nisi timiditas et 


4 neglegentia, as Madvig (A. C. iii 178 f.) 


7 saw. See Adn. Crit. It would seem as it 
several words have been lost after meher- 
7 cule. Possibly the long omission, as 


_ Madvig suggested, was due to Cicero 
repeating the word mehercule in sume 
such phrase as De te quoque gaudeo 


) mehercule. Cicero was plainly in good 


_ spirits when he wrote this letter. 
4. concordiae| This is written in a 
pleasant vein: ‘it is not in conformity 


ut Do- 


‘At nemo dubitat quin subsidio venturus 


with the usual harmony that subsists 
between you, that she should still have 
the ague that has left you.’ For Pilia’s 
attacks of fever cp. Att. vii. 5. 1 (296) ; 
401.4. In 44 we hear that she hada 
paralytic stroke (πειράζεσθαι παραλύσει), 
Att. xvi. 7. 8. [185): 

5. altera] ‘ the second (lighter) attack ’; 
see Att. vii. 2, 2 (298). 

in sumptum| cp. 336. 2. 

si quid opus esset royaram| Perhaps ut δὲ 
det (cp. 336 fin.) fell out after esse¢. The 
ellipse of dare is nearly always connected 
with the despatch of letters: yet cp. 
Att. xiv. 12. 1 (715) muita illis Caesar 
(sc. dedit); iv. 15. 6 (148) deinde Anti- 
phonti operam (dedi). 

Malo| ‘I hope it is Tiro’s modesty, not 
the stinginess of Curius, that is to be 
blamed for this.’ 


1. ad omne dedecus] ‘to crown (com- 
plete) his infamy.’ 


88 EP. 338 (ATT. VIII. 7). 


sit.’ Ego non puto. ‘ Deseret igitur talem civem et eos quos _ 
una scis esse, cum habeat praesertim et ipse cohortis xxx?’ 
Nisi me omnia fallunt, deseret. Incredibiliter pertimuit. Nihil 
spectat nisi fugam, quoi tu—video enim quid sentias—me comitem — 
putas debere esse. 2. Ego vero quem fugiam habeo, quem sequar 
non habeo. Quod enim tu meum laudas et memorandum dicis, 
malle quod dixerim me cum Pompeio vinci quam cum istis vincere, 
ego vero malo, sed cum illo Pompeio qui tum erat aut qui mihi 
esse videbatur ; cum hoc vero qui ante fugit quam scit aut quem 
fugiat aut quo, qui nostra tradidit, qui patriam reliquit, Italiam 
relinquit, si malui, contigit, victus sum. Quod superest, nec ista 
videre possum quae numquam timul ne viderem nec mehercule 
istum, propter quem mihi non modo meis sed memet ipso carendum 


est. 


sita tibi mandabo. 


quos una scis esse| Caesar B.C. 1. 23.2. 
Erant quinque senatorit ordinis L. Domi- 
dius, P. Lentulus Spinther, L. Vibullius 
Rufus, Sex. Quintilius Varus quaestor, L. 
Rubrius ; praeterea filius Domiti altique 
complures udulescentes, et magnus numerus 
equitum Romanorum et decurionum, quos 
ex municipis Domitius evocaverat. 

cum habeat praesertim| ‘and that too 
though he (Pompey) bas 30 cohorts.’ 
For cum praesertim cp. Fam. iii. 8. 6 (222) 
and note there: also Madvig on Fin, 
li. 25; v. 64, who would omit the e¢ ; but 
though we learn from Caes. B. C. i. 17. 2 
that Domitius had cohortes amplius xxx, 
the word ipse plainly refers to Pompey 
here. Cicero may have imagined that 
because Pompey (331. 1) spoke of meas 
xix cohortis and in 829. 2 of xiv cohortis, 
he had at least 30 cohorts at his disposal. 
The words ipse or et ipse could not refer 
to Domitius. 

2. Ego vero| ‘yes! I have a foe to fly 
from, but no friend to follow ’; here, and 
a little below, ego vero points as usual to 
the answer to a question really asked by, 
or rhetorically put into the mouth of, a 
correspondent or interlocutor. This epi- 
grammatic remark of Cicero’s became 
famous: cp. Plutarch Cic. 37; Quintilian 
vi. 3.109; Macrobiusii. 3. 7, who quotes 
some other satirical remarks of Cicero 
against Pompey, which induced Pompey 
to say that he wished Cicero would go 
over to the enemy. 


_ being money-lenders. 


3. Ad Philotimum scripsi de viatico, sive a Moneta—nemo 
enim solvit—sive ab Oppiis, tuis contubernalibus. 


Cetera appo- 


Quod enim tu meum laudas] ‘as to that 
sentiment of mine which you quote and 
call so memorable, that I should rather 
have defeat with Pompey than victory 
with your Caesarians—well, I do prefer 
defeat with Pompey, but it must be 
Pompey as he once was, or as | believed 
him to be; but as to the present Pompey, 
who flies before he knows from whom he 
is flying or whither he is going, who has 
betrayed us, has abandoned his country’s 
cause, and is preparing to abandon her 
shores—if I have chosen defeat with him, 
I have got my wish—my defeat is already 
complete.’ 

ista . . . istum] the cause of Caesar 
and Caesar himself. 

memet ipso] ‘my very self,’ i.e. all 
the traditions of my past career. 

3. α Moneta] the temple of Moneta on 
the Capitoline Hill, where the Mint was. 
Here apparently bullion could be ex- 
changed for money, according to weight. 
Cicero may have ordered Philotimus to 
sell his plate to the Mint: cp. 436. ὃ. 
Te oro, ut in perditis rebus, si quid cogi 
confici ‘potest quod sit in tuto ex argento et 
si satis multa ex supellectile, des operam. 

nemo enim solvit] none of Cicero’s 
debtors would pay. 

Oppiis| See on 308.. 
contubernales, or ‘mates,’ 


They are called 
of Atticus ἃ. 


apposita | ‘requisite instructions,’ that 
is, instructions with reference to his 


Ἶ EP. 889 (ATT. VIII. 8). 89 


ο΄ 889. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vin. 8). 


FORMIAE ; FEBRUARY 24; A. U. C. 705; B.C. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 


Ἢ De Domitio a Pompeio turpiter deserto. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


Ε΄. 1. Ὁ rem turpem et ea re miseram! Sic enim sentio id 

! ᾿ demum aut potius id solum esse miserum quod turpe sit. Aluerat 
" Caesarem, eundem repente timere coeperat, condicionem pacis 
|} nullam probarat, nihil ad bellum pararat, urbem reliquerat, 
- Picenum amiserat culpa, in Apuliam se compegerat, ibat in 
_ Graeciam, omnis nos ἀπροσφωνήτους, expertis sui tanti, tam 
 inusitati consili relinquebat. %. Ecce subito litterae Domiti ad 
~ illum, ipsius ad consules. Fulsisse mihi videbatur τὸ καλὸν ad 

_ oculos eius et exclamasse ille vir’qui esse debuit, 


4 approaching journey. ‘Ad meum disce- 
dendi consilium,’ as Manutius says. For 
| appositus = ‘suitable for,’ ‘adapted to,’ cp. 


B tolerandam calamitatem; also Q. Fr. 1]. 
2. 1 (100). 


1. eare| ‘for that reason.” Then he 
goes on to explain why he uses the words 
_¢a re, ‘ because I hold disgrace to be the 
| erown of misery, or indeed the only real 
Pmisery *; @ case cannot be said to be 
_ really wretched till it involves disgrace, 
and nothing else can make it truly 

ἢ _ wretched. Vere, the conj. of Gronovius, 
is needless. 

4 se compegerat| cp. Plaut. Rud. 1147 
quae parentis tam in angustum tuos locum 

_ compegeris; De Orat. i. 46, oratorem in 

᾿ς wiicia et contiunculas tamquam im 

Ἢ ᾿ αἰϊφιοά pistrinum detrudi et constringi 

Ε΄ witebam. 


ἶσα nok trian ieee tieeet tet ene 


Τὸ yap εὖ μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ. 


Att. iii. 14. 2 (70) loco minime apposito ad 


Πρὸς ταῦθ᾽ 6 τι χρὴ καὶ παλαμάσθων 


By K \ , leet kee Wa) N , θ e 
iM ab TAaVT ἐπ ἐν τεκταινέεσὕύων 


R ille tibi πολλὰ χαίρειν τῷ καλῷ dicens pergit Brundisium. 
Domitium autem aiunt re audita et eos qui una essent se tradi- 
disse. O rem lugubrem! Itaque intercludor dolore quo minus 
; δὰ te plura scribam. ‘Tuas litteras exspecto. 


omnis nos . . . relinguebat| ‘ was 


leaving us unnoticed and unacquainted 


with this vital, this unheard-of, plan of 


his.’ 
2. tlle vir qui esse debuit] < his old self, 
the ideal Pompey.’ 


Πρὺς ταῦθ᾽ These are the words of 
Euripides, possibly from the TZelephus, 
which appear in a modified form in 
Aristophanes, Acharn. 659, where see 
Dr. Starkie’s note. 

τὸ γὰρ εὖ μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ) cp. Att. vi. 
1. 8 (262). 

At ille tibi] ethical dat.: ep. 402. 4, 
and often; see Index. ‘ But now you 
have him bidding a long farewell to 
honour’: cp. Eur. Hipp. 118, τὴν σὴν δὲ 
Κύπριν πόλλ᾽ ἐγὼ χαίρειν λέγω. The 
Latin expression is multam salutem dicere : 
cp. 474. 2, ego vero multim salutem et foro 
dicam et curiae. 


90. EP. 340(a) (ATT. VIII. 9, δὲ 1-8). 


340 (a). CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. vitt. 9, §§ 1-3). 
AQUINUM (?); MARCH 30 . A. U. C. 7053; B. C. 493 ABET, CIC. 57. 


De epistula sua de pace ad Caesarem scripta et a se et ab aliis vulgata, de villis 


suis prope Arpinum visendis. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Epistulam meam quod pervulgatam scribis esse, non fero 


moleste. 


Quin etiam ipse multis dedi describendam. Ea enim et 


acciderunt iam et impendent ut testatum esse velim de pace quid 
senserim. Cum autem ad eam hortarer, eum praesertim hominem, 
non videbar ullo modo facilius moturus quam si id quod eum 
hortarer convenire eius sapientiae dicerem. Eam si ‘admirabilem ἢ 
dixi, quom eum ad salutem patriae hortabar, non sum veritus 
ne viderer adsentari, quoi taliin re libenter me ad pedes abiecissem. 
Qua autem est ‘aliquid impertias temporis,’ non est de pace sed 


1. pervulgatam] The reference here is 
plainly to a letter written by Cicero to 
Caesar. In 366 are found the expressions 
here quoted. Cicero wrote 366 on 
March 19, Caesar had left Brundisium 
for Rome on the same day, so the letter 
met him on the road, say on the 22nd. 
Caesar at once sent Cicero’s letter to 
Rome for publication. It could have 
reached Rome and been published on the 
27th or 28th, and Atticus could have 
written about it on the 28th. Cicero 
may have received this letter of Atticus on 
the 30th, at some place between Formiae 
and Arpinum, perhaps Aquinum (cp. Att. 
Xvi. 13 a. 2 (902)), and replied at once on 
that day. So we have little hesitation in 
considering ῥ᾽ 1-3 (desperavi) as a different 
letter from the rest, which was written 
on February 25 (§ 4). Mr. Jeans (p. 192) 
attributes the division of this letter to 
Schutz, and says that it is generally 
accepted. It is assumed as obvious by 
Guthrie in his translation (11, p. 164), 
a second ed. of which was published 
in 1806; he says, ‘“‘I have not 
altered the usual arrangement of these 
letters (i.e. this one and 366); but this 
one is evidently misplaced, and in a 
regular order it ought to have been pre- 


ceded by our author’s letter to Caesar, 
here referred to’’: cp. also p. 167 of the 
same translation, note 2. Cicero here 
defends the expressions used in the letter 
to Caesar which became public; these 
had been criticized as being too adulatory, 
but Cicero defends himself from this. 
charge with his usual skill. However, 
as Watson remarks, ‘a more serious 
charge might be based on the difference: 
of its language from that of the two. 
letters to Pompey ’ (327, 343). 

testatum esse} ‘should be put on re- 
cord’: cp. testificor, below, and testifica- 
bar, 328. 2. 

quod eum hortarer] ‘The acc. of the 
thing after hortor is not unusual: ΟΡ. 
310. 8, pacem hortari non desino. With 
the neuter pronoun it is quite common: 
Cat.2. 12. 

quoi tali in re. abiecissem] A 
somewhat similar remark, showing — 
Cicero’s earnestness in the cause of peace, 
is given by Plutarch (Cic. 37), ἐν μὲν ody — 
τῇ βουλῇ ψηφιζομένων αὐτῷ θρίαμβον — 
ἥδιον ἄν ἔφη παρακολουθῆσαι Καίσαρι. 
θριαμβεύοντι συμβάσεων γενομένων. ᾿ 

Qua] sc. epistulae parte. ‘When I 
used the phrase spare some time, I didnot — 
mean to the consideration of peace, but to — 


ad Che δ. 


= eo τοι quod 


Ε ᾿ posset. 


BE UE SARS ἡ ὁ ASR USU A) HRY Bi TBE fhe SE ΜΕῚΦΥ Mee iM BB δεν ἣν 4 OP θεν Η RS μ 68 


_ exigency of the occasion demanded,’ 


EP. 340 (a 


es de me ipso et de meo officio ut aliquid cogitet. 
 ficor me expertem belli fuisse, etsi id re perspectum est, tamen eo 
Ι scripsi quo in suadendo plus auctoritatis haberem eodemque 
causam elus probo. 


a) (ATT. VIII. 9, ἃ 1-8). 


91 


Nam quod testi- 


2. Sed quid haec nune? 


- Utinam aliquid profectum esset! Ne ego istas litteras in contione 
‘recitari velim si quidem ille ipse ad eundem scribens in publico 


 proposuit epistulam illam in qua est ‘ 


pro tuis rebus gestis am- 


_ plissimis’ (Amplioribusne quam suis, quam Africani? Ita tempus 
ferebat), si quidem etiam vos duo tales ad quintum miliarium, 


_ viderit Ὁ 


quid nune ipsum de se recipienti, quid agenti, quid acturo ? 
Quanto autem ferocius ille causae suae confidet, cum vos, cum 
δ: similis non modo frequentis sed laeto vultu gratulantis 
‘Num igitur peccamus ?’ 


Minime vos quidem; sed 


 tamen signa couturbantur quibus voluntas a simulatione distingul 


the consideration of myself and my obliga- 
_ tions to lompey.’ A reference to the letter 


_ 366. 3 will at once show that the explan- 


4 ation of the words aliquid imp. temporis 
here given is the natural and right one; 
| but it will be seen that the other way of 
_ understanding the words, 
time to the thoughts of peace,’ was not 


‘spare a little 


impossible. Now, the latter expression 


_ would be a grovelling one, implying that 
_ Caesar was such a great man that it would 
_be a favour on his part to devote a few 


minutes of his precious time even to the 


' consideration of so precious a thing as 
_ peace. 
' given by Cicero involves no derogation _ 
trom a dignitied tone. 
“not quite so successful when he urges 
_ that he dwelt on his own neutrality, and 
allowed that Caesar had a good deal of 
right on his side, only to increase the 
weight of his own recommendations of 
_ ‘peace. 


The explanation of the words 


His contention is 


2. ille ipse} Pompey. The letter re- 
ferred to seems to be that mentioned ina 


similar way in 315. 2, Perspici tamen ex 
| litteris Pompei potest nihil Caesari negart 
_ omniaque et cumulate quae postulet dart. 


‘this is what the 
the 
_ supposed plea of Pompey in defence of 
the landatory expressions used in his 


Lia tempus ferebat) 


ἢ Ε letter a 


vos duo tales | Atticus and Sex. Pedu- 


- cacus, who were going to meet Caesar on 


Quae vero senatus consulta video? Sed apertius quam 


his return to Rome at the fifth milestone 
from the city. 

ad quintum miliarium] sc. obviam wwistis. 
Ellipse of verbs of motion is fairly 
common, see Index: e.g. with obvius cp. 
368. 1, guibus obvit Caesaris tabeliari. 
But here both odviam and wistis are 
omitted; and for such an_ extensive 
omission we can offer no parallel. But 
obviam ire was almost regarded as a single 
word: cp. sbviamitio, 431.1, where see 
note. ‘You are going to meet him, and 
at this very juncture what course does he 
pledge himself to, what is his present 
conduct, what are his designs for the 
future?’ Boot by the simple correction 
of de for unde has restored this passage. 
With the reading wnde se recipientt we 
should have to render quid ‘ why,’ the 
first time it occurs, and ‘what’ in the 
next two cases of its use. Nune ipsum is 
‘this instant.’ 

feroceus| ‘more proudly.’ 

viderit| probably the fut. perf. indic. 

‘ when he shall have seen.’ Β 

signa ... posset} ‘the marks are 
blurred by which sincerity can be dis- 
tinguished from hypocrisy. 

video | ‘foresee’: generally with animo : 
cp. 539. 2, quem (exitum bellt) tam video 
animo quam ea quae oculis cernimus, nee 
vero quidquam video quod non idem te 
videre certo sciam. 

apertius quam proposueram] sc. scripst: 
ep. Q. Fr. ii. 6, 2 (117). 


92 EP. 340(b) (ATT. VIIL. 9, 88 8, 4). 


proposueram. 3. Ego Arpini volo esse pridie Kal., deinde circum 


villulas nostras errare quas visurum me postea desperavi. 


340 (6). CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vii. 9, §§ 3, 4). 


FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 255 A. U.C. 7055; B.C. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 


Consilia Attici Cicero probat. De Balbi minoris missione ad Lentulum consulem. 
Balborum opinionibus de animo Caesaris erga Pompeium minime credit. 


Εὐγενῆ tua consilia et tamen pro temporibus non incauta mihi 
valde probantur. Lepido quidem—nam fere συνδιημερεύομεν, 
quod gratissimum illi est—numquam placuit ex Italia exire, Tullo 
multo minus. Crebro enim illius litterae ab aliis ad nos commeant. 
Sed me illorum sententiae minus movebant : minus multa dederant 
illi rei publicae pignora: tua mehercule auctoritas vehementer 
movet: adfert enim et reliqui temporis recuperandi rationem et 
praesentis tuendi. Sed, obsecro te, quid hoc miserius quam alterum 
plausus in foedissima causa quaerere, alterum offensiones in 


3. Arpini volo esse pridie Kal.| If we 
are right in supposing that this letter was 
written at Aquinum, half-way between 
Formiae and Arpinum, on March 30, he 
would be at Arpinum next day, the day 
before the Kalends of April. 


Εὐγενῆ tua consilia .. . probantur] 
The new letter begins here. It was 
written on February 25: cp. ὃ 4. ‘Of 
your counsels, which are of noble strain, 
and yet, as the circumstances demand, 
not without prudence, I warmly ap- 
prove’: cp. Plut. Dem. 13. 5, εἴγε τῇ 
περὶ τὰς ὑποθέσεις (‘principles’) αὐτοῦ 
φιλοτιμίᾳ καὶ τῇ τῶν λόγων εὐγενείᾳ παρῆν 
ἀνδρεία πολεμιστήριος. The advice which 
Atticus gave is that contained in 366. 7, 
si M’. Lepidus et L. Voleatius remanent, 
manendum puto, ita ut si salvus sit Pom- 
peius et constiterit alicubi, hance véxuav 
relingquas et te in certamine vinci cum tllo 
Sacilius patiaris quam cum hoe in ea quae 
perspicitur futura colluvie regnare. 

Lepido . .. Tuilo| M’. Lepidus and 
L, Voleatius Tullus, consuls in 66: cp. 328. 
5, note. 


συνδιημερεύομενἾ cp. 333. 2, M’. 
Lepidus, quocum diem conterere solebam. 

illius | 1.6. of Tullus. 

commeant| ‘make their way,’ a some- 
what rare word in Cic. : cp. Cael. 38, ewius 
in hortos... libidines omnium commearent, 
and Leg. Manil. 55. 

Sed me minus movebant| The 
opinions of Lepidus and Tullus had not 
so much weight with him, as they were not 
applicable to his own case; for they had 
never given so many pledges as Cicero, 
in their past services, for their future 
conduct (cp. 349. 2). But the advice of 
Atticus, not to leave Italy, was accom- 
panied by a scheme for making the present 
secure and retrieving the past. 

quid hoc miserius guam| For this 
pleonasm, whereby the comparative both 
governs the ablative and is followed by 
quam, see on Att. iv, 8 ὁ, 2 (118). 

quaerere| here = acquirere ‘to earn.’ 


cp. e.g. Livy ii. 44. 3, neque enim umquam — 
defuturum qui et ex coliega victoriam Sibi 
et gratiam melioris partis bono publico — 
It is — 
especially used with words like daudem — 


velit quaesitam: also xxv. 6. 1]. 


honorem, &c., Lig. 37. 


᾿ 
᾿ 


i 


τ 


ΟΡαΐαν!, quid iniustius? Sed 
dolorem retractando. 


ta 
4. 


| poterat ; 
| hoe τέρας horribili vigilantia, 
- quid futurum sit nescio. 


τ΄ talibus viris| the senators and others 
- shut up with Domitius in Corfinium. 
| illorum caede| if Caesar should put 
} them to death. 
386 4. ~ Balbus minor] 342.5; cp. 340. 3; 
Fe 6860. 1, 427. 1, and especially Fam. x. 
7 382. 1-3 (896). He was nephew of the 
- elder Balbus. 
Lentulum consulem] 342. 5. 
_ ut redeat) Iti is hard to say whether ut 
* here means ‘urging him to return,’ as 
| often after litteras mittere (cp. 418. 3), 0 
' ‘to induce him to return,’ taken pele 
" with cum promissione provinciae, or ‘if 
_ only he would return,’ ‘on condition of 
| his returning,’ cp. note to 470. 5. Most 
_ probably the latter, cp. 342. 5, cum 
| litteris Caesaris praemiorumque promissis 
 8ὲ Romam revertisset. 
nisi erit conventus| se. Lentulus. * Len- 
_ tulus will not be persuaded to transfer his 
allegiance to Caesar unless he has an 
' interview with Balbus’ (lit. ‘ unless he is 
met’): cp. 342. 5, quam potuit convenire ; 


| Balbo conventum; 382. 11, sed opus fuit 
_ Hirtio convento ? 


Εἰ 

; 

! 

ὃ 
if 
| 


EP. 840(b) (ATT. VIII. 9, 8 8, 4). 


860.1, seripsit Balbus putareiamLentulum - 
 consulem tramisisse nec eum ὦ minore, 


93: 


q optima? alterum existimari conservatorem inimicorum, alterum 
_ desertorem amicorum? Et mehercule quamvis amemus Gnaeum 
‘a nostrum, ut et facimus et debemus, tamen hoc, quod talibus viris. 
_ non subyenit, laudare non possum. Nam sive timuit, quid ignavius? 
' sive, ut quidam putant, meliorem suam causam illorum caede fore 


haec omittamus; augemus enim 


4. vi. Kal. vesperi Balbus minor ad me 
᾿ yenit, occulta via currens ad Lentulum consulem, missu Caesaris, 
- cum litteris, cum mandatis, cum promissione provinciae, Romam 
ut redeat, quoi persuaderi posse non arbitror nisi erit conventus. 
Idem aiebat nihil malle Caesarem quam ut Pompeium adseque- 
ee : -retur—id credo—et rediret in gratiam—id non credo et metuo ne 
omnis haec clementia ad Cinneam illam erudelitatem colligatur.. 

' Balbus quidem maior ad me scribit nihil malle Caesarem quam 
_ principe Pompeio sine metu vivere. 
~ cum haee scribebam v Kalend, Pompeius iam Brundisium venisse- 
| expeditus enim antecesserat legiones x1 K. Luceria. Sed 


Tu, puto, haec credis. Sed, 


celeritate, diligentia est. Plane. 


Cinneam| For unam of the mss. Sul-. 
lanam and Cinnanam have been suggested, 
but Cinneus is the form which Cicero. 
uses in Fam. i. 9. 11 (153), and, as rare, 
would have been exposed to corruption. 

colligatur] ‘this clemency of his (1.6. 
reputation for clemency ) is being acquired 
so as to enable him to massacre his 
enemies, as Cinna did’; that is he 
would he able to surprise them, as _ his. 
apparent clemency would have lulled their 
fears to rest: cp. 352. 2 (Cuesaris) insi- 
diosa clementia. For colligere Watson com- 
pares benevolentiam colligere Lael. 61; 
rumorem bonum colligant De Leg. i. 50. 
Add 394. 1 ut collectam gratiam florentis- . 
simi hominis effunderem. We should have 
expected fuma clementiae, as in Livy xxi. 
48. 10 ut fama clementiae colligeretur. 

expeditus| ‘For in light marching 
trim he started off before the legions from 
Luceria on February 19th. But this. 
monster (Caesar) is endowed with terrible. 
alertness, rapidity, and activity.’ For 
vigilantia cp. 348. 1, guam vigilantem. 
Caesar was, as we should say in colloquial 
language, ‘ wide awake.’ 


94 EP. 341 (ATT. VIII. 10). ‘ 


341. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vi. 10). 
FORMIAE > FEBRUARY 26; A. U.C. 705; B. Οἱ 49; AET. CIC. 57. 


De Dionysio a se ipsius voluntate dimisso. 


‘ CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


Dionysius cum ad me praeter opinionem meam venisset, locutus 
sum cum eo liberalissime: tempora exposui: rogavi ut diceret 
quid haberet in animo, me nihil ab ipso invito contendere. Re- 
spondit se quod in nummis haberet nescire quo loci esset: alios 
non solvere, aliorum diem nondumesse. Dixit etiam alia quaedam 
de servulis suis qua re nobiscum esse non posset. Morem gessi : 
dimisi a me, ut magistrum Ciceronum non libenter, ut hominem 


ingratum non invitus. 
iudicarem. 


Dionysius | See on 316. 8. 

tempora| ‘ the present circumstances.’ 

contendere] ‘to demand, require’; fre- 
quently in this sense followed by αὖ, and 
ablative of person in Cicero, e.g. Pro 
Quinet. 77.2 Pam. a6, 1. 1177}; ° xili. 
We 3 (04) 3) 2e Votry 11. 101. 9) ὲ Or: i, 
166, 

quod in nummis haberet] ‘how his 
money affairs stood.’ Boot shows that 
this phrase refers not only to ready 
money, but to money out at interest (Verr. 
111. 199; Rosc. Com. 22). Some of his 
debtors did not pay ; in the case of others 
the money was not yet due. 

quo loci| The adverb gwo in the sense of 
‘where’ is rare, but classical: ep. De 
Div. ii. 185, e¢ simul dicere quo illa loci 
nasceretur: Att. 1. 13. 5 (19), res eodem 


Volui te scire et quid ego de eius facto 


est loci quo reliquisti; Hor. Carm. i. 38. 
3, rosa quo locorum sera moretur. 

qua re nohiscum esse non posset| ‘to 
show why he could not stay with me.’ 

Morem gessi| “1 yielded to him.’ 

ul mayistrum}] Boot compares ut in 
tantis iniuriis non invita, ut ὦ Vvire non 
libenter, Cluent. 14: cp. Att. ii. 18. 3 
(45), and iv. 1. 8 (90). 

Volui . . . iudicarem| ‘I wished you 
to know (this), and my opinion of his 
conduct.” Sjégren (p. 116) has shown 
that we should not add id after volui. He 
compares Acad. 11. 11, stomachari tamen 
coeptt. Mirabar : nec enim umguam ante 
videram (56. eum stomachari): Fam. x. 31. 
6 (824), Quaeres quanti aestimem (where 
Or., Wes., Btr. add id): and he refers 
to Lebreton (p. 151) for many examples. 


EP. 3)2 (ATT. VIII. 11). 95 


4 342. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. virt. 11). 
_ FORMIAE; FEBRUARY 27; A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


_. De omni statu rei publicae dissidentibus Pompeio et Caesare et de misera condicione 
sua, quippe cui uterque timendus esse videatur, de Caesaris litteris et mandatis ad se 

Ε datis, de epistularum commercio inter se et Pompeium, de Caesaris per Apuliam ad 
_ Brundisium cursu et de sermonibus bonorum, de Demetrii libro περὶ ὁμονοίας ad se 
_ mittendo. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


9 Τ᾽ o*Plicatur. 
ΠΣ is nostris : 


_ videmur, expressimus. 


1. Quod... sum equidem] ‘ Asto your 
_ Supposition that I am suffering great 
anxiety of mind, yes, indeed I am.’ 
constitit consilinm | ‘a fixed resolve 
‘has been made.’ Lehmann (p. 8), com- 
_ paring this and other passages, introduces 
_ consistere before or after consilium in Att. 
pa. 25. 1 (486). We know of no other 
Beeesage in which consistere is used in this 
sense with consiliwm except Ter. Ad. 613, 
_pector 6 consistere nil consili quit. 
__ tamen| ‘that, in spite of what I have 
νῆσος (about its uselessness), I do all 
day.’ Thisisa use of tamen sometimes 
found in the letters e. g. Q. Fr. ii. 9. 3 
(152) and common in the comic drama, 
as in ‘T'er. Ad. 85, alieniore actate post faciet 
“tamen, " after all, all the same.’ Madvig’s 
Conjecture (A. C. ii. 236), made also by 
~ Boot qa adopted by Miiller, /amentari 
autem Ticet illud quidem totos dies, is very 
“pretty: illud quidem is a thoroughly 
-Ciceronian idiom ; but we are not justified 


is satiate PT te eee CCL aL φο τ φινφ δῶ 


| ae . Φ 
— 1. Quod me magno animi motu perturbatum putas, sum 
᾿ς equidem, sed non tam magno quam tibi fortasse videor. IJ.evatur 


_ enim omnis cura cum aut constitit consilium aut cogitando nihil 
Lamentari autem _licet. 
_ Sed vereor ne, nihil cum proficiam, etiam dedecor sim studiis ac 
consumo igitur omne tempus considerans quanta 
' vis sit illius viri quem nostris [libris] satis diligenter, ut tibi quidem 


Illud tamen totos dies. 


‘Tenesne igitur moderatorem illum rei 
_publicae quo referre velimus omnia ? 
in libro loquitur Scipio: ‘Ut enim gubernatori cursus secundus, 
/ medico salus, imperatori victoria, sic huie moderatori rei publicae 


Nam 516 quinto, ut apinor, 


in leaving the tradition of the mss. when 
they present us with a reading which is 
itself consistent with the context and with 
Latinity. 

illius viri quem. . . expressimus]| ‘the 
ideal statesman delineated in the Re- 
public.’ 

nostris| Sjogren (p. 166) has shown 
that we should omit didris as a gloss. It 
is not found in M! EP, and Cicero gene- 
rally uses mea, nostra for his writings. He 
compares Lael. 4, mea legens; Fin. i. 7, 
quominus omnes mea legant; Off. i. 2, 
nostra legens ; Acad. i. 8, meorum ; ib., in 
illis veteribus nostris. 

Tenesne . . . omnia 3) ‘you grasp, do 
you not, the standard by which I would 
have the ideal statesman regulate all his 
acts?’ . 

quinto .. 
publica § 8. 

ut... honesta sit) ‘that it may be 
strong in resources, rich in wealth, great 


. in libro] of the De Re- 


96 EP, 342 (ATT. VIII, 11). 


beata civium vita proposita est, ut opibus firma, copiis locuples, — 
gloria ampla, virtute honesta sit. Huius enim operis maximi inter 4 
homines atque optimi illum esse perfectorem volo.’ 2. Hoc Gnaeus — 
noster cum antea numquam tum in hae causa minime cogitavit. 
Dominatio quaesita ab utroque est, non id actum beata et honesta — 
Nec vero ille urbem reliquit quod eam tueri non : 


civitas ut esset. 
posset, nec Italiam quod ea pelleretur, sed hoe a primo cogitavit, 


omnis terras, omnia maria movere, reges barbaros incitare, gentis 


feras armatas in Italiam adducere, exercitus conficere maximos. 
Genus illud Sullani regni iam pridem appetitur, multis qui una 
sunt cupientibus. An censes nihil inter eos convenire, nullam 
pactionem fieri potuisse ἢ Hodie potest. Sed neutri σκοπὸς est ille 


ut nos beati simus: uterque regnare vult. 
Voluisti enim me quid de his malis sentirem 
1Προθεσπίζω igitur, noster Attice, non hariolans ut illa 


breviter exposul. 
ostendere. 


3. Haec a te invitatus 


cui nemo credidit, sed coniectura prospiciens : 


Iamque mari magno...... 


non multo, inquam, secus possum vaticinari: tanta rmalorum | 


in renown, noble in virtue. For I would 
that he should completely accomplish 
this, the greatest and best work in the 
world.’ 

2. non id actum . . . posset] ‘the aim 
has never been the happiness and honour 
of the State. Nor in truth did he abandon 
the city from any idea that he could not 
hold it.’ 

a primo] cp. note to 360. 5. 

movere| ‘to plunge in war,’ as in 


Vergil, Aen. vii, 312, flectere si nequeo 


superos Acheronta movebo. 

nihil inter eos . . . potuisse] ‘ that there 
is no agreement between them, that no 
bargain has been possible.’ 

σκοπὸς} There is no single Latin 
word which expresses ‘aim’ so well as 
σκοπός, so Cicero here and elsewhere 
uses that word: Att. 11. 18, 1 (46); 
xv. 29. 2 (768). 

uterque regnare vult| cp. 3892. 5, eum 
idem (Caesar) amicus esset Pompeto : sen- 
seram enim quam tidem essent. 

3. Προθεσπίζω... Ἰλιάς] “1 fore- 
tell then, my dear Atticus, not with the 
inspired ravings of Cassandra, whom no 
one believed, but with the foresight of 
reasonable anticipation. ‘Now o’er the 
mighty main’: almost in this wise, I 


say, 1 can prophesy : such an Iiiad of 
calamity hangs o’er us’: hariolans is 
used by the older writers, Plautus, Ennius, 
and others, of prophesying truly, by the 
inspiration of prophecy: and so it seems 
to be used here in opposition to the fore- 


casting of events by considerations of | 


ordinary reason. In the sense of ‘ talking 
nonsense’ we find the word used by 
Ter. Phorm. 492; Ad. 202. 

coniectura prospiciens | cp. 307.4, μάντις 
δ᾽ ἄριστος boris εἰκάζει καλῶς, and note 
there. 

Iamque mari| He uses the words of 
Cassandra in the Alexander of Ennius, but 
declares that in his case it is a rational 
forecast, while the utterance of Cassandra 
was due to divine inspiration, implying 
that reason is a surer guide. The whole 
passage, as restored from this and other 
passages, especially Orat. 155, where it 
is cited as preserving an example of 
exitium for exitiorum, is in dactylic tetra- 
meters— 

᾿ Tamque mari magno classis cita 
Texitur, exitiim examen rapit ; 
Adveniet, fera velivolantibus 
Navibus complebit manus litora.. 


maloruin ... Ἷλι 495] =IAtas κακῶν, 
‘a whole Iliad of disasters’: cp. odiorum 


᾿ EP. 342 (ATT. VIII. 11). 97 


-impendet ᾿Ιλιάς. Atque hoc nostra gravior est causa qui domi 
 sumus quam illorum qui una transierunt, quod ille quidem alterum 
 metuunt, nos utrumque. 4. Cur igitur, inquis, remansimus? Vel 
ΠῚ paruimus vel non occurrimus vel hoc fuit rectius. Conculeari, 
inquam, miseram Italiam videbis proxima aestate tqaut utriusque 
in mancipiist ex omni genere collectis, nec tam proscriptio perti- 
mescenda, quae Luceriae multis sermonibus denuntiata esse dicitur, 
quamt universam interitus: tantas in confligendo utriusque viris 


video futuras. Habes coniecturam meam. Τὰ autem consolationis 


| Ilias, Plaut. Mil. 743 : tune vero longas 
Ι “condimus Iliadas, Ῥτορ. 11. 1. 14 : ep. Ovid 
' Pont. ii. 7. 34, Ilias est fati longa futura 
met; Demosth. Fals. Leg. 387, ὁ 148, καὶ 


bY 


κακῶν Ἰλιὰς περιειστήκει ϑηβαίους: ; also 
_ Lucian Conviv. 35; and often. 

hoc| ‘for this reason.’ 

quidem| So Klotz for gui of the ss. 
_ Editors usually bracket the word. 
_ metuunt]) The mss. give manuunt ; 
but it is well-nigh impossible that any 
other word but metuunt can have been 
originally written. As Miiller points out, 
‘the slip may have been made by the 
copyist owing to the proximity of 
remANsimus. None of the conjectures 
we made in our former ed. now com- 
-mends itself: the least unsatisfactory is 
‘the supposition that a Greek word is lost 
like μηνίοντα with habent following, 
_ 4. non oceurrimus| If this reading is 
‘sound, it must convey the same meaning 
‘as obire non potui, 345, “1 did not effect 
a meeting with him on his departure 
from Italy.’ <A conjecture mentioned by 
Boot, non erat cur wremus, is ingenious. 
Subsequently Boot read non occurrit 
melius, ‘no better course suggested 
itself’: but this would require nihil 
ather than non. 
aut utriusque in mancipiis!| Shuck- 
burgh translates ‘or [Italy will be] in 
the hands of the slaves of both leaders 
yathered from the four corners of the 
earth ’; and much the same is the render- 
ing of Mr. Winstedt. We doubt whether 
m can bear this meaning. Could one say 
urbs est in militibus, ‘the city is in the 
ands of the soldiers’? It is some- 
what strange that Cicero should speak 
of Pompey’s forces as ‘slaves’; but 


VOL. IV. 


ee 


μ᾿ 4 5. 4} I BET HR Oi SS PANT OE RE 5.50) SE ὙΦ Εν 
_ 


ortasse aliquid exspectasti; nihil invenio! nihil fieri potest mise- 
rius, nihil perditius, nihil foedius. 


5. Quod quaeris quid Caesar 


he was thinking of all the eastern forces 
Pompey was going to bring against 
Rome (cp. 364. 2), and eastern nations 
were to the Romans and Greeks φύσει 
δοῦλοι; and the Gallic soldiery which 
were in Caesar’s service, and which he 
could not allow to be other than on a 
lower level of civilization than the 
Romans. Besides, we must remember 
that Cicero is writing in a peevish and 
bitter strain here, and his words are not 
to be taken as strictly literal. We think 
that the in is a dittography of m in 
mancipiis; and that we should add aut 
altertus utriusque after aut utriusque. 
For the conjectures of Boot and Madvig 
see Adn. Crit. Pompey’s plan all along 
was to use his great influence in the East 
and employ his fleet (362.4; 364. 2; 
392. 4) to starve out Italy; and to amass 
a large army of barbarian troops to lead 
against his country: cp. 365. 3, me, 
quem non nulit conservatorem istius urbis, 
quem parentem dixerunt, Getarum et Ar- 
meniorum et Colchorum copias ad eam 
adducere ? me meis ciwibus famem, vasti- 
tatem inferre Italiae ? cp. Dio Cass. xli, 
10. 3. 

proscriptio ... Luceriae| cp. 352. 2; 
367.3. Thess. have only zptio. Muretus 
conj. direptio. See Adn. Crit. 

tuniversam] The ed. Rom. has wni- 
verse, which may lend some support to 
Biicheler’s wniversae reip. The margin 
of Lambinus’s ed. has universus, which 
is possible: cp. Tusc. i. 90, facto interitu 
universo. Wes. suggests universae Italiae. 
Possibly wniversorum; but no certainty 
is attainable. Gronovius would supply 
<singulis est proscr>iptio. 

coniecturam| ‘ forecast,’ ‘ anticipation.’ 


H 


98 EP, 342 (ATT. ΙΧ, 11). 


ad me scripserit, scripsit quod saepe, gratissimum sibi esse quod 
quierim, oratque in eo ut perseverem. Balbus minor haec eadem 
mandata. Iter autem eius erat ad Lentulum consulem cum © 
litteris Caesaris praemiorumque promissis si Romam revertisset. — 
Verum, cum habeo rationem dierum, ante puto tramissurum quam — 
potuerit conveniri. 6, Epistularum Pompei duarum quas ad me © 
misit neglegentiam meamque in rescribendo diligentiam volui tibi_ 


notam esse. 


aliquid simile Parthicis rebus ! 


Earum exempla ad te misi. 
Apuliam ad Brundisium cursus quid efficiat exspecto. 


7. Caesaris hic per — 


Utinam 


Simul aliquid audiero, scribam ad 


te: tu ad me velim bonorum sermones; Romae frequentes esse 


dicuntur. 


audire te multa_ necesse est. 


5. seripsit quod saepe| We have added 
scripsit, which makes the sentence run 
more smoothly, but is perhaps not abso- 
lutely necessary (cp. note to 351. 2), ‘ As 
to your question about what Caesar wrote 
to me, it was just the same as often.’ 
Cicero probably answered this letter 
without delay: cp. 3866. ὃ cum antea 
tibi de Lentulo gratias egissem. Neither 
Caesar’s letter nor Cicero’s reply is 
extant. 

Iter autem eius| cp. 340. 4, which 
passage compare also for conveniri. 

rationem dierum| ‘when I count the 
days it will take Balbus to reach Lepidus, 
I think Lepidus will cross the sea with 
Pompey before the interview can take 
place.’ 

6. Epistularum Pompei duarum]| viz. 
322 and 324. Cicero’s replies are 327 
and 343. 

neglegentiam| This is usually inter- 
preted ‘careless style,’ and Cicero does 
at times notice faults of style, even in 
important documents, e.g. Att. xvi. 4. 1 
(771), pauca παρὰ λέξιν. But Cicero 
thought highly of Pompey as a writer, 
and calls him a luculentus scriptor (315. 
2); and there was nothing very incorrect 
in grammar or expression in Pompey’s 
letters. We rather think the word means 
‘perfunctory nature,’ ‘off-hand style,’ 
of his letters, and diligentiam is the 

‘studied nature’ of Cicero’s replies. 
Pompey’ s letters are very short indeed, 
just dashed off, merely orders giving no 
reasons or arguments. Cicero’s replies 


Scio equidem te in publicum non prodire, sed tamen 
Memini librum tibi 


adferri a 


(327 and 343) are very careful and 
studied documents. 

7. Caesaris exspecto] ‘I am 
looking out for the result of Caesar’s 
rapid advance through Apulia on Brun- 
disium.’ 

Parthicis rebus| It is generally held 
that Cicero is here recurring to the 
aspiration already expressed in 326. 8, 
that some unexpected stroke of luck, like 
the sudden retirement of the Parthians 
from the province of Bibulus, might now 
occur. He seems to enjoy referring to 
this incident as a pure stroke of luck, 
whereas there is good reason to believe 
that it was brought about by the diplo- 
macy of Bibulus, who fomented dissension 
between the rival Parthian chiefs, Pacorus 
and his father Orodes (Dio Cass. xl. 30. 
2). eon jealousy of Bibulus (cp. 
Att. vi. 8. 5 (281); vil. 2. 6 (293), and - 
Ee will not allow him to accept 
any explanation of the incident but that 
it was a piece of unheard-of luck, ineredi- 
bili felicitate, Att. vi. 6. 3 (276). But we 
think with Prof. Goligher that this in- 
terpretation would require some specifi- 
cation such as Parthicis illis rebus; and 
that the reference is to, the general 
character of Parthian attacks, which — 
were of the nature of raids, formidable at 
first, but soon ceasing. Mr. Jeans ele-— 
gantly translates, ‘may it be like a 
chapter in Parthian history!’ ing 

Memini librum] ‘1 remember a book, 
De Concordia, being brought to you by 
Demetrius of "Magnesia, a book dedicated — 


is 


Ἢ EP. 343 (ATT. VIII. 11 D). 99 


peng 


- Demetrio Magnete ad te missum [scio] περὶ ὁμονοίας, Eum mihi 
| velim mittas. Vides quam causam mediter. 


ae 


| 848, CICERO TO POMPEY (Arr, vit. 11). 


FORMIAE 3} FEBRUARY 273; A. U.C. 7053 B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero causas reddit cur ad Pompeium Brundisium venire non potuisset utpote 
ἃ Caesare exclusus, declarat se semper nihil malle quam pacem, sed si de pace despera- 
| tum sit se civis boni animum esse habiturum. 


M. CICERO IMP. 8. Ὁ. CN. MAGNO PROCOS. 


_ 1. Cum ad te litteras misissem quae tibi Canusi redditae 
sunt, suspicionem nullam habebam te rei publicae causa mare 
 transiturum, eramque in spe magna fore ut in Italia possemus aut 
~ concordiam constituere, qua mihi nihil utilius videbatur, aut rem 
| publicam summa cum dignitate defendere. Interim nondum 
' meis litteris ad te perlatis ex his mandatis quae D. Laelio ad 
~ consules dederas certior tui consili factus non exspectavi dum 
~ mihi a te litterae redderentur confestimque cum Quinto fratre et 


to you by him. I wish you would let 
χη have it. You see what ré/e I am 
studying.’ Cicero mentions in Att. iv. 
11. 2 (124) a book by Demetrius which 
he then sent to Atticus. It may have 
been the same book πεοὶ ὁμονοίας, and 
have been used by Cicero in the De 
Republica. We hear of other works by 
‘the same writer, περὶ ὁμωνύμων πόλεων 
and περὶ ὅμωνύμων͵ ποιητῶν (cp. Pauly- 
Wissowa, iv. 2814). Demetrius was 
ἃ learned Greek, who lived at Rome in 
‘the time of Cicero. Dionysius of 
‘Halicarnassus (De Deinarcho 1) calls 
him πολυίστωρ. Mittere is applied to 
‘the dedication of a book in De Sen. 8, 
‘Fin. i. 8. The part Cicero'is studying is 
the reconciliation of Caesar and Pompey. 
᾿ς 5010) This word is probably to be 
omitted. It may have arisen from Scio 
_equidem, above. We might perhaps take 
ad te missum scio parenthetical (‘1 know 
that it was dedicated to you’), 


SIEM A DG ὁ Sore TEFEN NE 18 AT ΦΡΡΗΡ ae On hme ῥ ΦΕΥ͂ Prem om Μεθ; τ ρΉρη 


cum liberis nostris iter ad te in Apuliam facere coepi. 


2. Cum 


On this letter a valuable paper has 
been written in the Journal of Philology, 
xxx11I (1914), pp. 154-160, by Mr. J. Ὁ. 
Duff, of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

1. ditteras] viz. 327. 

misissem]| Boot, Wesenberg, and others 
would change misissem to misi eas, on 
the ground that it was at the time of his 
sending the letter, and not afterwards, 
that Cicero had no suspicion of Pompey’s 
intention to leave Italy. But may not 
misissem be regarded as an instance of an 
epistolary tense, and so conveying no more 
past signification than misi? cp. audissem, 
Att. vil. 16 fin. (852), The change would 
be rather violent. 

concordiam constituere | 
some pacific settlement.’ 

D. Laelio} ep. 331. 3 and note. 

confestimque| English idiom would 
say ‘but,’ not ‘and’: cp. 324 Nemo hue 
ita adfert omniaque quae nolim and note 
theré. 


“bring about 


H 2 


100 EP. 343 (ATT. VIII. 11D). 


Teanum Sidicinum venissem, ©. Messius, familiaris tuus, mihi — 
dixit aliique complures Caesarem iter habere Capuam et eo ipso 
die mansurum esse Aeserniae. Sane sum commotus quod, si ita 
esset, non modo iter meum interclusum sed me ipsum plane — 
exceptum putabam. Itaque tum Cales processi ut ibi potissimum 
consisterem dim cértum nobis ab Aesernia de eo quod audieram — 
referretur. ὃ. At mihi cum Calibus essem adfertur litterarum 
tuarum exemplum quas tu ad Lentulum consulem misisses. Hae 
litteras tibi a 1,.. Domitio a. ἃ. xm Kal. 
Martias adlatas esse, earumque exemplum subscripseras, magnique 
interesse rei publicae scripseras omnis copias primo quoque tem- - 
pore in unum locum convenire et ut praesidi quod satis esset 
Capuae relinqueret. His ego litteris lectis in eadem opinione fui 
qua reliqui omnes te cum omnibus copis ad Corfinium esse ven- 
turum, quo mihi, cum Caesar ad oppidum castra haberet, tutum iter 
‘esse non arbitrabar. Cum res in summa exspectatione esset, utrum- 
que simul audiimus et quae Corfini acta essent et te iter Brundi- 
sium facere coepisse, cumque nec mihi nec fratri meo dubium esset 
quin Brundisium contenderemus, a multis quie Samnio Apuliaque 
veniebant admoniti sumus ut caveremus ne exciperemur a Caesare, 
quod is in eadem loca quae nos petebamus profectus celerius etiam 


τῇ 


| 


scriptae sic erant: 


quam nos possemus eo quo intenderet venturus esset. Quod © 
2. C. Messius| cp. note to Att. iv. Litterarum tuarum] 337. 2. 
15. 9 (148). He proposed extravagant in eadem opinione fur qua religui) 


When the verb in both clauses is the 


powers for Pompey as corn-commissioner 
im “67: cp. Att. iy. 1. 7 (90); and) had 
previously interested himself for Cicero’s 
recall. 

Caesarem ... Capuam] This is proof 
that it was surmised that Caesar might 
possibly leave Domitius alone and move 
southward at once. 

quod, st... putabam| This passage, 
as well as one in § 3 (admoniti sumus ... 
Caesare), is quoted by Nonius (298. 21) 
as from the Fourth Book of Cicero’s 
correspondence with Pompey. 

certum ... referretur | ‘certain news 
should be brought’ ; literally, ‘it should 
be reported for certain,” like certwm scire, 
nescire. 

3. cum Calibus essem| Mr. Duff (p. 
157 fin.) notices that this is not true. 
ns had got back to Formiae (337. 
1). : 


same, and the same preposition governs. 
both antecedent and relative, the pre- 
position need not be repeated: see on 
Q. Fr. 1. 4. 4 (72). 

cum ves in summa exspectatione ersety 
‘when the result was eagerly waited for’: 
ep. Plaut. Mil. 1279, ne sies in exspecta- 
tione, ‘don’t be waited for’ (cp. Capt. 253). 
For similar expressions with im cp. Att. 11. 
24, ὃ (41), res erat in ea opinione (cp. De 


Domo 11); 111. 18. 1 (76) am est aliquid 


in spe # 
cumque . 
both my brother and I were quite deter= 
mined to hasten to Brundisium.’ 
quod is... venturus esset | 
started for the same place as we were 


making for, and was likely to arrive — 


more quickly than we could at his 
destination.’ 


= 
. contenderemus| ‘and when — 


‘as he had — 


δ δ ες rte eee 


2 


na 


pa ber Sage 


ey 


i 


oe 
Ε δ 
ὯΝ 
fey 
Pe 
i$ 


cum ita esset, nec mihi nec fratri meo nec cuiquam amicorum 
_ placuit committere ut temeritas nostra non solum nobis sed 
etiam rei publicae noceret, cum praesertim non dubitaremus quin 


[: semus. 


EP. 348 (ATT. VIII. 11 D). 


101 


8] etiam tutum nobis iter fuisset te tamen iam consequl non pos- 
4. Interim accepimus tuas litteras Canusio ἃ. ἃ. x Kal. 


[ ᾿Μαιίίαβ datas quibus nos hortaris ut celerius Brundisium venia- 
" mus, quas cum accepissemus a. d. 111 Kal. Martias non dubita- 


7 _ bamus quin tu iam Brundisium pervenisses, nobisque iter illud 


~omnino interclusum videbamus neque minus nos esse captos quam 


“qui Corfini fuissent. 


Neque enim eos solos arbitrabamur capi 


qui in armatorum manus incidissent, sed eos nihilo minus qui 


_ sent. 


᾿ regionibus exclusi inter praesidia atque intra arma aliena venis- 
5. Quod cum ita sit, maxime vellem primum semper tecum 


δι... quod quidem [101 ostenderam cum a me Capuam reicie- 
᾿ Ν᾿... quod feci non vitandi oneris causa sed quod videbam 
_ teneri iliam urbem sine exercitu non posse, accidere autem mihi 


Ee Bpolebam quod doleo viris fortissimis accidisse. 


Quoniam autem 


_ tecum ut essem non contigit, utinam tui consili certior factus 


 essem! 


᾿ς 806, etiam reipublicae noceret| If im- 
' portant people like the Ciceros fell into 
_ Caesar’s hands, it might cause some per- 
' turbation i in the circle of the Optimates 
ἢ and dishearten their supporters ; and 
_ Cicero, too, may have had in mind that 
| Atticus said in a letter of Feb. 7 (365. 5), 
» «By joining Pompey, you will run great 
" danger,’ nec reip. proderis, cui quidem 
| posterius poteris prodesse, δὺ manseris. 
Cicero, by remaining in Italy, could 
' work for peace. 
4. twas litteras| viz. 334. 
(qui regionibus exclusi . . . venissent] 
‘who are cut off by certain districts (by 
their geographical position), and find 
' themselves between the fortified positions 
_ and inside the actual lines of the enemy ἢ 
ep. 356. 2, cum inter me et Brundisium 
5 Caesar eset. The praesidia appear to be 
_ the towns in Picenum and Samnium 
' which were then in Caesar’s hands. 
_ Wesenberg reads regionibus suis; but we 
do not feel quite certain what he means. 
Is it ‘ excluded from their own districts’ 


Nam suspicione adsequi non potui, quod omnia prius 
᾿  arbitratus sum fore quam ut haec rei publicae causa in Italia non 
 posset duce te consistere. Neque vero nune consilium tuum repre- 


(i.e. the districts held by their own 
forces)? Wes. says that we must have 
suis, so as to mark the contrast with 
arma aliena. 

5. cum Capuae reiciebam| See Addenda 


to Comm. i, and 327. 3. Si tenendam 
hane oram putas . . . opus est esse qui 
praesit. This is, we think, the ‘resig- 


nation’ of Capua to which Cicero is 
referring here; for after praesit he goes 
on to say in 327. 3, Sim omnia in unum 
locum contrahenda sunt, non dubito quin 
ad te statim veniam, quo mihi nihil optatius 
est, as he had also said to him on 
January 17, before they left the city. 
Cicero may have been ‘unwilling to 
accept’ Capua on January 17, but Pompey 
could not suppose that he ‘ refused’ it. 
Nam... consistere] Mr. Duff notices 
(p. 157) that this also (cp. § 3) is an 
untrue statement: cp. 303; tf 4; 
315. 1; 321.1; 365.6. But Cicero 
may in a measure be excused if we 
remember that he is here remonstrating 
about his never having been consulted by 


102 


hendo sed fortunam rei publicae lugeo, nec, si ego quid tu sis — 
secutus non perspicio, idcirco minus existimo te nihil nisi summa ὦ 
ratione fecisse. 6. Mea quae semper fuerit sententia, primum de — 
pace vel iniqua condicione retinenda, deinde de urbe—nam de — 
Italia quidem nihil mihi umquam ostenderas—meminisse te arbi- 
Sed mihi non sumo ut meum consilium valere debuerit: | 
-secutus sum tuum, neque id rei publicae causa de qua desperavi, — 
quae et nune adflicta est nec excitari sine civili perniciosissimo 
bello potest, sed te quaerebam, tecum esse cupiebam, neque eius 


tror. 


EP, 348 (ATT. VIII. 11 1). 


rel facultatem, si quae erit, praetermittam. 7. Ego me in hae 
omni causa facile intellegebam pugnandi cupidis hominibus non 


satis facere. 


Primum enim prae me tuli me nihil malie quam 


pacem, non quin eadem timerem quae illi sed ea bello civili 
leviora ducebam. Deinde suscepto bello, cum pacis condiciones 
ad te adferri a teque ad ea honorifice et large responderi viderem, 
duxi meam rationem quam tibi facile me probaturum pro tuo in 


me beneficio arbitrabar. 


Memineram me esse unum qui pro meis 


maximis in rem publicam meritis supplicia miserrima et crudelis- 
sima pertulissem, me esse unum qui, si offendissem eius animum 
cui tum cum iam in armis essemus consulatus tamen alter et trium- 
phus amplissimus deferebatur, subicerer eisdem proeliis, ut mea 


Pompey or informed of his plans (ep. 
343. 6; 356. 2); and that he does not 
mean that such an idea as Pompey’s 
leaving Italy never entered his head, but 
that Pompey never made any statement 
to him to lead him to think that such a 
plan wasin contemplation. For consistere, 
‘to make a stand,’ cp. 303; 365. 9; and 
often. 

nec... fecisse] ‘And if I cannot see 
what object you have had, I do not on 
that account feel any the less assured 
that you have acted on perfectly reason- 
able grounds.’ 

6. de pace... retinenda| On Cicero’s 
efforts on behalf of peace, cp. Addenda to 
Comm. iv. The use of the singular 
condicione here suggests that the change 
of condicione to condicionibus recommended 
by Boot on 311. 3 is not necessary. 

mihi non sumo| “1 make no claim.’ 

sed te quaerebam]| ‘but I wanted you’ 
(Shuckburgh). 

eius ret facultatem | 
ing this.’ 

7. ad ea| Corradus altered to ad eas ; 


‘means of effect- 


but Sjogren (p. 167) has shown with ~ 
excellent learning that the neuter is often 
used to signify the general idea of the 
things in question, though naturally we 
might have expected a different gender. 
He compares Plaut. Poen. 1015, wut ea 
veneant (the commodities referred to were 
ligulas et nuces ; Cic. N. D. 11. 15, ut, . ὦ 
cum videat onnium rerum rationem, modum, 
disciplinam, non possit ea sine causa fiert 
tudicare: Att. 11. 9. 1 (36) cui longum 
esse quae ad ea (sc. dialogos) respondes. 
Prof. J. B. Mayor gives many examples 
in his note on N. Ὁ. ii. 7 ea ostendt. 

duxi meam rationem| “1 began to,con- 
sider seriously what my own interests — 
demanded’: for meam rationem see on — 
Att. vii. 9, 4 (300) δ 

consulatus .. . deferebatur| cp. 848. 2. 
neque (peccavi) cum post condiciones pacis — 
per L. Caesarem et Fabatum adiatas cavine — 
animum eius (sc. Caesaris) offenderem cur — 
‘Pompeius iam armatus armato consulatum 
triumphumque deferret. 

subicerer eisdem proeliis | 
the same struggles (as before)’. 


‘subjected to Q 
Madvig — 


EP. 348 (ATT. VIII. 11 D). 103 


_ persona semper ad improborum civium impetus aliquid videretur 


_ habere populare. Neque haec non ego prius sum suspicatus quam 
ΟΠ mihi palam denuntiata sunt, neque ea tam pertimui si subeunda 
" essent quam declinanda putavi si honeste vitare possem. 8. Quam 
_ brevem illius temporis, dum in spe pax fuit, rationem nostram 
 yides, reliqui facultatem res ademit. lis autem quibus non satis 
᾿ς facio facile respondeo: neque enim ego amicior Οὐ. Caesari umquam 
fui quam illi, neque illi amiciores rei publicae quam ego. Hoe 
inter me et illos interest, quod, cum et illi cives optimi sint et ego 
ab ista laude non absim, ego condicionibus, quod idem te intel- 
 lexeram velle, illi armis disceptari maluerunt. Quae quoniam 
Η͂ ratio vicit, perficiam profecto ut neque res publica civis a me 


and others read procellis, which is attrac- 
' tive, but, as Miller says, not certain ; 
᾿ς proeliis goes well with impetus. We 
_ may wonder if Pompey felt the covert 
reproach of Cicero, who points here at 
the scanty help Pompey gave him when 
he was attacked by Clodius. 

ut mea persona... populare| This is 
not easy. Possibly μέ means ‘ how,’ and 
is governed by memineram. For ut = 
‘how’ cp. Ter. Phorm. 224, meministin 
olim ut fuerit nostra oratio. But the 
change in construction is harsh. Or we 
may take wt as consecutive, ‘so that it 
would look as if my personality had 
always something attractive to the mob in 
that it stimulated bad men to attack me.’ 
Attacking Cic. was a road to popularity : 
ep. 333. 5, guod putabit fortasse in nobis 


- animum neque tu amici desideres. 


violandis aliquid se habere populare. For 
ut Moser reads e¢. Muller would read 
quod—but this alteration is not one likely 
to have been made. 

8. Quam brevem .. . ademit] ‘So quite 
briefly stated you see the policy I adopted 
for that time while peace was possible ; 
circumstances precluded any means of 
influencing the time that followed.’ For 
quam with the positive ep. note to 811. 2. 
See Adn. Crit. 

ab ista laude non absim| ‘am not 
without claim to the same honourable 
designation,’ i.e. of optimus civis. 

condicionibus| ‘negotiations.’ 

ut neque... desideres| ‘that the State 
shall not find me lacking in the zeal of a 
citizen nor you in that of a friend.’ 


104 


EP, 344 (FAM. VIII. 15). 


344. CAELIUS TO CICERO (Fam. viu. 15). 


NORTH ITALY; ABOUT MARCH 9; A. U. 6. 705; B.C. 49; AET.. 
CIC. 57. 


M. Caelius Cn. Pompeium vituperat, C. 


Caesarem laudat, ut firmiorem: tum 


significat de desiderio conveniendi Ciceronis, de itinere ad Alpes, et de Domitio dimisso. 


CAELIUS CICERONI S. 


1, Eequando tu hominem ineptiorem quam tuum Cn. Pom- 
peium vidisti, qui tantas turbas, qui tam nugax esset, commorit ? 
Ecquem autem Caesare nostro acriorem in rebus gerendis, eodem 

> 


in victoria temperatiorem aut legisti aut audisti? 


Quid est ? 


num tibi nostri milites, qui durissimis et frigidissimis locis, teter- 
rima hieme, bellum ambulando confecerunt, malis orbiculatis esse 


pasti videntur? ‘Quid iam?’ inquis; ‘gloriose omnia.’ 


The date of this letter is about the 9th 
of March, as Schmidt (p. 165) has shown 
from ὁ 1 fin.,id guod iam existimo con- 
fectum, nist δὲ maluit Pompeius Brundisi 
circumsedert. 

1. Eequando . . . commorit?) ‘Did 
you ever see a sillier man than your 
Gnaeus Pompeius for creating such a 
rumpus, and he such a good-for-nothing ’ 
(or ‘trifler’)? gui... esset = cum is 

. esset. Ernesti and Baiter read cum 
tam nugax esset. For turbus (‘arow,’ ‘a 


rumpus’) Boeckel quotes many examples — 


from Plautus, e.g. Bacch. 1076; Pers, 
852; Amph. 476, nam Amphitruo actutum 
uxori turbas conciet ; Mil. 479; Stich. 83. 
For nugaz M reads nugas, which Prof. 
Lindsay on Plaut. Capt. 613 (Nugas ! 
‘Nonsense’) would retain. He says: 
‘It is from this interjectional use that the 
phrase nugas esse, fieri has arisen,’ and he 
quotes this passage and Varro Men. 513 
(Bucheler), p. 221. 1 (Riese), Quod si 
Actaeon oceupasset et ipse prius suos canes 
comedisset, non nugas (nugas set, LW 
nugas esset cod. Fabri) saltatoribus in 
theatro fieret. This may well be right. 
10 would be characteristic of Caelius to 
say ‘ when he is such bosh’ (or ‘rubbish’). 

acriorem in rebus gerendis| For Caesar’s 


Jd 


Sed 


activity and vigour cp. 340. 4 fin. ; 


348. 1. 
locis}_ Picenum and Samnium. 
teterrima| biting.’ 


ambulando| ‘by a mere parade.’ This 
usage of the modal ablative of the gerund 
belonged at this time to the language 
of ordinary life. Livy is the first writer 
who used it extensively in formal litera- 
ture: cp. vol. mr (ed. 2), p. cxv; also 
Becher, p. 36; Schmalz, Syntax, p. 278. 

malis orbiculatis}| ‘round apples.’ 
These are mentioned in lists of apples in 
Varro and Columella: from this passage 
we may infer that they were a delicacy. 
We should say ‘on plovers’ eggs,’ or 
‘on the fat of the land.’ 

‘Quid iam?’ inquis ; ‘ gloriose omnia.’ 
Sed st scias} So we punctuate, making 
‘gloriose omnia’ (sc. facta sunt) part of 
what Cicero is supposed to say—‘ *‘ why 
go on?” (or ‘* why all this ?’’) you ask. 
‘Everything is glorious.’’ Nay, if you 
only knew how anxious I am, then you 
would laugh at all this glorying of mine, 
which has no reference to me.’ Wesenberg 
supplies Jmmo after omnia: but it is 
simpler to read sed, which might have 
fallen out before si. Lambinus read 
Immo for omnia. Wesenberg reads ‘Quid ? 


ν» 


“multa! 
obliviscar. 


tam’ inguis ‘ gloriose omnia ?’ supplying 
dicis; and C. F. Hermann has Quzd ? 
‘tam’ inguis ‘ gloriose 2’ Somnia ! “ Eh? 
“are they (you say) so very magnificent ? 
~ Moonshine !’ 

_ derideas| Wesenberg, after Gronovius, 
reads non derideas: for, says he, you do 
“not laugh at a friend when in anxiety. 
But if one were in anxiety, you might 
“very well say that it was ridiculous for 
him to boast. 

| Quae tibi] Wesenberg (Em. Alt. 24) 
wishes to read quod, as the relative refers 
only to one thing, viz. the victory of 
Caesar. It may, however, very well 
refer to the many anxieties which Caelius 
was beginning to feel lest Caesar might 
not carry out the usual practices of 
Victors in civil wars, such as wiping out 
the debts of his own partisans (cp. vol. 111. 
B{ed. 2), p. lv). 

Nam me| Wesenberg wishes to read 
| Caesar after me. The addition would no 
‘doubt be better from a strictly literary 
'point of view, but it is quite plainly 
Vaesar that is referred to, and Caelius is 
often careless. 

_ nisi si} a pleonasm, probably used in 
he ordinary language of conversation, 
found in Varro, Cornificius, and Cicero’s 
‘Epistles, Fam. xiv. 2.1(79): ep. Schmalz, 
“Antib. ii. 136. 

| 2. isto} ‘to that place of which I 
spoke to you’: sc. Rome—a frequent use 
‘in Ovid, 6. g. Pont. i. 2. 54, Peior αὖ 
admonitu fit status iste boni. 

_ et omnia intima conferre| ‘and have a 
a onfidential talk with you about every- 
thing. 
discupio] ‘I am dying to see you,’ a 
olloquial expression: cp. Plaut. Trin., 
32; Catull. 106. 2. 

Sed tamen] ‘but what have I done to 


ϑ δῆτ YMC Me BY" Me δα Pe NEA INGE SS BWA PD AB δ δ) OUR RI i ROR MIRA) FE Ne ELD Atm IR BO ὃ AISNE Ee SPN NENG BR RE OLE HN PO EH nt "946 18 ἃ. DER? A AEE NS δὲ SITY I RIERA ΦΡΟΜῈΝ ME PPP TAY DOTNET AS EPR TN MF SN πῆτε ROM NRE SDOTS PAT RTTT ORE We DT Om πῆνοο ΔΗ UPB RH SPE, TB ET 
2 ae 3 ~ fog “ae - F ’ 2 . 


EP. 344 (FAM. VIII. 18). 


105 


si scias quam sollicitus sim, tum hance meam gloriam, quae ad 
me nihil pertinet, derideas. Quae tibi exponere nisi coram non 
Ι “possum : idque celeriter fore spero. 
᾿ Italia Pompeium, constituit ad urbem vocare: id quod iam exis- 
_ timo confectum, nisi si maluit Pompeius Brundisi circumsederi. 
| 2. Peream si minima causa est properandi isto mihi quod te 
videre et omnia intima conferre discupio. Habeo autem quam 
Hui vereor, quod solet fierl, ne cum te videro omnia 
Sed tamen quod ob scelus iter mihi necessarium retro 
‘ad Alpis versus inecidit? Ideo quod Intimilii in armis sunt, 
neque de magna causa. Billienus, verna Demetri, qui ibi cum 


Nam me, cum expulisset ex 


deserve that I must needs turn back again 
to the Alps?’ Note that it is incorrect to 
write Alpis versus; a preposition must 
be added before the substantive: cp. 
Fam. iv. 12. 1 (613), in Italiam versus 
navigaturus ; Caes. Bell. Gall. vi. 33. 1, 
Labienum ... ad Oceanum versus... 
proficiscer iubet ; Kritz on Sall. Cat. 56. 4. 

Ideo| So we read with Lambinus, for 
Adeo, which gives no adequate sense. 
‘The reason is that the Intimilii are in 
arms.’ This answer does not exactly 
correspond to the question ‘ What have I 
done to deserve having to make this back- 
ward march?’ but the inconsequence is 
not at all obtrusive in the case of such a 
rhetorical question in a letter from Caelius. 
Lehmann (p. 41) suggests immo, which 
makes excellent sense, ‘nay (no fault of 
mine, but) because the Intimilii, &.’ ; but 
this is very far from the ss. reading. 
Dr. Reid (Class. Rev. xi. (1897) 351) 
suggests <Jd> adeo, quod, ‘ just this that.’ 
For adeo emphasizing the word after 
which it comes see Conington on Verg. 
Kel. 4. 11: id adeois very common. This 
is an attractive suggestion. 

Intimilii] a people in Liguria. Their 
chief town was Albiwm Incimilium, now 
Vintimiglia. For the spelling of this 
word see Mommsen in C.I.L. v. p. 900. 

Billienus, verna Demetri} cp. Fam. xvi 
22. 2 (650) and note there (ed. 2). For 
the spelling Billienus (M has Beldienus) 
see Adn. Crit. We need not alter to 
Bellient verna Demetrius with C. F. 
Hermann, who argues that a slave should 
not have had a Roman cognomen. But 
many cognomina, as Boot( Ods. Crit.,p.19) 
shows (after Mommsen (Rém. Forsch. i. 
51), were used as nomina at this time, e.g. 
Caepio and Verres. This Billienus was at 
this time a freedman. © 


106 EP. 345 (ATT. VIII. 12). 


praesidio erat, Domitium quendam, nobilem illi Caesaris hospitem, 
a contraria factione nummis acceptis comprehendit et strangulavit. 
Civitas ad arma iit: eo nune cum * cohortibus mihi per nives 
eundum est. Usque quaque, inquis, se Domitii male dant. 
Vellem quidem Venere prognatus tantum animi habuisset in 
vestro Domitio quantum Psecade natus in hoe habuit. 


Posed: 


Ciceroni 


345. CICKRO TO A'TTICUS (Arr. vin. 12). 


FORMIAE 3} FEBRUARY 28; A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AKT. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit se hance epistulam propter lippitudinem dictare, sed tamen 
scribere, ut Atticus sibi plane consilium suum explicet quid sibi in summo rerum 
discrimine faciendum putet, sibi omnia integra esse pluribus verbis ostendit, etiam quid 
Lentulus, quid Domitius agat et acturus sit scire vult et Demetrii librum de Concordia 
ad se mitti. ; 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Mihi molestior Zippitudo erat etiam guam ante fuerat. 


utriusque nostrum, nihil ad te litterarum dare. 


illi| for illic, as oftenin Plautus. 

cum * cohortibus| The number is 
omitted: perhaps it was iiit., which 
might have fallen out after c#, and which 
is actually read by some inferior Mss. 

Usque quaque ., . dant} ‘all along 
the line you say the Domitii are going to 
the bad.’ For se dare, cp. Att. 111. 23. 5(83) 
velim ut se initia dederint perseribas ; ‘Ter. 
Eun. 230, Mirum ni ego me turpiter hodie 
hic dabo; and the line quoted in Cie. 
N. Ὁ. iii. 66, Qui volt esse quod volt ita 
dat se res ut operam dabit, ‘ where there’s 
a will there’s a wavy.’ 

Venere prognatus| Caesar. 

vestro Domitio] Domitius Ahenobarbus, 
who was taken by Caesar at Corfinium, 
but who was at once 1eleased and allowed 
to repair to the camp of Pompeius. Boot 
(Obs. Crit., p. 19) would read nostro, 
which is found in some inferior Mss. ; 


because Caelius regarded Domitius as a 


special enemy (imimicissimus): cp. Fam. 
viii. 12. 1 (279); 14. 1 (280). 
Psecade natus| i.e. Billienus, the 


slave, son of Psecas, a common name — 
The | 


for atire-woman: cp. Juv. 6. 491. 
name also appears as applied to one of 
Diana’s nymphs (Ov. Met. iii. 172). 
The text is the brilliant emendation of 
Pantagathus for ipse cadenatus of the 
MSS. 


Ciceroni f. 8. d.| = filio salutem da. 


1. lippitudo| This 
added: cp. 348. 1. 


Gailo Fadio| This is the usual order — 
When a person is designated 
by nomen and cognomen, the cognomen is — 
For M. Fadius Gallus cp. © 


in Cicero. 


put first. 
Index and Fam. xiy. 14. 1 (241). 


Dic- | 
tare tamen hane epistulam malui quam Gallo Fadio, amantissimo | 
Nam pridie— 


word must be 


quidem 


EP. 345 (ATT. VIII. 12). 


107 


quoquo modo potueram scripseram ipse eas litteras, 
᾿ quarum vaticinationem falsam esse cupio. 


Huius autem epistulae 


_ non solum ea causa est ut ne quis a me dies intermittatur quin 
dem ad te litteras, sed etiam haec iustior ut a te impetrarem ut 
δ. aliquid temporis, quo quia tibi perexiguo opus est, expli- 
- mihi tuum consilium plane volo ut penitus intellegam. 


scat nies Ὑν 


. Omnia sunt integra nobis. 


Nihil praetermissum est quod non 


cat sapientem excusationem, non modo probabilem. Nam 


 certe neque tum peccavi cum imperatam iam Capuam, non solum 
‘ignaviae delictum sed etiam perfidiae suspicionem fugiens, acci- 
_ pere nolui, neque cum post condiciones pacis per L. Caesarem et 
ΠῚ, Fabatum adlatas cavi ne animum eius offenderem cui Pompeius 
iam armatus armato consulatum triumphumque deferret. 


i 


3. Nee 


vero haec extrema quisquam potest lure reprehendere, quod mare 


vaticinutionem]| cp. 342. ὃ. 
dies intermittatur| cp. 349. 1. 
impetrarem] The change of mood in- 


volved in impetrarem after intermittatur 
is to be accounted for by the peculiar 


usage of the epistolary style. Jmype- 


_ trarem is an epistolary tense, and depends 
on scripsi understood : 


‘this letter is not 
solely to prevent a day passing without a 


| letter to you, but it [here Cicero remem- 


- bers that the etiquette of letter-writing 


projects the writer into the time when 
the letter will be read] was to beg you to 
give yourself time when you write, and 


| (asit will not take you long) I hope you 


- will thoroughly explain your view, and 


ie one. 


_ make it completely intelligible to me.’ 


2. Omnia sunt integra nobis| “1 have 
not committed myself to any course.’ 

sapientem ... probubilem| ‘a well- 
reasoned excuse, not merely a plausible 
? For non modo used in much the 


same way as nedum, cp. nulium meum 
— minimum dictum, non modo factum, Fam. 


is in M!, in EP (= 
this use of imperare cp. Plaut. Mil. 1159, 


9, 21 (153). 


imperatam...nolui] ‘when I refused 


ἡ to take on myself the charge of Capua, 
' which I was ordered to take, because 1 


wished to avoid not only the sin of 
incompetence, but the suspicion of 
treachery.’ imperatam is of a surety the 
‘reading of the archetype, as Sjogren 
(p. 75) has shown. See Adn. Crit. It 
3), in Cand Z. For 


_ hane ἐὐδὲ ego impero provineram ; Rose. 


Am. 59, cui (puero) cenam imperaret, ‘to 
whom he ordered the preparing of his 
supper’; Rep. vi. 1, libidines infinita 
quaedam imperant. It was altered in M? 
and others to imparatam, perhaps from a 
remembrance of 333. 4 ; 343.5. Pompey 
had expressed a wish that Cic. should 
undertake the duty (304. δ), and this may 
fairly be spoken of as a command, though 
one which Cic. accepted reluctantly, or 
rather did not definitely refuse to accept 
when Pompey spoke to him on the 17th 
of January. Pompey, we feel sure, was 
of opinion that Cicero had undertaken 
the duty; and so he had, even on his 
own showing (301. 3; 312. 5), though it 
is probable that he may have said some- 
thing to Pompey to the effect that he was 
not a verv competent man for the posi- 
tion. It is to this conversation on 
January 17 that Cicero is principally 
referring here when he says ‘he was 
unwilling to accept’ Capua. It is pro- 
bably to his letter 327. 3 that he is re- 
ferring when in 343. 5 he speaks of 
‘resigning ’ Capua, cum a me Capuam re- 
iciebam. FEarlier inthat month he under- 
took the duty readily enough, as would 
appear from 301. 3, and he seems tu have 
given some orders at any rate (327. 1). 

L. Caesarem| See Addenda to Comm. 
il. 

cui... deferret| cp. 348. 7 eui cum 
iam im armis essemus consulatus tamen 
alter et triumphus ampilissimus defere- 
batur. 


108 EP, 845 (ATT. VII. 12). 


non transierim. Id enim, etsi erat deliberationis, tamen obire non | 
potui, Neque enim suspicari debui, praesertim cum ex ipsius 
Pompei litteris, idem quod video te existimasse, non dubitarim — 
quin is Domitio subventurus esset. Et plane quid rectum et quid — 
faciendum mihi esset diutius cogitari malui. 4, Primum igitur 

haec qualia tibi esse videantur, etsi significata sunt a te, tamen 
accuratius mili perscribas velim, deinde aliquid etiam in posterum 
prospicias fingasque, quem me esse deceat et. ubi me plurimum — 
prodesse rei publicae sentias, ecquae pacifica persona desideretur 
an in bellatore sint omnia. 5, Atque ego, qui omnia officio metior, 
recordor tamen tua consilia, quibus si paruissem tristitiam illorum 
temporum non subissem. Memini quid mihi tum suaseris per 
Theophanem, per Culleonem, idque saepe ingemiscens sum recor- 


datus. 
abiecimus, 
salubrioribus. 
tuam ad me sententiam. 


Qua re nune saltem ad illos calculos revertamur quos tum 
ut non solum gloriosis consiliis utamur sed etiam paulo 
Sed nihil praescribo. 


Accurate velim perscribas 


6. Volo etiam exquiras quam diligen- 


tissime poteris—habebis autem per quos possis—quid Lentulus 


3. erat deliberationis] The insertion of 
res is not necessary, though we have 
consilt ves est in reference to the same 
question in 303; for we find est tui con- 
silt, 308. 45 maioris consili esset, 378. 3: 
so also in 470. 2; Fam. iv. 6. 3 (574) 
magnae est deliberationis. Madvig (A. C. 
iii. 180) suggests δέ, si erat deliberatae 
rationis, tamen, in which the position of e¢ 
is rather awkward. 

obire non potur) obire is the word used 
for ‘keeping an appointment,’ as in obire 
diem, comitia; cp. obire vadimonium 
(sistere, occurrere ad vudimonium) opposed 
to deserere vadimonium. The meaning is 
that he could not join Pompey in ‘his 
flight, because he could not reach him 
before Pompey sailed. ‘The same meaning 
is expressed by non occurrimus in Att. 
Vili. 11. 4 (342). 

4. fingasque...omnia| ‘give me a 
sketch of what you tiuink would be the 
most graceful attitude for me to assume, 
where you think I could serve the State 
best, and whether the ré/e of a man of 
peace is required at all, or everything de- 
pends on a man of war,’ For the last 
clause see note on 332. 4. 

5. officio| .* principle.’ 


illorum temporum | 
life,’ i.e. his exile. 

Theophanem| the Greek who was so 
influential with Pompey: cp. Att. Ii. 
17. 3 (45), velim ex Theophane expiscere 
quonam im me animo sit ie ches. 

Culleonem| cp. Att. 11]. 15. 5 (78). 
We do not know the exact circumstances 
to which Cic. is alluding in this reference 
to Theophanes and Culleo. 

‘ad illos calculos| ‘let us go over the 
old calculation afresh.’ 

gloriosis| ‘so that we may adopt a 
plan which will procure not only glory, 
but also a certain degree of safety.’ 
Dr. Johnson pointed out that in classical 
Latin gloriosus if applied to a thing could 
mean ‘ illustrious,’ but if applied to a 
person must mean ‘ boastful.’ We know 
of no instance earlier than Suet. Cal. 8, 
if even that is one, of gloriosus meaning 
‘illustrious’ when applied to a person. 
Dr. Johnson censured Milton for using it 
of Cromwell. 

6. Lentulus] i.e. Lentulus Spinther, 
to whom Cic. wrote the letters of Fam. i. 
He had been captured at Corfinium 
(Caes. B. C. i. 28. 2), but released by 
Caesar : cp. 349. 3; 367. 1. 


‘ that crisis in my 


EP. 346 (ATT. VIII. 15 A). 109 


ἕ noster, quid Domitius agat, quid acturus sit, quem ad modum 
nunc se gerant, num quem accusent, num quoi suscenseant—quid 
dico, num quoi? num Pompeio? Omnino culpam omnem Pom- 
peius in Domitium confert, quod ipsius litteris cognosci potest, 
quarum exemplum ad te misi. Haec igitur videbis et, quod ad 
ante seripsi, Demetri Magnetis librum quem ad te misit de 
 concordia velim mihi mittas. 


346. BALBUS TO CICERO (Art. vin. 15 4). 


ROME; END OF FEBRUARY , A. U. 6. 7055; B.C. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 


L. Cornelius Balbus Ciceronem obsecrat ut Caesarem et Pompeium in concordiam: 
᾿ reducat. Vix et ne vix quidem sperat ut Lentulus suus consulatum Romae agere velit.. 
_ Caesaris clementiam Corfiniensem laudat eumque vera omnia scripsisse adseverat. 


BALBUS CICERONI IMP. SAL. 


1. Obsecro te, Cicero, suscipe curam et cogitationem dignissi- 
mam tuae virtutis, ut Caesarem et Pompeium perfidia hominum 
 distractos rursus in pristinam concordiam reducas. Crede mihi 
' Caesarem non solum fore in tua potestate, sed etiam maximum 
_ beneficium te 5101 dedisse iudicaturum, si hoc te reicis. Velim 
idem Pompeius faciat, qui ut adduci tali tempore ad ullam con- 
_dicionem possit magis opto quam spero. Sed, cum constiterit et 


quarum| sc. Epp. 325, 329, 330, 331. Ciceronian usage. For hoc = huc, a fre-. 
_ Demetri> Magnetis librum: cp. note to quent form in the comic writers, ep. 
| 342. 7. Neue- Wagener, ii.* 618, 614. It is found 
in Caelius, Fam. viii 6. 4 (242); in 
On the style of Balbus see Dr. H. Pompeius, 329. 2; in Plancus, Fam. x. 
_ Hellmuth, Veter die Sprache der Epistolo- 11. 2 (848), where see note; in D. Brutus, 
_ graphen δ. Sulpicius Galba und L. Cor- Fam. xi. 10. 2 (854); Lentulus, Fam. xii. 
_nelius Balbus (Warzburg, 1888). ᾿ 14. 4 (883); but apparently not in 
1. virtutis]| Dignus with genitive is Cicero: see note to 883. 4 and Wélfflin 
_ un-Ciceronian, but is perhaps found in in ‘ Archiv’ vii. 332. 

 Plaut. Trin. 1153, where see Mr. Gray’s magis opto quam spero| ‘itis rather a. 
note: cp. vol. 13 92. dream of mine than a hope’: see Dr. Reid 


Crede mihi| see note on Att. vill. 14. on Balb. 9, where he shows that sperare 
1, (849). is to look forward to what is practicable,. 
fore in tua Sorted ‘will meet your and may be expected to happen in the 
_ wishes’; ‘ put himself in your hands.’ ordinary course of events, while optare is 


hoe te reicis} ‘If you throw yourself to look forward to what can happen only 
into this matter,’ an unusual expression by an extraordinary stroke of good for- 
for si huie rei operam dasmaximam. The tune. Hence optare is ‘to indulge in 
_ use of the future perfect reieceris would wild dreams,’ as in Acad. ii. 121. 

_ have been far more in accordance with constiterit| ‘when he becomes settled, 


πο Sans AVL MIAO BIE MINCE 2G A NEORINL Hf BSL AEB RL OE RR RON | Re oh ak I NA AP AB Be A δὲ NY A ACD PR YB A OE RP PAS PRATT See FREE ΕΠΡΦΕῚ MOY FTL NTI ΚΡ ME Monee TREES RPA PORTE τεσαρς 
2 δῶ ἘΦ ΑΘ ae ee ee ΨΈ »ν ας εν τοὶ που aa, A = ee 


110 EP. 346 (AT2. VIII. 15 A). 


timere desierit, tum incipiam non desperare tuam auctoritatem 
plurimum apud eum valituram. 2. Quod Lentulum consulem 
meum yvoluisti hic remanere, Caesari gratum, mihi vero gratissi- 
mum medius fidius fecisti. Nam illum tanti facio ut non Caesarem 
magis diligam: qui si passus esset nos secum, ut consueveramus, 
loqui et non se totum etiam atque etiam ab sermone nostro aver- 
tisset, minus miser quam sum essem. Nam cave putes hoe 
tempore plus me quemquam cruciari, quod eum quem ante me 


diligo video in consulatu quidvis potius esse quam consulem.— 


Quod si voluerit tibi obtemperare et nobis de Caesare credere 
et consulatum reliquum Romae peragere, incipiam sperare etiam 
consilio senatus, auctore te, illo relatore, Pompeium et Caesarem 
coniungi posse. Quod si factum erit, me satis vixisse putabo. 
3. Factum Caesaris de Corfinio totum te probaturum scio; et quo 
modo in elus modi re, commodius cadere non potuit quam ut res 


sine sanguine confieret. 
valde gaudeo. 


Balbi mei tuique adventu delectatum te 
Is quaecumque tibi de Caesare dixit quaeque 


Caesar scripsit, scio, re tibi probabit, quaecumque fortuna eius 


fuerit, verilssume scripsisse. 


and recovers from his panic’; consistere 
seems to be used here like mente or animo 
consistere: cp. Phil. 11. 68; De Sen. 74; 
Q. Fr. ii. 3. 2 (102). The Thesaurus 
quotes no other instance of consistere used 
in this sense without mente or animo or a 
like word. 

2. meuwm] If this word is right, and 
should not be changed to mecum, it points 
to the fact that this Balbus received the 
Roman citizenship from Lentulus, from 
whom he took the name of L. Cornelius. 
Balbus acted as agent for Lentulus with 
the full consent of Caesar, 354. 2. 

ante i1@ | ‘more than myself.’ Cicero 
would have written plus quam me. A 
little below velatore should have been 
illo referente, and in § 3 confieret would 
have been conficeretur in a letter of 
Cicero’s. Confieret is used by Balbus 
both here and in 351. 1, and confieri by 
Sulpicius, Fam. iv. 5. 1 (534), 

auctore te, illo relatore| “ with you to 
originate the measures, and him to make 
the formal motions.’ 

me satis vixisse putabo| ‘I shall con- 
sider that my life’s work is done.’ 

3. guo modo in eius modi re] ‘ taking 


all the circumstances into account.’ A 
verb is usually supplied in this phrase, as 
quomodo nune se res habet, 309. 4; but 
we have guomodo in tanta insania, 362. 8. 

Balbi met tuique| Balbus the younger, 
nephew of the writer of the letter. He 
had been in Formiae on February 24 
(340. 4). 

Is . . . seripsisse] ‘whatever he 
(Balbus junior) has said to you about 
Caesar, and whatever Caesar has said to 
you in his letters, Caesar (I am per- 
suaded) will prove himself by his acts, 
whatever turn his fortunes take, to have 
been perfectly sincere.’ This is not very 
well expressed; but we think there can 
be no doubt that Caesar is the nominative 
to probabit and that eius refers to Caesar. 
If Balbus had expressed himself fully, he 
would have said et dixisse et scripsisse. 
We cannot suppose that Balbus is nomina- 
tive to probabit; for the fortunes of 
Balbus were not at stake. For the omis- 
sion of a subject accusative with inf. 
when it is the same as the subject of the 
principal verb ep. Roby 1346. 

scio| parenthetical: cp. memento, 362. 


Γἤ 
‘ 


ἣν 


ΡΝ 
7 


; Ἷ 


oy Ρ 
δ! A 


᾿ 


_ et multa reperiri possunt. 


- We do not know from what town 
_ Caesar sent this letter. Possibly it was 
_ Canusium, where he may have received 
’ letters from Rome, as it was the first town 
_ he came to on the direct road from Rome 
_ to Brundisium. He was at Canusium 
᾿ς about March 3. From Canusium to 
’ Rome took about 5 or 6 days, so that this 
letter probably did not reach Balbus till 

_ about the 9th. It is of course possible 
| that Caesar wrote from Arpi, at which 
| town he stayed on March 1 (358. 2). 
_ Caesar probably ordered that copies of 
_ this letter should be sent to influential 
~ men who had not taken very decided 
action against him. 
me il. facere ... ut] ‘to see that,’ a 
τ΄ method of strengthening the verb common 
- ἴῃ Ciceronian speech. 
- Pompeium ... reconeciliarem] ‘ recon- 
_ ile, regain the friendship of, Pompey.’ 
- We should have expected Caesar to have 
- added mihi ‘to myself’; but the sense is 


' it: ep. Nepos, Hannibal 10. 2, conciliabat 
| ceteros reges ; Cic. Off. ii. 17, esse virtutis 
-  conciliare animos hominum, 


EP. 847 (ATT. 1X: 7 ©. 


so obvious that Caesar may have omitted | 


111 


347, CAESAR TO OPPIUS AND BALBUS (Arr. 1x. 70). 
_ CANUSIUM (?) ; ABOUT MARCH 3; A. U. C. 705; B. C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 


Caesar dicit se nova ratione vincendi utentem victoriam suam misericordia et 
liberalitate munire. De Num. Magio capto et dimisso. 


CAESAR OPPIO CORNELIO SAL. 


1. Gaudeo mehercule vos significare litteris quam valde pro- 
betis ea quae apud Corfinium sunt gesta. 
 libenter et hoc libentius quod mea sponte facere constitueram ut 


Consilio vestro utar 


quam lenissimum me praeberem et Pompeium darem operam ut 
- reconciliarem. Temptemus hoc modo, si possumus, omnium volun- 
Biates recuperare et diuturna victoria uti, quoniam reliqui crudeli- 
tate odium effugere non potuerunt neque victoriam diutius tenere 
praeter unum L. Sullam, quem imitaturus non sum. Haec nova 
sit ratio vincendi ut misericordia et liberalitate nos muniamus. 
_ Id quem ad modum fieri possit non nulla mihi in mentem veniunt 
᾿ De his rebus rogo vos ut cogitationem 


δὲ possumus] is parenthetical. If we 
read si possimus, the sense would be ‘let 
us try whether we can,’ like πειρᾶσθαι εἰ 
(Plat. Phaed. 95 8). 

diuturna| ‘lasting’ ‘no mere tem- 
porary.’ 

reliqui] ‘the rest’ (sc. of those 
who were victors in civil wars): he 
is especially thinking of Marius and 
Cinna. 

diutius| “ for any length of time.’ 

ut... muniamus| ‘to erect the strong 
bulwarks of mercy and generosity.’ This 
is certainly a very noble sentence. Fox 
said of this letter (Rogers’s “" Recollec- 
tions,’’ p. 71): ““ Caesar’s Commentaries 
do not entertain me somehow. ‘There is 
a want of thought in them—dry, and 
affecting to be written in a hurry—came 
here: went there. His letter to Oppius 
and Cornelius Balbus (Att. ix. 7c) is the 
most striking thing to his honour and 
seldom mentioned. Had sent for a Cicero 
and copied it out to transmit it to Bona- 
parte, when the news of D’Enzhien’s 
death [March 21, 1804] arrived and pre- 
vented it.’’ 


112 


EP. 348 (ATT. VIII. 18). 


suscipiatis. 2. N. Magium, Pompei praefectum, deprehendi. 


Scilicet meo instituto usus sum et eum statim missum feci. - 


Tam 


duo praefecti fabrum Pompei in meam potestatem venerunt et a — 


me missi sunt, 


Si volent grati esse, debebunt Pompeium hortari 


ut malit mihi esse amicus quam iis qui et illi et mihi semper fue- 
runt inimicissimi, quorum artificiis effectum est ut res publica in 


hune statum perveniret. 


348. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. vu. 13). 


FORMIAE ; MARCH 1; A. U. 0. 7053 B. C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit sibi omnem exspectationem in nuntiis Brundisinis esse. 
Caesaris acumen, vigilantiam, prudentiam laudat eique iam plurimos confidere dicit. 


CICKRO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Lippitudinis meae signum tibi sit librari manus et eadem 
causa brevitatis, etsi mune quidem quod scriberem nihil erat. 


Omnis exspectatio nostra erat in nuntiis Brundisinis. 


Si nactus 


hic esset Gnaeum nostrum, spes dubia pacis; sin ille ante trami- 
sisset, exitiosi belli metus. Sed videsne in quem hominem inciderit 


N. Magium| Numerius Magius(Caes. 
B. C. i. 24. 4) and Vibullius Rufus (ib. 
iii. 10. 1). Magius is mentioned again in 
370 and 371. 

missum fect} This is an expression 
belonging to the army: cp. Phil. v. 53, 
easque legiones bello confecto missas fierr 
placere; Bell. Afr. 54. 5, imdignos vos 
arbitror qui in meo exercitu ordines ducatis 
missosque facio. Bell. Hisp. 12.3; 138. 15. 
Also in Terence Andr. 833: cp. Cic. 
Rosc. Am. 76, 182. Somewhat different 
is ad me missum facias (325 fin.). 

praefecti fabrum] For fabrum some 
mss. have partium: see Adn. Crit. 
Lehmann, ‘ Att.’ p. 167, thinks that, if 
Pompey is regarded as not de iure general 
of the Optimates, but only at present their 
leader de facto, we should read partium. 
Magius was strictly the praefectus fabrum 
Pompei, but Vibullius was praefectus 
Domiti: cp. O. E. Schmidt, RA. Mus. 
(1897), p. 150, who thinks Vibullius may 


have been an officer of Pompey’s who 
was associated by him with Lentulus 
Spinther and Domitius. From the 
manner in which Cic. congratulates 
Pompey on the exploits of Vibullius, a 
presumption may be made that Pompey 
was especially interested in him (327. 1). 
It is very doubtful which reading we 
should adopt; but fabrum on the whole 
seems more probable than partium. 

artificiis| ‘intrigues,’ ‘machinations ” 
(Winstedt). 


1. Lippitudinis] cp. 345.1, ‘that my 
eyes are sore you may see from the hand- 
writing (manus) of my secretary, and the 
same is the reason for the brevity of this. 
letter.’ 

Si nactus hie esset] 
ceeded in reaching.’ 

spes dubia pacis| sc. esset, an epistolary 
tense. 

Sed videsne. « 


‘If he has suc- 


. paratum] * But do you 


ot, 


νῷ 
» 
Γ 
‘ 
* 
οἱ 


9549. 


quid Domitius acturus sit et Lentulus. 


see the kind of man he is into whose hands 
the Republic has fallen? How clever, 
how alert, how well-prepared’: cp. 340 
Caelius, 344. 1, speaks of Caesar as 
acrem in rebus gerendis. 

2. municipales homines | 
“tants of the country towns.’ 
tani are the country farmers. 

| villulas... nummulos| ‘ their wretched 
farmsteads and money-bags.’ ᾿ 

' quam conversa res sit} ‘The best Mss. 
Bive est; but we must alter it to sit, the 
dblique interrogative. To retain the indic. 
ind translate ‘ But just look! How has 
the situation been altered?’ would be 
unduly rhetorical in such a plain letter as 


‘the inhabi- 
The rusti- 


et iam] Lehmann (‘ Att.’ 195) wishes 
‘to read ‘et tamen in the sense of ‘and 
further,’ ‘and indeed’: cp. 386.1. But 


VOL. IV. 


EP. 349 (ATT. VIII. 14). 


113 


res publica? quam acutum, quam vigilantem, quam paratum ? 
Si mehercule neminem occiderit nec cuiquam quidquam ademerit, 
Γ Ὁ iis qui eum maxime timuerant maxime diligetur. 
mecum municipales homines loqunntur, multum rusticani: Nihil 
‘prorsus aliud curant nisi agros, nisi villulas, nisi nummulos suos. 
Et vide quam conversa res sit; illum quo antea confidebant 


2. Multum 


Id quantis nostris peccatis 


Vitiisque evenerit non possum sine molestia cogitare. Quae autem 
impendere putarem scripseram ad te et iam tuas litteras exspec- 


CICERO TO ATTIOUS (Art. vii. 14). 
FORMIAE; MARCH 23 A. U. C. 705; B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


_ Non quod novi aliquid scribere possit sed ut in scribendo requiescat Cicero has 
‘litteras ad Atticum se ait mittere, exspectatione se torqueri quod Caesar citius ad 
“Brundisium accessurus esse videatur: iam labare suum consilium : cupere se scire 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


' 1. Non dubito quin tibi odiosae sint epistulae cotidianae, cum 
‘praesertim neque nova de re aliqua certiorem te faciam neque 


tam may be explained thus: ‘I have 
written you what I think is about to 
happen, and now 1 am on the look-out for 
your forecast.’ 


For the date of this letter see § 2 triduo 
compared with Nonas, § 1. 

1, odiosae| ‘bore you.’ Cp. quod erat 
odium? quae superbiat Cluent. 109. 
Odiosus is the regular word for a bore in 
the comic drama, as in mihi odiosus es 
quisquis es, Plaut. Mil. 427 ; and the feel- 
ing he excites is odiwm, as in the common 
phrase odio me enecas, ‘ you are boring me 
to death.’ So non res sed actor mihi cor 
odio sauciat, Bacch. 213; iam hie me 
abegerit suo odio, Asin. 446 ; odiorum Ihas, 


Mil. 743: tundendo atque odio, ‘by. in- 
cessant boring,’ Ter. Hec. 123. ne 
cotidianae| cp. 345. 1. iN 
I 


114 EP, 349 (ATT. Vii. 1h). 


novam denique iam reperiam scribendi ullam sententiam. Sed si 
dedita opera, cum causa nulla esset, tabellarios ad te cum inanibus- 
epistulis mitterem, facerem inepte: euntibus vero, domesticis 
praesertim, ut nihil ad te dem litterarum facere non possum, et 
simul—crede mihi—requiesco paullum in his miseriis cum quasi 
tecum loquor; cum vero tuas epistulas lego, multo etiam magis, 
Omnino intellego nullum fuisse tempus post has fugas et formi- 
dines nostras quod magis debuerit mutum esse a litteris, propterea 
quod neque Romae quidquam auditur novi nec in his locis quae ἃς 
Brundisio absunt propius quam tu bidui aut tridui. | 
disi autem omne certamen vertitur huius primi temporis. Qua 
quidem exspectatione torqueor. Sed omnia ante Nonas sciemus. 
Hodem enim die video Caesarem a Corfinio post meridiem 
profectum esse, id est Feralibus, quo Canusio mane Pompeium. 
Ko modo autem ambulat Caesar et iis diariis militum celeri- 


Brun- 


scribendi ullam sententiam] ‘any topic 
for correspondence.’ 

inanibus epistulis| It would be foolish 
to send special messengers with letters 
devoid of news. 

ut nihil... facere non possum| “1 
cannot help writing to you.’ 

crede mthi| Except here and in Att. v. 
10. 1 (198), Cicero always writes mihi 
crede; but erede mihi is the order adopted 
by many of his correspondents, e.g. D. 
Brutus, Fam. xi. 26 (892): Cassius, xii. 
12. 4 (856) ; Caelius, 408. 1. 

mutum...a sig ‘no time when our 
correspondence has been so small,’ lit. 
‘no time so silent on the score of letters.’ 
For this use of ὦ see on Att. v. 18. 2 
(218). Possibly Palmer was right in 
interpreting a in Ov. Her. xiii. 110, Cur 
venit a verbis multa querela latens? in 
this sense: /atens a verbis, ‘darkly 
worded,’ lit. ‘obscure (Jatens must be an 
adj.) in respect of words.’ 

a Brundsio . . . tridui| Boot wishes 
to omit guam tu, and translates ‘ which is 
less than two or three days’ journey from 
Brundisium.’ But it is close on 300 
miles from Formiae to Brundisium (ep. 
Schmidt, p. 147), and letter-carriers went 
only about 50 miles a day, certainly 
nothing at all like 100 milesaday. We 
think with Dr. Reid that it is necessary 
to alter the mss. reading diduwm aut 
triduum to bidui aut tridui: ep. Att. iii. 


- 


7. 1(63), deinde ab Autronio quatridui 
(sc. iter); v. 16. 4 (208) quae (castra) 
aberant tridui: cp.17. 1 (209). Possibly 
we should read didui wia: cp. Caes. B. G. 
vi. 7. 2 bidut via aberant ; Plancus ap.) 
Fam. x. 17. 1 (872) Ventidius bidui 
spatio abest ab eo: Lentulus ap. Fam. 
xii. 15.7 (891) Cassium quatridui iter 
Laodicea afuisse. 

huius primi temporis | 
stage of the war.’ 

Non.| Boot rightly reads Non. for nos. 

Feralibus| Febr. 21. 

a Corfinio . . . Canusio] If there is 
any difference meant by the use of the) 
prep. (though we do not think there is), 
it would be ‘from before Corfinium,’ 
while Pompey simply departed ‘ from} 
Canusium.’ | 

diariis| ‘rations.’ Wesee no serious 
reason to alter this, the reading of M. 
Caesar fed his men exceptionally well, as 
he required them to make forced marches. 
Klotz, Wes., and Miiller alter to con- 
giariis, which makes good sense, but 18 
very far from the Ms. tradition. Boot 
supposes that dictis or dicteriis was the 
word Cicero used, and that Caesar 
stimulated his men to march fast by 
making jokes—not a very sustaining 
pabulum. Though Caesar was a ΝΣ 
judge of ἃ joke, and made collections of 


them (472. 4), we caunot assent to this 
emendation. : 


‘of this first 


EP. 349 (ATT. VII. 14). 


115 


tatem incitat ut timeam ne citius ad Brundisium quam opus sit 
acoesserit. 2. Dices ‘Quid igitur proficis qui anticipes eius rei 
-molestiam quam triduo sciturus sis?’ Nihil equidem. Sed, ut 


_igitur sententiam mutas ?’ 


si mutata est, ut tibi adsentiar. 


citius quam opus sit] ‘sooner than we 
want.’ 

2. gui anticipes| ‘what good do you 
_ do by forestalling the unpleasant business 
_ which you will know all about in three 
days?’ Anticipare is a rare word in 
_ classical Latin. It occurs nowhere else 
_ in Cicero; but we find itin Luer. v. 659, 
_ (Sol) anticipat caelum ‘the sun seizes 
_ heaven before his time’ : Ov. Met. iii. 235, 


ΗΕ 


_ sed per compendia montis anticipata via est. 
_ triduo| This proves that this letter 
_ was written on March 2: ep. § 1 omnia 
_ ante Non. sciemus. 
᾿ auctores ti] Μ’. Lepidus and L, Vol- 
 éatius Tulius 365.7: ep. 340. 3, minus 
 multa dederant illi reip. pignora. 
desiderat| ‘asks for,’ ‘ requires,’ ‘ ex- 
_ pects’: cp. Rep. iii. 12, ab Chrysippo 
nihil magnum nee magnificum desideravi : 
_ Fam. iii. 9. 3 (249), Quod a me tale 
_ quiddam desideras: xii. 1. 2 (723) a vobis 


 quamquam) The conjunction depends 
on an ellipse: ‘{I say merely nee lau- 
_ dandos existimo| though in reality their 
_ conduct is intolerable.’ 

comes . . . socius|] This passage well 
ἣ 


supra dixi, tecum perlibenter loquor, et simul scito labare meum 
-consilium illud quod satis iam fixum videbatur. Non mihi satis 
_idonei sunt auctores ii qui a te probantur. Quod enim umquam 
eorum in re publica forte factum exstitit ὃ aut quis ab iis ullam 
rem laude dignam desiderat ? Nec mehercule laudandos existimo 
"qui trans mare belli parandi causa profecti sunt—quamquam haec 
_ferenda non erant, video enim quantum id bellum et quam pesti- 
_ferum futurum sit—sed me movet unus vir, cuius fugientis comes, 

rem publicam recuperantis socius videor esse debere. 


‘ Totiensne 


Ego tecum tamquam mecum loquor. 
Quis autem est tanta quidem de re quin varie secum ipse disputet ? 
Simul et elicere cupio sententiam tuam: si manet, ut firmior sim, 
3. Omnino ad id de quo dubito 
pertinet me scire quid Domitius acturus sit, quid noster Lentulus. 
‘De Domitio varia audimus, tmodo esse in Tiburti aut lepidi 


illustrates the difference in meaning 
between these two words, comes indicating 
merely community of space and circum- 
stances, sociws participation in action. 

Ego tecum| We have prefixed this as a 
motto to the whole correspondence, as 
accurately and pointedly describing the 
character of the letters to Atticus and his 
other most intimate friends, letters which 
constitute by far the largest and most 
valuable part of the correspondence. 

3. aut lepidi] We have given in the 
text the reading of M. The reading 
adopted in our former edition was modo 
esse in Tiburti haud lepide, modo eum 
Lepidis accessisse ad urbem: and our note 
was as follows :—‘‘ Cicero nearly always 
plays ona name when anameis susceptible 
of such treatment. Itisas if an English- 
man, playing on the name of friends 
named Gay, should write ‘ sometimes we 
hear he is in his place at Tivoli, where, 
however, heis far from gay : then that he 
has joined the Gays and gone to Rome, 
which last report, as well as the first, I can 
see is false.” The word item shows that 
two reports are spoken of, both of which 
are repudiated by Cicero. The easiest 
way to obtain this sense is to accept the 


12 


116 


quo cum lepidus accessisse ad urbem, quod item falsum video 
Ait enim Lepidus eum nescio quo penetrasse itineribus 
occultis, occultandi sui causa an maris apiscendi? ne is quidem 
Addit illud, sane molestum : pecu- 
niam Domitio satis grandem quam is Corfini habuerit non esse’ 
De Lentulo autem nihil audivimus. | 


esse. 


scit. Iagnorat etiam de filio. 


redditam. 
quiras ad meque perscribas. 


conjecture which gives modo cum tor quo 
cum; but the reading is very doubtful. 
Lepide esse, ‘to enjoy oneself,’ represents 
a fashion of speech which is common in 
the comic drama ’’ : cp. wbi bene sit Plaut. 
Bacch. 84; pulcre ut simus Merc. 583. 
Other emendations which in one way or 
another suppose a joke are Boot’s in 
Tiburti Lenidi haud lepide quod cum 
Lepidis sit, modo accessisse or modo cum 
Lepidis accessisse : and Madvig’s(A. C. iii. 
180 n. 1) in Tiburta Lepidi haud lepide, 
modo, cum lepidius, accessisse. [As Dr. 
Tyrrell strongly held that there is a joke 
here, the above interpretation has been 
left, though it seems to me unlikely that 
Cicero would joke on _ this occasion 
without giving some indication that he 
was doing so. We must remember that 
M has in tiburti aut lepidi quo cum lepidus 
accessisse. Theactual restoration, without 
further Ms. assistance, seems hopeless: but 
not improbably the form of the sentence 
was something like this: modo ad Pom- 
peimm festinare (cp. 860. 2), guod falsum 
est ; modo esse in Tiburti Lepidi quocum 
Lepidus accessisset ad urbem, quod item 
falisum est. Or the first false rumour may 
have been <modoin Hispaniam profectum, 
modo ad Pompeium (ep. 358. 1) quod 
faisum est> ‘at one time that he had gone 
to Spain, at another to Pompey, which is 
false; at another that he was in the villa 
of Lepidus at Tibur, and that Lepidus 
had gone with him to Rome, which is 
likewise false.’ Possibly aut Lepiat may 
have arisen from Lepidi having been 
written above Ziburti and some copyists 
taking it as a variant. Itis possible toc 
that we need not alter to accessisset, for the 


EP. 349 (ATT. VIII. 14). 


infin. is at times found in relative sen- 
tences of the.Or. Obl. when the relative = 
et is: 
ne tenuissima quidem suspicione attigerat, 


cos nominavit, L. Luculium, a quo solitumml ᾿ 


esse ad se mittt C. Fannium, illum qui im 
P. Clodium subscripserat, 


cuius domum constitutam fuisse unde 
eruptio fieret: cp. also Lebreton, pp. 512 - 
910. 10» 


occultis] would have easily fallen out 
before occultandi : ΟΡ. occultum iter, 352. 1. 
Miller suggests occult<is explic>andi, 
comparing 331. 3 for explicare. 

a ἢ Oris It’: 
2 (8). 

apiscendi] So Mi: 
Jinem bonorum : 
sunt facienda omnia : 


ek morbi. See note on Fam. iv. ὃ. 
6 (555). 1015 often found in Plautus, e.g. 
Capt. 775: Rud. 17; Trin. 347: 
Terence Heaut. 693. 
de filio| We learn from 358. 1 that on 
March 8 the son of Domitius passed 


through Formiae on his way to his mother | 
(Porcia, the sister of Cato) at Naples. 


non esse redditam| Caesar B. C. i. 23. 4 


says that a sum of 6,000,000 sesterces, 


which had been left behind by Domitius, | 
was brought to him by the duumviri of 
Corfinium. Although this was clearly 
ascertained to be public money assigned 


by Pompey for the payment of the | 
troops, Caesar restored it to Domitius, ne 


continentior in vita hominum quam 


pecunia fuisse videatur, ‘to show that he | 
was as scrupulous about taking money as 


about taking life.’ 


Haec velim ex- 


cp. Att. 11. 24. ὃ (51) Quos in sonata x! 


see note on Att. 1. 3,_ 


cp. Leg. i. 52, αὧ 
quoius apiscendt causa » 
Luer. vi. 1235, nullo — 
cessabant tempore apisci ex aliis alios avidt — 


also i i 


LI. Domitium, 


᾿ 


* 


EP. 350 (ATT. VIII. 15). 117 


ie 350. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vit. 15). 


FORMIAE; MARCH 3; A. U. C. 70535 Β. C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 


τ΄ ΜΝ. Cicero ad Attici epistulas respondet, quid ipse agat dubitat, transeatne an 


-‘maneat, aliorum dissimilem esse condicionem, Adiungit exemplum litterarum Cornelii 
Balbi ad se datarum, quibus Balbus Ciceronem exhortatur ad pacem inter Caesarem 
_atque Pompeium conciliandam. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1, A. d. v Non. Martias epistulas mihi tuas Aegypta reddidit, 
“unam veterem, 111 Kal. quam te scribis dedisse Pinario, quem 
non vidimus, in qua exspectas quidnam praemissus agat Vibullius, 
qui omnino non est visus a Caesare—id altera epistula video te 
Scire ita esse—et quem ad modum redeuntem excipiam Caesarem, 
‘quem omnino vitare cogito, et αὐθήμερον fugam intendis com- 
mutationemque vitae tuae, quod tibi puto esse faciendum, et 
ignoras Domitius cum fascibusne sit, quod cum scies facies ut 


1. Aegypta] a freedman of Cicero: 
ep. Att. xii. 37. 1 (579). Another letter- 
- carrier we hear of at this time was Anteros 

/ (372. 2). 
| exspectas|] i.e. you say you expect. 

᾿ς praemissus| sc. in Hispaniam: cp. 
0865. B.C. i 34.1. Quo (sc. in Gailliam) 
tum venisset cognoscit missum a Pompeto 
 Vibullium Rufwm quem paucis ante diebus 
| Corfinio captum ipse dimiserat : 38.1, Ad- 
᾿ ventu L. Vibulli Rufi quem a Pompero 
“missum in Hispaniam demonstratum est. 
_ Caesar took him prisoner again in Spain ; 
and later sent him with terms of com- 
promise to Pompey when both were in the 
δ Π of Dyrrhachium (ib. iii. 
“10. 1). 
᾿ς αὐθημερὸν] M reads authemonis. We 
᾿ Should naturally expect that some refer- 
ence to the estate of Atticus in Epirus is 
eontained in this corrupt word, e.g. ad 
~Chaoniam (Schiitz): ad Thyamim (Leh- 
“manun) ep. Leg. ii. 7: or possibly ad 
᾿Αμαλθεῖον : cp. i. 16. 18 (22). But Mr. 
Winstedt has a much more attractive 
correction, viz. αὐθήμερον, which we have 
adopted, ‘ and you say you are purposing 
flight the very day Caesar arrives.’ Atti- 


cus was fond of introducing Greek words 
into his letters: cp. 365.4, 5, 7, 8, 9. This 
is certainly the best emendation yet pro- 
posed. For other attempts see Adn. Crit. 

intendis| So we read with Schiitz. 
Miiller, in his learned note on p. 17. 27 of 
his edition, points out how often in is 
omitted ; it may have got transferred to 
αὐθήμερον and been transformed into ἐδ; 
tendere would suit well with fugam, but 
it would be a harsh zeugma to take 
it with commutationem. 

commutationemque tuae vitae] We do 
not think, as Boot does, that this refers to 
any new regimen of health (diaeta) that 
Atticus proposed to adopt, but to a whole 
change of life, giving up the business of 
a city man and living away from Rome, 
if Caesar became supreme there: cp. 
Tusc. i. 27 (mortem esse) quandum quasi 
migrationem commutationemque vitae, 

quod ... esse faciendum| ‘The ante- 
cedent to quod is the whole preceding 
clause, ‘a course which I think you 
should adept.’ 

cum fascibusne sit] The senate had 
conferred on Domitius the province of 
Gaul. Atticus wanted to know whether 


118 EP. 350 (ATT. VIII. 15). 


sciamus. Habes ad primam epistulam. 2. Secutae sunt duae, 
pridie Kal. ambae datae, quae me convellerunt de pristino statu, 
iam tamen, ut ante ad te scripsi, labantem. Nec me movet quod | 
scribis ‘Iovi ipsi iniquum.’ Nam periculum in utriusque ira- 
cundia positum est, victoria autem ita incerta ut deterior causa 
paratior mihi esse videatur. Nec me consules movent, qui ipsi 
pluma aut folio facilius moventur. Offici me deliberatio cruciat — 
cruciavitque adhue. Cautior certe est mansio, honestior existi-— 
matur traiectio. Malo interdum multi me non caute quam pauci 
non honeste fecisse existiment. De Lepido et Tullo quod quaeris, 
illi vero non dubitant quin Caesari praesto futuri in senatumque 
venturi sint. 8. Recentissima tua est epistula Kal. data, in qua 
optas congressum pacemque non desperas. Sed ego cum haee 
scribebam nec illos congressuros nec si congressi essent Pom- 
peium ad ullam condicionem accessurum putabam. Quod videris | 
non dubitare si consules transeant quid nos facere oporteat, certe 
transeunt vel quo modo nune est transierunt. Sed memento 
praeter Appium neminem esse fere qui non ius habeat transeundi. | 
Nam aut cum imperio sunt ut Pompeius, ut Scipio, Sufenas 


Domitius still retained the insignia of 
imperium ; the answer to that question 
might afford a clue to his attitude towards 
Pompey. Cicero says ‘when you learn 
the truth about this let me know.’ As 
Domitius was appointed to Gaul in super- 
session of Caesar, his retaining his fasces 
would be a defiance of Caesar, and his 
foregoing them would be a token of sub- 
mission. 

2. convellerunt| ‘hurled me from my 
old position,’ a strengthening of the 
phrase (common in Livy) movere de statu. 
Atticus’s letter seems to have suggested 
to him that to join Pompey was the more 
honourable course. Cicero is somewhat 
partial to the word: cp. Att. v. 20. 10 
(228). 

Lovi ipsi iniqguum| ‘storming against 
e’en Jove.’ The phrase was proverbial : 
cp. Fam. x. 12. 4 (838), Venit paratus 
Servilius lovi ipsi iniguus cuius in templo 
res agebatur, where see note. Perhaps it 
refers to the boastful impiety of Capaneus, 
Aesch. Theb. 428. Atticus meant that 
Pompey would pursue violently anyone 
who opposed him, would spare no one, 
however distinguished, reckless of conse- 
quences. 


periculum in utriusque iracundia| Cicero 
says he is not greatly influenced by 


Atticus’s remark, that Pompey will be | 
as angry with those who stay in Rome as — 


with those who join Caesar, because there 
will be peril from the conqueror, which- 
ever side wins, and at present the worse 
cause (Caesar’s) seems to have the better 
chance of success. 

Lepido et Tullo | 

praesto futuri| 
service.’ 

3. NEC.’ 


cp. 840. 3; 349. 2. 


. putabam| This is worthy of 


note. Caesar was really all along desirous — 


of coming to terms with Pompey (though 
no doubt Cicero when in a desponding 
mood (cp. 359. 3) says Caesar was bent 
on the destruction of Pompey); but 
Pompey was bent on war. 


praeter Appium| Except Appius, who 


was censor, and was not invested with 
the imperium, and therefore was confined 
to Rome, not one of those who had joined 
Pompey were forbidden by law to visit 
the provinces if they pleased, being all 


either invested with the imperium, or — 


lieutenants to those who were. 


Scipio] was governor of Syria, 353. 4. ; 
For M. Nonius Sufenas cp. Att. iv. 15.4 | 


‘to be at Cuaesar’s — 


4 


3a 


ἣ 
᾿ 
ἢ 
τῇ 
Ὰ 


] 
' 


ΤΑ 


7 SS RS 
{ Ta eT 
νι. 


sit intellego. 
᾿ yideor, potero biduo. 


EP. 351 (ATT. IX. 7 A). 


119 


| Fannius, Voconius, Sestius, ipsi consules, quibus more maiorum 
concessum est vel omnis adire provincias, aut legati sunt eorum. 
Sed nihil decerno, Quid placeat tibi et quid propemodum rectum 
Plura scriberem si ipse possem. 
Balbi Corneli litterarum exemplum, quas 


Sed, ut mihi 


: die accepi quo tuas, misi ad te, ut meam vicem doleres cum 


me derideri videres. 


961. 


| que probari solent : 


(148), and possibly vi. 1. 13 (252). For 
Ὶ Fanni For Sestius 
“Note to 420. 1. We do not know anything 
al yut this Voconius. Lambinus suggests 
Coponius, 331. 4. 
᾿ς quibus provincias| Sulla did 
) nothing to infringe the military imperium 
of the consuls; after as before his law it 
_ was legal for them to ‘ approach any pro- 
‘vince.’ Lucullus went as consul to Asia 
in 74 B.c. (Greenidge, Roman Public 
i] # p- 201): cp. Mommsen, St. R. i?, 


ay ἀρ ‘ without an amanuensis.’ 
 kitterarum] i.e. Ep. 346. 

ut meam...videres} ‘so that you 
/ might sympathize with me on seeing me 
_ mocked’ by the pretence that I still 
‘possess an influence which I have lost 


BALBUS AND OPPIUS TO CICERO 
(ATT. IX. 7A). 


ROME ; ABOUT MARCH 7; A. U. 6. 7055 B.C. 49; AKT. CIC. 57. 


L. Cornelius Balbus hortatur ne contra alterutrum arma ferat dicitque Caesarem, 
᾿ quacunque ratione usurus sit, id esse probaturum. 


BALBUS ET OPPIUS 5. ἢ. M. CICERONI. 


1, Nedum hominum humilium ut nos sumus sed etiam am- 
/plissimorum virorum consilia ex eventu, non ex voluntate a pleris- 
tamen freti tua humanitate quod verissimum 
nobis videbitur de eo quod ad nos scripsisti tibi consilinm dabimus, 
quod si non fuerit prudens, at certe ab optima fide et optimo animo 
| proficiscetur. Nos si id quod nostro iudicio Caesarem facere opor- 
| tere existimamus, ut simul Romam venerit agat de reconciliatione 


1. Nedum| ‘The use of this word in 
the same seuse as on modo is quite un- 
Ciceronian, and has not the authority of 
any good writer. The meaning shows 
it to be corrupt in 402 fin., where see 
note: cp. Hellmuth, pp. 48, 44, on its 
usage in Balbus. 

ut nos sumus | for quales nos sumus, 
cp. Att. iv. 5. 1 (108) im istis principibus 
ut volunt esse. 


humanitate| “ considerateness’: ep. 
ᾧ 2. 

verissimum . . - consilium | ‘the best, 
soundest advice’: cp. 395. 2 Tuum con- 


silium quam verum est. 
quod... proficiscetur| ‘and if it does 
not turn out successfully, at any rate its 
source is perfect sincerity and good will.’ 
ut ...agat| This is the explanatory sub- 
junetive, for which see on Petit. Cons. 


120 EP. 351 (ATT. IX. 7 A). 


gratiae suae et Pompei, id eum facturum ex ipso cognovissemus, 
non desissemus te hortari velles iis rebus interesse, quo facilius et 
maiore cum dignitate per te qui utrique es coniunctus res tota 
confieret, aut, si ex contrario putaremus Caesarem id non facturum — 
et etiam velle cum Pompeio bellum gerere sciremus, numquam tibi _ 
suaderemus contra hominem optime de te meritum arma ferres, 
sicuti te semper oravimus ne contra Caesarem pugnares. 2. Sed 
cum etiam nunc quid facturus Caesar sit magis opinari quam scire 
possimus, non possumus nisi hoc: non videri eam tuam esse digni- — 
tatem neque fidem omnibus cognitam ut contra alterutrum, cum — 
utrique sis Maxime necessarius, arma feras, et hoc non dubitamus 
quin Caesar pro sua humanitate maxime sit probaturus. Nos 
tamen, si tibi videbitur, ad Caesarem scribemus ut nos certiores 
faciat quid hac re acturus sit: a quo si erit nobis rescriptum, statim 
quae sentiemus ad te scribemus et tibi fidem faciemus nos ea sua- 
dere quae nobis videntur tuae dignitati, non Caesaris actioni esse 
utilissima, et hoc Caesarem pro sua indulgentia in suos probaturum 
putamus. 


47 (Ep. 12), ‘if we were certain that 
Caesar would do what in our opinion he 
ought, namely, treat for recovery of 
friendly relations between himself and 
Pompey immediately on arriving at 
Rome, we should not cease to urge you 
to take part in the negotiations.’ We have 
inserted non desissemus immediately after 
cognovissemus, as the homoeoteleuton would 
then go far to account for the loss of the 
words from the mss. Some word like 
deberemus would do quite as well, or even 
the change of hortari to hortaremur. For 
reconciliatione gratiae suae et Pompet, cp. 
354. 1 concordiam suam et Pompei recon- 
ciliare. 

id eum| For this id repeated cp. Madv. 
on Fin. v. 22. 

2. non possumus nisi] ‘our ability 
extends no further than this.’ The 
omission of scribere here (which seems a 
colloquial usage)may perhaps tend to show 


that it is not necessary to add seripsit in 
342. 5. Miller adds scribere here. | 

hac re] ‘things being as they are’: 
cp. 354. 2 Hac re. We have discussed 
this abl. in note to 131. 4. 

quae sentiemus| So ΜῈ: M? has cum 
sentiamus, which may possibly be tolerated 
in Balbus; though statim ut sentiemus — 
would be more correct. 

actiont| Boot altered to rationi, which | 
would express the idea of ‘ policy,’ ‘ in- | 
terests,’ quite well: cp. too 354. 2 
(Caesarem) prius tuae dignitatis quam suae— 
utilitatis rationem habiturum, but. the — 
genitives there make a difference. It is 
possible, however, that actioni ‘ proce- — 
dure’ may be right: cp. Rabir. perd. 14 | 
an vero st actio ista popularis esset .. Ὁ 
Gracchus eam reliquisset? In 364. 2 actio- 
means ‘ negotiation.’ di 

pro sua indulgentia in suos] ‘so kind is 
he to his friends.’ 


κλτο παλιν pt vats 


Epo. 


Ἴρου. 


EP. 352 (ATT. VIII, 16). 121 


352, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. vut. 16). 


FORMIAE}; MARCH 4 (ἢ 2); A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit se iter ad mare superum ut transeat quaerere, sed tamen 
non tum Pompeii auctoritate quam sermone hominum ut proficiscatur adduci. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Omnia mihi provisa sunt praeter occultum et tutum iter ad 
mare superum. Hoc enim mari uti non possumus hoc tempore 
anni. Illuc autem, quo spectat animus et quo res vocat, qua veniam ὃ 
Cedendum enim est celeriter, ne forte qua re impediar atque ad- 
Nec vero ille me ducit qui videtur, quem ego hominem 
ἀπολιτικώτατον OMnium iam ante cognoram, nune vero etiam 
ἀστρατηγητότατον. Non me igitur is ducit, sed sermo hominum 
qui ad me @ Philotimo seribitur. Is enim me ab optimatibus ait 
conscindi. Quibus optimatibus, di boni? qui nune quo modo 
occurrunt ! quo-modo autem se venditant Caesari! Municipia 
vero ut deo, nec simulant, ut cum de illo aegroto vota faciebant. 
2. Sed plane quidquid mali hic Pisistratus non fecerit tam 


1. mare superum] the Adriatic. 
Hoe ... mari) 1.6. mare inferum, the 
Tyrrhenian Sea. 


Iliue| to Brundisium. 
qua| ‘by what route.’ 
ducit| ‘attracts.’ 


> / ‘ 
ἀπολιτικώτατον] a good-for- 
nothing statesman’: ἀστρατηγητότατον, 


_ fa good-for-nothing general.’ 


Philotimo| Terentia’s steward, at 
whose dishonesty he often hints in Att. vi. 

conscindi] ‘torn to pieces’ with abuse : 
cp. sibilis conscissi, Att. ii. 19, 3 (46). 

quinune... Caesari] wp. 369. 4 adde 
imbecillitatem bonorum virorum qui qui- 
dem, quod illum sibi meritoiratum putant, 
oderunt, ut tu seribis, ludum. 

Municipia vero ut deo) The common 
reading municipia veru deum implies the 
ellipse of some such verb as faciwnt or 
ducunt: but broad as are the limits of 
ellipse in these letters, it is difficult to 
see how such an ellipse could possibly 
be justified, as there is no word what- 
ever from which /faciunt or ducunt 
might be inferred. It seems probable 


that Cicero wrote something like muni- 
cipia vero ut deo (or ad deum M*), with 
which the words se venditant, or some 
word or words implied by these words, 
might be understood. Possibly ducunt, 
meaning ‘consider,’ may be understood, 
though elsewhere when it is understood 
it means ‘ lead,’ ‘conduct,’ Att. v. 17. 3 
(209): vi. 9. 5 (282). If we can sup- 
pose that something is lost, we suggest 
deamant eum: cp. 369. 4, hune adhue 
diligunt; or perhaps even de victoria 
gratulantur: cp. 359.4, Quicguam tu ila 
putas fursse de valetudine decreta muni- 
cipiorum prae his de victoria gratulationt- 
bus. 

vota faciebant| When Pompey was ill 
in Naples, there were public prayers for 
his recovery, a circumstance alluded to in 
the celebrated passage of Juvenal already 
quoted from Sat. x. 283: cp. vol. 1118, 
Ῥ. xev. 

2. Pisistratus] cp. 318. 2 (Caesar) 
qui quidem incertum est Phalarimne an 
Pisistratum sit imitaturus. 

Jecerit] ‘did not in their opinion 


122 EP, 352 (ATT. VIII. 16). 


gratum est quam si alium facere prohibuerit. 
sperant, illum iratum putant. Quas fierl venses ἀπαντήσεις ex 
oppidis! quos honores! Metuunt, inquies. Credo, sed mehercule 
illum magis. Huius insidiosa clementia delectantur, illius ira- 
cundiam formidant. Iudices de cccLx, qui praecipue Gnaeo 
nostro delectabantur, ex quibus cotidie aliquem video, nescio quas 
eius Lucerias horrent. Itaque quaero qui sint isti optimates qui 
me exturbent cum ipsi domi maneant. Sed tamen quicumque 
sunt, αἰδέομαι Τρῶας. tsi qua spe proficiscar video, coniungoque 
me cum homine magis ad vastandam Italiam quam ad vincendum 
parato, dominumque exspecto. Et quidem cum haec scribebam 
111 Nonas iam exspectabam aliquid a Brundisio. Quid autem 
aliquid ? quam inde turpiter fugisset et victor hic qua se referret 


Propitium hune 


et quo. 
cogitabam. 


commit.’ Such, according to Watson, is 
the force of the subjunctive (virtually 
oblique). Possibly, however, it might be 
the fut. perf. indicative, ‘ whatever crime 
he shall have been found not to have 
committed will secure as much gratitude 
aus if he had prevented another com- 
mitting it.’ 

hune| is Caesar, illum is Pompey 
throughout : except in the last line of the 
letter si idle Appia veniret, where it must 
mean Caesar. 

Quas .. . ἀπαντήσεις) ‘what an 
ovation’ (newspaper slang, answering to 
Cicero’s use of Greek); or ‘reception’: 
cp. note to ἀναπάντητον, 3538. ὃ. 

insidiosa clementia| cp. 840, 4, note. ἡ" 

ludices de cccux| ‘those who were on 
the jury list of 360’ judges enrolled by 
Pompey for the trial of Milo: cp. note 
on Fam. viii. 8. 5 (223). 

Lucerias| ‘they shudder at vague 
Lucerias which they conjure up,’ that is, 
they fancy proscriptions are impending 
such as were threatened at Luceria, as 
we read in 342. 4: cp. Fam. vii. 11. 2 
(167), wna colloculio nostra pluris erit 
quam omnes Samarobrivae, ‘than all the 
Samarobrivas in the world’ (that is, than 
all you might gain by being with Caesar 
at Amiens). 

qui me exturbent| ‘who are they to 
hunt me out of Italy ?’ 

αἰδέομαι Τρῶας) Hom. 1]. vi. 442. 
This is his constant way of expressing 
his fear of public opinion. See Index. 


Quod ubi audissem, si ille Appia veniret, ego Arpinum 


dominumque exspecto] so Klotz for 
domum quem. He compares 342.2 Domi- 
natio quaesita ab utrogue est. Perhaps 
Deum num quem exspecto 2? for which cp. 
Att. ix. 6.5, guid tu autem possis ? aut 
quid homo quisquam ὃ vix iam deus. Or 


it might be Domo aliquem exspecto; et 


quidem, “1 am expecting a messenger 
from Rome (cp. 362. 4); and indeed as 
I am writing this, I am expecting some 
news trom Brundisium.’ 

aliquid 2?) ‘why do I say some news, 
when I expect the (definite) information 
of Pompey’s disgraceful flight, and the 
route by which Caesar is returning, and 
the direction in which he is moving ?’ 

Quod ... cogitabam| ‘on hearing 


which I think of going to Arpinum if 


Caesar returns by the Appian Way,’ 
Arpinum being much further than 
Formiae from the Appian Way. The 
alternative road was the Via Minueia, 
mentioned 360. 1, and Hor. Ep. 1. 18, 20.: 
It is uncertain where the Via Minucia 
was. The usual] opinion as regards this 
roid is that it diverged from the Appian 
Way at Beneventum, and that it went. 
through Aequum ‘Tuticum, Herdonia, 
Canusium, and Barium to Brundisium 3. 
while the Via Appia went through Taren- 
tum. Others hold that it was a road which 
branched off from the Via Valeria, pro-» 
bably at Corfinium, and. went south 
tirough Aufidena, Aesernia, Bovianum 
to Aequum ‘l'uticum, where it joined the 
Via Traiana. (The latter was made a 


SCAR LM 


EP. 353 (ATT. 1X. 1). 123 


3538. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. 1x. 1). 
FORMIAE; MARCH 6 (8 1); A. σ΄. 0. 7053 B.C. 493 ABT. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit se exspectare nuntium quid Brundisii actum sit, se 
nescire ubi P. Lentulus, ubi Domitius sit, multos optimatium iam in urbe esse, alios 
fore, se tamen cogitare, quod cunctatio sua a bonis non probetur, Arpinum proficisci, 
inde ad mare superum, ut Pompeium sequatur vel potius causam publicam quam is 
suscepisse videatur. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Etsi cum tu has litteras legeres putabam fore ut scirem 


iam quid Brundisi actum esset-—nam Canusio vii Kal. profectus 


erat Gnaeus, haec autem scribebam pridie Nonas, x1111 die post- 
quam ille Canusio moverat,—tamen angebar singularum horarum 
exspectatione mirabarque nihil adlatum esse ne rumoris quidem. 
Nam erat mirum silentium. Sed haec fortasse κενόσπουδα sunt, 
quae tamen iam sciantur necesse est. 2. Illud molestum, me 
adhue investigare non posse ubi P. Lentulus noster sit, ubi 
Domitius. Quaero autem, quo facilius scire possim quid acturi 
sint, iturine ad Pompeium et, si sunt, qua quandove ituri 
sint. Urbem quidem iam refertam esse optimatium audio; 
Sosium et Lupum, quos Gnaeus noster ante putabat Brundisium 
venturos esse quam se, ius dicere. Hine vero vulgo vadunt. 
Etiam Μ᾽. Lepidus, quocum diem conterere solebam, cras cogita- 


public road by the Emperor Trajan ; it 
had previously been a road kept up by 
the municipalities: see C.I.L. ix. p. 592.) 
See Daremberg and Saglio s.v. Via, 


Ῥ. 798 b. 


1. moverat] used absolutely and in- 
transitively (= se movisse) also in Livy 
XXXvli. 28. 4: cp. id. 18. 8, priusquam 
hostes sentirent aut moverentur, Pergamum 
contendit. The latter passage would seem 
to show that castra is not to be understood 
as navem is to be understood with solvere. 

singularum horarum  exspectatione| 


hourly expectation.’ 


κενόσπουδα) ‘questions of mere 
curiosity, to which in any case we must 
soon know the answers.’ tamen seems to 
mean that whether these events are im- 


portant or not we must soon know about 
them. 

2. Sosium et Lupum.. . ius dicere| 
These have both been already mentioned 
as praetors—C. Sosius in 337. 1; P. Ru- 
tilius Lupus in 381. 4. 

ius dicere] cp. 368, 3 et stat urbs ista, 
praetores tus dicunt, aediles ludos parant,. 
viri boni usuras perseribunt: eyo ipse 
sedeo ! 

Hine vero vulgo vadunt] ‘there is a 
general move from here.’ Cp. Att. iv. 
10. 2 (121), ad ewm mane vadebam ;. xiv. 
11. 2 fin. (714), eras mane vadit, where 
see note. There is a slight notion of pomp 
in the word. 

quocum diem conterere solebam] ον. 
340. 3, Lepido quidem, nam fere συνδιημε- 
ρεύομεν, quod gratissimum ill est. 


124 EP. 358 (ATT. IX. 1). 


bat. 
remus: deinde Arpinum volebamus. Inde, iter qua maxime 
ἀναπάντητον esset, ad mare superum, remotis sive omnino missis 
lictoribus. Audio enim bonis viris, qui et nunc et saepe antea 
magno praesidio rei publicae fuerunt, hance cunctationem nostram 
non probari multaque mihi et severe in conviviis, tempestivis 
quidem, disputari. Cedamus igitur et ut boni cives simus bellum 
Italiae terra marique inferamus et odia improborum rursus in nos, 
quae iam exstincta erant, incendamus et Luccei consilia ac Theo- 


3. Nos autem in Formiano morabamur quo citius audi- 


phani persequamur. 


3. Arpinum volebamus]| sc. ire: cp. note 
to 364. 2. 

ἀναπάντητον) This is generally 
taken simply as ‘ where the road is such 


that one will meet nobody’; lit. ‘where | 


the road is to be unmet.’ But the expres- 
sion is peculiar. We rather think it 
refers to such ἀπαντήσεις as are alluded 
tO. in 302. 2 = 662, 2: and: Ate. xviz 11,6 
(799), mansit Teani. Μιγίβοα ἀπάντησις 
et cohortatio, that is to ‘receptions’ such 
as would be accorded by country towns 
or even Rome to distinguished men. As 
the word is rare, we might coin a word 
‘unreceptionable’ on the analogy of such 
a word as ‘ unexceptionable.’ 

remotis ... missis| “ dispensing with 
or absolutely dismissing my lictors.’ The 
lictors are said ‘to be dispensed with’ 
(remotis) when they are not required to 
be in attendance ; sive has a corrective 
force, which Boot illustrates by pueri 
sive iam adulescentis, Att. vi 2, 2 (256) ; 
haec scripsi seu dictavi, xiv 21. 4 (728). 
Sometimes sive potius or sive etiam is 
used; omnino here goes with missis. 

mihi] ethical dative, or dative of 
disadvantage. ‘And many strictures are 
passed on me.’ Manutius altered to in 
me. Ο. E. Schmidt (Rh. Mus. 1897, 
p- 146) retains mihi. 

conviviis, tempestivis quidem] ‘at their 
entertainments, right early ones too’: 
tempestivis is literally ‘ early,’ that is, be- 
ginning before the customary hour of three 
or so in the afternoon, so that Cicero says 
‘early ones too’ in much the same sense 


in which a modern writer would say ‘ late 


ones too,’ i.e. fashionable and luxurious: 
cp. 469.6; 472. 8, and Dr. Reid on De 


4. Nam Scipio vel in Syriam proficiscitur 
sorte, vel cum genero honeste, vel Caesarem fugit iratum. 
celli quidem nisi gladium Caesaris timuissent manerent. 


Mar- 
Appius 


Sen. 46. Mr. Winstedt translates by a 
happy turn ‘and that they sit half the 
day over their festive boards making 
caustic remarks about me.’ 

Luccei ac Theophani] These were the 
chosen advisers of Pompey. The -ὖ form 
of the genitive of proper names in -es 
is preferred hy Cicero, who writes Themis- 
tocli, Alcibiadi. \ucceius was a very 
violent Pompeian: cp. 367. 3. 

4. Nam] explains odia improborum 
rursus in nos incendamus, ‘ {I will incur 
their hatred by being the only one who 
deliberately and without excuse joined 
Pompey), for others have good special 
reasons for joining him, I only am com- 
pletely free to go or stay as I choose.’ 

Scipio] On the death of Julia Pompey 
had married Cornelia, the daughter of this 
Q. Metellus Scipio. Scipio could there- 
fore plead both his provincial government 
and his relationship as an excuse for not 
remaining in Rome, as well as his fear of 
Caesar’s vengeance. 

Appius... etiam] ‘ Appius has the 
same fear of Caesar’s vengeance, and has 
incurred recent enmities besides’ (with 
Dolabella, Caelius, and Curio). Zimore 
is an ablative of quality, and inimicitia- 
rum recentium is the genitive expressing 
the same relation. It seems to have been 
characteristic of early Latin to extend 
the limits of the genitive of quality, and 
a similar tendency is found, as so often 
happens, in Cicero’s letters, which are 
clearly tinged with the archaism of early 
Latin: cp. plurimarum palmarum gladia- 
tor, Rose. Am. 17; Cornificia vetula sane 
et multarum nuptiarum (Att. xiii. 29. 1 
(604) where see note); non multi cidi 


a τς ΤῊΣ ΤΣ 


mus. 
qui nulli sunt, non causa, quae acta timide est, agetur improbe. 


EP. 354 (ATT. IX. 7 B). 125 


et eodem timore et inimicitiarum recentium etiam: praeter hune 
et C. Cassium reliqui legati, Faustus pro quaestore: ego unus cui 


utrumvis liceret: frater accedit, quem socium huius fortunae esse 
pon erat aequum cul magis etiam Caesar irasceretur. Sed impe- 
trare non possum ut maneat. Dabimus hoc Pompeio quod debe- 
Nam me quidem alius nemo movet: non sermo bonorum, 


Uni, uni hoc damus, ne id quidem roganti nec suam causam, ut 


ait, agenti sed publicam. Tu quid cogites de transeundo in Epirum 
scire sane velim. | 


354. BALBUS ΤῸ CICERO (Arr. 1x. 78). 


ROME; MARCH 9; A. U. 6. 705; B.C. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 


Balbus Ciceronem hortatur ut nullam partem belli suscipiat et a Caesare preasidium 


petat. 


BALBUS CICERONI IMP. SAL. 


L.S. V. B. #. Postea quam litteras communis cum Oppio ad 
te dedi ab Caesare epistulam accepi cuius exemplum tibi misi, ex 


hospitem accipies, multi toci, 479. 4; and 
see note to Fam. v. 10. 3 (696), ed. 2. 
For a case in which Cic. uses both abl. and 
genit. of quality together, cp. Fam. i. 7. 
11 (114), Lentulum nostrum eximia spe, 
summae virtutis adulescentem. It is pos- 
sible, of course, to take inimicitiarum as 
an objective genitive depending on timore ; 
but it is more likely that the genitive is 
one of quality. See Adn. Crit. 

praeter hunc| ‘save Appius and Cas- 
sius, all the rest hold military commands, 
and Faustus (367. 4) is proquaestor: I am 
the only one who could go or stay as I 
pleased.’ 

Srater accedit| ‘to this is added the 
consideration of my brother’s case, whom 
it is not fair toinvolve in my own difficul- 
ties, so that he should be thus exposed still 
more to the resentment of Caesar,’ as he 
had been one of the most able of Caesar’s 
officers in Gaul, and Caesar would natur- 
aily resent his now proceeding against 


him. M has liceret ... accederet .. - 
irasceretur ; the verb intervening between 
the two imperfect subjunctives was 
wrongly assimilated to them by the 
copyists, and there is no reason why we 
should write dice¢ and trascetur, as many 
editors do. 

quod debemus| Schmidt 
1897, p. 146) reads quoi. M! has quo. 

quae. . . improbe| ‘which has been 
conducted with timidity and will be con- 
ducted with crime’ (Shuckburgh). 

ne id quidem] ‘though he does not 
even ask me for that proof of my fidelity, 
and though (as he says) the battle he is 
fighting is not his own, but his country’s.’ | 


(Rh. Mus. 


1. 8. V. 8. EB.) = si vales, bene est: ep. 
Fp. Obs 

litteras communis} Ep. 351. 

ab Caesare epistulam| Ep. 347. If this 
was despatched from Canusium on March 
3, it would arrive in Rome about the 8th. 


126 EP. 354 (ATT. IX. 7B). 


quibus perspicere poteris quam cupiat concordiam swam et Pompei 
reconciliare et quam remotus sit ab omni crudelitate: quod eum 
sentire, ut debeo, valde gaudeo. De te et tua fide et pietate idem 
mehercule, mi Cicero, sentio quod tu, non posse tuam famam et 
officium sustinere ut contra eum arma feras a quo tantum bene- 
ficium te accepisse praedices. 2. Caesarem hoc idem probaturum 
exploratum pro singulari eius humanitate habeo, eique cumulatis- 
sime satis facturum te certe scio cum nullam partem belli contra 
eum suscipias neque socius eius adversariis fueris. Atque hoc non 
solum in te, tali et tanto viro, satis habebit, sed etiam mihi ipse 
sua concessit voluntate ne in iis castris essem quae contra Len- 
tulum aut Pompeium futura essent quorum beneficia maxima 
haberem, sibique satis esse dixit si togatus urbana officia sibi 
praestitissem quae etiam illis si vellem praestare possem. Itaque 
nunc Romae omnia negotia Lentuli procuro, sustineo, meumque 
officium, fidem, pietatem iis praesto. Sed mehercule rursus iam 
abiectam compositionis spem non desperatissimam esse puto, 
quoniam Caesar est ea mente qua optare debemus. Hac re mihi 
placet, si tibi videtur, te ad eum scribere et ab eo praesidium 
petere, ut petiisti a Pompeio, me quidem approbante, temporibus 
Milonianis. Praestabo, si Caesarem bene novi, eum prius tuae 


meumgue ... praesto| ‘and I do for 
them what in duty, honour, and devotion 
I am bound to do.’ 

Hac re| see on 351. 2. 

praesidium]| ‘military protection’: cp. 
Att. 1. 16. 5 (22), Clamare praeclari Ario- 
pagitae sé non esse venturos nist praesidio 
constituto, Refertur ad consilium: una 
sola sententia praesidium non desideravit. 
The military protection would be osten- 


ex quibus| Balbus forgets that the letter 
he speaks of has been called by him 
epistulam, not litteras, though he had 
already written cuius. ‘This shows that 
we are not to be too ready to correct this 
writer’s letters. 

concordiam suam et Pompei reconciliare | 
‘to restore harmonious relations between 
him and Pompey’: cp. 851 ué agat de 
reconcilintione gratiae suae et Pompet. 


pietate| ‘devotion.’ sibly to guard Cicero from the attacks οὗ. 
sustinere ut] ‘to allow of’: see on the lower class of Caesar’s supporters 
362. 6. (cp. 368. 3) who were always hostile to 


him (cp. 343. 7); but it may also have 
been, as Bardt thinks, to act as a watch 
on Cicero to prevent his taking any action 


2. humanitate] ‘considerateness.’ 
certe 5010) cp. note to 428. 1. 
mss. except ΟἹ here have cerie. 


The 
The 
We know he was 


distinction is said to be certo scio (as it is 


below, § 3), ‘I have certain knowledge’ ; 
certe scio, “1 am sure I know.’ But it is 
doubtful if this distinction is always 
observed. 

tali et tanto viro] 
eminence and position.’ 

quorum beneficia] Balbus owed his 
citizenship to Pompey and Lentulus: 
cp. 346. 2. 


‘a man of such 


on behalf of Pompey. 
carefully watched during May: ep. 
Κωρυκαῖοι (404. 1). 

temporibus Milonianis| cp. Asconius, 
p. 40, ed. Clark (= 41 Or.). Quem (sc. 
Causinium Scholam) cum interrogare M. 
Marcellus coepisset, tanto tumultu Clodianae 
multitudinis circumstantis exterritus est ut 
vim ultimam timens in tribunal a Domitio 
reciperetur. Quam ob causam Marcellus et 


‘er 


127 


dignitatis quam suae utilitatis rationem habiturum. 3. Haec 
quam prudenter tibi scribam nescio, sed illud certe scio me ab 
singulari amore ac benevolentia quaecumque scribo tibi seribere : 
quod te—ita incolumi Caesare moriar !—tanti facio ut paucos 
aeque ac te caros habeam. De hac re cum aliquid constitueris 
velim mihi scribas. Nam non mediocriter laboro wt utrique, ut 
vis, tuam benevolentiam praestare possis, quam mehercule te prae- 
staturum confido. Fac valeas. 


EP. 855 (ATT. IX. 2). 


355. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. rx. 2). 


FORMIAE ; MARCH 7; A. U. 6. 705; B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


Quod Atticus epistula quadam scripserat se gaudere Ciceronem mansisse, iam 
quaerit Cicero utrum ipse eius sententiam parum meminerit an ille sententiam 


mutaverit. 


ipse Milo a Domitio praesidiwm implora- 
wverunt . . . Pompeius promisit se postero 
die cum praesidio descensurum, idque fecit. 
Qua re territi Clodiani silentio verba 
testium per biduum audiri passi sunt. 
Interrogaverunt eos M. Cicero et M. Mar- 
cellus et Milo ipse. Cicero, as a cross- 
examiner, had to get military protection 
as well as M. Marcellus: cp. Fam. iii. 
10. 10 (261) guo studio providit ne quae 
me illius temporis (sc. Miloniani) invidia 
attingeret, cum me consilio, cum auctoritate, 
cum armis denique texit suis (sc. 
Pompeius). 

3. quam prudenter| cp. 351. 1, quod 
(consiliwm) si non fuerit prudens, at certe 
ab optima fide et optimo animo proficis- 
_cetur. 

ab singulart amore| ‘from especial 
affection,’ ab = * starting from,’ “ arising 
from.’ For a ep. note to 409.1, 396. ὃ, 
and possibly Luer. i. 935, id qguoque enim 
non ab nulla ratione videtur: Off. i. 7, 
omnis enim a ratione suscipitur insti- 
-tutio: D. us Fam. xi. 10. 1 (854), 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


Etsi Nonis Martiis, die tuo ut opinor, exspectabam epistulam 
a te longiorem, tamen ad eam ipsam brevem quam 1111 Nonas 
ὑπὸ τὴν διάλειψιν dedisti rescribendum putavi. 


Gaudere ais te 


tu enim a certo sensu et vero iudicas de 
nobis. Munro, however, understands ab 
in these passages in the sense of stare αὖ, 
‘to be on the side of,’ = stare cum. 


die tuo] ‘the day of your attack,’ 
‘the day on which the intermittent fever 
occurs’: cp. 361. $3; 364.2; Att. vii. 
8. 2 (299). 

eam ipsam brevem| We have a quota- 
tion from this short letter in 365. 8. 

ὑπὸ τὴν διάλειψιν)] ‘just on the 
intermission of the fever.” So we read 
with Gurlitt (Terthritisches zu Cicero’s 
Briefen, Steglitz 1898, p. 4). Orelli also 
conjectured διάλειψεν. The mss. give 
AIAAHY inde. Hippocrates has πυρετὸς 
διαλείπει, ‘the fever is intermittent.’ 
We must accordingly read διάλειψιν 
in 365. 8, supposing that a few letters 
which were being copied mechanically 
were overlooked. Copyists sometimes 
omit Greek letters, but hardly ever insert 


. them. 


128 EP. 356 (ATT. IX. 2A). 


mansisse me et scribis in sententia te manere. 
superioribus litteris videbare non dubitare quin cederem, ita si 
et Gnaeus bene comitatus consvendisset et consules transissent. 
Utrum hoc tu parum commeministi an ego non satis intellexi 
an mutasti sententiam? Sed aut ex epistula quam exspecto 
perspiciam quid sentias aut alias abs te litteras eliciam. 
Brundisio nihildum erat adlatum. 


356. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. rx. 24). 


FORMIAE$ MARCH 8; A. U. 6. 7053 B. C. 493 ABET. CIC, 57. 


M. Cicero dubitare se scribit de consilio ab Attico sibi dato, exponit de misera 
condicione sua si Caesaris partes sequatur, apud Pompeium se in offensa esse non 


posse cum ille se potius neglexerit, de adventu Postumi Curtii, de nuntio Brundisio 


nondum adlato. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. O rem difficilem planeque perditam! quam nihil praeter- 
mittis in consilio dando! quam nihil tamen quod tibi ipsi placeat 
explicas! Non esse me una cum Pompeio gaudes, ac proponis 
quam sit turpe me adesse cum quid de illo detrahatur. Nefas 
esse approbare. Certe. Contra igitur? Di, inquis, averruncent! 
Quid ergo fiet si in altero scelus est,in altero supplicium ? Im- 
petrabis, inquis, a Caesare ut tibi abesse liceat et esse otioso. 
Supplicandum igitur? Miserum. Quid si non impetraro? Et 
de triumpho erit, inquis, integrum. Quid si hoe ipso premar ἢ 
Accipiam ? Quid foedius? Negem? Repudiari se totum, magis 


etiam quam olim in xxviratu putabit. Ac solet, cum se purgat, in 


ita st] ‘that is to say, if.’ senate when anything is said in derogation 


Mihi autem. 


commeministi] a rare word, but occa- 
sionally found in Cicero: e.g. De Orat. 
i. 227; iii. 85; Tusc. 1. 13. 


1. in consilio dando] ‘This is the 
longior epistula referred to in Ep, 356. 
It probably arrived on the 7th, and was 
answered next morning. It was written 
on the 5th (365. 9). 

adesse . . . detrahatur] 


‘to attend the 


of him’: 360. 6, cum aliquid in senatu 
contra Gnaeum agatur. 

Accipiam 2... putabit] cp. 338. 6, 
deferet triumphum. Non aceipere vide ne 
periculosum sit, accipere invidiosum ad 
bonos. Orem, inquis, difficilem et inexpli- 
cabilem. 

xaviratu| In the year 695 (59) Cicero 
had offended both Caesar and Pompey. by 


declining a place among the twenty com- 


ΝΥ en  πτππ νι 


IS ΜῊ ΜΕΥ ai eT sh hid 


ΒΩ, 


ἢ missioners appointed under the Julian law 
_ for the division of the Campanian land. 
He was also offered by Caesar a post as 
Ἢ ‘lieutenant in Gaul, but refused it: cp. 
| Att. ii. 19. 4, 5 (46) ; Prov. Cons, 41; and 
mis, p. 29. 
- . Quanto . . . asperius] ‘How much 
- more irritated will he be now at asimilar 
Ἂν; gape 

τ΄. 2. offensa] ‘1 am in great disfavour.’ 
~ Gicero is here probably quoting from the 
τ letter of Atticus: for Cicero does not use 
_ offensa elsewhere: he would have | used 
ensio. Caelius uses offensa, 383. 
_dmappnoiactoy)| ‘his ΠΣ 
tion is estopped,’ ‘cannot say a word for 
 itself;’ because he is now of opinion that 
- Cicero’s forecast of the whole situation 
"was more accurate than his own. Cicero 
ia seen that the municipal towrs could 
ot hold out against Caesar, that men 
would. not answer. the call of Pompey 
arms. that peace on any terus was 
preferable to war, that the public funds 


cenum should have been. occupied by 
ompey. 

twm| ‘if I refuse to join him when 
ere is nothing to prevent me, then he 


VOL. IV. 


EP. 356 (ATT, EX. 2 A). 


Σ sed quia ingrati animi crimen horreo. 
Ν ‘nostrum illi, quoquo tempore fuerit, ut scribis, ἀσμενιστὸν fore. 
Nam quod ais, si hic temperatius egerit, consideratius consilium 


were not safe in the treasury, and that 


129 


me conferre omnem illorum temporum culpam : ita me sibi fuisse 
"ἢ iene, ut ne -honorem quidem a se accipere vellem,...Quanto 
_ nune hoc idem accipiet asperius ? ‘Tanto scilicet quanto et honor 
hie illo est amplior et. ipse robustior. 
dubitare quin magna in offensa sim apud Pompeium hoc tempore, 
non video causam cur ita sit hoc quidem tempore. 
‘amisso Corfinio denique certiorem me sui consili fecit, is queretur 
Brundisium me non venisse cum inter me et Brundisium Caesar 
-esset ἢ Deinde etiam scit ἀπαρρησίαστον esse in ea causa querelam 
Me putat de municipiorum imbecillitate, de dilectibus, de 
_ pace, de urbe, de pecunia, de Piceno occupando plus vidisse quam 
‘se. Sin cum potuero non venero, tum erit inimicus; quod ego non 
eo vereor ne mili noceat—quid enim faciet ἢ ; 


2, Nam quod negas te 


Qui -enim 


Tic δ᾽ ἐστὶ δοῦλος τοῦ θανεῖν ἄφροντις ὧν ;— 


Confido igitur adventum 


will be incensed with me.’ Boot altered 
twm of the mss. to iure, but it is hardly 
necessary. 

Tis δ᾽... &v;] ‘ But who’sa slave, 
if he recks nought of death?’ This line 
of Kuripides is twice quoted by Plutarch. 
De audiendis Poetis, ὁ. 18, p. 34 B, καὶ 
πάλιν τοῦ Εὐριπίδου λέγοντος “ τίς δ᾽ ἐστὶ 

. ὥν ;᾽ ὑπακουστέον ὅτι καὶ περὶ πόνου 
καὶ νόσου τὰ αὐτὰ εἴρηκεν. Cons. ad 
Apollonium, c. 10, p. 106D, μέγα γάρ 
ἐστι TO μετὰ πείσματος τεθαρρηκότας 
εἰπεῖν “τίς δ᾽ ἐστὶ δοῦλος τοῦ θανεῖν 
&ppovtis ὥν ;’ 

ἀσμενιστὸν) ‘acceptable’ ; this is 
a verbal adjective in the positive degree 
from ao wert Cor, and should be accented as 
in text, not ἀσμένιστον, which is usually, 
but wrongly, taken as a superlative of 
ἄσμενος ; for, in the first place, the word 
could then only mean ‘ very glad,’ not 
‘very welcome,’ which latter sense the 
passage demands;..and_ secondly, the 
superlative of ἄσμενος used by Cicero is 
ἀσμεναίτατος. See Att. xiii. 22, 1 (635),, 
where 4 ἀσμεναίτατα͵ means, as it ought to 
mean, ‘ most gladly.’ 
. temperatius| This, not’ temperantius, is 
the. right reading, for temperate is often 


K 


430 


te daturum, ‘qui hic potest ‘se gerere non’ perdite P Vetant> vitas, ἢ 
mores, ante ἐπα ratio suscepti snes soci, vires’ επφασνῳ aut " 


etiam constantia. 


3. Vixdum' cpldtlarh tuam legeram, cum: ad me currens | idl | 
illum Postumus Curtius venit, nihil nisi classis loquens et exer- — 


EP. 356. (ATT. IX 2A). 


tp 


eitus; eripiebat Hispanias, tenebat Asiam, Siciliam,: Africam, 
Sardiniam, -confestim in Graeciam persequebatur. . EKundum 


igitur est nec tam ut belli quam ut fugae socii simus. Nec enim — 


ferre potero sermones istorum, quicumque sunt: non sunt. enim 


certe, ut appellantur, boni. 


used by Cicero, temperanter never. The 
difference between the two words would 
be infinitesimal in a ms., the ” being indi- 
cated only by a horizontal stroke over the 
a, which was sometimes omitted. 

qui hic. . . perdite| ‘How can he 
(Caesar) fail to pursue a course of 
violence ? ’ 

Vetant vita] Boot reads Vetant for 
vita: but more probably we should add 
Vetant before vita. For Lehmann (p. 111) 
shows that vita must be retained, quoting 
483. 4, guid acta tua vita, quid studia 

. .@ te flagitent tu videbis; Sull. 71, 
tamen eum mores ipsius ac vita convince- 
rent; Muren. 74, eam usus, vita, mores, 
cwitas ipsa respuit, and Phil. x. 3. 
Lehmann would add cogent after con- 
stantia, comparing Verr. v. 30, ut eum, 
etiamsi naturaa parentis similitudine abri- 
peret, consuetudo tamen ac disciplina patris 
similem esse cogeret; a poet quoted in Att. 
li. 19, 3 (46) si neque leges neque mores 
cogunt. The influences which forbid him 
to adopt any but a desperate course are— 
‘his former life, his character, his pre- 
vious acts, the nature of the enterprise 
on which he has embarked, the material 
strength or even the resolution of the 
Pompeian party.’ Ante facta is probably 
an allusion to the complicity of Caesar in 
the Catilinarian conspiracy (see vol. 15, 
pp. 20-22), which is more clearly recog- 
nized in a subsequent letter: see 392. 8, 
non est committendum ut vis paream quos 
contra me senatus, ne quid resp. detrimenti 
caperet, armavit. (Observe the strange 
ambiguity introduced into this sentence 
by the anastrophe of contra, a figure 
which Cicero affects: ep. guem contra = 
‘against whom,’ Mur.9; Verr. v. 153.) 
Boot does not seem justified in giving to 


Sed tamen id ipsum scire cupio, quid 


constantia the bad sense of " obstinacy ‘ 


we cannot find that Cicero ever uses thie 


word except in a good sense. Indeed, it 
is contrasted with ‘obstinacy’ in Mur. 
31, quae enim pertinacia quibusdam, eadem 
aliis constantia videri potest. In our pas- 
sage, at any rate, it is used in a good sense : 
for Cicero is dwelling on the qualities of 
the Pompeians that make them formidable 
to Caesar, ‘their forces and resolution.’ 
3. Postumus Curtins| Cicero detested 
this intolerable man, and was indignant 
at his ambition: cp. 394. 7. He was a 
violent Caesarean from the time when 
Cicero asked Caesar to make him a ?¢ri- 


bunus militum, Q. Fr. iii. 1. 10 (148). 
See note to Ep. 597. 1 
eriprebat persequebatur| ‘he 


talked of Caesar’s wresting the Spains 
from Pompey, occupying Asia, and pur- 
suing Pompey into Greece.’ ‘This use of 
the verb is very rare in Latin, but not so 
unusual in Greek, e.g. σὺ δ᾽ ἦσθα Θηβῶν 
... ἄναξ, Eur. Herc. Fur. 467, means ‘ you 
(he used to say ) will be king of Thebes ’ 

πλουτεῖς ἐν ov πλουτοῦσι, ‘you talk of 
yourself as an heiress among beggars,’ 

Andr. 211. So Aristoph. Thesm. 616, 
τί καρδαμίζεις = “ cress me NO cresses,’ ie. 
‘don’t talk to me about cresses’; Vesp. 
652, μὴ πατέριζε, “ father me no fathers.’ 
Not unlike is voto... mittit in hortos, 


Pers. ii. 36, for ‘she prays.that he may 


come to those pleasure-grounds,’ 


quicumque sunt} * whatever they are.’ 


He will not allow that they deserve the — 


name doni, which he generally applies to 
the Pompeian party: cp. 352, 1, Quibus 
optimatibus !: Att. ii. 16. 2 (43), ingratis 
ai eorum hominum qd appellantur 
oni 


J. 


4 
Pea 
gy 
7 


he: 


‘rerum uti possim. 
' brevitatique litterarum ignosces. 


' This letter reached Cicero at Formiae 
‘on the 11th. It was probably written 
from Canusium or Rubi about the 4th or 


a glimpse of our friend Furnius, and not 
having been able conveniently to speak 
with him, or hear what he had to say, being 
in a hurry and on a journey, yet I could 
not let slip the opportunity of writing to 
you.’ Praeterire quin is a rare construc- 
“tion; but it occurs in Sail. Cat. 53.6. It 
is to be observedthat the word praeterire 
might be omitted (Rav. omits it) without 
‘Injury to the sentence, non possum quin 
being good colloquial Latin, and common 
an the comic drama (Plaut. Mil. 262; 
Trin. 705; Ter. Hec. 385, nequeo quin), 
hough Cicero generally says non facere 
sum quin, 489.1; Att. xii. 27. 2 (562). 
erhaps the nearest parallel in Cicero to 
praeterire quin is praetermist quin in 


LE LAREN ΣΝ ΟΣ, ΧΙ 
a ἰδ eos i = 4 ony 


EP, 357 (ATT. IX. 6A). 


151 


loquantur, idque ut exquiras meque certiorem facias te vehe- 
Nos adhue quid Brundisi actum esset plane nescie- 


357, CAESAR ἸῸ CICERO (Arr. 1x. 64). 


ΟΝ THE MARCH TO BRUNDISIUM; ABOUT MARCH 5; A. U. 6. 7053 
B.C, 493 AET: -CIC. 57. 


_ Caesar rogat Ciceronem ut eum Romae videat ut ope omnium rerum uti possit. 


CAESAR IMP. 8. ἢ. CICERONTI IMP. 


Cum Furnium nostrum tantum vidissem neque loqui neque 
audire meo commodo potuissem, properarem atque essem in itinere, 
praemissis iam legionibus, praeterire tamen non potui quin et 
‘scriberem ad te et illum mitterem gratiasque agerem : etsi hoc et 
eci saepe et saepius mihi facturus videor: ita de me mereris, 
imis a te peto, quoniam confido me celeriter ad urbem venturum, 
ut te ibi videam, ut tuo consilio, gratia, dignitate, ope omnium 
Ad propositum revertar: festinationi meae 


In 


Reliqua ex Furnio cognosces. 


a. Er. in. 6, 1 {151} sep, Phil, ty 25. 
We have exspectari diutius non oportere 
quin, Caes. B. G. iii. 24. 5. 

meo commodo| abl. modi: cp. tuocom- 
modo, 389.4; reip.commodo, Fam.i.1, 3 
(95); commodo valetudinis tuae, Fam. 
xvi. 1, 2 (285). 

properarem| We should expect δέ or 
cum before this word. 

ita de me mereris| ‘such are your 
services to me.’ Watson well compares 
Fam. ii. 5, 2 (176), ne cum veneris non 
habeas iam quod cures: ita sunt omnia 
debilitata. 

ad urbem] Neither Caesar nor Cicero 
could go into the city without laying 
down the imperium. 

ope| In a subsequent letter (374), Cicero 
complains that Caesar speaks of looking 
forward to Cicero’s opes, not his opem, his 
resources, not his resource. 

propositum| ‘I will now return to 


K 2 


132 ‘EP. 358 (ATT. ΙΧ. 8): 


de rebus Brundisinis nuntium nondum ane essé, 


CICERO ATYICO SAL. 


1. Domiti filius transiit Formias ὙΠῚ Idus currens ad matrem 
Neapolim mihique nuntiari iussit patrem ad urbem esse, cum de eo 
curiose quaesisset servus noster Dionysius. Nos autem audieramus— 
eum profectum - sive ad Pompeium sive in Hispaniam. Id cuius 
modi sit scire sane velim. Nam ad id quod delibero pertinet, 
si ille certe nusquam discessit, intellegere Gnaeum non esse. 
facilis nobis ex Italia exitus cum ea tota armis praesidiisque 
teneatur, hieme praesertim. Nam, si commodius anni tempus 
esset, vel infero mari liceret uti. Nune nihil potest nisi supero 
tramitti, quo iter interclusum est. Quaeres igitur et de Domitio — 
et de Lentulo. 2. A Brundisio nulla adhuc fama venerat, et 
erat hic dies vir Idus, quo die suspicabamur aut pridie ad Brun-— 


disium venisse Caesarem. πα Kal. Arpis manserat. 


what I began with,’ namely, my apology 
for the shortness of this hasty nete. This 
is the meaning of propositum in Att. xiv. 
1, 2 (708) sed ad propositum: Fam. xv. 
14. 6 (241) Extremum illud est de tis 
quae proposueram, where see note. Boot 
understands the word to mean ‘ I shall 
return to my plan,’ i.e. I shall later on 
tell you the course of action | propose to 
adopt when I come to Rome. This makes 
good sense ; and the expression would be 
better if we added tum (1.6. when I come 
to Rome) after propositum. Hofmann 
translates ‘I must get back to my 
business,’ meaning ‘1 must close my 
letter now.’ 


1. matrem] Porcia, the sister of M. 
Cato. 

servus noster Dionysius | He was Cicero’s 
reader (anagnostes), He stole several of 
his books, and ran away to Illyria in 45. 


road thither is barred.’ - 


303. 1. 


Sed 


Cicero wrote tothe governors, P. Sulpicius | 
Rufus, Fam. xiii. 77. 2 (638), and Vati- 
nius, Fam. v. 11. 3 (676), about him. | 
sive ad Pompeium sive in Hispaniamyy 
cp. note to 349. 3. 
Id cuius modi... velim] 51 would like 
you to look into how this matter stands.”* 
Nam... exitus| ‘ For it is important 
for the point I am considering, if it is 
really true that Domitius has not gone 
away anywhere, that Pompey should 
know that all modes of departure from 
Italy are difficult for us.’ | 
anni tempus] The calendar had’ got ) 
very much out of order. Though nomi- — 
nally it was March 9. according to the | 
sun it was really now about January 20, i 
quite mid-winter. 
tramitti| impersonal ‘ No crossing can — 
be made except by the Adriatic, and the i 


de Domitio et de εἰ προ δ 849. 4 


359. 


FORMIAE 3 MARCH 10: 


a 


LEPTIN ae TOL 


ἡ 2. audire | | ‘to listen to,’ that is, ‘to 
give heed to’ what he says. For Curtius 
_ Postumus, cp. 356. 3. : 
τ΄ tempestatum] ‘the state of the weather.’ 
eum] Caesar. 
_ quod... esset| ‘because the ship- 
owners had heard of his liberality.’ Per- 
_haps we should add a before naviculariis ; 
but naviculariis may be dative: cp. Tac. 
- Ann. v. 10. 3, cum auditum id Poppaeo 
_ Sabino, ‘came to the ears of,’ the same 
eee notion as that of cognitus. 


1. [Natali]] We have bracketed this 
word, which Sternkopf first suggested 
might be a gloss on die tuo, written pro- 
ably by a copyist who did not know that 
ies tuus meant the day on which Atticus’s 
intermittent fever used to return ; though 
t seems strange that the copyist did not 
ut the gloss in elsewhere, e.g. 355.1; 
861. 8: 363.2. That dies tuus by itself 
could mean ‘ your birthday’ is shown by 
Att. xiii. 42. 2 (681), though the use is 
rare; and there is no reason why Cicero 

might not make this one allusion only to 
tticns’ s birthday. Professor Goligher 
᾿ patices, too, the improbability that Atticus 


EP. 359 (ATT. IX. 5). 


si Postumum ‘audire velles, persecuturus erat Gnaeum.- 
_Isse enim iam putabat coniectura tempestatum ac dierum. 


4 “summaeque cum benevolentiae tum etiam prudentiae. 
- Philotimus postridie quam a te acceperat reddidit. 
quidem quae disputas difficillima, iter ad superum, 


133 


Trans- 
Ego 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. rx. 5). 
A. τ΄. C. 7053 B. 0.495 AET. CIC. 57. 


Gratias agit de epistula ab Attico eius die ad se data, de incerta condicione sua et 
de summis difficultatibus consilii capiendi. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1, [Natali] die tuo scripsisti epistulam ad me plenam consili 


Kam mihi 
Sunt ista 
navigatio 


would have written a long letter on his 
fever-day, when Cicero fears that it would 
be burdensome to him even to.vead a letter 
during the attack (371.3). But there is 
an important consideration which shows 
that March 10 could not have been 
Atticus’s birthday. Nepos (Att. 21. 1). 
says that it was not until after Atticus 
had completed his 77th year (cwm septem 
et septuaginta annos complesset) that he 
was attacked by the disease which proved 
fatal, and that after the first attack 
he lived for three months, dying on 
March 31 (ib. 22) in 32 .c. His birthday 
cannot have been later than the end of 
December. Accordingly we must take die 
tuo in its usual sense in these letters, as 
meaning the day on which the ague 
attacked Atticus. His ague was a quartan 
(393.3; 401. 4; 402. 6). It occurred on 
the 4th (365. 8); the 7th (355); the 10th 
(359.1); the 13th (361. 3; 363. 2). 0. E. 
Schmidt (p- 149) wishes to read Fatali for 
Natali, ‘your day of doom,’ i.e. your 
fever-day. This is certainly clever; but 
it is rather too strong a word. 

Philotimus| He appears to have been 
occasionally acting. as letter-carrier be- 


134 EP. 859: (ATT. 1X. δ). 


infero, discessus Arpinum ne hune fugisse, mansio Formiis ne’ 
obtulisse nos gratulationi videamur, sed miserius nihil quam ea — 
videre quae tamen iam, tam inquam, videnda erunt. Fuit apud — 
me Postumus:'‘scripsi ad te quam gravis. Venit ad me etiam ὃ 
Q. Fufius, quo vultu, quo spiritu! properans Brundisium, scolagil 
accusans Pompei, levitatem et stultitiam senatus. Haec qui in Ἷ 
mea villa non feram, Curtium in curia potero ferre? 2, Age, Ν 
finge me quamvis εὐστομάχως haec ferentem, quid illa pic Μ, 
TuLi1? quem habebunt exitum? Et omitto causam rei publicae, — 
quam ego amissam puto cum vulneribus suis tum medicamentis 
iis quae parantur, de Pompeio quid agam? quoi plane—quid 
enim hoc negem ?—suscensui. Semper enim causae eventorum 
magis movent quam ipsa eventa. Haec igitur mala—quibus 
maiora esse quae possunt ?—considerans vel potius iudicans elus 
opera accidisse et culpa inimicior eram huic quam ipsi Caesari: 
ut maiores nostri funestiorem diem esse voluerunt Alliensis pugnae 
quam urbis captae, quod hoc malum ex illo (itaque alter re- 
ligiosus etiam nune dies, alter in vulgus ignotus), sic ego decem. 
annorum peccata recordans, in quibus inerat ille etiam annus qui 
nos hoe non defendente, ne dicam gravius, adflixerat, praesentisque 
temporis cognoscens temeritatem, ignaviam, neglegentiam, sus-— 
censebam. 3, Sed ea iam mihi exciderunt. Beneficia eiusdem 


Ah 
τὸ 


cogito, cogito etiam dignitatem. 


tween Rome and Formiae at this time ; 
cp. 321.1; 352.1. It took about one 
day and a half to come from Rome to 
Formiae. 

discessus| ‘my departure to Arpinum 
involves the difficulty, that I might be 
suspected of trying to avoid Caesar, while 
my staying at Formiae involves another 
difficulty, that I might be suspected of 
presenting myself before him with con- 
gratulations,’ lit. ‘for congratulation (of 
him).’ 

Postumus| Curtius Postumus, men- 
tioned immediately afterwards as Curtius: 
cp. 366. 3. 

gravis] ‘tiresome,’ ‘burdensome’: cp. 
Helonius, vir gravissimus, Att. v. 12, 2 
(202). 

Q. Fufius] Calenus, Cicero’s life-long 
enemy, always a strong Caesarean, 

quo vultu, quo spiritu ἢ ‘what a look 
of pride, what arrogance! ’ 


Intellego, serius equidem quam 


2. evorouaxws| “ with sang-froid.’ 

quid illa.... exitum| ‘what about 
the question of my vote? (cp. Att. vii. 
3, 5, Ep. 294) : what issue will ἐξ have ?’ 

tum . - parantur | ‘and by the treat- 
ment that i is being applied to it.’ 

movent] Casaubon and Wes. add me: 
but it is not necessary: cp. Att. xii. 35 


(577) quod non magno opere moveret, nist — 


. nollem, 

' Alliensis pugnae|] July 18. 

religiosus] For dies region see Mar- 
quardt 111. 283. 

ille . . . annus| 

3. exciderunt | 
forgotten.’ 
interpretation. 
sible that the meaning may be ‘ but these 
words have but fallen from my pen,’ or 
‘these things are of the past.’ 
non memini, 364. 1. 

Beneficia| ep. 362. 3. 


58 B.C. : 
‘but all this I have 


This we think is. the right © 
However, it is just pos- 


But ep. a 


pt 
ae 
a 
ἫΝ 
4 


eee ween Ὡς 


+4 
4, 


ἐν 


gi kk 


ae 
"- 


EP. 359 (ATT. 1Χ. δ). 135 


yellem propter epistulas sermonesque Balbi, sed video plane nihil 
aliud agi, nihil actum ab initio nis? ut hune occideret. Ego igitur— 
sicut ille apud Homerum, cui et mater et dea dixisset.. 
Αὐτίκα yap Tot ἔπειτα μεθ᾽ “Ἕκτορα πότμος ἕτοιμος, 
matri ipse respondit, 


Αὐτίκα τεθναίην, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἄρ᾽ ἔμελλον ἑ ἑταίρῳ 
Κτεινομένῳ ἐπαμῦναι . . 


- quid si non ἑταίρῳ solum sed etiam evepyéry? adde, tali viro 
talem causam agenti—ego vero haec officia mercanda vita puto. 
Optimatibus vero tuis nihil confido, nihil iam ne inservio quidem. 


es 
a 
ἄν 


> 
oe 


Video ut se huic dent, ut daturi sint. 


Quidquam tu illa putas 


fuisse de valetudine decreta municipiorum prae his de victoria 


gratulationibus ? ‘‘l'iment’ 


dicunt. 


inquies, 
Sed videamus quid actum sit Brundisi. 


At ipsi tum se timuisse 
Ex eo fortasse 


alia consilia nascentur aliaeque litterae. 


sermonesque| We do not hear of con- 

versations of Cicero with Balbus at this 
time. Perhaps they were with friends of 
Cicero, who reported them to him. 
_ sed video... occideret} ‘but I see 
clearly that there is no other object, there 
has been ‘no other object but the death of 
Pompey.’ 

Ego igitur| The sentence, broken by a 
long parenthesis, is resumed by the words 
ego vero: ‘Accordingly I, imitating the 
answer given by Achilles to his mother, 
let me die since, as it seems, I was not 
destined to defend my friend in his hour of 
death (Hom. 1]. xviii. 96—99)—and in my 
case it is not only a friend, but a bene- 
factor; ay, and what a man, and whata 
cause is his!—I, I say, hold that the 
kindnesses of him to me should be repaid 
by my life.’ 

_ mercanda vita] cp. Verr. ν. 23, haec 
vero quae vel vita redimi recte possunt 
aestimare pecunia non queo, 

inservio| § Wg do not pay any deference 
to them now.’ 

Video ut se huic dent] ‘I see how they 
are giving themselves over to him, and 
how they will’continue to do so.’ 


Quidquam) ‘do you think these de- 
crees about Pompey’s health were any~- 
thing compared with these congratulatory 
addresses to Caesar?” Aliquid would 
have been used, except for the negative 
idea conveyed in the meaning, though not 
in the form, of the sentence. 

‘ Timent’| For timere used absolutely 
cp. note to 336. 1. 

At ipsi] ‘Nay, these very municipal 
officers who drew up the resolutions about 
public prayers for the restoration of 
Pompey’s health declare that they were 
under the influence of fear at the time.’ 

alia} With some hesitation we adopt 
the correction of Lambinus for the mss. 
reading ea, It possibly occurred by 

al 


al being written above ia, thus, ia, and 
the next copyist finding ia naturally 
altered to ea. It is also possible, as we 
suggested in our former edition, that ea 
stands for νέας. But Cicero does not use 
νέος elsewhere: and aliaegue certainly 
suggests alia in the previous clause. 
Dr. Reid suggests sera, Φ; Liv. xxv, 


She 8, 


136 


360. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. 1x. 6). 


FORMIAE; MARCH 11; A. U. C. 705; B. C. 493 AKT. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico cum alia nuntiat tum significat se, postquam acceperit Pompeium ~ 
et consules Italia exisse, summo dolore confici quod non una tramiserit, et petit δ 


Attico ut aliquam sibi eius rei consolationem adferat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


11 Nos adhuc Brundisio nihil. Roma scripsit Balbus. putare 
iam Lentulum consulem tramisisse nec eum a minore Balbo con- 
ventum, quod is hoe iam Canusi audisset, inde ad se eum scripsisse: 
cohortesque sex quae Albae fuissent ad Curium via Minucia 
transisse ; id Caesarem ad se scripsisse et brevi tempore eum ad 
urbem ἐπα τῶν Ergo utar tuo consilio neque me Arpinum hoe 
tempore abdam, etsi, Ciceroni meo togam puram quom dare Arpini 
vellem, hance eram ipsam excusationem relicturus ad Caesarem. 
Sed fortasse in eo ipso offendetur cur non Romae potiusP Ac 
tamen, si est conveniendus, hic potissimum. ‘lum reliqua videbi- 
mus, id est et quo et qua et quando. 2. Domitius, ut audio, in 
Cosano est et quidem, ut aiunt, paratus ad navigandum: si in 


Hispaniam, non probo: si ad Gnaeum, laudo: quovis potius certe | 


quam ut Curtium videat, quem ego patronus aspicere non possum. 


EP,.860 (ATT. 1X.-6). | 


1. Roma seripsit . . . ad urbem futu- 
rum] ‘ Balbus, writing from Rome, tells 
me that he thinks Lentulus has crossed 
the sea to Pompey, and that he has not 
had an interview with (his nephew) 
Balbus, because the. latter. had already 
heard of the fact at Canusium, and that 
his nephew had written to: him "from that 
‘town. He adds that the six cohorts which 
‘had been at Alba (Fucentia) had joined 
Curius by the Minucian road, that Caesar 
had written to him to ‘that’ effect, and 
‘would soon be ‘at Rome.’ Some editors 
‘insert sé after ‘putar e, but such omissions 
are not unusual in the letters. For the 
Minucian road, see on 352. 2. The ellipse 
of via is common, especially with Appia, 
as in Att. ii. 2 (37); 352 fin. ; 
367. 1. 


Arpinum abdam] accusative of motion 
‘go and bury myself in Arpinum.’ 

ad Caesarem| There is no necessity to 

alter to apud. Both these prepositions 

can be used after excusare: tp. note to 

Att. xi. 14. 1 (646). For ad cp. Att. xii 


29.1 (565) excusatio ad Brutum. 


cur non Romae potius] ‘but perhaps 
this will give offence, (and the question 
will be asked) why should not this cere- 


mony be performed at Rome ? ’. 


et quo et qua et quando] sc. iturus sim, 


‘whither I am to go, by what route, and 


at what time.’ 
2.°in. Cosano] 364. 3. 
coast-town in Etruria. 
Curtium videat] 
anywhere than to have to see Curtius 


Cosa was a 


(not to mention others), whom I, though i 


‘It is better to go ' 


q 


que simus. . 


 secum habuit. 


_ uxoribus et liberis. 
ῥῇ 


τ 


1088 transiit. 


_ ardeo dolore, 


I befriended him, cannot bear to look on.’ 
_ Cicero had gained for Curtius a tribunatus 
_ militum from Caesar, Ὁ. Fr. iii. 1. 10 
᾿ (148); ep. 356. 3. Hence Cicero calls 
himself the patronus of Curtius. 

* Quid alios| sc. dicam: ep. guid multa ? 
_ += coarguamus| ‘expose’: cp. Acad. i. 
_ 18 erroremgue eorum. . coarguit. Fam. 
- iii. 8. 7 (222) non nostram is perfidiam 
_ coarguit sed indicat suam. 

7 rem conventuram] ‘an arrangement 
- would be come to’: cp. Phil. i. 8. 

_ 8. hoe exemplo| Boot expiains this to 
_ mean ‘ to the following purport.’ But an 
- examination of the places where the 
_ eXpressions uno exemplo, eodem exemplo 
_ occur, shows that the meaning of them is 
_ ‘that the two letters referred to were 
_ duplicates, and not merely of the same 
' tenor’: see 472.1; Fam. x. 5. 1 (810) 


same tenor], and especially 495. 1, which 
_ last clearly proves that letters written uno 
᾿ς exemplo were duplicates. Hence we think 
that hoc exemplo here and in 374. 1, means 
᾿ς *of which this is a copy.’ 

_  Pompeius mare transiit] This was a 
_ false rumour, for this letter of Cicero's 
Was written on March 11. Now we learn 


EP. 360 (ATT. IX..6). 


_ Ex ea die fuere septemtriones venti. 
_ omnis aut praecidisse aut incendisse dicunt.’ De hac re litterae 
L. Metello tribuno pl. Capuam adlatae sunt a Clodia socru, quae 
4. Ante sollicitus eram et. angebar, sicut res seilicet 
ipsa cogebat, cum consilio explicare nihil possem; nune autem, 
- postquam Pompeius et consules ex Italia exierunt, non angor sed 


Be {where we erroneously translated ‘ of the. 


137 


_ Quid alios ? Sed, opinor, quiescamus, ne nostram culpam coargu- 
| amus qui, dum urbem, id est patriam, amamus dumque rem 
 conventuram putamus, ita nos gessimus ut plane interclusi capti- 


τ, 8, Seripta iam epistula Capua. litterae sunt adlatae hoe ex- 
_emplo: ‘Pompeius mare transiit cum omnibus militibus quos 
Hic numerus est hominum milia xxx et consules 
_ duo et tribuni pl. et senatores qui fuerunt cum eo omnes cum 
Conscendisse dicitur a. d. 111 Nonas Martias. 


Navis quibus usus non est 


οὐδέ μοι TOP 
ἔμπεδον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀλαλύκτημαι.. . . 


from Ep. 878 that Pompey did not leave 
Italy till March 17. The rumour was 
partly corrected in 364. 2 ; also in 367. 3 ; 
368. 1. 

tribuni| One of these was probably 
C. Cassius, who afterwards conspired 
against Caesar. He was certainly on 
Pompey’s staff early in February: ep. 
319.2. 

septemtriones| Northerly winds would 
be favourable for a vovage from Brun- 
disium to Greece. 

praecidisse| ‘disabled,’ by cutting 
away the fore parts, and so rendering 
them useless to the enemy. But we think 
it probable that percidisse, ‘ smashed,’ is 
the right reading. The words are some- 
times confused: cp. Plaut. Cas. 404 ᾿ 
(praecide), where Turnebus alters to per- 
cide: cp. Pers. 283 (perciderim). 

LI. Metello] He was the tribune who 
in April forbade Caesar to seize the 
money in the Treasury. 
 Clodia} 364. 2. Drumann (ed. Groebe 
ii.? 47) thinks this may have been the 
notorious Clodia, but it is doubtful. 

4. ἀλαλύκτημαι] Hom. 1]. x. 94, ‘I 
am’ distracted,’ connected with ἀλύω, as 
ὑλακτέω with bAdw. "6. τ᾿ 


138 EP. 360 (ATT. IX. .6), 


Non sum, inquam, mihi crede, mentis compos, tantum mihi dede-’ 


coris admisisse videor. Mene non primum cum Pompeio quali- 


cumque consilio usus est, deinde cum bonis esse quamvis causa 


temere instituta ? praesertim cum ii ipsi quorum ego causa timi-) — 


dius me fortunae committebam, uxor, filia, Cicerones pueri, me 
illud sequi mallent, hoe turpe et me indignum putarent.: Nam 
Quintus quidem frater quidquid mihi placeret id rectum se putare 
aiebat, id animo aequissimo sequebatur. 
« primo lego. Hae me paullum recreant. 
rogant ne me proiciam. 
remansisse, 


Primae monent et: 
Proximae gaudere te ostendunt me 
Eas cum lego minus mihi turpis videor, sed tam diu 
dum lego: deinde emergit rursum dolor et αἰσχροῦ φαντασία. 
Quam ob rem obsecro te, mi Tite, eripe mihi hune dolorem aut 
minue saltem aut consolatione aut consilio aut quacumque re potes, 
Quid tu autem possis? aut quid homo quisquam ? vix iam deus. 
6. Equidem illud molior quod tu mones sperasque fieri posse, ut 
mihi Caesar concedat ut absim cum aliquid in senatu contra 
Gnaeum agatur. Sed timeo ne non impetrem. Venit ab eo 
Furnius. Ut quidem scias quos sequamur, ὦ. Titini filium cum 


Non sum, inguam, mentis compos | A 
rough translation of the Greek quotation : 
cp. multa, inquam, mala cum dixisset, 


vie iam deus| sc. posset aliquid. 
6. cum aliquid ...agatur| 356.1. 
Ut quidem scias| ‘to give you an idea 


5. Tuas nune epistulas — 


336. 1. and note. 

illud| sc. cum Pompeio fuisse. 

hoc| sc. domt mansisse. 

Δα] (1 do not mention Quintus), 
‘ for he acquiesced in the course | should 
prefer, whatever it might be.’ 

5. a@ primo] ‘from the very begin- 
ning’: ep. Att. xvi. 7. 4 (783) Utinam 
a primo ita tibi esset visum; 342. ὃ hoe 
a primo cogitavit; Phil. ii. 75; Tuse. i. 
54; Fin. iii. 32, iv. 32; Rep. ii. 45, vi. 
27; Plaut. Most. 824; Ter. Phorm 604. 
We would perhaps say ab initio; he 
means ‘from the beginning of our cor- 
respondence touching this point.’ ‘The 
change to @ prima is unnecessary. . 

ne me proiciam| ‘not to rush into 
danger’: cp. 368, 8. 

dolor et αἰσχροῦ φαντασία] ‘My 
affliction and the vision of disgrace.’ 
Cicero was deeply depressed. The word 
dolor occurs many times in this letter. 

eripe mihi hune dolorem] ep. ‘ Pluck 
from the memory a. rooted sorrow.’— 
Macbeth, v. 3. 41. 


as to the sort of people I am following, 
let me tell you that Furnius (357) re- 
ports that the son of Titinius is with 
Caesar (864. 1), dut that Caesar expresses. 
obligations to me more than I care for.’ 
Cicero gives the pros and cons of the 
question; pro is Caesar’s courtesy ; con- 
trw that he should have with him such 
creatures as the son of Titinius. Thus 
can sed be explained, of which Boot 
writes ‘ defendi non potest.’ It might. be 
defended also by reading Sed illum .... 
quam vellem ! and interpreting the passage: 
differently, thus: ‘To give you an idea 
what kind our leader is, Furnius reports 
that he has the son of Titinius with him. 
But to think of Caesar’s expressing such 
gratitude to me, more even than | care 
for!’ For the exclamatory infinitive cp. 
me... copias ad eum adducere, 364, 3. 


The ‘son of Titinius’ appears to have 


been a ‘litinius who was adopted by a 


x 


τὴ 
μι 


Ρῃ 


pt 


: 


od 


Ww 
ἊΝ 
ΡΣ 


Pontius, as he is called Pontius Titinianus 


in 377.2. : 4 


i ine 


VES hae 


ζ 


EP. 360 (ATT. IX. 6). 139 


Caesare esse nuntiat, sed illum maiores mihi gratias agere quam 
vellem. Quid autem me roget, paucis ille quidem verbis sed ἐν 
δυνάμει, cognosce ex ipsius epistula. Me miserum quod tu non 
valuisti! Una fuissemus, consilium certe non defuisset ; 


, δύ᾽ Sata , : 
συν TE OV ἐρχομένω. eile ce 


Sed acta ne agamus, reliqua paremus. 7. Me adhuc haec duo 
fefellerunt, initio spes compositionis, qua facta volebam uti popu- 
lari vita, sollicitudine senectutem nostram liberare ; deinde bellum 
crudele et exitiosum suscipi a Pompeio intellegebam. Melioris 
medius fidius civis et viri putabam quovis supplicio adfici quam 


ΠῚ crudelitati non solum praeesse verum etiam interesse. 
tur vel mori satius fuisse quam esse cum his. 
cogita, mi Attice, vel potius excogita. 


feram quam hune dolorem. 


ἐν δυνάμει) ‘authoritatively.’ The 
construction seems to be ἐν δυνάμει dv, 
‘as now in authority.’ This is Caesar’s 
request in Ep. 357, that Cicero should 
meet him at Rome. 

non valuisti] Atticus was suffering 
from fever ; cp. 359. 1 note. 

Una ,.. defuisset] (If you had been 
well) ‘we should have met, and a plan 
would of a surety not have failed to pre- 
sent itself.’ It is not necessary to take 
una fuissemus as § suppose we had been 
together,’ virtually that we should sup- 
pose it a protasis without si, as in the 
celebrated passage in Off. ili. 75, At 
dares hance: vim M. Crasso .. . in foro 
saltaret: cp. Verg. Aen. vi. 31; Hor, 
Sat. i. 3.15; Roby 1552, 1554, a con- 
struction fairly common in Ovid. 

Σύν τε δύ᾽ ἐρχομένω] καί τε πρὸ ὃ 
τοῦ ἐνόησεν, “Onmws κέρδος ἔῃ, Hom. Il. 


ie x, 224. These are the words which in 


Cicero’s letters take the place of our 
proverb ‘two heads are better than one.’ 
acta ne agamus| 376. 3, a phrase 


Vide- 
Ad haec igitur 
Quemvis eventum fortius 


common in the comic drama, e.g. Ter. 
Phorm. 419. It was an old proverb, 
Lael. 85. Cp. also puerum perditum 
perdamus, Fam. xiv. 1. 5 (82). 

7. uti populari vita] ‘The editors take 
this to mean ‘the life of a private 
(ordinary) citizen.’ Itis possible that we 
should read via: cp. Att. i. 20. 3 (26) me 
hane viam optimatem . . . tenere; Catil. 
iv. 9 hane is (Caesar) in republica viam 
quae popularis habetur secutus est: and in 
Att. ii. 19. 3 (46) we should read Utor 
via <populari>. Populi sensus, &e. 
Cicero means that he would acquiesce in 
a democratic régime, if peace could be 
secured. For wti=‘to put up with, 
acquiesce in,’ cp. Hor. Ep. i. 6. 67 si 
quid novistt rectius istis, Candidus im- 
pertt, si non, his utere mecum. 

liberare| so Wes.: see Adn, Crit. 

non solum praeesse | “1 will not say take 
a leading part, but take any part at all.’ 

cogita ... excogita| cp. 802. 4 rem a 
me non insipienter excogitatam ne cogitatam 
quidem putas, 


140 EP. 861 (ATT. IX. 4). 


861. CICERO TO ATTICUS. (Arr. xx. 4). 


FORMIAE ; MARCH 12, A.U.C. 705; B.C. 49 » AET. CIC. 57. 


7 @ 0 ὃ @ 


M. Cicero Attico significat θέσεις quibus animum hoc tempore ab aegritudine 
parumper abducere studet. | 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Kgo-etsi tam diu requiesco quam diu aut ad te scribo aut 
tuas litteras lego, tamen et ipse egeo argumento epistularum οἵ 
(101 idem accidere certo scio. Quae enim soluto animo familiariter 
scribi solent ea temporibus his excluduntur, quae autem sunt 
horum temporum ea iam contrivimus. -Sed tamen, ne me totum 
aegritudini dedam, sumpsi mihi quasdam tamquam θέσεις quae 
et πολιτικαὶ sunt et temporum horum, ut et abducam animum ab 
querelis et in eo ipso de quo agitur exercear. Hae sunt huius 
modi. 

ὦ. Ei μενετέον ἐν τῇ πατρίδι τυραννουμένης αὐτῆς ; Εἰ παντὶ 

’ : Ψ ᾿ , , Ἅ 7 \ rae 
TPOT@ τυραννίδος κατάλυσιν 7 PAYUATEVTEOY, Kav μέλλῃ διὰ TOUTO 
περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἡ πόλις κινδυνεύσειν, ἢ εὐλα[ϑητέον τὸν καταλύοντα 
μὴ αὐτὸς αἴρηται; Ei πειρατέον ἀρήγειν τῇ πατρίδι τυραννουμένῃ 
καιρῷ καὶ λόγῳ μᾶλλον ἢ πολέμῳ; Εἰ πολιτικὸν τὸ ἡσυχάζειν 
ἀναχωρήσαντά ποι τῆς πατρίδος τυραννουμένης, ἢ διὰ παντὸς ἰτέον 

δ ~ > , , > , 2 , ϑ / ‘ 
κινδύνου THC ἐλευθερίας πέρι; Εἰ πόλεμον ETAKTEOV Τῇ χωρᾳ Kat 

77 , ὡς , , \ SS , Ἀ ὃ Ν 

πολιορκητέον αὐτὴν τυραννουμένην ; Εἰ καὶ μὴ δοκιμάζοντα τὴν διὰ 

2. τυραννουμένης αὐτῆς] “ See 
Adn. Crit. ἡ 


ἢ εὐλαβητέον) ‘or must we be 
on our guard against the overthrower of 


1. quae autem sunt horum temporuin | 
‘topics connected with the present crisis 
we have already worn threadbare’ (Shuck- 
burgh). Conterere is the word used for 


‘to thumb’ a book, Fam. ix. 25. 1 (246). 

θέσεις] Cic. Top. 79 explains θέσις 
to be the discussion of a general principle, 
ὑπόθεσις being the discussion of a par- 
ticular case. Definitum est, quod ὑπόθεσιν 
Graeci, nos causam: infinitum, quod 
θέσιν illi appellant, nos propositum 
possumus nominare. 

πολιτικαί] see on Fam. vill. 1. 5 
(192). The word should no more be given 
in Latin characters than θέσεις, which in 
’ M appears as thesis. 


the despotism, to prevent his effecting his 
own elevation?’ Here, and again before 
διὰ παντὸς and ἐφετέον, we have followed 
Wesenberg in ‘correcting εἰ to ἢ, distinct 
alternatives being in these Cases pro- 
posed. 

πόλεμον éwmaktéov] The accusative 
is governed by the verbal, as κατάλυσιν 
by πραγματευτέον, above. Boot strangely 
reads πόλεμος ἐπακτέος, adding “ accusa- 
tivi causam non intellego.’ 


‘EP. 362 (ATT. IX. 7). 141 
πολέμου κατάλυσιν τῆς τυραννίδος. ; συναπογραπτέόν᾽ ὅμως τοῖς 
ἀρίστοις ; Εἰ τοῖς εὐεργέταις καὶ φίλοις συγκινδυνεὑτέον “ἐν τοῖς 
i πολιτικοῖς, κἂν μὴ δοκῶσιν, εὖ βεβουλεῦσθαι περὶ τῶν ὅλων EES 
᾿ ; 'μεγάλα τὴν πατρίδα εὐεργετήσας Of αὐτό τὲ τοῦτο ἀνήκεστα παθών 
᾿ καὶ φθονηθείς κινδυνεύσειεν a ἂν ἐθελοντὴς ὑπὲρ τῆς Ξατρίδὰς; ἢ 


τὰ ἐφετέον me ἑαυτοῦ ποτε καὶ "τῶν οἰκειοτάτων ποιεῖσθαι Apes 


ἀφεμένῳ τὰς πρὸς τοὺς ἰσχύοντας διαπολιτείας ; 

3. In his ego me consulationibus exercens et disserens in 
utramque partem tum Graece tum Latine et abduco parumper 
animum a molestiis et τῶν προὔργου τι delibero. Sed vereor ne 
tibi ἄκαιρος sim. Si enim recte ambulavit is qui hance epistulam 
tulit in ipsum tuum diem incidit. | eat 


362, CICERO: TO ATTICUS (Ars, rx. 7). 
FORMIAE; MARCH ΤΑ Oe har ki 8. Ὁ, 493 ABET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico gratias agit de litteris uberioribus ad se datis, quibus se ait 
aegritudine levatum esse eiusque consilio se velle obtemperare quo ei suadet ut a 
Caesare petat ut sibi idem Pompeio quod ipsi tribuere liceat. Sin id ei Caesar non 
concedat, pacificationem vult suscipere et quantum fieri potest abesse a partium studio: 
et negotiis publicis. Petit ut Atticus etiam si desit argumentum ad se scribat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Scripseram ad te epistulam quam darem 1111 Idus, sed eo 
die is cui dare volueram non est profectus. Venit autem eo ipso 
die ille ‘celeripes,’ ane Salvius dixerat : attulit uberrimas tuas 


συναπογραπτέο» ‘may te baile 
among.’ This verbal adjective differs 
slightly from the others in this respect, 
that it stands for συναπογράφεσθαι δεῖ, 
not for συναπογράφειν δεῖ. 

ἐφετέον) ‘may he be permitted to 
take thought for himself and the dear 
ones, giving up political struggles with 
powerful opponents.’ : 
- 8. τῶν προὔργου τι] ‘I debate on 
matters of important moment’: cp. de 
quo agitur (§ 1). 

“ἄκα “po Πα lie troublesome,’ ‘ unseason- 
able.’ ‘We think of the ἄκαιρος. in 
Theophrastus ix (xii) who was the sort of 


person ἀκηκοότας καὶ μεμαθηκότας ἀνίσ: 
τασθαι ἐξ ἀρχῆς διδασκων. Cp. Cicero’s 
own portrait of the ineptus, De Orat. ii. 


17; cp. i. 221, ‘where it means: ‘a 
pedant.’ . 
ambulavit]) ‘has travelled’: ‘ep. 


Att. vii. 1. 1. (284) ut philosophi ambulant, 


‘It is a word of ordinary life, which, like 


vado, came’simply to mean ‘ to go.” 
tuum diem | cp. note to 359. 1. 


1. celeripes] ep. Ribbeck Trag. ine. 218 
rapite agite ruite celeripedes. This lettér- 
carrier was very slow, as he appears to 
have received this letter on‘ the’ 9th 


142 EP. 869: (ATT. IX. ἢ. 


litteras quae mihi ‘quiddam’ quasi ‘animulae instillarunt ’ Te- 
creatum enim me non queo dicere. Sed plane τὸ συνέχον offecisti 
Ego enim non iam id ago, mihi crede, ut prosperos exitus. conse- 
quar. 
umquam rem publicam habituros. 
iam nec ullam acerbitatem recuso. Unum illud extimescebam, 
ne quid turpiter facerem vel dicam iam ne fecissem. 2. Sie ergo 
habeto, salutaris te mihi litteras misisse, neque solum has longiores 
quibus nihil potest esse explicatius, nihil perfectius, sed etiam 
illas breviores in quibus hoc mihi iucundissimum fuit, consilium 
factumque nostrum a Sexto probari, pergratumque mihi tu fecisti 


Ita neque de otio nostro. spero 


Sic enim video nec: duobus his vivis nec. hoe. uno nos — 


. . . a quo et diligi me et quid rectum sit intellegi scio. 


(365. 10), and did not deliver it till the 
12th, while 15 or 2 days sufficed to reach 
Formiae from Rome. But it is strange 
that Cicero should use this ironical nick- 
name for a ‘slow-coach,’ and we are 
disposed to agree with the view kindly 
communicated to us by Dr. Reid, that the 
word is here a corruption of Callippides, 
the proverbial ‘slow-coach’ (Suet. ΤΙ. 
38). This passage would then be exactly 
like Att. xiii. 12, 2 (66), where Cicero 
calls Varro Καλλιππίδης (see our note on 
that passage in ed. 2). If here, as there, 
the word was written in Greek letters, 
celeripes may have been an attempted 
transliteration or explanation of Καλλιπ- 
πίδης, and have usurped its place in the 
text. It is difficult to say whether or 
not allusion is made to the tragic actor 
Callippides, who lived in the time of 
Alcibiades and Agesilaus, and who was 
notorious for giving himself airs (Aristotle, 
Poetics 26 (1461 b. 35); Plut. Alc. 22, 
Ages. 21: ep. Kock, Frag. Aristoph. 
No. 474, who quotes many other places 
in which he is mentioned). 

Salvius] a literary slave of Atticus: cp. 
537.1; Att. xiii. 44. 3 (646); xvi, 2. 
6 1772); Q. Fr. lil. 2. 1 (150). 

instillarunt| ‘put just a drop of life 
into me.’ The words possibly belong to 
some play; if so, guiddam should be 
included in. the quotation. For instillare 
cp. De Sen. 36; Hor. Ep. i. 8. 16. 

τὸ συνέ ἰκξον] This certainly does not 
mean * the uext best thing,’ as Manutius 
explains it. The meaning is ‘the im- 
portant thing,’ ‘the thing of chief 
moment.’ In Polybius (e.g. vili. 4. ὃ ; 
xviii. 9. 3) and other writers of Hellen- 


Longior 


istic Greek τὸ συνέχον always means ‘ the 
chief point, chief reason for, chief means 
of’; the verb may often be translated by 
‘keystone,’ as when Aristotle, Pol. ii 
1270 b 17, says of the Ephoralty, that it is 
the keystone (συνέχει) of the constitution. 
‘ The next best thing’ would be τὸ ἐχόμε- 
νον. The‘ really important ἡ benefit which 
Atticus had conferred on Cicero was to 
teach him that a happy ending to the 
whole business was no longer possible, 
and that «all hopes for it might be dis- 
missed—the Republic was now a memory, 
not a hope. 
recuso | 
sible.’ 

vel dicam} ‘or perhaps I should say’ 
see Madv. on Fin. i. 10, and cp. ἘΝ 
486.3, a plerisque vel dicam ab omnibus; 
Phil. ii. 30, stuporem hominis. vel dicam 
pecudis attendite: Brut. 207. 

2. explicatius, nihil perfectius | 
clear and complete.’ 

illas breviores| written on March 9 
(365. 10). 

Sexto| Sextus Peducaeus, a very par- 
ticular friend of Atticus: cp. Drumann 
v*, p. 80, ed. Groebe. Cicero valued his 
opinion highly, 365. 10; Att. xv. 13.3 
(794), addidisti Peducaei auctoritatem, 
magnam quidem apud me et in primis 
gravem., 

a quo et diligi] ‘of whose affection 
and keen sense of honour I am always 
sure’ (Jeans). But it is nearly certain 
that the text here has suffered a lacuna, 
for a quo should naturally refer to Pedu- 
caeus, not to Atticus, about whom he 
would not here use words which would 
be just as appropriate in any other letter. 


‘refuse to contemplate as pos- 


“more 


TSS Sete Ban vee eee aS eae eee 


ar 
So nee 


evavit. : 


fidero, devitatum se a me putet. 


Προ quid oneris imponam, 


 intorqueat. 


~ umquam minus obscure tulit. 


Lehmann (pp. 48-50) would read pergra- 
tumque mihi fecisti <quod me de eius 
 tudicio certiorem fecist a quo; the verb 
BS focisti occurring twice, all the words be- 
- tween the two fell out by corruptio ex 
‘a homoeoteleuto. For fecisti... fecisti, cp. 
| fecisti. .. fecisti, 410; ; feceris .. . feceris, 
᾿ 380, Fam. xiii, 64. 1 ( (235). 

᾿ς ἀπάντησις“ mea| ‘lest my welcoming 

him (352. 2) at the city should excite 

3 notice.’ 

4 3. idem tribuam Pompeio| ‘show the 
_ same regard for Pompey tnat I did for 

Shim,’ i.e., not take up arms against him. 

bi Note the three clauses beginning with wt, 
_ each subordinate to the preceding. 
quo modo in] see on 346. 3. 

hoc | permission not to oppose Pompey. 

illud πολίτευμα de pace, me| ‘that I 
should take up the other policy, the peace 
erm. 

_ periculum) cp. 354. 2. 

honestissimo depecisci| ‘compound by 
taking the most respectable ’ (Jeans) ; ‘ to 
_ close the bargain with the most honour- 
| able,’ ‘settle the matter by choosing the 
- most honourable’ (Shuckburgh), that is, 
‘escape other dangers by voluntarily ex- 
posing myself to that danger which in- 
volves least personal humiliation’: cp. 
_ Ter. Phorm. 166, depeciset morte cupio: 
pa err. i iii. 60 ad condicionem eius depectus 


EP.362 (ATT. IX: 7). 


148 


yero tua epistula, non. me solum sed. meos omnis. aegritudine 
Itaque utar tuo consilio et ero in Formiano, ne. aut ad 
urbem ἀπάντησις Mea Animadvertatur aut, si nec hie nec illic: eum 


3. Quod autem suades ut ab eo 


etam ut mihi concedat ut idem tribuam Pompeio quod ipsi 
tribuerim, id me iam pridem agere intelleges ex litteris Balbi et 
0; opi quarum exempla tibi misi. 
gana mente scriptas quo modo in tanta insania. 
be hoc non concedat, video tibi placere illud me πολίτευμα de pace 
᾿ suscipere ; ἸΏ quo non -extimesco periculum—cum enim tot impen- 
 deant, cur non honestissimo depecisci velim ?—Sed vereor ne 


Misi etiam Caesaris ad: eos 
Sin mihi Caesar 


μῆ μοι γοργείην κεφαλὴν δεινοῖο πελώρου 


Mirandum enim in modum Gnaeus noster Sullani 
 regni similitudinem concupivit. 


Εἰδώς σοι λέγω. Nihil ille 


‘Cum hocne igitur’ inquies ‘ esse 


280. 
This 


est. We think of Verg. Aen. v. 
vitamgue volunt pro laude paciser. 
is an ablative of price. 

Sed vereor ne| ‘I fear I may embarrass 
Pompey, and be gorgonised by the glare 
οὗ his angry eye.’ He quotes Hom. Od. 
xi. 633, where Odysseus expresses his 
fear lest he should be horrified by the 
apparition of some dreadful shape sent by 
Persephone to appal him, just as the 
friends οἵ Hamlet are alarmed lest the 
ghost should ‘assume some other horrible 
form.’ Theembarrassment which Cicero 
thinks he might cause Pompey is the | 
necessity which a peace would bring 
about of breaking his promises to his fol- 
lowers, whom he had encouraged w ith the 
pr ospect of a proscription like that of Sulla. 

Sullani regni| 388, 1, sin autem vincit 
(Pompeius) Sullano more exemploqgue 
vincet; 342. 2, genus iliud Sullani regni 
iampridem appetitur ; 365. 6, ita sullaturit 
animus eius : op. also Lucan i. 326, e¢ docilis 
Sullam seeleris vicisse magistrum ; ib. 330, 
Sie et Sullanum solito tibi lambere ferrum 
durat, Magne, sitis. He was expected to 
follow in the footsteps of his master 
Sulla, tuws Sulla, Lucan i, 335. 

Nihil. .. minus obscure tulit] ‘he made 
no secret’ of his intention to revive the 
Sullan proscriptions. 

Cum hocne| sc. cum Pompeio, 


144 


BP, 362 (ATT. IX. 7). 


vis?’ Beneficium sequor, mihi crede, non causam, ut in Milone; 
ut in... Sed hactenus. 4. ‘Causa igitur non bona. est ie 
Immo optima, sed agetur, memento, foedissime.. Primum cons | 
silium est suffocare urbem et Italiam fame, deinde agros vastare, Ἷ 
urere, pecuniis locupletum non abstinere. Sed cum eadem metuam 4 
ab hae parte, si illim beneficium non sit, rectius _putem quidvis 1 


domi perpeti. 


iusta defensio est explicata. | 


quidem totum facile et libenter abiecero. 
dum agamus ὁ πλόος ὡραῖος obrepat.’. 
Est firmior etiam quam putabamus. 

Promitto tibi, si valebit, tegulam illum in 
‘Tene igitur socio?’ 


ille erit firmus. 
licet bene speres. 
Italia nullam relicturum. 


Sed ita meruisse illum de me puto ut ἀχαριστίας 
crimen subire non audeam. Quamquam a te eius quoque rel 
8. De triumpho tibi adsentior, quem > 


Egregie probo ‘ fore ut 
Si modo, inquis, satis, 
De isto 


Contra meher- 


cule meum iudicium et contra omnium antiquorum auctoritatem, 
nec tam ut illa adiuvem quam ut haec ne videam cupio discedere, 


Beneficium] cp. 328. 4; 356. 2; 359. ὃ 
and often: cp. ὁ 4 ἀχαριστίας. 

ut in Milone ut nm... Sed hactenus} 
This is usually considered a gloss; but 
we fail to see why it is thought so. 
O. E. Schmidt (p. 149) says rightly that 
Milo’s case was not a good one, it was 
plain homicide, and Cicero defended him 
because Milo was an opponent ot his arch- 
enemy, Clodius. Cicero seems generally 
to add haec before hactenus, but not 
always : cp. Att. v. 13. 1 (203): xiii. 9.1 
(623) : xiv. 17.-2 (724). 

4. memento] parenthetical : 
of scio by Balbus in 346. ὃ; 

suffocare . . . fame] ‘to take Rome 
and Italy by the throat, and starve them’ 
(Jeans). For. suffocare, 
stifle,’ cp. Lucr. 111. 891 dut in medle 
situm suffocari atque rigere frigore. 

ab hac parte] ‘on Caesar’s side’ ; ildim, 
‘on Pompey’s. side.’ 

domi] ‘ while remaining at Rome.’ 
For domus = oma, see Lehmann, pp. 
73 ff. Orit might be simply .‘ at home,’ 
i.e. in Italy, in opposition to following 
Pompey across the sea. 

defensio| cp. eccusatio 360. 1, 

5. quem... abiecero] ‘the whole of 
that project indeed I readily and gladly 
cast aside,’ 

Sore. ut . 


cp. the use 


. obrepat| ‘I like greatly 


your suggestion, that while I am negoti- 


ating a favourable chance to sail may 


tui up unexpectedly 


‘to strangle or 


>: ep. Anth. Pal. 
x. 1, quoted in the note to 376. ὃ. 


ayamus] So M, which O, E. Schmidt’ 


retains (22h. Mus.(1897),p. 149): ep. § 3 id 
me tam pridem agere intelliges, “ while lam 
negotiating.’ The difficulty in this inter- 


pretation is that we should expect some 


accusative after agere; but the absolute 
use may perhaps be justified by the many 
passages in which agere = ‘ to.act,’ e.g. 
Petit. Cons. 26, ex animo agere; Arch. 8, 
non solum interfuisse sed agisse. Mala- 
spina altered to vagamur ; but, as Schmidt 
points out, Cicero at this time was deter- 
mined to remain at Formiae (§ 2 fin.). 
De isto} ‘on that point’. viz. on 
Pompey’s being tirm and resolute. So 
Boot, perhaps rightly. 
masculine, and refer it to Pompey. . But 
it is unlikely that Cicero would use iste 


when he had used ἐξέ just before, and — 


illum just after when referring to Pompey. 
Tene igitur socio ?] ‘is it with you for 


an ally ?’? Prof. Housman (who has kindly — 


communicated his view to us) thinks that 


the word tene should be brought to -the — 


ue of a corrupt passage in Att. xvi. 7,, 

3 (783), 
tene agitur, qui εὐθανασίαν, tene relingnnre 
patriam ! 


_ haee ne videam) hace is the see: 


of the Caesareans, in contrast to ila, that 
of the Fomperians for videam cp. 359.1. 


oe 


Others tuke it, 


which he would emend:thus:, — 


var 
i 
+e 
i 
8 
é 
re 
rs 
ὴ 
‘ 


145 


EP. 362 (ATT. IX. 7). 


“Noli enim putare tolerabilis horum insanias nec unius modi fore. 
‘Etsi quid te horum fugit?  Legibus, iudiciis, senatu sublato 
- libidines, audacias, sumptus, egestates tot egentissimorum hominum 
Ἵ nec privatas posse res nec rem publicam sustinere. Abeamus igitur 
inde qualibet navigatione, etsi id quidem ut tibi videbitur, sed 
gerte abeamus. Sciemus enim, id quod exspectas, quid Brundisi 
-actum sit. 6. Bonis viris quod ais probari quae adhue fecerimus 
‘seirique ab iis mos profectos, valde gaudeo, si est nunc ullus 
gaudendi locus. De Lentulo investigabo diligentius: id mandavi 
Philotimo, homini forti ac nimium optimati. 7. Extremum est 
ot tibi argumentum ad scribendum fortasse iam desit—nec enim 
alia de re nune ulla scribi potest, et de hac quid iam amplius 
nveniri potest ?—sed (quoniam et ingenium suppeditat—dico 
mehercule ut sentio—et amor quo et meum ingenium incitatur), 
perge, ut facis, et scribe quantum potes. In Epirum quod menon 
invitas, comitem non molestum, subirascor, sed vale. Nam ut tibi 
ambulandum, ungendum, sic mihi dormiendum. LEtenim litterae 


tuae mihi somnum attulerunt. 


_ imsanias| A nearly exhaustive list of 
abstract substantives used by Cicero in thé 
as is given by Lebreton, pp. 421-427. 
or insaniae he quotes Verr. ii. 35; v. 47 : 
for audaciae Verr. iii. 208. For other ex- 
amples cp. next clause. See also I°, p. 79. 
__—sustinere| ‘hold up against,’ that is, 
‘be enough to satisfy.’ Sustinere ut (354. 
1) is ‘to endure the shock (disgrace) 
of’: privatas res nec rem p. are the sub- 
jects of the verbs posse sustinere. 
Abeamus . . . abeamus| “ Let us sail 
away, then, any way we can—though 
_ that too shall be as you decide—but at 
_ any rate let us away.’ 
Sciemus .... actum sit| ‘For we 
all know what has happened at Brun- 
sium, which is what you are waiting 
for.’ This means that before arrangements 
¢an be made for my departure we shall 
now of events at Brundisium. Wes. 
wishes to add iam after enim. If addition 
necessary, it would be better to add 
14 (= Idibus). 
6. nimium optimati| He expressed very 
‘Sanguine views of the chances of the 
ptimates: cp. 321. 1; 393. 1, Adventus 
Philotimi—at cuius hominis, quam insulsi 
_ δὲ quam saepe pro Pompeio mentientis. 


VOL. IV. 


i. Extremum est] -‘ the last thing I 
have to say is.’ 

ut tibi] ‘supposing.’ After the paren- 
thesis sed as usual takes up the thread of 
the sentence, only to be broken again at 
once by another parenthesis, containing 
within itself a third. 

quoniam ... . incitatur| ‘since you 
have plenty of brains—1 really say as I 
think—and affection for me by which my 
own brains are stimulated.’ 

In Epirum quod me non invitas| This 
reproach drew forth the invitation de- 
sired: 368. 1: cp. 388. 3 fin. 

Nam ut ttbi] Atticus had probably 
made the necessity of attending to his 
doctor’s orders an excuse for the shortness 
of his letter. Cicero retorts ‘as you 
must have your exercise and anointing, 
so I must have my sleep.’ Prof. Goligher 
refers to Celsus iil. 14. 1, Si vero tertiana 
quae ex toto intermittit, aut quartana est, 
mediis diebus et ambulationibus uti oportet 
aliisque exercitationibus et unctionibus. 

somnum attulerunt| by removing to a 
great extent the anxiety which kept him 
awake: cp. 365. 1 cum me aegritudo 
somno privaret. 


146 EP. 363 (ATT. 1X. 8). 


363. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. 1x. 8). 
FORMIAE 3} MARCH 14 (81); A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero respondet ad Attici epistulam de L. et A. Torquatis profectis, de Reati- 
norum corona, senatores multos esse’ Romae, Formiis putari Caesarem a. d. x1 Kal, 
Apr. adfore. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Cenantibus τι Idus nobis ac noctu quidem Statius a te 
epistulam brevem attulit. De L. Torquato quod quaeris, non | 


modo Lucius sed etiam Aulus profectus est, . . . alter multos. 


De Reatinorum corona quod scribis, moleste fero in agro Sabino 


sementem -fieri proscriptionis. 
quoque audieramus. 


1. 11 1448] Pridie Idus is the usual 
expression, but 11 Jdws means exactly the 
same thing, ‘the day before the Ides,’ 
both days being included in the reckoning 
after the Roman fashion. For this use 
of 1 cp. Fam. xiv. 4. 3 (62) and note. 
Mendelssohn compares C. I. L. 12 902, 
979. In Att. vi. 8. 1 (281) M has pridie, 
but Z has 11. 

L. Torquato}| L. Manlius Torquatus was 
one of the praetors this year. At first 
he maintained that Pompey should not be 
followed in his flight from Italy (304. 4), 
but afterwards he changed his mind. Next 
year he surrendered Oricum to Caesar 
(Caes. B.C. iii. 11. 3), and later, in 46, 
was killed at Hippo Regius, in Africa, 
by Sittius (Bell. Afr. 96. 2). He was an 
Epicurean, and is introduced by Cicero 
as the exponent of that philosophy in 
Fin. i. As an Epicurean Cicero, perhaps, 
mentions him in Att. vii. 2. 4 (293), 
Lucius noster et Patron (though it is 
possible that Saufeius is there meant). 
Aulus was his cousin, and is the 
Torquatus to whom Fam. vi. 1-4 was 
addressed. Some words must have 
dropped out to the effect that one of 
them had left before the other to join 
Pompey. If alter occurred twice, the 
intervening words might have dropped 
out, and the passage might have run 
somehow thus—alter <duos aliquos dies 
abest> alter multos. Some word like 
abest is required to justify the accusative. 


Senatores multos esse Romae nos 
Kequid potes dicere cur exierint ἢ 


2, [ἴῃ 


Dr. Reid suggests ante muito for alter 
multos, and supposes no words to have 
been omitted. 

corona| ‘This is usually taken as re- 


ferring to a sale of prisoners, owing to | 


the familiar phrase sub corona venire; 
and no doubt it may be so. But perhaps. 


it may only refer to a public sale of | 
property, corona meaning ‘the crowd of | 


purchasers.” Pompey’s soldiers 
Romans, and would not be sold. 


were 


The | 


usual explanation of sub corona venire — 


was that the captives who were being 
sold wore crowns; but cp. Gellius vi (vii) 
4. 4, who mentions another view, that 
the cerona wes the surrounding band of 
soldiers who were guarding the prisoners : 
for corona in the sense of a surrounding 
crowd cp. Mil. 2, Brut. 289, Tuse. i. 10. 
But Gellius thinks. the ordinary view of 
sub corona venireis the right one, quoting 
Cato Ut populus sua opera potius ob rem 
bene gestam coronatus supplicatum eat quam 
re male gesta coronatus veneat. 

in agro Sabino] where the true old 
manners of Rome’s best time still sur- 
vived. 

sementem| ‘that the seeds of a pro- 
scription should be sown’; that is, that 
a step should be taken which would 
probably lead to a proscription. 

nos quogue] ‘I too’; Atticus had heard 
the same report. 

exierint | 
2° 


‘why did they ever leave 


EP. 364 (ATT. 1X: 9). 147 


| his locis opinio est coniectura magis quam nuntio aut litteris, 
Caesarem Formiis ἃ, ἃ. x1 Ka]. Apr. fore, Hie ego vellem habere 
-Homeri illam Minervam simulatam Mentori, cui dicerem 


89 7 4.9 8 ~ 7 nN ’ > 
Mévrop, πῶς τ᾽ ap ἴω, πῶς τ᾽ ἂρ προσπτύξομαι αὐτόν ; 


Nullam rem umquam difficiliorem cogitavi. 
nec ero, ut in malis, imparatus. 
diem tuum heri fuisse. 


Sed cogito tamen, 
Sed cura ut valeas. Puto enim 


364, OICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. 1x. 9). 


FORMIAE } MARCH 17 (ὃ 4); A. U. C. 705; B.C. 49; AKT. CIC. 67. 


M. Cicero ad tris Attici epistulas respondet de commoratione Formiana sua, de 
_ gupero mari petendo, de ante factis et delictis Pompeii obliviscendis, se θέσεις suas 
_ commentari non desinere, Attici consilia sibi minime displicere, de numero militum 
non credendo, de animo consulum, non item consilio eorum probando, quorum discessu 
spes pacis sublata sit, de bello quod iam impendeat foedissimo, de Caesare conveniendo, 
de Bibulo, de Philotimo, de Domitio, de sententia eius perversa, qui dicat comitia 
consularia a praetore haberi posse, de re frumentaria, de Trebatio a se visendo, de 
Lanuvino Phameae mortui ab Attico emendo. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1, Tris epistulas tuas accepi postridie Idus. Erant autem 
III, 11, pridie Idus datae. Igitur antiquissimae cuique primum 
respondebo, Adsentio tibi, ut in Formiano potissimum commorer, 


2. simulatam] Μέντορι εἰδομένην. The 
verse is in Hom. Od. iii. 22, ‘How 
shall I then go forth to meet the man, 
how, Mentor, strive to greet?’ 

ut in mais | ‘as well as the hard case 
allows.’ 

diem tuum | 
ep. 369, 1. 


‘the day of your attack’: 


1, Evant ...datae| ‘they were dated 
12th, 13th, 14th’ (of March). 
q antiquissimae cuigque primum] ‘ taking 
_ the earliest written first.’ Madv. Fin. ii. 
105, and Munro on Luer. i. 389, admir- 
ably explain Cicero’s use of. primus 
quisque, which in many passages has 
been misunderstood by editors. Briefly 
the phrase means ‘one after the other,’ 


- times, 


‘each successive thing’; e.g. primum 
guidque consideremus means ‘let us take 
the points in order’; that is, ‘let us 
consider each thing as it becomes first 
by our having done with the one before 
it.’ 

Adsentio| This verb is occasionally 
(cp. Att. vil. 3. 3 (294)) found in the 
active form in most writers. The 
Thesaurus says that Cicero uses adsentior 
deponent 200 times, adsentio active 11 
and cdsentior passive 7 times. 
Varro (cp. Gell. ii. 25. 9) “ Sentior’ 
nemo dicit et id per se nihil est : “ adsentior’ 
tamen Sere omnes dicunt. Sitsenna unus 
‘ adsentio’ in senatu dicebat, et eum postea 


‘multi secutt neque tamen vincere consuetu- 


dinem potuerunt. It is probable that the 


L2 


148 EP, 364 (ATT. IX. 9). 


etiam de supero mari, perlaboroque, ut antea ad te scripsi, ecquo- e 
nam modo possim voluntate eius nullam rei publicae partem 
attingere. Quod laudas quia oblivisci me scripsi ante facta et 
delicta nostri amici, ego vero ita facio. Quin ea ipsa, quae a ἴθ. 
commemorantur secus ab 60 in me ipsum facta esse, non memini; — 
tanto plus apud me valere benefici gratiam quam iniuriae dolorem — 
volo. Faciamus igitur, ut censes, colligamusque nos. Σ᾽ οφιστεύ να 
enim simul ut rus decurro, atque in decursu θέσεις meas com-— 


mentari non desino. 
iudicandum. 


few cases in which we find adsentio active 
in Cicero are due to errors of the copy- 
ists, especially in the familiar expression 
adsentior tibi. 

etiam de supero mari] ‘I also agree 
with you about the Adriatic, that I should 
make my journey by it, not by the mure 
inferum.’ 

perlaborogue| See Adn. Crit. M has 
plaboque, lens. perlabor, from which perla- 
boroque may safely be inferred, especially 
as the verb is ἅπαξ εἰρημένον, and there- 
fore greatly exposed to corruption. 
Laboro is exactly the word which Cicero 
uses in sentences like this, and we know 
how fond he is of strengthening verbs 
and adjectives with the prefix per: see 
13, p. 89. Pergaudeo Q. Fr. iii. 1, 9 (148) 
is ἅπαξ εἰρ., like perlaboro here. 

voluntate eius| “ without offending 
Caesar,’ a modal ablative of the same 
kind as pace, venia, periculo alicuius ali- 
quid facere. Nearly similar is the use of 
alicuius ductu, auspiciis, nomine, verbis 
aliquid facere. Madv. 257, Obs. 5; 
Riemann-Gédlzer, ὁ 183. 

ante facta et delicta| Pompey’s ‘past 
deeds and offences’; this must by no 
means be changed to dicta: cp. decem 
annorum peccata, 359. 2. 

ego vero | ‘yes, that is what I am 
doing.’ | 

non memini| ep. exciderunt, 359. 

colligamusque nos| ‘I must pull out 
together.’ For colligere se, cp. Att. Vii. 
3. 8 (294), Ipsi enim se collegerunt admira- 
tione integritatis meae; Clu. 51, Collegi 
me aliquando; Tuse. ‘iv. 78, Quid est 
autem se ipsum ecolligere nisi dissipatas 
animi partis rursus in suum locum cogere? 

simul ut]. ‘what time I make expedi- 


Sed sunt quaedam earum perdifficiles ad 
De optimatibus, sit sane ita ut vis, sed nosti illud 
Διονύσιος ἐν Κορίνθῳ Titini filius apud Caesarem est. 


Quod 


tions into the country, and during these 
expeditions I do not cease to ponder on 
my problems.’ Cicero refers to little 
expeditions he made from Formiae into 
the country, probably short trips for the 
day only. For simul ut see Dr. Reid, 
Acad. ii. 51, and Mr. J. C. Jones in the 
‘ Archiv’ xiv. 248, referred to below (§ 4). 

De optimatibus sit sane ita ut vis] This 
would seem to refer to the θέσις in 361. 2 
εἰ Kal μὴ δοκιμάζοντα τὴν διὰ πολέμου 
κατάλυσιν τῆς τυραννίδος συναπογραπ- 
τέον ὅμως τοῖς ἀρίστοις. Cicero perhaps 
means ‘as regards this question about 
joining the Optimates let it be as you 
wish, viz. that I should for the present 
remain neutral and take no decided step 
(which was the general tenor of Atticus’s 
advice: cp. Ep. 364) ; but you know the 
proverb about Dionysius, and that if they 
conquer I shall be a nobody among them 
after having beena great ‘personage.’ Or 
sit sane ita ut vis may refer specifically to 
his statement 362. 6 Bonis viris quod ais 
probari quae adhue fecerimus .. . valde 
gaudeo. 

Διονύσιος] The story—it was a 
mere story without any real foundation— 
was that Dionysius the Younger, expelled 
by Timoleon from the throne of Syracuse, 
set up a school at Corinth. The later 
life of Dionysius was used by Greek and 
Latin writers (cp. Diod. xvi. 70; Amm. 
Mare. xiv. 11, 30, and especially Val. 
Max. vi. 9, extr. 6) as a signal instance 
of the commonplace that there are ‘ups 


and downs’ in this life; and this gives a 


very good sense to the passage. When 
Cicero again refers to this tale in Fam. 
ix. 18, 1 (478), it is to compare it with 
his own case in becoming a teacher of 


by 


fe 
μ 


oratory after having been the king of 
_ the bar. In Tuse. iii. 27 Cicero gives a 
_ different application of the proverb, 
and Mr. Jeans holds that that passage 
determines Cicero’s application of it 
here. The passage is Dionysius tyrannus 
Syracusis expulsus Corinthi pueros docebat : 
usque 60 imperio carere non poterat. ΑΒ 
he could not rule men, he must rule 
boys. So here Cicero means ‘ Granted 
that the Optimates are now well-disposed 
to me, still they will never rest till they 
are in power.’ However, while doing 
full justice to the acuteness of Mr. Jeans’ 
remarks, we cannot but adhere to the 
ordinarily accepted view. Pompey and 
the party designated Jboni or optimates 
by Cicero had by no means the same 
interests or aims at this juncture. ‘The 
᾿ς bont would have preferred that Pom- 
_ pey should remain in Italy. In that 
_ case a victory over Caesar would have 
been a victory for them, and Pom- 
pey would merely have been the general 
under whom it was achieved. ‘lhe senate 
and nobles would have been the do- 
minant party, and would have acted as 
such. On the other hand, a victory in the 
East meant the personal supremacy of 
Pompey. We cannot agree with Cicero, 
who represents his flight from Italy as 
the result of panic. No: it was part of 
a well-considered plan, which was on the 
whole the only plan likely to secure for 
Pompey a position similar to that which 
Caesar actually attained.’ 

Titini filius| 360. 6; 377. 2. 

fae ut ostendis : ne destiteris| We have 
put along stop after ostendis, with Madvig 
(Op. Ac. ii. 104 note = 483 ed. 2); yet we 
think that fac might govern ne destiteris : 
ep. 3801. 1, fac... ne quid aliud cures. 

2. Ipso dimidio| ‘by just one-half.’ 
_ Clodia, the mother-in-law of the tribune 
___L. Metellus (yet cp. 360. 3) had mentioned 
__ the number as 30,000. Cicero says there 


EP, 364 (ATT. IX. 9). 


149 


_ autem quasi vereri videris ne mihi tua consilia displiceant, me 
_ vero nihil delectat aliud nisi consilium et litterae tuae. Qua re 
fae ut ostendis: ne destiteris ad me quidquid tibi in mentem 
Hi venerit scribere, Mihi nihil potest esse gratius. 2. Venio ad 
Pa alteram nunc epistulam. JRecte non credis de numero militum. 
_ Ipso dimidio plus scripsit Clodia. Falsum etiam de corruptis 
es navibus. Quod consules laudas, ego quoque animum laudo sed 
& consilium reprehendo. Dispersu enim illorum actio de pace sublata 


were only 20,000; she added half of the 


real number (10,000), and made it 
30,000. 
corruptis| ‘smashed-up ships’: cp. 


note to praecidisse (or percidisse) in 360. 3. 
Corrumpere seems to have much the same 
meaning as confringere in Suet. Nero 
34. 2, datoque negotio trierarchis que 
liburnicam qua advecta erat velut fortuito 
concursu confringerent, protraxit con- 
vivium repetentique Baulos in locum cor- 
rupti navigit machinosum illud obtulit. 

consules]| As MC have consulem, O. E. 
Schmidt (Rh. Mus. (1897), p. 151) thinks 
that we should read consulem and refer it 
to Lentulus. He supposes that Pompey 
sent Lentulus to Greece (see next note), 
but that Marcellus remained in Italy. 
‘This seems contrary to the usual opinion : 
cp. Caes. B.C. i. 25. 2; Dio Cass. ΣΙ]: 
12.15; Plut. Pomp. 62; Caes. 35. Possibly 
he sent them both into Greece, and they 
may have had separate spheres of action 
(hence dispersu) ; or does tlorum refer not 
to the consuls, but to the chief men among 
the Pompeians? If so, it would be pos- 
sible to retain consulem; but we think 
illorum must refer to the consuls, and that 
we must read consules. In the archetype 
it may have been simply cons. 

animum] ‘their spirit’ (generally). 

consilium] «their judgment,’ because 
their departure made all attempts at a 
composition vain. 

Dispersu enim illorum] “ owing to their 
being in different places ’ (from Pompey). 
Pompey could not trust the consuls, 
especially Lentulus, so he took care that 
they should be got across to Greece as soon 
as possible. Pompey made the excuse to 
Caesar, when the latter made overtures of 
peace at Brundisium, that he could do 
nothing, asthe consuls were absent : 
Caes. B. C. i. 26. 5. Dispersu is a ar. 
eip., and is usually altered to discessu 
(Manutius). See Adn. Crit. 


150 EP, 364 (ATT. IX. 9). 


est, quam quidem ego meditabar. Itaque postea Demetri librum 
de concordia tibi remisi et Philotimo dedi. Nec vero dubito quin ~ 
exitiosum bellum impendeat cuius initium ducetur a fame. Et — 
me tamen doleo non interesse huic bello! in quo tanta vis sceleris — 
futura est ut, cum parentes non alere nefarium sit, nostri principes 
antiquissimam et sanctissimam parentem, patriam, fame necandam 
putent. Atque hoc non opinione timeo sed interfui sermonibus. 
Omnis haec classis Alexandria, Colchis, ‘I'yro, Sidone, Arado, 
Cypro, Pamphylia, Lycia, Rhodo, Chio, Byzantio, Lesbo, Zmyrna, 
Mileto, Coo ad intercludendos commeatus [taliae et ad occupandas 
frumentarias provincias comparatur. At quam veniet iratus! et 
lis quidem maxime qui eum maxime salvum volebant, quasi 
relictus ab iis quos reliquit. Itaque mihi dubitanti quid me facere 
par sit permagnum pondus adfert benevolentia erga illum, qua 
dempta perire melius esset in patria quam patriam servando 
vertere. De septemtrione plane ita est. Metuo ne vexetur 
Epirus. Sed quem tu locum Graeciae non direptum iri putas ? 
Praedicat enim palam et militibus ostendit se largitione ipsa supe- 
riorem quam hune fore. Illud me praeclare admones, cum illum 
videro, ne nimis indulgenter et ut cum gravitate potius loquar. 


Plane sic faciendum. 


Demetri librum de concordia] 342. 7 fin. ; 
345. 6 fin. 

cutus initium ducetur a fame| ‘which 
will be ushered in by a famine’: cp. 
362. 4. 

Colchis] ablative of Colchi ‘the Col- 
chians.’ 

Aradus| in northern Phoenicia, near 
Tripolis. 

Coo| ablative of Cous, which is the 
form found in Livy (xxxvii. 16. 2) for 
the nominative. The word is declined as 
if it were of the second declension, accus. 
Coum. Greek, Kéws, Kas. 

Srumentarias provincias| Africa, Sicily, 
and Sardinia. 

quam veniet iratus| sc. Pompeius. 

qui eum maxime saluum volebant| Cp. 
352.2; 359. 3. 

in patria| cp. domi, 362. 4. 

septemtrione| We read above (360. 3) 
that Pompey had northerly winds with 
him. Atticus had expressed a fear that 
the north wind would take Pompey to 


Arpinum, cum eum convenero, cogito, ne 


Epirus, where Atticus had _ property. 
Cicero replies ‘ you are right ; that wind 
will expose Epirus to being plundered ; 
but what part of Greece willescape? He 
is already boasting that he will surpass 
Caesar even in the amount of his largess 
to his forces.’ 

illum] here means Caesar, who has 
just been referred to as hune. Watson 
rightly accounts for this by the judi- 
cious comment that he is called hune 
above as ‘‘ locally nearer to the writer of 
the letter,’ and id/wm here ‘‘as more 
remote in idea and belonging to the other 
party.”’ 

ne nimis indulgenter .. . loquar] ‘ that 
I should not adopt a too yielding tone, 
but rather a dignified one.’ 

Arpinum] sc. ire, cp. Att. vi. 7. 2 
(270), Rhodum volo puerorum causa, inde 
quam primum A thenas, where see note, and 
cp. 353. 3, deinde Arpinum volebamus ; 
367. 4, Aegyptum cogitare; Att. xvi. 2.4 
(772), in Pompeianum cogitabam. 


EP. 364 (ATT. IX. 9). 151 
forte aut absim cum veniet aut cursem huc illue via deterrima. 
Bibulum, ut scribis, audio venisse et redisse pridie Idus. 8, Phi- 
‘lotimum, ut ais in epistula tertia, exspectabas. At ille Idibus a 
me profectus est, Eo serius ad tuam illam epistulam quoi. ego 
_statim rescripseram redditae sunt meae litterae. De Domitio, ut 
_ scribis, ita opinor esse ut et in Cosano sit et consilium eius igno- 
| yvetur. Iste omnium turpissimus et sordidissimus, qui consu- 
| laria comitia a praetore ait haberi posse, est ille idem qui semper 
in re publica fuit. Itaque nimirum hoc illud est quod Caesar 
seribit in ea epistula cuius exemplum ad te misi, se velle uti 
_‘consilio’ meo—age, esto: hoc commune est—‘ gratia,’ —ineptum 
id quidem sed, puto, hoc simulat ad quasdam senatorum sen- 


est, ‘ope omnium rerum.’ 


me... veniet] Cicero did not want to 
seem to avoid Caesar, 359. 1; 360. 1. 
Eum is Caesar. 

via deterrima] ‘in the present wretched 
condition of the road.’ For ablative see 
on Fam. v. 8. 4 (131). 

venisse et redisse| The interpretation 
given by the editors is that Bibulus 
arrived from his province of Syria in Italy 
on March 14, and the same day recrossed 
to Greece. This seems right, as we do 
_ not hear of his being in Italy at the out- 

break of hostilities : otherwise we should 

think the reference here was to a flying 
visit of Bibulus to Formiae. 
ὃ. Ho serius...litterae| ‘On that 
account my reply [possibly Ep. 363] to 
_ that letter of yours which I answered at 
_ once reached you later than 1 expected.’ 

For ad = ‘in answer to’ (of a letter) ep. 

Att. v. 4.1. (187); 431. 4. 

_ Cosano) 360. 2. 

ita...ut| ‘I think the case stands 
thus—he is in his place at Cosa in 

Etruria, but what he is doing there is 

not known.’ For ita... ut cp. ita se 

domi ex tuis audisse ut nihil esset incom- 
᾿ς πιοάϊ, Att. vi. 9. 1 (282). The consilium of 
_ Domitius possibly was to raise a small 
fleet and equip it at Cosa with 4 view to 
proceeding to Massilia. 

Iste. . . sordidissimus] The commen- 
tators all say—on what evidence we do 
not know—that Cicero is referring to 
M. Lepidus (afterwards the triumvir) 


. 


tentias—‘ dignitate,’ fortasse sententia consulari. 
Id ego suspicari coepi tum ex tuis 
litteris aut hoc ipsum esse aut non multo secus. 


Illud extremum 


Nam permagni 


who was praetor this year, and some 
months later (about the middle of Octo- 
ber) had Caesar appointed dictator when 
the latter was at Massilia (Caesar B. C. 
ii, 21. 5) in an illegal manner (Dio 
Cass. xli. 36. 1). <A dictator ought to 
have been appointed by a consul after 
a decree of the Senate had been passed, 
and the appointment should have been 
on Roman soil (in agro Romano). See 
Greenidge, Roman Public Life, 192. 
Caesar’s nomination was regular in so 
far as a special law was passed which 
empowered the praetor to nominate 
(ib. 195, note 5): cp. also Ferrero, ii. 
p- 259 (Eng. trans. ). 

hoc illud est quod Caesar scribit] ‘ This 
is the meaning of the passage in Caesar’s 
letter’ (Ep. 357). 

commune est| ‘a general expression.’ 

simulat ad| ‘he affects to want my 
influence with a view to the votes of cer- 
tain senators’ who used to follow Cicero. 
The ad is something like 340. 4, ne omnis 
haec clementia ad Cinneam illam crudelita- 
tem colligatur. 

‘dignitate’| ‘when he says he wishes 
to have the advantage of my position, I 
suppose he means my vote as that of an 
ex-consul,’ 

aut hoe ipsum esse] ‘either refers to 
this very point (the holding of the elec- 


tions by Lepidus as praetor) or something 


not far from it.’ 


152 EP. 364 (ATT. 1X. 9). 


eius interest rem ad interregnum non venire, Id adsequitur, si 
per praetorem consules creantur. Nos autem in libris habemus | 
non modo consules a praetore sed ne praetores quidem creari ius | 
esse, idque factum esse numquam: consules eo non esse ius quod 
maius imperium a minore rogari non sit ius, praetores autem cum _ 
ita rogentur ut collegae consulibus sint quorum est maius impe- _ 
rium. Aberit non longe quin hoc a me decerni velit, neque sit — 
contentus Galba, Scaevola, Cassio, Antonio : 7 


’ » 5 - θ ’ ! 3 
TOTE μοι Xavot ευρβεια δῷ ων. 


4. Sed quanta tempestas impendeat vides, Qui transierint 
senatores scribam ad te cum certum habebo. De re frumentaria 
recte intellegis, quae nullo modo administrari sine vectigalibus 
potest : nec sine causa et eos qui circum illum sunt omnia postu- 


in libris| sc. auguralibus. perium than the consul, could not hold 
60] ‘for this reason.’ the election for praetors, as praetors were 
consules ¢0 non esse ius| = non esse technically held to be colleagues of the 
ius consules a praetore creari. Onthiscon- consul, though practically no such 
stitutional question see Messalla (cons. 53) equality was allowed. 
in his treatise De Auspiciis (ap. Gell. xiii. Aberit non longe quin] ‘it will soon 


15, 4) Praetor, etsi conlega consulis est, come to this, that he will express a wish 
neque praetorem neque consulem iure that 1 should move this proposal.’ 
rogare potest . . . quia imperium minus Galba| He and the others mentioned 
praetor, maius habet consul, et a minore were now members of the augural body: 
imperto maius aut maior a minore conlega cp. 373, 2, volet augurum decretum, an 
rogari iure non potest, Mommsen, St. R. important passage. Galba was afterwards 
ii*, 77, 118, 138, and Greenidge, id. one of the conspirators against Caesar. 
p. 195, note d. We have a letter of his to Cicero, Fam. 
rogari| ‘to be proposed (for election).’? x. 80 (841) describing the battle of Forum 
praetores autem] sc. 60 non esse ius a@ Gallorum. Q. Scaevola was tribune in 
praetore creari. Cp. Greenidge, op. cit., 52, and very vehement: cp. Q. Fr. iii. 
p. 147: ‘*The people could not meet 4, 6 (152) ”Apn πνέων, also note to 487. 1. © 
except under the shadow of the higher Quintus Cassius Longinus was tribune in 
imperium or auspicia—those of lesser this year (49 B.c.): ep. Caesar Β. C.i. 2. 8, 
patrician magistrates were of no avail; as was also Mark Antony. For these men 
for the praetor, though technically a as augurs cp. Bardt Die Priester der vier 
colleague of the consuls, could not hold = gv ossen Collegien, p. 26. 
the consular electious (Cic. Att. ix. 9. τότε... χθών] Hom. 1]. iv. 182. 
3)—and the city was in a state of sus- Mr. Jeans ie by Vergil’s imitation 
pended animation until the auwspicia inall (Aen. iv. 24) Sed mihi vel tellus optem — 
their purity should be restored, were it. prius ima dehiscat. ' ; 
but to a single man. The auspices mean- 4, sine vectigalibus| ‘ without regular 
while have returned to the ‘ fathers,’ and supplies of revenue.’ Watson. * without 
it is they only who can restore them. special I ae ὶ 
The first fundamental element, therefore, mee sine causa... times} ‘you have — 
in the theory of the Roman constitution, good reason to fear.’ This would be ex- 
however absurd it may seem, is that pressed by non temere in Plautus, tue by 
ultimate sovereignty rests with the patri- οὐκ ἐτός in Greek. 
cian members of the Senate.’’ It would omnia postulantis] ‘with thelr all- 
appear, too, that the praetor, as having embracing demands.’ 
generally and essentially a minus im- 


7 


_horteris ut properet. 
 Caesaris venerit. 


De Lanuvino| ‘as to that property at 


Lanuvium.’ 
statim ut audivi] ‘immediately on 
hearing’: cp.§1. Mr. J. C. Jones in 


‘Archiv ’ xiv. 249 notices that Cicero fairly 
often uses this expression séatim ut, 
though his contemporaries never do. He 
quotes eight passages from Cicero, five of 
which are from the Letters: Fam. i. 9. 
19 (158); i. 9. 4 (249); Att. ii. 12. 4 
(387); v. 12. 2 (202); ix. 9. 4 (864). The 
other passages are pro Quinctio 57 ; Verr. 
v.55; De Orat. 11. 313. It emerges again 
in Suet. Nero 20. 1; Apul. Met. xi. 22. 

Phameam| He was grandfather of the 
Sardinian musician Tigellius mentioned 
in Horace Sat. i. 2. 3; ὃ. 4: ep. Fam. 
vii. 24 and 25 (665 and 668); Att. xili. 
᾿ς 49. 1 (666). 
hs si... 7es.p.) The same meaning is 
expressed in 369. 6, by the words sé 
ullam spem fruends viderem. 

guoto anno| ‘in how many years you 
would recoup yourself for the purchase- 
money.’ For guoto anno cp. Hor. Ep. ii. 
1. 35, chartis pretium. quotus arroget 
annus. 

quantum in 8010] ‘what was the value 
of the res soli’ (that is, of the estate with 
buildings, crops, plantations, and fixtures 
of all kinds). The law-writers frequently 
contrast res soli and modiles, e.g. Dig. vii. 
1. 7 pr. δέ aut rei soli aut ret mobilis usus- 
fructus legatur. The dictionaries quote 
Seneca Q. N. ii. 1. 2, Zertia illa pars de 
aquis terris arbustis satis quaerit et, ut 
turisconsultorum verbo utar, de omnibus 

‘quae solo continentur.’ 
ei digamma| It has been thought that 
this might mean the ‘account book’ in 


᾿ | EP. 364 (ATT. IX. 9), 


 lantis et bellum nefarium times, 
_seribis, nihil bene sperat, tamen videre sane velim: quem fac 
Opportune enim ad me ante adventum 
De Lanuvino statim ut audivi Phameam mor- 
᾽ tuum, optavi, si modo esset futura res publica, ut id aliquis emeret 
_meorum, neque tamen de te qui maxime meus es cogitavi. 
bam enim te quoto anno et quantum in solo solere quaerere, neque 
δ -solum Romae sed etiam Deli tuum+ digamma videram. Verum 
_ tamen ego illud, quamquam est bellum, minoris aestimo quam 
aestimabatur Marcellino consule, cum ego istos hortulos propter 
 domum antiquam- guam tum habebam iucundiores mihi fore pu- 
tabam et minore impensa quam si T'usculanum refecissem. Volui 


153 


Trebatium nostrum, etsi, ut 


Scie- 


which Atticus kept a record of money 
out at interest, and that it might have 
been so called because Atticus might 
have written F (which is very like the 
digamma), signifying Fenuws, or perhaps 
Fundi, on the back of that book. Other 
attempts to explain the word are even more 
improbable. But this is a passage which 
calls for emendation, and we think, with 
Malaspina, that Cicero probably wrote 
διάγραμμα, ‘schedule,’ ‘inventory,’ ‘list,’ 
in which sense the word is found 
in Demosthenes (De Symm. 183, 20, 
§ 21; Adv. Euerg. et Mnesib. 1156, 4, 
ἢ 86; 1152, 12, § 48) and elsewhere, 
e.g. C. I. G. 2556, 64; Dio Cass. xliv. 
53, 3 (so in the mss.: but Bekker reads 
δ ivpoupanay: 

Marcellino cons.| 698 (56 B.c. σὴ: 

istos hortulos| When Cicero returned 
from exile, he found his house on the 
Palatine and his 'Tusculanum destroyed. 
He got an indemnity for the former and 
rebuilt it; but it would appear that for 
some time he had not a garden attached 
to it. He says to Quintus in 44 ili. 1. 14 
(148), item de hortis quod me admones nee 
fui unquam valde cupidus etnune domus 
suppeditat mihi hortorum amoenitatem. It 
was prior to this addition of a garden to 
his restored house on the Palatine that he 
desired to buy Phamea’s property at Lanu- 
vium (or rather his Troianum: cp. 369. 
6), so as to have a garden somewhere ; 
and he thought it would be cheaper than 
if he repaired his Tusculanum. Indeed 
he put up his ‘T'usculanum for sale, Att. 
iv. 2. 7 (91). This is the excellent ex- 
planation of Lehmann (Berliner Phil. 
Wochenschrift 1889, p. 1036). 


154 


HS Q. Egi per praedem 1119. daret tanti cum haberet venale: ῃ 
Sed nune omnia ista iacere puto propter nummorum ~ 
Mihi quidem erit aptissimum vel nobis potius, si tu — 


noluit. 
caritatem. 


EP. 364 (ATT. IX. 9). 


emeris; sed eius dementias cave contemnas. Valde est venustum. 
Quamquam mihi ista omnia iam addicta vastitati videntur. 


Respondi epistulis tribus, sed exspecto alias. 
D. Liberalibus. 


tuae litterae sustentarunt. 


Volui HS Q.| “1 wanted to buy it for 
500,000 sesterces’ (=about £4,500). For 
Q = quingentis, cp. Priscian 11. 407. 24 
(Keil) guingenta millia per gq, quod est 
initium nominis, and Mommsen ad 
C.I.L.v. 3402. 

Egi per praedem... noluit} See Adn. 
Crit. ‘The editors have gone wrong (our- 
selves among them) in supposing that 
there is any reference to a house at 
Antium. Mr. W. W. Marshall (Cruces 
and Criticisms, pp. 27-47) has done good 
service to the passage in reading tanti. 
We have adopted the punctuation given 
by Miller, ‘I proposed through a surety 
{possibly a banker] that he (Phamea) 

-should give it at that sum [viz. the 
500,000 sesterces] when he had the house 
for sale, but he refused.’ Gurlitt (Berliner 
Phil. Wochenschrift (1898) 347), adopts 
Mr. Marshall’s tanti, but would read 
Volui HS Q ego per praedem illt dare, 
tanti cum haberet venale: noluit, ‘I wished 
to give him through a surety 500,000 
sesterces, when he had the estate for sale 
at that price, but he refused.’ Phamea 
must have refused either because he liked 
not the security, or possibly he wanted 
ready money. Cicero was, perhaps, not 
very satisfactory as a debtor. We think 
the other punctuation preferable. Wesen- 
berg suggests egi per [some proper name] 
praedium ut ille venderet Anti cum haberet 
venule. 

omnia ista iacere| ‘all landed property 
is depreciated on account of the scarcity 


of money.’ Jacere, as we should say, 
‘are down’: cp. Rosc. Com. 33, accepit 
agrum temporibus iis cum iacerent pretia 
praediorum, 

eius dementias] possibly refers to some 
unusual features in the property, such as 
we should now call ‘ So-and-so’s Folly.’ 
Mr. Jeans renders ‘insane hobbies’: ep. 
insanas substructiones, Mil. 538. By con- 
temnas Cicero seems to mean ‘do not 
think too little of them,’ do not regard 
them as worthless, and refuse to buy. 
Cicero thought more of these hobbies 
than he supposed his friend would. Dr. 
Reid suggests eiusmodi dementias, ‘but 
do not despise mad projects like this of 
mine : it is really a very charming place ’ : 
and modi is sometimes omitted in the mss. 
Possibly eiuws dementias might mean ‘ but 
mind do not scout the vendor’s wild de- 
mands,’ implying that Atticus should 
bargain gently with the seller, and not 
repudiate the whole procedure when the 
first price was asked, which was sure to 
be extravagant. That dementia might 
have this sense seems probable from Ter. 
Phorm. 642 f. GE. @ primo homo insani- 
bat. CH. cedo quid postulat?... GE 
talentum magnum. 

addicta vastitati] ‘sentenced to devas- 
tation’ in the impending civil war.— 
Watson, 

tuae litterae] * your letters,’ not ‘your 
letter’ as usual: cp. 416. 3. 

D. Liberaltibus| = dedi. The Liberalia 
were on March 17. 


Nam me adhue © 


ἷ 
i 
ri 
Ὶ 
5 
q 
a 
3 


ee ee Cee te 


EHP, 365 (ATT. IX. 10). 155 
a 365. CICERO TO A'T'TICUS (Arr. 1x. 10). 
ἢ ες ΒΟΒΜΙΑΕ; MARCH 183 A. U.C. 7053 B.C. 49 ; AET. CIC. 57. 
|g | 
_ Μ. Cicero Attico scribit se dolere quod non a principio quasi manipularis miles Cn. 


- Pompeium secutus sit, sed se genus belli refugisse et hance quoque spem habuisse fore 
ut aliquid conveniret, summo opere autem se ipsius Attici auctoritate a profectione 
esse revocatum, et istud ipsum quod Atticus sibi suaserit ex multis eius epistulis 
_ demonstrat. 


q CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Nihil habebam quod scriberem. Neque enim novi quid- 
“quam audieram et ad tuas omnis rescripseram pridie. Sed cum 
me aegritudo non solum somno privaret verum ne vigilare quidem 
‘sine summo dolore pateretur, tecum ut quasi loquerer, in quo uno 
“acquiesco, hoc nescio quid nullo argumento proposito scribere 
‘institui. 2. Amens mihi fuisse videor a principio et me una haec 
res torquet quod non omnibus in rebus labentem vel potius ru- 
-entem Pompeium tamquam unus manipularis secutus sim. Vidi 
hominem xu Kal. Febr. plenum formidinis. Ilo ipso die sensi 
quid ageret. Numquam mihi postea placuit nec umquam aliud 


in alio peccare destitit. 


_ _ L.rescripseram pridie] viz. Ep. 364. This 
_ shows that the date of this letter is Mar. 18, 
__ 2. labentem vel potius ruentem] “ drift- 
_ ing, or rather rushing, to ruin.’—Jeans. 
τ΄ - unus manipularis] ‘x common private’ : 
Cp. unus caprimulgus, ‘ the merest bump- 
kin,’ Catull. 22.10; unus paterfamilias, 
‘any ordinary citizen,’ De Or. i. 132, and 
_ Wilkins’ note there. We can hardly ascribe 
_ to wnus as used by Cicero the function of 
_ amere indefinite article, though it was so 
‘a used in conversational Latin: ep. Donatus 
on Ter. And. 118, forte unam aspicio 
᾿ς adulescentulam. Unus with the super- 
lative stands on a different footing. It then 
simply intensifies; wno nequissimo Phil. 
ii. 7 is ‘the vilest of the vile.’ 
plenum formidinis}| Yet ep. 342.2, where 
Cicero says that Pompey left the city not 
because he could not guard it, but in 
furtherance of his plan to raise the East 
against Caesar. 


Nihil interim ad me scribere, nihil nisi 


Numquam ... destitit] ‘since that time 
he has never had my approval, nor has 
he once ceased adding blunder to blunder.’ 
—Jeans. We cannot quote any exact 
parallel for aliud in alio. The more usual 
phrase would be aliud ex alio, which is 
read by Ern., Btr., and the Thesaurus 
s.v. alius, Ὁ. 1646. 37. 

scribere| This seems to be the hist. 
inf., which we only occasionally find 
in the Letters: Att. iv. 3. 3 (92) Sestius 
Surere ; ille postea. . . urbi minaret: cp. 
Att. ii 12. 2 (87) ego negare; v. 21. 12 
(250) homo clamare . . . Clamare omnes ; 
xv. ll. 1 (744) Brutus quaerere . . . 690. 
suadere: Galba in Fam. x. 30. 3 (841) 
Antoniani me insequi: nostri pila coicere 
velle. But it might also be the infinitive 
of exclamation, ‘‘I'o think of his mean- 
while not sending me a line, of his 
meditating nought but flight!’ 


156 


EP, 365 (ATT. IX. 10). 


fugam cogitare. Quid quaeris? Sicut ἐν τοῖς ἐρωτικοῖς alienantur 
immundae, insulsae, indecorae, sic, sic me illius fugae negle- ᾿ 
gentiaeque deformitas avertit ab amore. Nihil enim dignum — 
faciebat qua re eius fugae. comitem me adiungerem. Nunc 
emergit amor, nune desiderium ferre non possum, nune mihi nihil — 
libri, nihil litterae, nihil doctrina prodest: ita dies et noctis — 
tamquam avis illa mare prospecto evolare cupio. Do, do poenas— 
temeritatis meae. Etsi quae fuit illa temeritas? quid feci non 
consideratissime? Si enim nihil praeter fugam quaereretur, fu- τὸ 
gissem libentissime, sed genus belli crudelissimi et maximi, quod | 
nondum vident homines quale futurum sit, perhorrui. Quae 
minae municiplis, quae nominatim viris bonis, quae denique 

omnibus qui remansissent! quam crebro illud, ‘Sulla potuit, ego 

non potero ?’ 
qui Porsenam, qui Octavium Mamilium concitavit contra patriam 


alienantur | So M: see Adn. Crit. ‘are 
put aside,’ ‘are rejected’: cp. Sall. Cat. 
30. ὃ, quod non dignos homines honore 
honestatos videbam meque falsa suspicione 
alienatum esse sentiebam. ‘ For as in love 
affairs women are rejected who appear 
lacking in neatness, good taste, and 
comeliness, so the unsightliness οὗ 
Pompey’s flight and of the mismanage- 
ment of the business has diverted me from 
any affection for him.’ 

emergit] Cp. 360. 5. Boot well ob- 
serves that there is a poetical complexion 
about this expression, ‘my affection 
raises its head,’ and others in this con- 
text: and it is not impossible that some 
verses of a lost drama lurk under the 
words alenant .. . indecorae and nune 
emergit ... ferre non possum. We have 
inserted a second sic, which we think is 
represented by jit in the mss. 

avis illa| mentioned in a letter of 
Plato’s in the words βλέπων ἔξω καθάπερ 
ὄρνις ποθῶν ποθὲν ἀναπτέσθαι Ep. vii. 


348 A. 


temeritatis] ‘my rash confidence’ in certainly found in the mss. of the Letters — 
staying in Rome, through my beliefinthe to Atticus: but that is no reason why he — 
possibility of a compromise. may not have used it here. We think it — 
tsi] ‘however,’ ‘yet.’ For this use most probable that a word has been lost, ἕ 
of e¢si cp. note to 448. 1. though Heidemann (p. 92) wouldsuppose — 
consideratissime] ‘after the most careful an ellipse of duait, comparing Att. v. 17. 
consideration.’ 3 (209) and Att. vi. 9. 5 (282); wheresee 
Quae minae . ... remansissent] When notes. The matter is hard to decide. The _ 


Jeaving Rome on January 17th, Pompey 


appears to have threatened vengeance 
against any towns which opened their gates 
to Caesar, and declared that he would 
consider as enemies all senators who did 
not leave Rome along with him: cp. 418. 
6; Plut. Pomp. 61; Appian B.C. ii. 37; 
Dio Cass. xli. 6. 2. 


| 
| 
3. Mihi autem haeserunt illa: male Tarquinius © 
| 
| 
| 
| 
| 


Sulla potuit| Pompey probably hoped, 


to imitate Sulla’s victorious return from 
the East. For VPompey’s purpose of 
walking in the steps of Sulla cp. 342. 2; 
362.53 86]. 35 388. 1. 

3. haeserunt| ‘these thoughts haunted 
me’: cp. ὁ 4. 

concitavit] We have inserted this 
word with Lehmann (p. 94), who quotes 
servitia concitaturum, Fam x. 38. 4 (890) : 
plures etiam gentes contra twperatorem 
nostrum concttatae sunt, De Imp. Pomp. 
23; he would moreover supply concitatio 
before compressa in Fam. xii. 1. 1 (728), 
though we think that seditio (after sed ita) 


is the word that should be added there. 


The Thesaurus tells us that concitare, 


though a favourite of Cicero, is never 


word concitatio is found in-Brut. 46. 


a EP. 365 (AT. IX. 10). 157 
_impie Coriolanus, gui auxilium petiit a Volscis, recte Themistocles 

qui mori maluit, nefarius Hippias, Pisistrati filius, qui in Mara- 

thonia pugna cecidit arma contra patriam ferens. At Sulla, at 
Marius, at Cinna recte: immo iure fortasse: sed quid eorum vic- 
i toria crudelius, quid funestius? Huius belli genus fugi et eo magis 
quod crudeliora etiam cogitari et parari videbam. Me, quem non 
_nulli conservatorem istius urbis, quem parentem dixerunt, Getarum 

et Armeniorum et Colchorum copias ad eam adducere ? me meis 
 civibus famem, vastitatem inferre Italiae? Hune primum mor- 
 talem esse, deinde etiam multis modis posse exstingui cogitabam, 
urbem autem et populum nostrum servandum ad immortalitatem, 
quantum in nobis esset, putabam, et tamen spes quaedam me 
sustentabat fore ut aliquid conveniret potius quam aut hic tantum 


alia mens mea. 
e mundo videtur. 


Haec, haec me fefellerunt et, 


delectatione mollivit. 


cecidit| Herodotus and Thucydides 
record that Hippias was at the battle of 
Marathon, but the only authority which 
supports the statement in the text that 
he was killed at that battle is Justin 11. 
_ 9.21. The treatise on the Athenian Con- 
‘stitution does not throw any light on the 
question. 
recte...iure| Weagree with Boot that 
recteis a stronger word than iwre. As op- 
posed to male, impie, nefarie, it is justified, 
__. but Cicero wishes to qualify the word when 
he thinks how badly Sulla, Marius, and 
_Cinna used their victory. He therefore cor- 
᾿ς χροῖβ his usage of recte, ‘ well,’ ‘rightly,’ 
and says rather that they acted ‘ within 
their rights’; they were ‘ right in prin- 
ciple,’ because they did not levy foreign 
war against their country, but they 
cannot be said to have ‘acted rightly,’ 
because their triumph was stained with 
cruelty. 

Hune primum mortalem esse| Does 
hune here refer to Pompey or Caesar? 
We think it refers to Caesar: cp. ᾧ 9, 
where hic certainly refers toCaesar. Cicero 

_» would not have used the word exstingui 


sceleris aut ille tantum flagiti admitteret. 


Alia res nune tota est, 


Sol, ut est in tua quadam epistula, excidisse mihi 
Ut aegroto dum anima est spes esse dicitur, 
sic ego quoad Pompeius in Italia fuit sperare non destiti. 
ut verum loquar, 
diuturnis laboribus devexa ad otium domesticarum me rerum 


aetas lam a 


Nune, si vel periculose experiundum erit, 


of Pompey; and it suits the train of 
thought better to understand Cicero to 
say :—‘ I could not join in the invasion 
of Italy by a foreign army. I reflected, 
if the worst should come, at all events 
time will eventually remove Caesar, and 
then there is the chapter of accidents to 
reckon on; the preservation of our 
country is our bounden duty above all 
others, and putting these considerations 
aside, yet (e¢ tamen) 1 fostered a hope 
that a compromise might be effected before 
Caesar should commit the crime of estab- 
lishing a tyrannis, or Pompey the sin of 
devastating Italy.” For e¢ tamen cp. 
note to 386. 1; Madv. Fin. ii. 85 ; Munro 
on Luer. v. 1177; and Lehmann ‘ Att.’ 
194. For sustentabat (obtentabat M) see 
Adn. Crit. Moser suggests obdectabat, 
comparing Ep. 394. 5. 

mundo| the universe, of which the 
three divisions were terra, caelwm, and 
mare, Lucr. v. 93: cp. Lael. 47, solem 
enim e mundo tollere videntur ei qui amici- 
tiam 6 vita tollunt. 

aetas . . . mollivit] ‘The ealm ap- 
proach of the evening of life after my 


Fan. 21. 


Fan 22: 


Fan. 25. 


Febr. 7. 


158 EP. 365 (ATT. IX. 10). 


experiar certe ut hine avolem: ante oportuit fortasse. Sed ea 
quae scripsisti me tardarunt et auctoritas maxime tua. 4, Nam cum 
ad hune locum venissem, evolvi volumen epistularum tuarum quod — 
ego sub signo habeo servoque diligentissime. rat igitur in ea 
quam x Kalend. Febr. dederas hoc modo: ‘Sed videamus et — 
Gnaeus quid agat et illius rationes quorsum fluant. Quod si iste i 
Italiam relinquet, faciet omnino male et, ut ego existimo, ἀλογίστως, ὃ 
sed tum demum consilia nostra commutanda erunt.’ Hoe scribis _ 
post diem quartum quam ab urbe discessimus. Deinde vit 
Kalend. Febr.: ‘Tantum modo Gnaeus noster ne, ut urbem 
ἀλογίστως reliquit, sic Italiam relinquat.’ Hodem die das alteras 
litteras quibus mihi consulenti planissime respondes, Est enim sic: 
‘Sed venio ad consultationem tuam. Si Gnaeus Italia cedit, in 
urbem redeundum puto: quae enim finis peregrinationis?’ Hoe 
mihi plane haesit, et nune ita video, infinitum bellum iunctum 
miserrima fuga quam tu peregrinationem ὑποκορίζῃ. 5. Sequitur 
χρησμὺς vi Mta/. Februarias: ‘Ego, si Pompeius manet in Italia 
nec res ad pactionem venit, longius bellum puto fore: sin Italiam 
relinquit, ad posterum bellum ἄσπονδον strui existimo.’ Huius 
igitur belli ego particeps et socius et adiutor esse cogor, quod et 
ἄσπονδον est et cum civibus. Deinde vir Idus Februar., cum iam 
plura audires de Pompei consilio, concludis epistulam quandam 
hoc modo: ‘ Ego quidem tibi non sim auctor, si Pompeius Italiam 
relinquit, te quoque profugere. Summo enim periculo facies nec 
rei publicae proderis, quoi quidem posterius poteris prodesse, si 
manseris.. Quem φιλόπατριν ac πολιτικὸν hominis prudentis et 


long day’s work brought with it easeful Tantum modo| ‘provided that.’ We 


thoughts of the pleasures of home life.’ 
Mr. Duff considers that this is the real 
reason why Cicero did not join Pompey 
sooner. 

4. hune locum] sc. in my letter. 

quod ego sub signo habeo| It is a pity 
that these letters were not published. 


What a flood of light they would throw © 


on some of the dark places in the corre- 
spondence! The precise, business-like 
Atticus appears to have always dated his 
letters. 

illius rationes quorsum fluant] ‘the 
drift of his plans’ (Pompey’s): iste is 
also Pompey. 

ἀλογίστως] ‘thoughtlessly,’ ‘ fool- 
ishly.’ 


cannot find a parallel for tantum modo ne, 
but tantum modo = “ provided that’ occurs 
in Sall. Jug. 79, 8, and tantwm ne and 
modo ne are common: cp. Livy. xxi. 19. 
5; 52, 4. | 
consultationem tuam]| “ the question on 
which you ask advice’: cp. 3365. 3. 
ὑποκορί(ῃ} ‘which you euphemis- 
tically call “ going on your travels.”’’ » 
5. ἄσπονδον) ‘awar ἃ outrance.’ 
non sim auctor 
you’; the subjunctive with ut would be 
more in accordance with Ciceronian usage 
after auctor sim than the acc. and infin. 
reip. proderis| cp. note to 343. 3. 
Quem ... auctoritas 5) * What patriot 
and statesman would not be moved by such 


“1 should not advise — 


Daa 


7S Rt ee aoe Ce ee ee N 


EP. 865 (ATT. IX. 10). 159 


Σ 
Bi 


4 


bread 


_ amici tali admonitu non moveret auctoritas? 6, Deinceps 111 ear. τι. 


Idus Februar. iterum. mihi respondes consulenti sic: ‘ Quod 


- fectionem cum tibi tum ipsi Gnaeo inutilem et periculosam puto 

- et satius esse existimo vos dispertitos et in speculis esse. Sed 

- medius fidius turpe nobis puto esse de fuga cogitare. Hoc turpe 

_ Gnaeus noster biennio ante cogitavit : ita sullaturit animus eius et 

ci proscripturit iam diu. Inde, ut opinor, cum tu ad me quaedam 

᾿ γενικώτερον scripsisses et ego mihi a te quaedam significari 
 putassem ut Italia cederem, detestaris hoc diligenter x1 Kalend, δεν. το. 
- Mart.: ‘Ego vero nulla epistula significavi, si Gnaeus Italia 
 cederet, ut tu una cederes, aut, s? significavi, non dico fui in- 

- constans sed demens.’ In eadem epistula alio loco: ‘ Nihil 

- relinquitur nisi fuga, cui te socium neutiquam puto esse oportere 
nec umquam putavi.’ 7. Totam autem hance deliberationem 

- evolvis accuratius in litteris vi1r Kalend. Mart. datis: ‘Si M.’ ze, 
Lepidus et L. Volcatius remanent, manendum puto, ita ut, si 
salvus sit Pompeius et constiterit alicubi, hance vécuiay relinquas et 


an injunction coming with the weighty 
judgment of a man who is at once both 
prudent and friendly ?’ 

6. fugamne defendam an moran util- 
orem puto| We adopt the emendation of 
Otto (Rh. Mus. xli. (1886), p. 371) ap- 


rightly says that we cannot have adjec- 
tives like foedam and nefandam or desidem 
(for defendam), as Cicero was asking for 


which was erroneously repeated in the 
next clause. Klotz would read fugamne 
suadeam an moram defendam utiliorem- 
<que> putem. We might also suppose 
utiliorem putem to be a gloss on defendamn. 

dispertitos et in speculis| “ separated 
and each on his watchtower.’ 

biennio ante cogitavit] Here Cicero 
takes the true view of Pompey’s policy 
in leaving Italy. It was with a view to 
returning from the East victorious and 
playing the part of Sulla, and it was part 


of a plan long since conceived : cp. 342. 2; 
note to 343. 5. He usually attributes 
Pompey’s departure from Italy to panie 
(e.g. 338. 1, 2). 

sullaturit . .. proscripturit| ‘so eager 
is he for the ré/e of Sulla and a proscrip- 


proved by Miiller. M!has fugamne fedam tion.’ Quintilian (viii. 3. 32) testifies to 
τς anmoram defendam utiliorem puto. For  sullaturit. Cicero is very bold in his 
_ other conjectures see Adn. Crit. Otto coinage of desiderntives (cp. morturire, 


petiturire) ; but this can hardly be called 
boldness in a writer who has coined 
facteon in φιλοσοφητέον et flocet non 


advice, and Atticus’s answer, sed medius  facteon, Att. i. 16, 18 (22): cp. in 
a Jidius turpe nobis puto esse de fuga cogitare, Greek μελλονικιᾶν. 

ΤΙ shows that Cicero had not prejudged the detestaris] ‘you protest emphatically 
_ flight asdisgraceful. So we maysuppose against this interpretation of a letter of 
that fedam is the remains of defendam, yours couched in general terms, in which 


I thought I detected a hint that I should 
leave Italy.’ 

Ego vero| usually ‘ Yes, I did’; when 
followed by a negative, we must render 
‘No; I did not.’ 

7. evolvis] ‘you develop.’ 

constiterit alicubi| cp. 303 and note to 
343. 5. 

véxuiav| 3867, 2: 376, 2. Cicero 
applies this expression frequently to the 
political followers of Caesar, alluding 
to the νεκύων ἀμενηνὰ κάρηνα of Hom. 


far... 


lar. 4. 


lar. 5. 


160 EP, 365 (ATT. EX. 10). 


te in certamine vinci cum illo facilius patiaris quam cum hoc in αὖ 
quae perspicitur futura colluvie regnare.’ Multa. disputas huic — 
sententiae convenientia. Inde ad extremum: ‘ Quid si’ inquis — 
‘Lepidus et Voleatius discedunt ? Plane ἀπορῶ. Quod evenerit 
igitur et quod egeris, id orepxréov putabo.’ Si tum dubitaras, — 
nunc certe non dubitas istis manentibus. 8, Deinde in ipsa fuga 
v Kal. Martias: ‘ Interea non dubito quin in Formiano mansurus _ 
six. Commodissime enim τὸ μέλλον ibi καραδοκήσεις Ad K. 
Martias, cum ille quintum iam diem Brundisi esset: ‘Tum 
poterimus deliberare, non scilicet iam integra re sed certe 
minus infracta quam si una proieceris te. Deinde 111 Non. 
Martias ὑπὸ τὴν διάλειψιν cum breviter scriberes, tamen ponis hoc: 
‘Cras scribam plura et ad omnia, hoc tamen dicam, non paenitere 
me consili de tua mansione et, quamquam magna sollicitudine, 
tamen, quia minus mali puto esse quam in illa profectione, maneo 
in sententia et gaudeo te mansisse. 9, Cum vero iam angerer et 
timerem ne quid a me dedecoris esset admissum, 111 Nonas Mart. : 


‘Tamen te non esse una cum Pompeio non fero moleste. 


Postea 


sl opus fuerit, non erit difticile, et illi, quoquo tempore fiet, erit 


τς ’ 
ασμενιστον. 


Od. x1, which book was called the Néxua. 
Another verse from Homer which Cicero 
might have quoted in reference to Caesar 
and his followers is οἷος πέπνυται τοὶ δε 
σκιαὶ ἀίσσουσι. They are likened to the 
ghosts or mere shadows of real men. 
Mr. Jeans renders Inferno, but perhaps 
dmes damnées would go a little nearer to 
the thought. Strictly the word means a 
magical rite in which the dead are con- 
sulted: cp. Herodian iv. 12. 4 κελεύει 
TE αὐτῷ μάγων τοὺς ἀρίστους ζητήσαντι 
νεκυίᾳ τε χρησαμένῳ μαθεῖν περὶ τοῦ 
τέλους τοῦ βίου αὐτοῦ. 

quam cum hoc... regnare| ‘than to 
reign with Caesar in this sink of foulness 
that we see clearly will be*here.’ The 
form colluvie is not found in Cicero, 
though common in Tacitus. Cicero and 
Livy would have used colluvione. 

8. τὸ μέλλον ibi kapadonhoes| 
‘ watch developments there.’ 

infracta| keeps up the metaphor in 
integra; we should say ‘ though not with 
a free hand, yet with one farless hampered 
than if you had taken this precipitate 
step with Pompey ’ = cp. 360. 3. . 


Sed hoc ita dico, si hic qua ratione initium fecit 


ὑπὸ τὴν διάλειψιν] We have 
adopted this emendation of Orelli and 
Gurlitt for the reasons set forth in 355, 
as the epistle of Atticus referred to in 
both places is the same, viz. that of 
March 4. Greek letters, as Gurlitt says, 
are seldom inserted by copyists so as to 
give adequate sense, as they would if 
AIA were inserted in 355. It is of 
course true that here the letters in the 
Mss. would lead to ὑπὸ τὴν λῆψιν. 

quamquam magna sollicitudine] ‘ though 
I feel great anxiety.’ This seems to be 
the kind of ablative illustrated on Fam. 
v. 8. 4 (131). It can hardly be taken as 
if mansisti were to be supplied, ‘ though 
your remaining causes you great anxiety.’ 

9. ἀσμενιστόν) ‘welcome, accept- 
able’: see on 356. 8. 

hoc ita dico si| ‘ But when I say this it 
is with the reservation that if his rival 
(Caesar) goes on for the future like the 
beginning he has made, of acting with 
good faith, moderation, and prudence, I 
shall have to make a thorough investi- 
gation, and consider more closely what 
our interests advise.’—Jeans. 


EP. 866 (ATT. IX. 11 A). 161 


“eadom cetera aget, sincere, temperate, prudenter, valde. videro et 

- consideratius utilitati nostrae consuluero, . 10. vir Idus Martias warch 9. 
- seribis Peducaeo quoque nostro probari quod quierim, cuius auc- 
 toritas multum apud me valet, His ego tuis scriptis me con- 

solor ut nihil ἃ me adhue delictum putem. “ἃ modo auctoritatem 

tuam defendito: adversus me nihil opus est sed consciis egeo 
 aliis, Ego, si nihil peccavi, reliqua tuebor. Ad ea tute hortare 

ἴοι me omnino tua cogitatione adiuva, Hic nihildum de reditu 

_ Caesaris audiebatur. Ego his litteris hoe tamen profeci ; perlegi 

_ omnis tuas et in eo acquievi. 


iy ~ 


3866. CICERO TO CAESAR (Arr. rx. 114). 


_ FORMIAE; MARCH 19 OR 203 A. U. 6. 7053 B.C. 493 AEM. CIC. 57. 


Cicero Caesaris litteris (357) rescribit se idoneum esse hominem qui cives recon- 
ciliet, et rogat ut liceat sibi gratum animum erga Pompeium monstrare. 


Gratias agit 
| Caesari de Lentulo conservato. 


CICERO IMP. S. D. CAESARI IMP. 


1. Ut legi tuas litteras quas a Furnio nostro acceperam, 
᾿ς quibus mecum agebas ut ad urbem essem, te velle uti ‘ consilio et 
dignitate mea’ minus sum admiratus: de ‘ gratia’ et de ‘ope’ quid 
siguificares mecum ipse quaerebam, spe tamen deducebar ad eam 
cogitationem ut te pro tua admirabili ac singulari sapientia de 
otio, de pace, de concordia civium agi velle arbitrarer, et ad eam 


ree Reel T Thy 


ae 


το 
ας 


10: consolor ut... putem| ‘I comfort 
myself so far as to think that.’ 

consciis egeo aliis| ‘I want others to 
be my accomplices,’ that is, to be per- 
_ suaded by your arguments into endorsing 
_ my course of action. 
reliqua tuebor| “1 shall take care of the 
future,’ i.e. I shall see that I commit no 
_ wrong in the mature: 
tute hortare | ‘you yourself keep on 
_ exhorting’ people to that course which I 
have taken. TZwte is a common form in 
_ the letters, and it 15. a mistake to read 

tu te hortare. 
ο΄ omnino| ‘at all events,’ ‘ at any rate.’ 
de reditu Caesaris| There was a rumour 


VOL. IV. 


L 


Petts 


sleet re Sy 


on the 14th that Caesar would be at 
Formiae on the 22nd (363. 2). 
in eo acquievi| Cp. 362. 7 fin. 


With this letter cp. 
340. 

1. litteras| Ep. 357. 

quibus . . . consilio] ‘in which. you 
urged me to come to Rome, stating that 
you wished to avail yourself of my 
advice.’ 

cogitationem ut... arbitrarer} For the 
pleonasm involved in this expression cp. 
in ea opinione ut putarent, Att. 11. 24. 8 
(5) and note there. 

concordia civium | 


introd. note on 


‘ civil harmony,’ 
M 


162 EP. 866 (ATT. IX. 11. A). 


rationem existimabam satis aptam esse et naturam et personam t 
2. Quod si ita est et si qua de Pompeio nostro tuendo et — 
tibi ac rei publicae reconciliando cura te attingit, magis idoneum — 


meam. 


quam ego sum ad eam causam profecto reperies neminem; qui et 
illi semper et senatui, cum primum potui, pacis auctor fui, nec 
sumptis armis belli ullam partem attigi, iudicavique eo bello te 
violari contra cuius honorem populi Romani beneficio concessum 
inimici atque invidi niterentur. 
ipse fautor dignitatis tuae fui verum etiam ceteris auctor ad te 
adiuvandum, sic me nunc Pompei dignitas vehementer movet. 
Aliquot enim sunt anni cum vos duo delegi quos praecipue co- 
lerem et quibus essem, sicut sum, amicissimus. 3. Quam ob rem 
a te peto vel potius omnibus te precibus oro et obtestor ut in tuis 
maximis curis aliquid impertias temporis huic quoque cogitationi 
ut tuo beneficio bonus vir, gratus, pius denique esse in maximi 
benefici memoria possim. Quae si tantum ad me ipsum perti- 
nerent, sperarem me a te tamen impetraturum, sed, ut arbitror, et 
ad tuam fidem et ad rem publicam pertinet me, et pacis et utrius- 
que vestrum amicum, ad vestram et ad civium concordiam per te 
quam accommodatissimum conservari. Hgo, cum antea tibi de 
Lentulo gratias egissem cum ei saluti qui mihi fuerat fuisses, 
tamen lectis eius litteris quas ad me gratissimo animo de tua 


was very unfairly criticized for this 


et ad eam rationem . . . meam] ‘and 
sentence: cp. note to 340. 1. 


I thought that 1 both by nature and posi- 


Sed ut eo tempore non modo — 


tion was fairly well adapted for that 
purpose.’ 

2. tuendo | 
position.’ 

cum primum potui] “ as soon as I could 
attend the Senate,’ sc. on my return from 
Cilicia. Any meeting that Cicero could 
attend would have had to be held outside 
the city. 

honorem pop. Rom. beneficio concessum | 
See on Att. vii. 7, 6 (298). 

fautor... auctor’ For the combina- 
tion Baiter compares Fam. xii. 25. ὃ 
(826). 

dignitatis tuae] ‘your just claims.’ 

3. impertias temporis| ‘that you will 
devote some time to the consideration how 
I may be enabled by your kindness to show 
myself to be a man of honour, gratitude, 
and affection, when under a very strong 
sense of obligation’ to Pompey. For im- 
pertire aliguid temporis cp. Balb, 3. Cicero 


‘ maintaining in his proper 


amicum, ad vestram| So we add with 
Lehmann (pp. 96-100): cp. yacis amatores, 
Att. xiv. 10. 2 (713). Bosius conjectured 
me ex paucis et ad utriusque vestrum et ad 
civium concordiam, &c. But pacis of M 
is almost surely right. Cicero was always 
a most earnest advocate of peace: cp. 
312.2; 340.1; 387.1; 394. 3. 

antea] 342. δ. 

gratias egissem cum... fursses] ‘1 
thanked you for having restored his 
position to him who has restored mine to 
me.’ For gratias agere cum cp. 519. 2; 
494. 4 fin. 

qui mihi fuerat] sc. saluti; in promot- 
ing his restoration from exile. Caesar had 
spared Lentulus on the capture of Corfi- 
nium. 

litteris] Cp. 867, 2. 

gratissimo animo | 
greatest gratitude,’ 


‘expressing the 


EP. 367 (ATT, IX. 11). 163 

 liberalitate beneficioque misit, eandem me salutem a te accepisse 

 putavi quam ille: in quem si me intellegis esse gratum, cura, 
obsecro, ut etiam in Pompeium esse possim. 


δ 


851, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. 1x. 11). 
FORMIAE; MARCH 20 (8 1); A. U. 6. 705; B.C. 493 AET. CIC, 57. 


De Lentulo qui Puteolis versetur, de Matio qui Quinquatribus se viserit eiusque 
de Caesare sententia, de Crassipede et iis quae de Pompeio narraverit eiusque adseclis. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Lentulum nostrum scis Puteolis esse? Quod cum e viatore 
quodam esset auditum qui se diceret eum in Appia cum is paullum 
lecticam aperuisset cognosse, etsi vix veri simile est, misi tamen 
Puteolos pueros qui pervestigarent et ad eum litteras. Inventus 
est vix in hortis suis se occultans litterasque mihi remisit mirifice 

- gratias agens Caesari: de suo autem consilio C. Caesio mandata 


ad me dedisse. 
April. 


putavi|] This is an old addition, which 
is of course uncertain. See Adn. Crit. 
Klotz and others read mihi videor for me. 
Possibly mehercule putavi was lost between 
eandem and me. 

in quem| ‘This refers to Lentulus: ‘if 
you observe my gratitude to him, give me 
the chance of showing my gratitude to 
Pompey too.” Cicero would show his 
gratitude to Pompey if not by acting 
actually in his interests, at all events by 
abstaining from taking any overt action 
against him, such as joining in some vote 
_ in the senate which might be directed 
against him: cp. 356. 1. For gratus 
in aliquem cp. Plane. 77. This Lentulus 
Spinther is the Lentulus to whom the 
letters of Fam. i are addressed. 


1. scis... esse] It seems better with 

Boot and Wesenberg to regard this as a 

question. Atticus would not have been 

_ likely to have heard this news in Rome 
before Cicero in Formiae. 


Kum ego hodie exspectabam, id est x11 Kal, 
2. Venit etiam ad ‘me Matius Quinquatribus, homo 


Appia| sc. via: see note on 360. 1. 

est] must be inserted ; the rule, which 
is also operative for guamquam, is that in 
Cicero and the best writers when a clause 
with etst has not a verb of its own, the 
verb of the principal clause must be 
capable of being supplied in the secondary, 
Madv. Fin. v. 68; Reid, Acad. ii. ὃ. 

gratias agens Caesari| 366. 8, ‘in 
which he expressed himself as wonder- 
fully grateful to Caesar’ for allowing him 
to leave Corfinium in safety after the 
capitulation. 

C. Caesio|] 369.7. The reading of M 
( Cetio, in 369 Cecius) points to Caecio: but 
there is hardly any evidence of a family 
of that name. So we should probably 
alter to Caesio. 

2. Matius| Trebatius seems to have 
been present at this interview: cp. Fam, 
xi. 27. 3. (784). 

Quinquatribus| March 19, the day be- 
fore the date of this letter. 


M 2 


164 EP, 367 (ATT. IX. 11). 


mehercule, ut mihi visus est, temperatus et prudens; existimatus 
Quam ille hoe non probare mihi 
quidem visus est! quam illam vécvray, ut tu appellas, timere! 
Huic ego in multo sermone epistulam ad me Caesaris ostendi, eam — 


quidem est semper auctor oti. 


cuius exemplum ad te antea misi, rogavique ut interpretaretur 
quid esset quod ille ee ‘consilio meo se uti velle, gratia, 
dignitate, ope rerum omnium.’ Respondit se non dubitare quin et — 
opem et gratiam meam ille ad pacificationem quaereret. Utinam 
aliquod in hae miseria rei publicae πολιτικὸν opus efficere et 
navare mihi liceat! Matius quidem et illum in ea sententia esse 
confidebat et se auctorem fore pollicebatur. 3. Pridie autem apud 
me Orassipes fuerat, qui se pridie Nonas Martias Brundisio pro- 
fectum atque ibi Pompeium reliquisse dicebat, quod etiam qui 
vit Idus illine profecti erant nuntiabant: illa vero omnes, in 
quibus etiam Crassipes qui pro sua prudentia potuit attendere, 
optimatium, municipiorum _hostis, 
quae Lucceium loqui,. quae 
totam Graéciam, quae vero Tieophanem ! 


sermones minacis, inimicos 


meras proscriptiones, meros Sullas ; 
4, lit tamen omnis spes 
salutis in illis est, et ego excubo animo nec partem ullam capio 
quietis et ut has pestis effugiam cum dissimillimis nostri esse 
Quid enim tu illic Scipionem, quid Faustum, quid 


praetermissurum 


cuplo. 


Libonem sceleris putas quorum creditores 


convenire dicuntur ? quid eos autem cum vicerint in civis 


auctor oti] ‘advocate of peace’: cp. 
auctorem, beiow, at the end of this section. 

hoc| ‘the state of things here.’ 

pexviay|. 360. 1: 316: 2, * those 


356.3): the way Lucceius (353. 3) talked, 
the way the whole Greek set talked, and 
the way indeed Theophanes talked’ (353. 
3; 845. 5): sermones and the subsequent 


dmes danmeées of his,’ ‘that rabble rout.’ 
quid esset quod| ‘what did he mean by 
saying in his letter.’ 

Utinam ... liceat| ‘ Would that I 
could effectively and vigorously carry 
through some statesman-like plan in this 
political disaster.’ 

3. Crassipes| He had been Tullia’s 
husband. ‘They seem to have separated 
about 51. In 50 Tullia married Dolabella. 

illa vero} ‘all of them, and»among 
the rest Crassipes, who being a sensible 
man was capable of observing how things 
went, gave the same account, threatening 
‘words, bitterness against the Uptimates, 
hostility in the country towns, nothing 
but proscriptions, nothing but Sullas 
(that is they talked of these things: ep. 


accusatives are explanatory of idla. 
optimatium]| sc. those who were re- 
maining behind. 

4, excubo] ‘Iamonthe watch’: ep. 
in speculis esse, 365.6. For excubo ep. 
Phil. vi. 18, exeubabo vigilaboque pro vobis ; 
Tusc. iv. 37 (Sapiens) semper animo sic 
excudut ut nihil et improvisum acvidere 
possit. 

pestis| ‘ pernicious creatures,’ ‘pests.’ 

Sciyionem] Pompey’s father-in-law 
(353.4). For Faustus ep. 323. 7; 353. 4, 
For Libo 327. 2. 

in civis effecturos.. Cicero uses in with 
ablative aiter this verb in Lael. 41, 
amict et propingui quid in P. Scipione 
effecerint sine lacrimis non quéo dicere, 


but ina different sense (‘in the case of,’ — 


ee ee ee ee 


> 


EP, 368 (ATT. IX. 12); 165 


 effecturos? quam vero μικροψυχίαν Gnaei nostri esse? Nuntiant 
t Aegyptum et ’ApaBiav εὐδαίμονα et Μεσοποταμίαν cogitare, iam 
_ Hispaniam abiecisse. Monstra narrant, quae falsa esse possunt : 
sed certe et haec perdita sunt et illa non salutaria, Tuas litteras 
iam desidero. Post fugam: nostram numquam tiam nostrum 
earum intervallum fuit. Misi ad te,exemplum litterarum mearum 
ad Caesarem quibus me aliquid profecturum puto. 


368. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. tx. 12). 


FORMIAE$ MARCH 20 (§1); A. U. 6. 7053 B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero queritur ad se nuntium adlatum esse circumvallatum esse Pompeium, 
| ratibus etiam exitus portus teneri, de consiliis Attici cum honestis tum cautis, de 
Dionysio, de desperata condicione sua. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Legeram tuas litteras xm Kalend., cum mihi epistula 
adfertur a Lepta circumvallatum esse Pompeium, ratibus etiam 
exitus portus teneri. Non medius fidius prae lacrimis possum 

_reliqua nec cogitare nec scribere. Misi ad te exemplum. Miseros 
nos! cur non omnes fatum illius una exsecuti sumus ? Hece autem 
a Matio et 'T'rebatio eadem : quibus Menturnis obvii Caesaris tabel- 
larii. ‘Torqueor infelix, ut iam illum Mucianum exitum exoptem. 
At quam honesta, at quam expedita tua consilia, quam evigilata 
tuis cogitationibus qua itineris, qua navigationis, qua congressus 


not ‘to’ = ‘ against’): for the democratic 
party, as Seyffert has pointed out, did 
not itself do anything ¢o Scipio, but forced 
the senate to punish him. 

μικροψυχίαν) M has μακροψυχίαν, but 
this is, no doubt, an error, as μεγαλοψυχία 
is the form in use, and. irony is out of 
place here. 

cogitare | ‘ that he thinks of,’ 1.6. thinks 
of going to: cp. 364. 2, Arpinum cogito. 

Monstra narrant) “ They tell appalling 
stories which may well be false: but cer- 
tainly things here are ruined, and things 
there promise no safety.’ 

tiam nostrum] Corradus suggested tam 
longum earum (or nostrarum). Qu. tantum 
nostrarum, or possibly tam nostrarum, 


the attribute to be supplied from the 
context, here from intervallum, ‘ never 
was the break in our correspondence so 
great’: cp. Q. Fr. i. 2. 9 (53) and note. 
See also Index s.v. tam. ‘The last letter 
from Atticus was probably that dated 
March 14 (364. 1). 


1. Mucianum exitum] Q. Mucius 
Scaevola was murdered in 82 by the 
orders of C. Marius the younger: 333. 6; 
373.2; De Orat. iii. 10. Also ep. note 
to 378. 4. 

evigilata tuis cogitationibus] ‘thought 
out’ ;, the genitives, itineris, navigationis, 
congressus, sermonis, ance on consilia, 

* your plans for.’ 


166 EP. 868 (ATT. 1X. 12). 


sermonisque cum Caesare! Omnia cum honesta tum cauta. In 
Epirum vero invitatio quam suavis, quam liberalis, quam fraterna! 
2. De Dionysio sum admiratus qui apud me honoratior fuit quam 
apud Scipionem Panaetius, a quo impurissime haec nostra fortuna 
despecta est. Odi hominem et odero: utinam ulcisci possem! Sed 
illum ulciscentur mores sui. 3. Tu, quaeso, nunc vel maxime quid 
agendum nobis sit cogita. Populi Romani exercitus Cn. Pom- 
peium circumsedet: fossa et vallo saeptum tenet, fuga prohibet ; 
nos vivimus? Ht stat urbs ista, praetores ius dicunt, aediles ludos 
parant, viri boni usuras perscribunt: ego ipse sedeo ἢ Coner illue 
ire ut insanus? implorare fidem municipiorum ? Boni non conse- 
quentur, leves inridebunt, rerum novarum cupidi, victores prae- 
sertim et armati, vim et manus adferent. 4. Quid censes igitur ? 
ecquidnam est tui consili ad finem huius miserrimae vitae? Nune 
doleo, nune torqueor, cum quoidam aut sapiens videor quod una. 
non ierim aut felix fuisse. Mihi contra. Numquam enim illius 
victoriae socius esse volui, calamitatis mallem fuisse. Quid ego 
nune tuas litteras, quid tuam prudentiam aut benevolentiam im- 
plorem? Actum est. Nulla re iam possum iuvari, qui ne quod 
optem quidem iam habeo nisi ut aliqua inimici misericordia libe- 


remur. 


In Epirum] Atticus took Cicero’s hint 
(862. 7), an? asked him to Epirus: cp. 
also 388 fin. 

2. admiratus| The violence of the next 
clause has led us to think that perhaps 
Cicero wrote admodum iratus. 

impurissime| ‘most foully,’ ὡς μια- 
ρώτατα ; for Dionysius see 326. 3. Also 
Epp. 335 and 336; 378. 5. 

3. vivi. . . perscribunt| ‘our friends 
the Optimates are booking their profits.’ 
The Optimates, many of whom were in 
the habit of lending money like Atticus, 
were now engaged in their usual avoca- 
tions, as if no public cataclysm had 
occurred. Just below, we have the 
broad division of boni or Pompeians, /eves 
who have no politics, and novarum rerum 
cupidi or Caesareans. 

Coner iliue ire] ‘ Ought I like amadman 
try to reach where he is? to beg mercy 
of the country towns?’ 

4. ecquidnam ., . consiliad] ‘have you 
any advice as to the way I should end 
this utterly wretched existence?’ This 


sentence is badly expressed, but not there- 
fore necessarily un-Ciceronian. Again, 
as in the letters from exile, his style 
suffers from his mental distress. Boot 
proposes ecguis—nam est tui consilijinis: 
huius miserrimae vitae ; but finis with pro- 
nouns is feminine, as in quae enim finis, 
365. ὃ: 
used ecguis feminine, according to the 
example of the comic writers. We should 
insert adest before jfinis if we accepted 
Boot’s correction. For est tui consili, 
‘it is yours to advise,’ see on res erat 
deliberationis, 345. 3. For ecquidnam est 
tui consili cp. Brutus ap. Fam. xi. 1. 2 
(700) Quid ergo est tui consili, and note 
there (ed. 2). For ad = ‘with respect 
to’ after consilium cp. De Orat. iii. 56 
consilio ad vitae studia dispari. 

Nunc... contra] ‘Now I feel the 
pains and tortures of remorse when 
somebody may think I have been wise in 
not going with him, or fortunate; I 
disagree.’ 

inimici] sc. Caesaris, 


Cicero might, however, have 


EP. 369,(ATT. 1X. 18, §§ 1-7), 167 


3869, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art, 1x. 13, §§ 1-7). 


FORMIAE } MARCH 233 A. U. 6. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero quod scripserat Pompeium circumvallatum portu occluso iam non verum 
esse significat, tum de litteris Attici et Dolabellae, de causa quam ob rem consilia 
Attici collegerit, de sua erga Pompeium benevolentia, de magnis Caesaris copiis et 
opibus, de praefectura sua, de viris bonis, de Lentulo, 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Οὐκ ἔστ᾽ ἔτυμος λόγος, ut opinor, 1110 de ratibus. Quid 
enim esset quod Dolabella iis litteris quas ut Idus Martias 
a Brundisio dedit hane quasi εὐημερίαν Caesaris scriberet, Pom- 
peium in fuga esse eumque primo vento navigaturum? Quod 
valde discrepat ab lis epistulis quarum exempla antea ad te misi. 
Hic quidem mera scelera loquuntur. Sed non erat nec recentior 
auctor nec huius rei quidem melior Dolabella. 2. Tuas x1 Ka- 
lend. accepi litteras quibus omnia consilia differs in id tempus 
cum scierimus quid actum sit. Ht certe ita est, nec interim potest 
quidquam non modo statui sed ne cogitari quidem. Quamquam 
hae me litterae Dolabellae iubent ad pristinas cogitationes reverti. 
Fuit enim pridie Quinquatrus egregia tempestas, qua ego illum 


lo. 871 was written on March 24th ; 
it is probable that 369 was written on 
the 28rd: cp. 374. 1 ne quem diem 
intermitterem: 872. 2 fin. nullum diem 
praetermitto. 

1. Οὐκ... λόγος) ‘False was the 
tale, as I think, that about the boats’: cp. 
3868, 1. The first words of the celebrated 
palinode of Stesichorus, in which he with- 
drew his-statements about Helen. But 
here it refers to no palinode, but merely 
means that the account which stated that 
Pompey was cooped up in Brundisium 
was a canard. 

Quid enim esset quod] ‘For what in 
that case (if Lepta’s account were true) 
would be the meaning of Dolabella’s 
calling it in his letter a kind of godsend 
for Caesar that Pompey is meditating 
flight ; and saying that he would set sail 
with the first wind?’ If Pompey was 
going to sail away, it was to Caesar's 
advantage that he should do so at once. 


The slight change of est to esset is indi- 
cated by the mood of scriberet. 

mera scelera loquuntur| ‘ disaster is on 
everyone’s lips.’ For mera cp. 367. 3; 
371. ὃ. Thisconstruction of logui, as well 
as that with accusative and infinitive, 
belongs chiefly to colloquial Latin: see 
Dr. Reid on De Senect. 59: ep. Mil. 63, 
the only place in the orations where it 
occurs. 

me... tubent... reverti) The mas. 
give mihi. But the construction of iwbeo 
with dat. and inf. is too seldom found in 
Mss. of prose authors to admit of its being 
accepted. In Liv. xxvii. 16. 8 the read- 
ing is uncertain (Madvig and Weissenborn 
read scriba). In Catullus 64. 140 mihi 
goes with promissa dedisti. 

2. pridie Quinguatrus| March 18. 
Pompey did actuaily sail on the 17th. 
For pridie with acc. cp. note to 437. 2. 

egregia tempestas| ‘excellent weather.’ 


168 ‘EP. 369 (ATT. IX. 18, § 1-7). 


usum puto. 3. Συναγωγὴ consiliorum tuorum non est a me con- 
lecta ad querelam sed magis ad consolationem meam. Nec enim 
me tam haec mala angebant quam suspicio culpae ac temeritatis 
meae: eam nullam puto esse, quoniam cum consiliis tuis mea 
facta et consilia consentiunt. Quod mea praedicatione factum 
esse scribis magis quam illius merito ut tantum ei debere viderer, 
est ita. Ego illa extuli semper et eo quidem magis ne quid ille 
superiorum meminisse me putaret: quae si maxime meminissem, 
tamen illius temporis similitudinem iam sequi deberem, Nihil me 
adiuvit cum posset: at postea fuit amicus, etiam valde, nec quam 
ob causam plane scio; ergo ego quoque illi. Quin etiam illud 
par in utroque nostrum, quod ab eisdem inlecti sumus. Sed utinam 
tantum ego ei prodesse potuissem quantum mihi ille potuit! Mihi 
tamen quod fecit gratissimum. Nec ego nunc eum iuvare qua 
re possim scio nec, 81 possem, cum tam pestiferum bellum pararet, 
adiuvandum putarem. 4. Tantum offendere animum eius hic 
manens nolo. Nec meliercule ista videre quae tu potes lam 
animo providere nec interesse istis malis possem. Sed eo tardior 
ad discedendum fui quod difficile est de discessu voluntario sine 
ulla spe reditus cogitare. Nam ego hune ita paratum video 
peditatu, equitatu, classibus, auxiliis Gallorum—quos Matius 


3. Suvaywyh|’ ‘précis,’ “ résumé,’ 
‘digest.’ Cicero had collected and classi- 
fied the advice of Atticus, tendered in his 
various letters, in Ep. 365. 

ad querelam| ‘not to reproach you, but 
rather to console myself. For the pre- 
sent calamities were not afflicting me so 
much as a suspicion that my conduct was 
blameworthy and rash. That suspicion 
I consider to have no grounds, since my 
actions and plans agree with your advice. 

Quod mea praedicatione| ‘ when yousay 
that my obligations-to Pompey are, in my 
statement of them, represented as greater 


than his deserts warrant, you are right. 1΄ 


extolled those services the more, lest he 
should suppose that 1 remembered the 
past’ (Pompey’s treatment of him at the 
time of his exile). ‘ Indeed, even if I did 
remember that occasion ever so well, I 
should feel bound to take that course of his 
as the model of my.conduct now’: that 
is,as Pompey, though heat first neglected 
or opposed the interests of Cicero at that 
critical epoch, finally came to his aid and 


support; so Cicero is now bound to give 
his aid and support to Pompey at this 
crisis of his fortunes. 

nec quam ob causam plane scio| This is 
Madvig’s (A. C. ii. 327) reading, the only 
alteration being nec for et. Bosius read 
ecquam ob causam plane nescio. 

ergo ego quoque ili] sc. ero amicus. 

etiam illud par | ‘there is this further 
parallelism between the two cases:. we 
were both cajoled by the same party ’— 
the doni or Optimates. 

Mihi tamen .. . gratissimum] ‘yet 
(though I can do so little to show it) I 
am truly grateful for what he did.’ This 
clause would seem to stand more appo- 
sitely after nec ego. . . putarem. 

4. Nam ego hune... Gallorum| The 
sentence is interrupted by a parenthesis 
and resumed as usual by sed. But in 
meaning, though not in form, the whole 


passage is parenthetical until ita paratum 


video is resumed by guare (so) ita paratus 


est. (ir 


See 
> 


EP. 369 (ATT. IX. 13, 838 1-7). 


169 


ἐλάπιζεν, ut puto, sed certe dicebat *peditum, equitum sex polli- 
ceri sumptu suo annos decem—sed sit hoc λάπισμα. Magnas habet 
-certe copias, et habebit non Italiae vectigal sed civium bona. 
-Adde confidentiam hominis, adde imbecillitatem bonorum virorum, 
qui quidem, quod illum ssibi merito iratum putant, oderunt, 
ut tu scribis, fludum ce vellem scribis quisnam hic significasset. 


*yeditum| Possibly cctoo (= decem 
millia) has been omitted, ‘but he 
certainly said that ten thousand in- 
fantry and six thousand cavalry had 
promised their services for ten years at 
their own expense.’ - This reading, if 
adopted, will help to confirm the usual 
alterations made in the impossible mss. 
reading in Caesar B. C. i. 39.2: Caesar 
legiones in Hispaniam praemiserat [ad | v1 
[milia}: aumilia peditum v milia (so 
Nipperdey: nulla Mss.), equitum 111 milia, 
quae omnibus superioribus bellis habuerat, 
et parem ex Gallia numerum. ‘The last 
words apply to both horse and foot. 

sex] The mss. have se. It was Bosius 
who suggested sea. 

sed sit hoc λάπισμα)] ‘but even grant- 
ing that this was a bit of gaseonade.’ 

Italiae] So we read with the editors 
after Madvig (A. C. iii. 188) for alie of 
M, though we should expect vectigalia. 
But Dr. Reid’s suggestion alienwm is 
attractive, ‘a foreign source of revenue.’ 
For the sing. ep. Att. vi. 1.3 (252) wellum 
enim aerarium, nulluin vectigal habet (sc. 
Ariobarzanes) ‘no source of revenue.’ 

oderunt ludum| Some of the Optimates, 
fearing the resentment of Pompey, ‘ have 
conceived an aversion for the whole 
game,’ and are resolved to take no part 
on either side. War is often compared 
to a game, and the belligerents to players. 
_ Boot compares Hor. Carm. i. 2. 37 Heu 
nimis longo satiate ludo; though Horace is 
_ there addressing Mars,-the god of war. 
_ Or perhaps oderunt ludum may be taken 
as ‘have conceived an aversion from the 
' school, as the master is deservedly angry 
_ with them’ (and so play truant from it). 


They know that they would get a de-— 


served castigation if they went to 
Pompey, and so (like schoolboys) play 
truant. 

+ ec vellem| We can offer no solution 
of this corruption. The usual emendation 
adopted is that of Graevius, Ac vellem 


quinam hi significasses, who supposes that 
scribis has been repeated by an error of 
the copyist. ‘The meaning then is that 
Cicero wishes Atticus had told him who 
were those who had conceived hatred of 
Pompey, that were gcing to be shirkers. 
O. E. Schmidt (RA. Mus. (1897), p. 146) 
reads eundem for ludum, a somewhat flat 
ending for the sentence, especially after 
ut tu scribis. What follows he corrects 
thus: Ae vellem scripsisses quisnam hoe 
significaset, ‘and I wish you had told me 
who indicated that fact to you,’ 1.6. that 
the constitutionalists had conceived a 
hatred of Pompey. Orelli conjectured 
dudum for ludum, but it should rather be 
iam pridem, as Madvig points out. Madvig 
(A. C. iii. 183) justly notices that this 
part of the letter must be compared with 
352. 1-2, where see notes: and his reading 
is most ingenious and interesting, though 
we cannot think it very probable. He 
reads, ué tu scribis iudices CCCLX bis iam hic 
significasse, ‘of which, as you tell me, the 
360 judges have twice here given mani- 
festations.’ (Perhaps hoe would be pre- 
ferable to hic.) Madvig supposes that 
indices Was written iud., that vellem was 
corrupted out of 1x, and that seridis was 
repeated by error and should be expunged. 
This is decidedly audacious dealing with 
the text. In the next sentence he 
objects (not unreasonably) to iste—for 
hic and ille are the pronouns that are used 
for Caesar and Pompey: and he reads sed 
et isti, 1.6. the 360 judges. ‘ But they 
also, because Pompey promised more 
than he performed, and generally all who 
loved him before do not love him now.’ 
We may in this perhaps take exception to 
et: for what Madvig represents the istias 
feeling is a weakened form of oderunt of 
which they had given manifestations. And 
is there any evidence that the 360 judges 
had any sort of organization: through 
which they could as a body express their . 
sentiments ? 


170 EP, 869 (ATT. 1X. 18, 8§ 1-7). 


Sed et iste, quiat plus ostenderat quam fecit amatur, et vulgo i 
Municipia vero et rustici Romani — 


illum qui amarunt non amant. 


illum metuunt, hune adhue diligunt. Quare ita paratus est ut, 


etiam si vincere non possit, quo modo tamen vinci ipse possit non ~ 
videam. Ego autem non tam γοητείαν huius timeo quam πειθαν- | 


ἄγκην. 
μεμιγμέναι ἀνάγκαις. 


et ὑπηρεσίαν fidelem, quae si mihi Bruondisi suppeterent, mallem. 
Sed 101 occultatio nulla est. Verum, ut scribis, cum sciemus. 
6. Viris bonis me non nimis excuso. Quas enim eos cenas et facere 
et obire scripsit ad me Sextus! quam lautas, quam tempestivas! 
Sed sint quamvis boni, non sunt meliores quam nos: moverent me, 
si essent fortiores. De Lanuvino Phameae erravi: Troianum 
somniaveram. Id ego volui ὦ. Sed pluris est. Istuc tamen 
cuperem emere, si ullam spem fruendi viderem. 7. Nos quae 
monstra cotidie legamus intelleges ex illo libello qui in epistulam 


conlectus est. 


Sed et iste] It is difficult to think that 
this can refer to anyone but Caesar, espe- 
cially when we compare 352.1, 2. Osten- 
derat here virtually means ‘ threatened ’ : 
cp. the use in Fam. ix. 8. 1 (641) of a 
person promising that he would do a 
thing. tsi munus, (gladiatorial show) 
Slagitare quamvrs quis ostenderté ne populus 
quidem solet nist concitatus. ‘There is no 
doubt a difficulty about iste. It would 
seem to refer to some other person than 
either of the protagonists: cp. iste omnium 
turpissumus (364. 3); iste nummarius 
(375.1), both, as it would seem, referring 
to Lepidus. Accordingly Boot considers 
that the reference is to Domitius, and 
reads sedet ‘is remaining inactive’: cp. 
Att. vi. 3. 4 (264). But Cicero does not 
seem to have known what Domitius was 
doing at this time (3738. 4 fin.). If the 
reference is to Domitius, we should prefer 
to retain Sed et, ‘but both Domitius, 
because he (Pompey) promised more than 
he performed, and generally those who 
did love him do not love him now.’ We 
cannot well take iste as referring to 
Lepidus: for he had no sympathies with 
Pompey. 

amatur| This is an old addition, and 
seems to give the proper sense. Possibly 
something like etiamnunce amatur (or 
diligitur) was what was originally written. 


Lentulus noster Puteolis est, adnuavev is, ut 


non tam γοητείαν] ‘Ido not so 
much fear his finesse as his force majeure ; 


Ai yap τῶν τυράννων δεήσεις, inquit Πλάτων, οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι ἥ 
5. Illa ἀλίμενα video tibi non probari quae — 
ne mihi quidem placebant, sed habebam in illis et occultationem 


for, as Plato says, An autocrat’s requests — 


partake of the nature of commands.’ ‘These 
words are in the same epistle (vii) of Plato 
(329 D) from which the simile of the bird 
is taken in 368. 2. 

5. ἀλίμενα)] Places which do not 
afford a means of putting to sea at short 
notice would not be suitable to him. 

ὑπηρεσίαν) ‘a trustworthy set of 
attendants.’ 

6. cenas et facere et obire] “ give and re- 
ceive entertainments.’ 

tempestivas| see on 353, ὃ, 

boni. . . meliores| The words are used 
in their political sense. 

Lanuvino . .. Troianum] ‘It was his 
‘*Troianum’’ I dreamt of (acquiring).’ 
All the places about Lanuvium and 
Lavinium were full of reminiscences of 
the operations of the Trojans and Aeneas: 


and so it was natural that an estate should — 


have that name, 
Istuc] i.e. the Lanuvinum of Phamea. 
7. epistulam] ‘the packet’ in which 


both letters and other enclosures were : 


BE 


included. 

Lentulus] ep. 367. 1. 

ἀδημονῶν guidagat] ‘in aquandary, 
utter bewilderment, what to do.’ 


~ 


torqueri dicit, 


fuerit statim tibi scribam. 


Pompeius est Brundisi. 


* Caesius| 367. 1. 

Διατροπὴν Corfiniensem| ‘a fiasco 
like that at Corfinium.’ Cicero seems to 
like this adjective Corfiniensis: cp. 336. 
23374, 1. 

prospecta re| * when he looks forward 
to the future.’ 


We have put this letter out of strict 
_ chronological order so as to bring it into 
_ close connexion with Cicero’s next letter. 
_ The letter of Caesar’s was probably 
written a few days after the 9th. As 
Cicero received the letter of Balbus on 


the 24th (371. 8), it is probable that it 


_ was written on the 22nd or 23rd. 
ὃ 1. Misit ad me N. Magium] Boot notices 
that this is inconsistent with the account 
given by Caesar, B. C. i. 26, where he 
wishes to represent himself as very 
_ desirous of peace. The facts appear to 
have been that Caesar took Magius 
__ prisoner, but at once released him (347. 2), 
_ andsent him to Pompey with proposals 
| “orig B. C. i. 24. δ). Pompey sent him 
_ back with an answer (see above), .to 
᾿ς which Caesar replied, as he says, ‘ suit- 


EP. 370 (ATT. 1X. 13 A). 


171 


Caesius narrat,-quid agat. Διατροπὴν Corfiniensem reformidat, 
_Pompeio nune putat satis factum, beneficio Caesaris movetur, sed 
_tamen movetur magis prospecta re. 


f 370. BALBUS TO CICERO (Arr, 1x. 13 4). 
ROME ; MARCH 22; A. U. C. 705; B.C. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 
Balbus Ciceroni litteras Caesaris de rebus Brundisii gestis mittit deque pace se 


BALBUS CICERONI IMP. SAL. DIC. 


1. Caesar nobis litteras perbrevis misit, quaarum exemplum sub- 
scripsi. Brevitate epistulae scire poteris eum valde esse distentum 
quitanta de re tam breviter scripserit. 


Si quid praeterea novi 


*CAKSAR OPPIO CORNELIO S&S. 


A. ἃ. vit Id. Mart. Brundisium veni: ad murum castra posui. 
Misit ad me N. Magium de pace. 


(Juae 


ably ’? (quae visa sunt). Pompey did not 
send Magius back again to Caesar (ib. 1. 
26. 2). Caesar then, about March 14, 
sent Caninius Rebilus to Scribonius Libo 
to see if negotiations could be held with 
Pompey through them. Libo, after dis- 
cussion with Pompey, replied that Pompey 
said he could do nothing as regards 
peace, as the consuls had left for Greece. 
Pompey plainly sent Magius merely to 
gain time, and no doubt his proposals 
seemed to Caesar extravagant. As 
Caesar did not regard Pompey as serious 
in this matter, perhaps he considered 
himself at liberty to say nothing in his 
Commentaries about the mission to and 
fro of Magius which is recorded here. 
Ferrero (ii. 240) thinks it possible that if 
Cicero had been at Brundisium he might 
have made efforts to secure peace. No 
doubt he would; but we cannot believe 
that he would have had much weight 
with Pompey, of whom Ferrero very 
justly says (ὦ. 6.), ‘after the surrender of 
Corfinium Italy would be certain to 
consider him as having been conquered 
by Caesar, if he consented to make peace 

without taking his revenge.’ ! 


172 “EP 871 (ATP. 1X. 28S Gee). 


visa sunt respoudi. Hoc vos statim scire volui. Cum in spem © 


venero decompositione aliquid me conficere, statim vos certiores 
faciam.’ <poriy 

2. Quo modo me nunc putas, mi Cicero, torqueri, postquam 
rursus in spem pacis veni, ne qua res eorum compositionem 
impediat ? Namque, quod absens facere possum, opto. Quod si 
una essem, aliquid fortasse proficere possem videri: nunc exspec- 
tatione crucior. 


371. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. rx. 13, § 8). 


FORMIAE; MARCH 24 (372.1); A. U. ©. 705; B. C. 49; ART’. CIC. 57. 
M. Cicero Balbi litteras odit deque pace iam penitus desperat. 
CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


8. ‘Mene haec posse ferre?’ Omnia misera, sed hoc nihil 
miserius. Pompeius N. Magium de pace misit et tamen oppug- 
natur: quod ego non credebam, sed habeo a Balbo litteras 


aliquid me conficere| Boot brackets these 
words on the ground that in so short a 
letter Caesar would not have used unne- 
cessary words; but that quality, if any in 
a letter, is a sign of haste. ‘The force 
of the present infinitive is ‘when I can 
entertain a hope that I am making some 
progress in peace negotiations.’ 

2. torguert| ‘you can imagine how 
distracted I am.’ 

ne qua... impediat| ‘for fear that 
anything should hinder the settlement.’ 

quod absens facere possum, opto] ‘ Llong 
for peace, which is all I can do without 
being on the spot.’ 

possem vidert] ‘if I were on the spot, 
perhaps I might succeed in seeming to be 
of some use’—an exaggeratedly modest 
aspiration. See Adn. Crit. 


That this is a separate letter written the — 


day after 369 is probable, because if the 
letter of Balbus, with the enclosed copy 
of Caesar’s letter, had already arrived 
on the 23rd, Cicero would almost certainly 


have referred to it earlier in his letter 
than the last part of it. We cannot, 
however, bring as an argument that 
Cic. had in ᾧ 8 later news from Dolabella 
than he hadin 269. 1; for in 371.8 & 
and Crat. have iit Jd. Mart.: it is 
only A that omits m1. Yet we think 
Sternkopf (p. 66, No. 124) right in making 
this a new letter. This paragraph can 
hardly be regarded as a postscript: for 
Cic. would have said, Scripta iam epistula 
(cp. 360. 3) or something of the kind. 
Schmidt (p. 157) thinks that it is not 
necessary to suppose a new letter; as 
correspondence was so frequent in this 
exciting time, the second communication 


from Dolabella may have arrived during © 
Cicero’s writing of the letter: and somay — 


the letter of Balbus. . This is, of course, 


possible: but the. view of Sternkopf is : 


the more probable. 


8. Mene] So Pius for nec of the mss. ba 
Cp. @ 
Madvig 399: Ter. Andr. 253 tantamne — 


Bosius reads Yene. For. the . inf. 


rem tam neglegenter agere 2 


RRS 


EP, 372 (ATT. IX. 1h). 173 


_ quarum ad te exemplum misi: lege, quaeso, et illud infimum caput 


ipsius Balbi optimi, cui Gnaeus noster locum ubi hortos aedificaret 


_ dedit, quem cui nostrum non saepe praetulit ? Itaque miser tor- 


quetur. Sed ne bis eadem legas ad ipsam te epistulam reicio. 
Spem autem pacis habeo nullam. Dolabella suis litteris 11 Id. 
Mart. datis merum bellum loquitur. Maneamus ergo in illa 
eadem sententia misera et ae, quando hoe miserius esse 
nihil ΠΕΡ, 


87... CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. 1x..14). 
FORMIAE } MARCH 25; A. U.C. 7053; B.C. 495 AKT. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit spem pacis, quam Balbi litterae significaverint, nullam esse ; 
se e Q. Pedii litteris intellexisse et e Caesaris litteris, quarum exemplum miserat 
Pedius, quid agat nescire. Scripta epistula se ait a Lepta certiorem factum Pompeium 
a Brundisio conscendisse, Caesarem a. d. vir Kal. April. Capuae fore. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Miseram ad te viii Kal. exemplum epistulae Balbi ad me 
et Caesaris ad eum: ecce tibi eodem die Capua litteras accepi ab 
Q. Pedio, Caesarem ad se pridie Id. Mart. misisse hoe exemplo : 

‘Pompeius se oppido tenet. Nos ad portas castra habemus. 
Conamur opus magnum et multorum dierum propter altitudinem 
maris; sed tamen nihil est quod potius faciamus. Ab utroque 
portus cornu moles iacimus, ut aut illum quam primum traicere 


~ quod habet Brundisi copiarum cogamus aut exitu prohibeamus,’ 


2. Ubi est illa pax de qua Balbus scripserat torqueri se ? ecquid 


_ acerbius? ecquid crudelius? Atque eum loqui quidam αὐθεντικῶς 


infimum caput| ‘that clause at the end opus . . . multorum dierum}| For the- 


: ‘in which the good Balbus himself speaks.’  genit. cp. Caes. B. C. ii. 16. 1 paucorum 


quem cui... praetulit) ‘to which of  dierwm opera et labore. 
us did not Pompey often prefer him?’ Ab utroque...iacimus| For Caesar’s. 
merum belium)] cp. 367. 3; 369. 1. operations at Brundisium cp. Caes, B. C. 
i. 25-27. : 
1. Q. Pedio| He was the Pedius who 2. de qua. . . torqueri). about which 


JN was ordered in Nov. 43 to put his name Balbus wrote that‘he was ‘distracted ”?? : 
to the law interdicting from fire and cp. 370. 2. 
~ water all those who had taken part in quidam αὐθεντικῶς narradat | ca. 


ie the murder of Julius Caesar. statement was made on good. authority 


174 


EP. 372 (ATT. IX. 1h). 


narrabat, Cn. Carbonis, M. Bruti se poenas persequi omniumque 
eorum in quos Sulla crudelis hoe socio fuisset ; nihil Curionem se 
duce facere quod non hic Sulla duce fecisset: se ambire redi- 
tionem quibus exsili poena superioribus legibus non fuisset, ab 
illo patriae proditores de exsilio reductos esse ; queri de Milone per 
vim expulso, neminem tamen se violaturum nisi qui arma contra. 
Haec Baebius quidam, a Curione 111 Id. profectus, homo non 


infans sed Tquis ullit non dicat. 
Illim equidem Gnaeum profectum puto. 
A te nihil ne Anteros quidem litterarum. Nec mirum: 


sclemus. 


that Caesar said in conversation that he 
was the avenger of Carbo and Brutus and 
all those on whom Sulla with Pompey’s 
complicity wreaked his cruelty.’ Cn. 
Papirius Carbo was consul for the third 
time with C. Marius the younger in 82 
as his colleague, Leg. Agr. iii. 6. He was 
put to death by Pompey at Lilybaeum 
(497. 3). M. Junius Brutus, the father 
of the Brutus who was one of the chief 
conspirators against Caesar, was tribune 
in 88. He was killed in Cisalpine Gaul 
by Pompey in 76. 
se ambire reditionem] ‘that he is soli- 
citous only for the restoration of those 
who would not have been punished with 
exile under statutes prior to that of 
Pompey, while Pompey (acting in con- 
cert with Sulla) brought back from exile 
traitors to their country; that he re- 
sents the violence used by Pompey to 
secure the banishment of Milo, but would 
not hurt anyone not found in arms 
against him.’ We have accepted with a 
modification the emendation of Madvig, 
a se dari reditionem (A. C. ii. 237-8), and 
read se ambire reditionem or ad (= at) 
ambi <re se redi>tionem. Ambire is not 
the most natural word that could have 
been employed, but might well have been 
used by Caesar in conversation or attri- 
buted to him by Baebius in a letter. Ad 
ambitionem may be a corruption of ambire 
reditionem, not unlike intelligamus for 
legamus intelleges in 369. 7, and such 
a fusion of two verbs is found in 
the letters: cp. consulemus for consulere 
debemus in Q. Fr. i. 1. 82 (80). O. E. 
Schmidt (RA. Mus. 1897, p. 157) suggests 
<se accisse> (or <se accire>) ad ambitionem, 
which appears to mean literally ‘that he 
has summoned to a political career,’ i.e. 


Quidquid est biduo 


restored them to their civic rights; but this 
is improbable. We think it just possible 
that we should read ad (= at) <a se 
d>omuitionem (sc. fore), the u becoming 3b. 
For domuitio ep. De Div. i. 68. The rare 
word would be readily corrupted. For 
the fact that this restoration was the 
policy of Caesar see 382. 8, nihil esse 
certius quam ut omnes qui lege Pompeia 
condemnatt essent restituerentur. This law 
of Pompey was his lex de ambitu of 51. 
The beginning of the Or. pro Milone is 
full of complaints of the terrorism then 
existing. 

nist qui arma contra] ‘unless those 
who are openly in arms’: sc. ferant, 
We can quote no exact parallel for this 
ellipse. 

sed tquis ulli non dicat| We think that 
possibly the reading might have originally 
been sed qui de suo illa non dicat, ‘a man 
who is fairly talkative, but who would 
not invent such a report,’ ‘ would not say 
it out of his own head.’ K. F. Hermann 
(Philol. iii. (1848), p.105) reads sed qui 
nulli non dicat, ‘a man not tongue-tied, 
but one who would talk to all and sundry,’ 


which is certainly a very slight divergence 


from the mss., but is somewhat tauto- 
logical. Could the reading possibly be 
sed quit Sullas non dicat ? cp. 367. 3 meros 
Sullas. Baebius was talkative, but would 
not talk about Caesar’s revenging the 
deeds of Sulla without having evidence 
forit. But loguatur, not dicat, is the word 
we should have expected: ep. 356. 3, nil 
nisi classis loquens et exercitus; 369.1; 
371.8; Mil. 63. 

Lilim] “ thence’ sc. from Brundisium. 

Anteros| a slave or freedman of Atti- 
cus, of whom we read again in 406. 1. 


Plane nescio quid agam, 


ant 


LP... 378 (ATT. LX. 15), 175 


quid enim est quod scribamus ? Ego tamen nullum diem praeter- 


mitto. | 
8, Scripta epistula litterae mihi ante lucem a Lepta Capua 


1 redditae sunt Id. Mart. Pompeium a Brundisio conscendisse, at 


Caesarem a. ἃ. vit Kal. Aprilis Capuae fore. 


373. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. 1x. 15). 


FORMIAE ; MARCH 253 A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero scribit Attico sibi iam litteras adlatas esse Caesarem in Albano apud 
Curionem v Kal. fore, eius igitur congressum exspectat, sibi omnia imparata esse 
significat ab Atticoque consilium petit: de mandatis Caesaris ad consules et ad 
Pompeium, de Philippo, de Lentulo, de Domitio, tum de Dionysio, denique de re 
familiari. Ὁ 

CICKRO ATTICO SAL. 

1, Cum dedissem ad te litteras, ut scires Caesarem Capuae 
vii Kalend. fore, adlatae mihi Capua sunt eum hic vi Kal. mihi 
et in Albano apud Curionem v Kal. fore. Eum cum videro, 
Arpinum pergam. Si mihi veniam quam peto dederit, utar illius 
condicione: si minus, impetrabo aliquid a me ipso. Ille, ut ad 
me scripsit*, legiones singulas posuit Brundisi, Tarenti, Siponti. 


1, eum hic vi Kal. et in Albano] This 
is the reading of Schmidt (p. 158). 
We certainly require some indication 
of where Caesar would be on vi Kal. 
Hence Madvig’s emendation (A. C. iii, 
184) et hic <copiam> mihi et in Albanois 
to be rejected, though this use of copia is 
allowable, especially in colloquial lan- 


_ guage; but we are not sure that it is 


ἐ ἃ 


_ bitterae eum in Albano. 
~~ can perhaps be understood, as Jitteras had 


Ciceronian. The reading of M is adiatae 
mihi Capua sunt et hoe mihi et in Albano ; 
but Tens. has adlatae mihi (om. Capua) sunt 
The word /itterae 


gone before, but probably ewm is genuine. 


ΞῸ See also Adn. Crit. 


utar| ‘1 shall put up with’; cp. 360. 7. 
si minus, impetrabo| ‘If he does not 
grant my request (that I should be allowed 


_ tobe neutral, and toabsent myself from the 
Senate when the case of Pompey is before 


10), then I shall grant a request that I 


_ shall make of myself,’ that is, I shall go and 


join Pompey. For impetrabo cp. iusta ad 
impetrandum, § ὃ, ‘good reasons why [ 
should gain my petition.’ He here means, 
‘1 shall call on myself for a definite move, 
and answer my call.’ 

ut ad me seripsit| Schmidt (p. 158) 
thinks that Caesar would hardly have 
written to Cicero on these topics, and 
supposes that Pedius (cp. 372. 1) or Lepta 
(368. 1; 372. 3) has fallen out. The 
latter seems the more probable. In 534. 2 
the mss. have Mugnum tamen exercitum 
Pompeium habere constat: nam Caesar 
ipse ad nos misit exemplum Paciaeci litte- 
rarum in quo erat illas undecin esse legiones, 
where Biicheler suggested swos: but ad 
nos may perhaps mean ‘ to us’ (who are at 
Rome), not ‘to me’ (personally). Caesar 
appears to have also left some forces at 
Hydruntum (Appian B. C, 11, 40). Caesar 
sent two of his six (Caes, B. Ὁ. i. 25.1: 
cp. 376. 6) legions to Sicily, one to 
Sardinia (B. Ὁ. i. 30. 2), and three he 


176 


BP, 378 (ATT. TX. 98), 


eT 


Claudere mihi videtur maritimos éxitus, et tamen ipse Graeciam — 
spectare potius quam Hispanias. Sed haec longiusabsunt. 2. Me — 


nune et congressus huius stimulat—is vero adest—-et primas eius 
Volet enim, credo, 8. C. facere, volet augurum 


actiones horreo. 


decretum, rapiemur aut absentes vexabimur vel ut consules roget 


praetor vel dictatorem dicat, quorum neutrum ius est. 


EKtsi si 


Sulla potuit efficere ab interrege ut dictator diceretur [et magister 
equitum]| cur hic non possit? Nihil expedio, nisi ut aut ab hoe 
tamquam Q. Mucius aut ab illo tamquam I. Scipio. Cum tu haee 
leges, ego illum fortasse convenero, 3. Τέγλαθι. κύντερον ne illud 


placed in the coast towns. As he seems 
to have instituted new levies in Italy 
(377. 1), he may from them have after- 
wards garrisoned Hydruntum. 

_ ipse|. ‘Caesar himself,’ i.e. his real 
plan is to go to Greece, but he lets it be 
believed that he will goto Spain. Cicero 
was as wrong in this judgment as he was 
in his idea that Pompey when he left 
Rome would go to Spain (315. 1; 316. 
2). 

longius absunt| “ these are mere remote 
considerations,’ namely, what the ulterior 
course of Caesar’s actions will be. 

2. rapiemur| Possibly rure has fallen 
out before this word. Boot would supply 
Romam. Cicero was an augur, and so his 
presence would be required. 

veaabimur| ‘pestered.’ 

vel ut... vel] Wes. (Em. Alt. 118) 
(cp. Madv. on Fin. 1. 33) thinks we must 
read either wt vel. . . vel, or vel ut. . 
vel ut. But Sjogren (Comm. Tull. p. 188) 
quotes Lael. 64 tamen haee duo levitutis 
et infirmitatis plerosque convincunt aut si in 
bonis rebus contemnunt aut in malis dese- 
runt. Mommsen, St. R* 119, 138, would 
read volet for vel ut. On the constitutional 
question cp. 364. 3. 

vel dictatorem dicat| Caesar was named 
Dictator by M. Aemilius Lepidus as 
praetor: cp. note to 364. 5. 

quorum neutrum ius est] ‘Towards the 
end of this year (October) Caesar was 
nominated Dictator by the praetor Lepidus 
after the‘subject had been brought betore 
the people and approved by them. A 
similar exceptional case had occurred in 
219, when Q. Fabius Maximus was ap- 
pointed Dictator by election of the people 
(Liv. xxii. 8. 6). But none the less the 
procedure was unconstitutignal ; and Dio 
Cassius (xli. 86. -1) says that Caesar’s 


appointment was παρὰ τὰ πάτρια. Dio 
Cassius and Cicero, who had both been 
praetors, are better authorities than 


‘Plutarch, who says (Mare. 24) that a 
_ praetor, as well as a consul, could appoint 


a dictator. 

et magister equitum| ‘This is probably 
to be bracketed (see Adn. Crit.) because 
the dictator himself always appointed the 
master of the horse. Sulla was appointed 
Dictator by the interrex L. Valerius 
Flaccus (cp. Leg. Agr. iii. 5; App. B. C.i. 
98, 99). 

Nihil expedio| ‘I can see no solution 
of the difficulty, except by meeting the 
fate of Mucius at the hands of Caesar, or 
that of Scipio at the hands of Pompey.’ 
Mucius (368. 1) had been put to death by 
the orders of the younger Marius; L. 
Scipio had been proscribed by Sulla (ep. 
Sest. 7). The ellipse is perhaps sim. 

3. Τέτλαθι.] δή, κραδίη, καὶ κύντερον 
ἄλλο ποτ᾽ ἔτλης is ἃ familiar epic quotation 
(Hom. Od. xx. 18), but here Cicero says, 
‘no, not even my own special disaster, my 
exile, was a shrewder blow than this.’ He 
reters to the necessity now forced on him’ 
and bis party to go and join Pompey, which. 
he thinks worse than his banishment, for 
then there was hope of speedy return, 
now there is little or none: then he was — 
regretted, now Pompey (as well as his — 
followers) has lost. the sympathy of the — 
country towns and rural population, who * 
fear vindictive measures from him if he ~ 
should prevail. The use of nostrum pro- 
prium, and the subsequent allusion to 
Pompey without any special mention of | 
his name, show that Cicero is contrast- — 
ing his own personal disaster in the past — 
with the position in which he and the ~ 
Pompeians are now placed. But though ~ 
this is a ‘shrewder blow’ than his banish- _ 


EP. 878 (ATT. IX. 16). 177 
quidem nostrum proprium, rat enim spes propinqui. reditus, 
erat hominum querela. Nune exire cupimus, qua spe reditus 
mihi quidem numquam in mentem venit. Non modo autem nulla 
querela’ est municipalium hominum ac rusticorum, sed contra 
metuunt ut crudelem, iratum. Nec tamen mihi quidquam est 
miserius quam remansisse nec optatius quam evolare non tam ad 
belli quam ad fugae societatem. Sed quid tu? omnia consilia 
differebas in id tempus cum sciremus quae Brundisi acta essent. 
Scimus nempe: haeremus nihilo minus. Vix enim spero mihi 
hune veniam daturum etsi multa adfero iusta ad impetrandum. 
Sed [101 omnem illius meumque sermonem omnibus verbis ex- 


pressum statim mittam. 4. 
cura tua et prudentia iuves. 


agenda. Sed tamen 


ut ait ille 


Quidquid egero continuo scies. 


ment, he felt that he could not adopt any 
course in preference: ‘nothing is more 
wretched than that I should have stayed 
in Rome, nothing more welcome than to 
be Pompey’s companion, though not in 
- arms, still in flight.’ 
_ qua spe reditus| ‘with what hope of 
- return I have no idea.’ 
[ Sed quid tu? omnia consilia| The mss. 
have sed tu omnia qui consilia. The most 
probable solution is that guid got out of 
Ἵ place and was then corrupted into gui. 
_ For transpositions cp. puert (373a. 6). 
a But possibly we should read οὐδὲ tu omnia 
- qui... differebas: cp. Att. ii. 12.1 (37) udi 
sunt qui aiunt ζώσης φωνῆς ἡ and note to 
' Att. vi. 2. 7 (256). Many editors, follow- 
| ing theed. Rom., unscientifically strike out 
_ the qui, and leave the frigid sed tu... 
᾿ς differebas. Schmidt suggests Sed heus tu, 
omnia qui as less reproachful than δὲ tu 
qui: he compares Fam. vii. 11. 1 (167) 


τ΄ tusta ad impetrandum) ‘good reasons 
_ for gaining my request.’ 
a VOL. IV. 


Tu nune omni amore enitere ut nos 
Ita subito accurrit ut ne T. Rebilum 
quidem, ut constitueram, possim videre. 


Omnia nobis imparatis 


ἄλλα μὲν αὐτός, 
ἄλλα δὲ καὶ δαίμων ὑποθήσεται. 


Mandata Caesaris ad consules et 
ad Pompeium quae rogas, nulla habeo: fet descripta attulit 


omnibus verbis expressum] ‘verbatim,’ 
as we should say. 

4. 7. Rebilum| T. Caninius Rebilus, 
whom Caesar at Brundisium sent to Libo 
to endeavour to negotiate peace: cp. 
Caes. B. C. i. 26. 3-6, and note to 370. 1. 

ut ait ille| sc. ‘the poet’ (Homer). So 
Mr. Winstedt, rightly. Athene in the 
character of Mentor in the Odyssey iii, 
26-27, says— 


Τηλέμαχ᾽, ἄλλα μὲν αὐτὸς ἐνὶ φρεσὶ σῇσι νοήσεις, 
ὑ τονς Σ 
ἄλλα δὲ καὶ δαίμων ὑποθήσεται. 


Here αὐτὸς must be taken as referring 
to Cicero himself. 

et descripta . . . illaévia] As regards 
this desperate passage, Madvig’s sugges- 
tion (A. C. 111. 184) that we should read 
set rescripta is ingenious. The terms 
offered by Caesar were to be inferred 
from the answer which Pompey made, 
whether the answer was that conveyed 
by N. Magius (cp. note to 370. 1) or 
that by Libo (Caes. B. C. i, 26. δ). 
The proper name, which has been cor- 
rupted, he conjectures may be Matius, 
He reads the passage set rescripta attulit 


N 


178 EP, 818 (ATTY. 1X, Td). 


illaéviat misi ad te ante; e quibus mandata puto intellegi posse. 
Philippus Neapoli est, Lentulus Puteolis. De Domitio, ut facis, 
sciscitare ubi sit, quid cogitet. 5. Quod scribis asperius me quam 


mei patiantur mores de Dionysio scripsisse, vide quam sim anti- — 


quorum hominum. ‘Te medius fidius hance rem gravius putavi 
laturum esse quam me. Nam praeterquam quod te moveri arbitror 
oportere iniuria quae mihi a quoquam facta sit, praeterea te ipsum 
quodam modo hie violavit cum in me tam improbus fuit. Sed tu 


id quanti aestimes tuum iudicium est. 
Ego autem illum male sanum semper 


quidquam oneris impono. 


Nec tamen in hoc tibi 


putavi, nune etiam impurum et sceleratum puto, nec tamen mihi 


inimiciorem quam sibi. 


Matius ; ea misi. Schiitz supposes that 
the reference is to the terms offered by 
Caesar in January in the negotiations 
which were conducted by L. Caesar and 
Roscius Fabatus (315. 2): he reads neque 
descripta attulit illa Lucius. If the refe- 
rence is to these negotiations, we might 
suppose some allusion to Sestius, who 
drafted the reply of Pompey. Possibly, 
then, at rescripta attulit illa Sestius, ‘but 
Sestius brought the answer,’ or, as we 
suggested, at rescripta attulit L. illa 
Sestiana, ‘but Lucius Caesar brought 
me the answer drawn up by Sestius.’ 
Turnebus supposes the error to be in 
descripta, and reads quae Aegypta (350. 1 
cp. Index) attulit illa e via mist ad te; 
the via, we presume, refers to Cicero’s 
journey from Formiae to Capua on Feb. 
3rd and 4th (318. 1) or his return journey 
to Formiae on Feb. 7th and 8th (319. 1). 

ante| The word ante is found in ORP 
(= 3), and in Z according to Bosius; and 
is almost certainly right: cp. Lehmann, 
‘ Att.’? 134. See Adn. Crit. 

De Domitio] There had been consider- 
able uncertainty as to where Domitius 
was after he had been released at Corfi- 
nium, and what he intended to do. He 
was rumoured to have been at Cosa 
(860, 2; 364. 3). About the middle -of 
April he arrived at Marseilles and assisted 
in the city’s resistance to Caesar. 

5. quam sim antiquorum] ‘how pri- 
mitive I am in my notions’ in supposing 
that Atticus would resent the bad con- 
duct of Dionysius even more than Cicero 
did himself; or, as Boot, ‘how frank, 
straightforward I am in stating that 1 


Philargyro bene curasti: causam certe 


Supposed you would resent,’ &c. The 
genitive seems to be that of a divided 
whole (Roby, 1290) or, as it is called, 
partitive: cp. Caec. 102, guos (Ariminen- 
ses) quis ignorat duodecim coloniarum 
Jfuisse: Plaut. Mil. 1015, si harune Bac- 
charum es; Hor. Carm. iii. 18. 13 Fies 
nobilium tu quoque fontium. 

quidguam oneris impono| ‘I will not 
commit you, bring you into my quarrel, 
compromise you’: cp. 362. 3, vereor ne 
Pompeio quid oneris imponam. 

male sanum| a confirmation of the 
conjecture cerritior for certior in 336. 1. 
“1 always thought he was not quite sane; 
now I think him a blackguard (μιαρὰ 
κεφαλή) and a scoundrel.’ 

curastt| This word is omitted by 3A, 
but is found in Cratander’s and Lambi- 
nus’s margin, and in Z (according to 
Bosius). ‘You did right in paying 
Philargyrus.’ He was, perhaps, the 
freedman of Aulus Torquatus (538. 6: 
cp. 363. 1). For eurare = ‘to pay’: 
ep. Att, 1. 7. 1 (9); 8. 214): vii. 8.1} 
(294); 7.2 (298); Fam. xvi. 9. 3 (292), 
and often. ‘You certainly had a sound 
and good case, that I was the deserted 
rather than the deserter.’ We do not 
know the particular private circumstance 
to which Cicero is referring—perhaps 
some debt he owed A. Torquatus, who 
may have complained that Cicero had 
not paid him, and said that Cicero had 
abandoned him (by going away from 
Rome to Formiae). Cicero replies that 
it was Aulus who abandoned him by 
leaving to join Pompey, who was crossing 
into Greece (363, 1). 


EP. 8734 (ATT. IX. 15, § 6). 179 


habuisti et veram et bonam, relictum esse me potius quam 
reliquisse. 


3738a. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art, rx. 15, § 6). 


FORMIAE ; MARCH 26, A. U.C. 705; Β. 0. 49: AKT. CIC. 57. 


Mittit Cicero exemplum litterarum quas a Matio et Trebatio acceperat. 


6. Cum dedissem iam litteras a. ἃ. vii Kal., pueri quos cum 
Matio et Trebatio miseram epistulam mihi attulerunt hoc 
exemplo: 

‘MATIUS ET TREBATIUS CICERONI IMP. SAL. 


Cum Capua exissemus, in itinere audivimus Pompeium 
Brundisio a, ἃ. xvi K. Aprilis cum omnibus copiis quas habuit 
profectum esse: Caesarem postero die in oppidum introisse, 
contionatum esse, inde Romam contendisse, velle ante Kalend. 
esse ad urbem et pauculos dies 101 commorari, deinde in Hispanias 
proficisci. Nobis non alienum visum est, quoniam de adventu 
-Caesaris pro certo habebamus, pueros tuos ad te remittere, ut id tu 
“quam primum scires. Mandata tua nobis curae sunt eaque ut 
| tempus postularit agemus. ‘l’rebatius sedulo facit ut antecedat. 

_  Epistula conscripta nuntiatum est nobis Caesarem a. ἃ. vulr 
‘Kal. April. Beneventi mansurum, a. ἃ. vir Capuae, a. d. vi 
| Sinuessae. Hoe pro certo putamus.’ 


__ 6. This is a new letter, as he says that 
“he had already despatched (dedissem) the 
revious letter, viz. Ep. 373, §§ 1-6. 

| cum Matio et Trebatio| Matius had 
‘visited Cicero on March 19th (367. 2), 
and apparently Trebatius was travelling 
with him (368. 1): cp. Fam. xi. 27. ὃ 
(784). Cicero sent some slaves with them 
"in their journey to Capua, so as to bring 
ack as speedily as possible any informa- 


al out the movements of Caesar: cp. the 


re 


letter from Matius and Trebatius, pweros 
» tuos ad te remittere. 


hoc exemplo| “ οὗ which this is a copy,’ 
‘copy enclosed,’ as we might say. 

ut tempus postularit| ‘as the circum. 
stances require.’ 

sedulo facit ut antecedat] ‘is doing his 
best to get to you before Caesar meets 
you,’ with a view, no doubt to giving 
his friend Cicero advice: cp. 375, 1. 

April...a.d,. v1.) These words are 
omitted in Μ᾽. Ail the mss, omit April 
... ad. vu. The addition is found in 
Crat., in the margin of Lambinus, and is 
given by Bosius. 


180 


374. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. 1x. 16). 


EP. 37h (ATT. IX. 16). 


Ι 


FORMIAE; MARCH 26 (ὃ 1): A. U.C. 7053 B.C. 493 AKT. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit se litteras a Caesare Sinuessa a. d. vir Kal. datas accepisse 


quarum exemplum adiunctum est. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Cum quod scriberem ad te nihil haberem, tamen ne quem 
diem intermitterem has dedi litteras. A. ἃ. γι Kal. Caesarem 
Sinuessae mansurum nuntiabant. Ab eo mihi litterae redditae 
sunt a. d. vir Kalend. quibus iam ‘ opes’ meas, non, ut superioribus 
litteris, ‘opem’ exspectat. Cum eius clementiam Corfiniensem illam 
per litteras conlaudavissem, rescripsit hoc exemplo : 


‘CAKSAR IMP. CICERONI IMP. SAL. DIC. 


2. Recte anguraris de me—bene enim tibi cognitus sum— 
nihil a me abesse longius crudelitate. Atque ego cum ex ipsa re 
magnam capio voluptatem, tum meum factum probari abs te 
triumpho gaudio. Neque illud me movet quod ii qui a me 
dimissi sunt discessisse dicuntur ut mihi rursus bellum inferrent: 
nihil enim malo quam et me mei similem esse et illos sui. 3. Tu 
velim mihi ad urbem praesto sis ut tuis consililis atque opibus, ut 


consuevi, in omnibus rebus utar. 
esse iucundius. Hane adeo habebo gratiam ill: 


1. opes] ‘resources,’ not ‘resource’ 
see on Ep. 357. Opidus means ‘money,’ 
ope, ‘help’; but what Caesar meant by 
opibus was Cicero’s influence and position. 

Corfiniensem] Cp. note to 369. 7. 

conlaudavissem] ‘ praised to the skies’ ; 
the con- is intensive. . 

2. This letter was written by Caesar 
during the siege of Brundisium, i.e. 
between March 9th and 17th, probably 
about March 15th, as otherwise Cicero 
would have mentioned it sooncr. 

2. triumpho gaudio| “1 exult with 
oy : cp. Att. i. 16, 4 (22); Cluent. 14. 

ii qui a me dimissi sunt] an aliusion 
to Domitius, who, when allowed to depart 
from Corfinium after its capitulation, 


Dolabella tuo nihil scito mihi: 
neque enim aliter 


threw himself into Massilia, which, how- | 
ever, he did not long hold against ἢ. | 
Brutus and ‘Trebonius. 

3. Hane adeo habebo gratiam| “1 shall 
feel that it is to him I shall owe my 
thanks especially for this (for Cicero’s. 
consenting to meet him at Rome) ; ‘of 
(he will certainly bring this about), as 
he cannot act otherwise, such is his 
kindness, his feeling, and goodwill 
towards me.’ Js sensus est de me = ita 
sentit de me. The word sensus meant 
‘feeling’ rather than ‘opinion,’ cons 
noting what is emotional rather than 
intellectual. See also note on Fam. 1. 
9. 17 (153). Bardt considers it means 
‘tact,’ communis sensus. The word adeo 


facere poterit : 
benevolentia.’ 


379. 


yaletudine.. 


tabam. 


ad urbem veniam. 
etiam Formiis proscribi iussit. 
praeripio ? 


ppecems to mean “1 shall feel gratitude to 
Dolabella especially for this (or ‘ for this 
Ἷ also’): for he will most certainly effect 
it.’ This is a gracious way of assuming 
that Cicero will no doubt agree to 
_ Caesar’s requests, the granting of which 
" will be ensured by the charm of Dolabella. 

For the preceding words Maidvig (A. C. 

ii. 185) conjectures Nec ideo hubebo 
gratiam illi; neque enim aliter facere 
poterat, “1 will not thank him for being 
c charming : he could not be anything 
else.’ 


1. Trebatium) cp. 378a. 6, Tr ebatius 
sedulo facit ut antecedat. 

Matigue litter is] Matius did id 
this letter, but it is not extant. He met 
‘Caesar in agro Trebulano on March 26: 
“ep. Fam. xi. 27. 3 (784). 

_ eum illo) sc. Caesare. 


| EP, 375 (ATT. IX. 17). 


tanta eius humanitas, 


FORMIAK ; MARCH ΕΝ A. U. C. 7055 B. C. 49 AET. CIC. 57. 


Statim ad te perscribam omnia. 
statuam Arpinumne mihi eundum sit an quo alio. 
meo togam puram dare; istic puto. 
deinde; nam me hebetem molestiae reddiderunt. 
| scire ecquid ad te scriptum sit de Tirone. 

ita scripsit ut verear quid agat. 
voy nuntiant. Sane in magnis curis etiam haec me sollicitant: in 
_hac enim fortuna perutilis eius et opera et. fidelitas esset. 


181 


is sensus, ea in me est 


- CIOBRO 10 ΑἹ" MOUS Gai IX. 1). 


ῳ 


' De Cabbatis congressu exspectato, de toga pura Ciceroni suo. ee de Tironis 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Trebatium vi Kalend., quo die has litteras dedi, exspec- 
Ex eius nuntio Matique litteris meditabor quo modo cum 
illo loquar. O tempus miserum! Nec dubito quin a me contendat 
Senatum enim Kal, velle se frequentem adesse 
Ergo ei negandum est ? Sed quid 


Ex illius sermone 
Volo Ciceroni 
2. Tu, quaeso, cogita quid 
A. Curio velim 
Ad me enim ipse Tiro 
Qui autem veniunt inde xivdv- 


contendat . .. veniam] ‘The omission of 
wt is quite regular, and it is bad eriticism 
to insert it here against MS. authority : ‘I 
have no doubt he will urge his point 
about my coming to Rome.’ 

proscribi | ‘ gave | orders that notices 
should be posted up.’ 

quid pracripio| ‘ why do I anticipate ?’ 
This word is found again, in 378. 2, Off. 1. 
108; see Adn. Crit.: but praecipio is 
the more usual word: Anticipo is used 
in the same sense in 349. 2. 

2. hebetem moiestiae reddiderunt | ‘my 
troubles have dulled my powers.’ This 
reminds us very much of the tone of his 
letters from exile, with their complaints 
of his pigritia, ‘ listlessness.’ 

quid agat| ‘how he is getting on.’ 

κινδυνώδη) ‘a dangerous turn,’ 
‘ that his condition is critical’ (Winstedt). 
See Adn. Crit. 

haec| sc. eura. 


182 EP. 376 (ATT. 1X. 18). 


376. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr, 1x. 18). 


AQUINUM (P); MARCH 28 OR 29; A. U. C. 7053 Β, 0. 493 AET. CIC, 57. 


M. Cicero Attico de suo cum Caesare congressu scribit quo obtinuerit ne ad urbem 
veniret sed tamen veretur ne Caesarem eo ipso offenderit, de comitatu C. Caesaris 
ipsiusque alacritate, Caesarem Romam ivisse, se Arpinum: iam consilium Attici 
exspectat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Utrumque ex tuo consilio: nam et oratio fuit ea nostra ut 
bene potius ille de nobis existimaret quam gratias ageret, et in eo 
mansimus ne ad urbem. Illa fefellerunt facilem quod putaramus ; 
nihil vidi minus. Damnari se nostro iudicio, tardiores fore re- 
liquos si nos non veniremus, dicere. Ego dissimilem illorum esse 
causam. Cum multa: ‘ Veni igitur et age de pace.’ Meone, 
inquam, arbitratu? ‘An tibi, inquit, ‘ego praescribam P’ Sie, 
inquam, agam, senatui non placere in Hispanias iri nec exercitus 


Probably this letter was written from 
Aquinum, which was ἃ stopping-place 
between Formiae and Arpinum: ep. Att. 
xvi. 10: 2 (801). 1585. 2303), Or 
possibly it may have been written 
immediately after the interview with 
Caesar, just as Cicero was leaving Formiae 
for Arpinum; for he said he would let 
Atticus know about the interview at 
once (statim, 878. 3; 375. 1: continuo, 
373. 4). 

1. Utrumque . . . fefellerunt| “1 fol- 
lowed your advice in both respects: the 
tone of my remarks was such as to gain 
his respect rather than to earn his grati- 
tude ; and I persevered in my resolution 
not to go to Rome. We were mistaken 
in thinking he would be easy to deal 
with.’ For the ellipse of facere cp. 
445.1, quid et quo modo. 

nead urbem] sc. veniremus. Perhaps ut 
ne would be somewhat more common ; but 
it is the same kind of final ne that appears 
in such sentences as 483. 1, perfecerat 
fortuna ne quid tale scribere possem. 

veniremus| We think that the alteration 
of the Ms. reading venerimus to veniremus 


is right: for the historical inf. dicere 
means ‘ the statement was’ (rather than 
‘is’),is equivalent to dizit rather than 
dicit, as the other main verbs (oratio) fuit, 
mansimus, (summa) fuit, &c., in the para- 
graph show. The frequent ellipses in 
the narrative add greatly to the vivacity 
of the letter. 

dicere| Hist. inf. Itis raretofind a single 
historical infinitive, yet cp. Liv. xxx. 
42. 11, tum pro se quisque dicere vere de 
pace agi. Wolfflin, in the ‘ Archiv’ x. 
180, quotes other examples: Ter. Phorm. 
92 nos mirarier; Att. ii. 12. 2 (87) ego 
negare; Acad. ii. 11 quaerere; ii. 63 
intueri; Hor. Sat. i. 8. 47 ast iliae 
currere in urbem; add Att. vi. 21.12 — 
(250) Homo clamare ; 443.2 Hie Ligurius — 
JSurere. On the hist. inf. generally cp. — 
Drager 15, § 154. ; 

Sic, inqguam, agam] ‘The lineI shall © 
adopt will be that the Senate cannot — 
sanction a march into Spain on your part — 
nor the throwing of an army into Greece, — 
and, I added, I shall express great sym- 
pathy with Pompey.’ F 


EP, 376 (ATT. IX. 18), 


183 


in Graeciam transportari, multaque, inquam, de Gnaeo deplorabo. 


Tum 1116, ‘Ego vero ista dici nolo.’ 


Ita putabam, inquam, sed 


ego eo nolo adesse quod aut sic mihi dicendum est multaque quae 
nullo modo possem silere si adessem aut non veniendum. Summa 


fuit ut ille, quasi exitum quaerens, ut deliberarem. 


negandum. Ita discessimus. 


liqua, odi! 


igo vero ista dict nolo] Cp. what Caesar 
said a few days later, Plutarch, Caes. 
35, παρρησίας ov δεῖται πόλεμος. 

ut deliberarem} sc. rogavit. For the 
omission of this word cp. Att. xv. 4. 2 
(734) Quod te a Bruto scribis (sc. rogart) 
ut certior fieret. Or, of course, it might 
be simply dixit: cp. 420. 2 illum Dola-— 
bellae dixisse ut ad me scriberet for ut atter 
dicere when the latter is of the nature of 
a command. 

At ego me amavi] ‘but I was pleased 
with my own attitude in the matter—a 
feeling [ have not had for a long time.’ 

2. Reliqua... desperatas| We believe 
the corruption lies very deep here, and 
we would suggest that erosceleri of the 
Mss. be altered to O feras ! ὦ λῆροι! We 
would then translate ‘For the rest— 
good heavens, what a following is his! 
What a crew of dmes damnées (to use 
your expression) he finds himself in! 
What inhuman monsters! What insig- 
nificant nobodies!’ Observe the differ- 
ence of idiom in Greek and Latin in such 
exclamations us these: thus ὦ λῆροι is the 
Greek for O studtos. Some editors assume 
that some part of scelus is hidden under 
the corruption. But a copyist finding 
scelera would not have written sceleri, 
while many (if not most) copyists finding 
ferasoleri would have read the last six 
letters as sceleri and changed era to ero. 
We need not remind our readers how 
often Greek words are written in Latin 
characters ; see critical note on κινδυνώδη; 
375. 2. Now astothe meaning: Cicero 
is speaking of the constituents of the 
camp of Caesar, and the corrupt words 
may fairly be taken to be the words 
in which they are characterized. If 
then we can arrive at an expression 
which will convey pointedly an opinion 
elsewhere expressed by Cicero about the 
followers of Caesar, and which will not be 


Non fuit 


Credo igitur hune me non amare. 
At ego me amavi, quod mihi iam pridem usu non venit. 


2. Re- 


qui comitatus! quae, ut tu soles dicere, νέκυια, in qua 


too unlike the voces nihili handed down 
by the mss., we shall have made the 
nearest approach we can to restoring the 
lost words of Cicero. 

Now Cicero frequently writes of the 
followers of Caesar as being either of 
inhuman depravity or of contemptible 
insignificance ; of the first class we have 
a description in a letter written a few days 
after this, vidi ipse Formiis universos, 
neque hercule umquam homines putavri, 


377. 1; the other class he calls ‘ Baian 
fellows,’ Baiana negotia, Att. xiv. 8. 1 
(710), and he writes λῆρος πολὺς 


in vino et in somno istorum, Att. xvi. 1. 4 
(769). Cicero frequently uses nugae 
tor ‘nobodies.’ If anyone asks why he 
rather wrote λῆροι here, we would quote 
the judicious remark of Boot on Att. xv. 
12.2 (where he admirably restores νόστον 
for nostro) : quodsi cui idonea causa deesse 
videatur cur Cicero non potius ‘ reditum’ 
scripserit, is velim rationes afferat cur 
plura in hac epistola Graece dicantur quae 
optime Latine dici possent. For in qua 
erat ‘in which he finds himself, turns out 
to be’ (cp. Greek ἦν ἄρα), we should 
prefer to read im qua errat. ‘The word 
νέκυια doubtless suggested to Cicero the 
verse Hom. Od. x. 495: 


οἷος πέπνυται τοὶ δὲ σκιαὶ ἀίσσουσι, 


and he might well have used errat to 
intimate that Caesar is himself an § ex- 


travagant and erring spirit’ like the rest of 


the νέκυια. It may be convenient to collect 
together here a few illustrative examples 
of the way in which the mss. deal with 
Greek words in these letters. In 355.1, 
for διαλείψιν dedisti M gives διαλῆψ 
inde dedisti, thus making part of λῆψιν 
Greek and part Latin; and similarly 
in 392. 10, συμπάθειαν appears as sim 
maetav. In 361. 1, θέσεις is written 
thesis, and πολιτικαί is pollicite in M}, 


184 


EP, 376 (ATT. IX. 18). 


erat tero scelerit' o rem perditam, o copias desperatas! Quid, 
quod Servi filius, quod Tulli in iis castris fuerant quibus Pom- 
peius ‘circumsederettir! Sex legiones!’ multum vigilat; audet : 
nullum: video finem mali. Nune certe promenda tibi sunt consilia. 
Hoe fuerat extremum. 8. Illa tamen κατακλεὶς illius est odiosa, 
quam paene praeterii: ‘Si sibi consiliis nostris uti non liceret; 
usurum quorum posset ad omniaque esse descensurum.’ ‘ Vidisti 
igitur virum ut scripseras? Ingemuisti?’ Certe. ‘ Cedo reliqua.’ 


The word σοφιστεύω is corrupted to 
festivo in 364. 1, and κινδυνώδῃ to ni (or 
im) 1d modo in 375.2. On the same prin- 
ciple in 386. 1, we propose to correct 
recitet ét to res stat ; ἱτέον. 

[I have not altered this note, as I know 
that Dr. Tyrrell always strongly approved 
of his emendation (see Classical Review, 
1890, p. 452), and he and [ had agreed 
to differ on the point. The most probable 
reading, in my opinion, seems to be that 
of Corradus, Eros Celeris, i.e. Pilius 
Celer’s (Q. Pilius Celer was probably 
either brother or father of Pilia, wife of 
Atticus) slave Hros, who was apparently 
intriguing with the Caesareans in the 
interest of Pilius. Cicero did not think 
much of Pilius: ep. 382.1; ad Brut. ii 
5. 3 (842): cp. also 418.1; 501. Cicero 
says Hros Celeris just as he says Eros 
Philotimi (401. 1). Eros was such a 
common slave-name that some distinction 
was necessary. Lambinus and Popma 
approve of Eros Celeris, but suppose that 
the Celer is some Metellus Celer. 
Lehmann reads ἥρως Celer. Pilius is a 
sort of a hero in the midst of the ‘rabble 
rout’ (νέκυια) that surrounded Caesar. 
We find heros for Eros in M in Att. xvi. 
2.1 (772). The late Mr. Walter Headlam 
in a kind communication to us suggested 
quae... νέκυια, in qua errat ἥρως (sc. 
Caesar): ceteri—o rem perditam, an 
aposiopesis. But we doubt if Cicero just 
at this time would be so markedly lauda- 
tory of Caesar as the word ἥρως would 
imply.—L. C. P.j 

Tuli] A son of Titinius is mentioned 
as being in the camp of Caesar in 360.6 ; 
364.1; but in 381. 2 (see note), we read 
of a fullus who sent his son to join the 
beleaguerers of Pompey, so it is rash to 
read Titini for Tull here, as some editors 
do. ‘Fancy the sons of Servius and 
Tullus being in a host which beleaguers 
‘Pompey ’! 


Sex legiones!| “ think of six legions !’ 
i.e. “his having six legions!’ The ellipse 
of habet is hardly possible, ‘he has six 
iegions,’ wide as are the limits of that 
figure in the letters. 

multum vigilat, audet| Cp. 340. 4 fin. 
sed hoc répas horribili vigilantia, celeritate 
diligentia est. 

Nunc certe . . . consilia] Cp. 878. 8 
omnia consilia differebas in id tempus cum 
sciremus quae Brundisi acta essent. Scimus 
nempe: haeremus nihilo minus. 

Hoc fuerat extremum] Possibly these 
words are, as Meutzner holds, a gloss on 
κατακλείς; but we rather think that 
they mean, ‘This was the last thing we 
had arranged to wait for before you were 
to give me definite and final advice what 
to do’: ep, “369. 25.373. 3, quoted 
above; also 3875. 2 Tu, quaeso, cogita 
quid deinde. Also cp. §4 extremum fuit 
de congressu. 

8. katakAeis] ‘finale,’ 
‘ Caesar’s final observation.’ 

usurum quorum posset| sc. constlits. 

ad omniaque esse descensurum| ‘and 
would hesitate at nothing,’ ‘ would have 
recourse to any line of action’: cp. 
Att. vii. 9. 3 (300) si idle eo descendat : 
Brutus ap. Fam. xi. 1. 3 (700) ad novis- 
sima auxilia descendemus: where see 
note. 

‘ Vidistt. .. Arpinum] ‘ You will say, 
Have you seen the man then to be as you 
have written of him (headstrong and self- 
willed) ? and did you heave a sigh ? Indeed 
I did. Tell me the rest, you say. What 
more is there to tell? He is going to 
Pedum, 1 to Arpinum.’ The expression 
vidisti virum (sc. esse) ut scripseras is like 
adulescentem ut nosti, ‘ the kind of lad you 
know him to be,’ Att. vii. 2. 3 (298), and 
note. Some editors do not add a note 
of interrogation after seripseras, perhaps 
rightly. 


that is, 


SSS AAR PRESIDE Cae Sars - 


at 


EP. 876 (ATT. 1X: 18). 


Quid ? continuo ipse in Pedanum, ego Arpinum. 
quidem λαλαγεῦσαν illam tuam. 


185 


Inde exspecto 
‘Tu malim,’ inquies, ‘ actum 


ne agas. Etiam illum ipsum quem sequimur multa fefellerunt.’ 
4, Sed ego tuas litteras exspecto. Nihil est enim iam ut antea 
‘Videamus hoe quorsum evadat.’, Extremum fuit de congressu 


nostro, quo quidem non dubito quin istum offenderim. 


Eo 


maturius agendum est. Amabo te, epistulam et πολιτικήν ; Valde 


tuas litteras nunc exspecto. 


Pedanum| Pedum was an old town of 
Latium (Hor. Ep. 1. 4. 2), but it is 
‘doubtful if it was in existence in the 
time of Cicero’ or Horace: cp. Pliny 
H. N. iii. 69, who notices the Pedani as 
among the 53 peoples of Latium who 
anteriere sine vestigiis. But Pedum 
was probably far off the Appian 
Way, not far from Praeneste, near where 
is the modern Gallicano. So it is un- 
likely that Caesar would go there. M 
has Pelanum, which may have arisen from 
“anagrammatism ᾽ of Albanum : cp. 373.1. 
For ‘anagrammatism’ cp. 342. 1, where 
M has tamen lari tor lamentari. Schmidt 
(p. 165) reads Pedi Nordunum “ Pedius’s 
estate at Norba,’ which as far as geo- 
graphy goes is quite suitable. 

Inde] ‘after that,’ temporal, more pro- 
cbably than ‘from Arpinum,’ local. 

λαλαγεῦσαν) ‘ After that [ wait for 
your swallow.’ This emendation of 
Bosius is almost certainly right: cp. the 


_-epigram of Leonidas of Tarentum, Anth. 


Pal. x. 1:— 


ὁ πλόος ὡραῖος’ καὶ yap λαλαγεῦσα χελιδὼν 
ἤδη μέμβλωκεν χὠ χαριεὶς Ζέφυρος, 


_ to which Cicero has before alluded 362. 5, 


Egregie probo fore ut, dum vagamur, 6 


_ wwAdos ὡραῖος obrepat, and he says later, 
_ 879. 1, λαλαγεῦσα iam adest et animus 
| ardet. For πλόος ὡραῖος cp. Hes. Op. 680, 
665. For other suggestions see Adn. Crit. 


malim] “1 would rather not have you 


crying over spilt milk; even our leader 
_ Pompey has often gone wrong.’ We prefer 


to put the two sentences into the mouth 


of Atticus. We gladly accept Boot’s 
malim for malum, which is quite out of 
place here: cp. d/nemosyne (vol. xviil. 
356). Atticus says ‘ pray don’t dwell on 
past mistakes; we are all fallible.” This 
emendation removes the only example in 
Cicero of ne with present subjunctive in a 
prohibition addressed to a single indivi- 
dual—though, indeed, here it 1s a general 
proverb applied to a special case. Our 
passage thus becomes assimilated to such 
passages as Q. Fr. i. 4, init. (72), Amabo 
te, mt frater, ne adsignes, and the rule 
mentioned above becomes, as far as we 
know, absolute: cp. Madvig’s Opuscula, 
p. 484, note (= 11. 105). 

actum ne agas| Cp. 360.6; Ter. Phorm. 
419, Actum, aiunt, ne agas; [1.6]. 85, 
acta agunus quod vetamur vetere prover bio. 
Donatus on Ter. Ad. 232 seems to con- 
sider the expression comes from the 
law-courts: Plaut. Pseud. 260. 

4. Sed] ‘yet’ (though the time for 
action is past) ‘I am awaiting your 
letter. You can’t now say wait till we 
see how things will go. The last thing 
we were to wait for was my conference 
with Caesar’ (and that is now over): 
cp. note to 377. 4. 

Amabo te, epistulam et πολιτικὴν 
‘ Please, a letter and on public matters’ ; 
i.e. ‘please send me a letter.’ For the. 
imperative omitted after amabo te cp. Att. 
ΧΙ. 62, 2 (679), amabo te, eodem ad me 
cum vrevertere; and for da omitted in a 
similar request for a letter, cp. Catullus 
38. 7, Pauilum quidlubet allocutionis 
Maestius lacrimis Simonideis. 


186 EP. 377 (ATT. 1X. 19). 


377, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. Ix. 19). 


ARPINUM 5; APRIL 13; A. U. C. 7055 Β. 6. 495 AKT. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit se Ciceroni suo togam puram Arpini dedisse, de summa. 
maestitia omnium, de tristi bello impendente, se velle iam mari infero navigare, pacis 
spem nullam habere, gravitatem certe apud Caesarem obtinuisse et ne veniret ad urbem, 
Attici litteras exspectat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Ego meo Ciceroni, quoniam Roma caremus, Arpini potis- 
simum togam puram dedi, idque municipibus nostris fuit gratum ; | 
etsi omnis et illos et qua iter feci maestos adflictosque vidi: tam 
tristis et tam atrox est ἀναθεώρησις huius ingentis mali. Dailectus 
habentur: in hiberna deducuntur. a quae, etiam cum a bonis 
viris, cum iusto in bello, cum modeste fiunt, tamen ipsa per se 
molesta sunt, quam censes acerba nunc esse cum a perditis in 
civili nefario bello petulantissime fiant! Cave autem putes quem-— 
quam hominem in Italia turpem esse qui hine absit. Vidi ipse 
Formiis universos, neque mehercule umquam homines putavi, et 
noram omnis sed numquam uno loco videram. 2. Pergamus 
igitur quo placet et nostra omnia relinquamus. Proficiscamur ad 
eum cui gratior noster adventus erit quam si una fuissemus. 


This letter was written on April 1: see 
$2 (iam) compared with 375. 1, Senatwm 
enim Kal. velle se frequentem adesse .. . 
proscribi tussit. 

1. Arpini potissimum] 360.1; 375.1. 

Etsi| He uses this word, because he 
has just said that his act in investing his 
son with the toga virilis at Arpinum was 
‘pleasing’ (gratum) to them. ‘Though 
I have said they were pleased, yet I must 
tell you I saw dejection everywhere.’ 
For this use of etsi = * however,’ ‘ never- 
theless,’ cp. 408.1. Young Cicero was 
born in the autumn of 65: cp. Att. i. 
2. 1 (11), and was accordingly now 
between fifteen and sixteen. 

ἀναθεώρησι] ‘The coup d’eil,’ 
‘the contemplation in all its enormity of 
the blow that has fallen on this state.’ 

petulantissime] ‘in brutal fashion.’ 
For petulans, ‘a bully,’ cp. Juv. 3. 78. 


It is probable that here and in 343. 6 
sine civili perniciosissimo bello, the word 
civili should be regarded as ἃ gloss. 
Wesenberg here conjectures ὦ perditis 
cwibus in nefario bello. 

Vidi... videram] ‘I saw them all 
together at Formiae, and I could hardly 
believe them to be human beings. I knew 
what they were, all of them, but 1 had 
never seen them collected in one place.” 


Even Caelius was not able to endure the ὯΝ 


sight of the crew that now surrounded 
Caesar: cp. 408. 1 and 394, 2. 

2. una fuissemus] ‘had been with him 
all along.’ 


‘all along,’ Gronovius suggested fugisse- 


But as there is nothing in ~ 
the Latin corresponding to the words — 


| 


et 
ei 


mus, especially as Zum would seem to 


mark a definite point of time. 
would add séatim before una. 


Kayser 
The idea 
is certainly ‘from the beginning,’ ποῦ 


EP. 877 (ATT. 1X..19). 187 


Tum enim eramus in maxima spe, nune ego quidem in nulla, nec 
praeter me quisquam Italia cessit nisi qui hune inimiocum sibi 
putaret. Nec mehercule hoc facio rei publicae causa, quam 
funditus deletam puto, sed ne quis me putet ingratum in eum qui 
me levavit iis incommodis quibus idem adfecerat, et simul quod 
ea quae fiunt aut quae certe futura sunt videre non possum. Etiam 
equidem senatus consulta facta quaedam iam puto, utinam in 
Voleati sententiam! Sed quid refert? Est enim una sententia 
omuium. Sed erit immitissimus Servius, qui filium misit ad effli- 
gendum Cn. Pompeium aut certe capiendum cum Pontio ‘Titiniano, 
Etsi hic quidem timoris causa: ille vero? Sed stomachari de- 
sinamus et aliquando sentiamus nihil nobis nisi, id quod minime 
vellem, spiritum reliquum esse. 3. Nos, quoniam superum mare 
obsidetur, infero navigabimus et, si Puteolis erit difficile, Crotonem 
petemus aut Thurios et boni cives, amantes patriae, mare infestum 
habebimus. Aliam rationem huius belli gerendi nullam video. 


from the time of Pompey’s flight from 
Italy ; for at that time Cicero could 
hardly say that his hopes were high. 
For una esse cp. 303. 

hunc] sc. Caesar. 

quibus idem adfecerat| Cicero refers to 
the time of his exile. Pompey suddenly 
deserted Cicero when Clodius brought in 
his law, Ὁ. Fr. i. 4. 4 (72), and declared 
that he could not interfere except at the 
call of the consuls acting under the order 
of the Senate (Pis. 77), and that he could 
not act against Caesar’s will (882. 3). 
Pompey had also acted as augur in taking 
the auspices on the occasion of the trans- 
fer of Clodius to the plebeians 333. 3: cp. 
Att. ii. 12. 1 (84). For Pompey’s aid in 
effecting Cicero’s return cp. Mil. 39 and 
Sest. 9; Post Red. 29 and Vol. 1%, p. 418. 
Cicero was always grateful to Pompey 
for what he did on this occasion: cp. 
328. 4; 3538.4; 356. 2; 259.3; 369. ὃ. 

04... non possum| cp. 392.3; 394. 3. 

Volcati| Heis mentioned above, Att. 
Vii. ὃ, 3 (294), asa type of a lukewarm 
politician, afterwards, 328. 3, as one who 
contrasts well with many of the followers 
of Pompey; again, 350. 2, as one ot 
those who were resolved to meet Caesar 
and attend in the Senate. In these pas- 
sages he is mentioned along with Servius 
Sulpicius; so also in 381.2. The motion 
of Volcatius may have been that negotia- 


tions with Pompey be entered into. Such 
a motion was passed: cp. note to 380. 

erit immitissimus Servius] Servius 
would be likely to use all the means in 
his power to hinder a compromise with 
Pompey, because he had openly broken 
with Pompey by an overt act, tne send- 
ing of his son to Brundisium to crush or 
at all events capture Pompey (376. 2; 
331.2; 400. 3). ‘Titinius did the same 
thing. Itis strange that in the case of 
the latter Cicero seems to hold that fear 
of Caesar was a sufficient excuse, but 
will not accept the same palliation of the 
act of Servius. Jéle vero? he writes, 
‘what excuse had he?’ One would say 
the very same as Titinius, namely, fear 
of Caesar. We must suppose that Cicero 
thought Servius to be above such a 
feeling. ‘litinius may have had special 
reasons for fearing Caesar. He is also 
mentioned in 360.6; 364.1. The Zitini 
jilius appears to have been born a Titinius 
and to have been adopted by a Pontius, 
perhaps L. Pontius Aquila (see Index), as 
O. E. Schmidt suggests (RA. Mus. 1897, 
p. 161). 

sentiamus| See Adn. Crit. 

3. boni ... infestum habebimus] ‘like 
good patriotic citizens, we shall take to 
piracy.’ Pompey’s fleet was cutting off 
the supplies from Italy, and so preventing 
the free passage of trading vessels over 


188 EP. 878 CATE. X. He 


In Aegyptum nos abdemus.. Exercitu pares esse non possumus : 
4. Sed haee satis deplorata sunt. ‘Tu velim: 


pacis fides nulla est. 
litteras Cephalioni des de omnibus rebus actis, denique etiam de 
sermonibus hominum, nisi plane obmutuerunt. Ego tuis consiliis 


usus sum maximeque, quod et gravitatem in congressu nostro’ 
tenui quam debui et ut ad urbem non accederem  perseveravi. 


Quod superest, scribe, quaeso, quam accuratissime—iam enim 
extrema sunt—quid placeat, quid censeas: etsi.iam nulla dubitatio 
est. 
seribas velim. | ne me 


678, CICHRO TO AVTICUS (Arex. 1). 


PATWRIUMS APRIL 8 (S () 34s 0. G.705 (eB. 0.0 nn οἴ 7 


Tamen si quid vel potius quidquid veniet in mentem 


M. Cicero de incerta condicione sua, de misero rei publicae statu, de pacificatione 
inani queritur et sua consilia Attico et elus familiari Sexto probari gaudet. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL, 


1. 1 Nonas cum in Laterium fratris venissem accepi litteras et 
paulum lectis respiravi, quod post has ruinas mihi non acciderat. 
Per enim magni aestimo tibi firmitudinem animi nostri et factum 


nostrum probari. 


the high seas (362. 4 ; 392. 4). The tech- 
nical term for this was mare infestum 
habere, and conveyed much the same idea 
as ‘buccaneering’ with us. For mare 
infestum habere cp. Att. xvi. 1. 3 (769). 

In Aegyptum nos abdemus| ‘ we will go 
bury ourselves in Egypt’ (cp. 367. 4). 

4. extrema sunt| ‘the worst has come 
to the worst’; or perhaps better, ‘ this was 
the last thing I was waiting for’: cp. 
376. 2,°4. 

si quid vel potius quidquid| ‘if anything 
occurs to you, or rather whatever occurs 
to you.’ He will not admit the possibility 
that Atticus should have no advice to 
offer. 


1. Laterium fratris| the property of 
his brother Quintus, near Arpinum. 

itteras | without twas added: cp, 413. 1. 

paulum| After this word Z (according 


Sexto enim nostro qnod scribis probari, ita 


to Bosius), Crat.,ana Lamb. add /ectis; but 
= and A omit it. The word is probably 
genuine. 

Per enim magni| This tmesis of adjec- 
tives in per is very common in the letters. 
See Index. 

Sexto| sc. Peducaeo. The conjunction 
enim seems to be used to indicate the 
difference between the feelings with which 
he regarded the approval of Atticus and 
the approval of Sextus Peducaeus:con- 
veyed by Atticus. ‘1 value your approval 
greatly: [1 will not say I merely value], 
for I am delighted with the approval of 
Peducaeus, since I look on it as including 
that of his father, whom he so closely re- 
sembles.’ Cicero does not wish to express 
more clearly than by the hint conveyed in 
enim that the approval of Peducaeus gave 
him more pleasure than that of Atticus. 


Possibly, however, Cicero is only thinking — 


{Rag rt 


A IS 


EP./878 CATT XD). 


189 


daetor ut’ me quasi: patris eius, cui semper uni plurimum tribui, 
iudicio. comprobari putem, qui mihi, quod saepe soleo recordari, 
dixit olim Nonis illis Decembribus cum ego, ‘Sexte, quidnam 


ergo P? 


‘My pay,’ inquit ille, ‘ ἀσπουδί ye καὶ ἀκλειῶς 


᾿Αλλὰ μέγα ρέξας τι καὶ ἐσσομένοισι πυθέσθαι. 


Eius igitur mihi vivit auctoritas, et simillimus eius filius eodem 
est apud me pondere quo fuit ille, quem salvere velim iubeas plu- 


rimum. 


2. Tu tuum consilium, etsi non in longinquum tempus 


differs—iam enim illum emptum pacificatorem perorasse puto, iam 
actum aliquid esse in consessu senatorum—senatum enim non puto 


of a second pleasure he got from the letter 
of Atticus by learning that Sextus also 
approved of his dignified conduct (gravi- 
tatem, 377.4) in his interview with Caesar, 
and without any hint or innuendo as to the 
relative value Cicero set on the good 
opinion of his two friends. The enim 
after Sexto will then refer back to 
resprravr. 

cui semper uni... tribui] ‘on whose 
judgment I have always set the very 
highest value.’ Uni strengthens pluri- 
mum. For plurimum tribuere alicui ep. 
517. 2; Acad. 1]. 15; and note to Fam. xiii. 
9. 2 (237). 

qui mihi... πυθέσθαι) ‘whotomy 
“Well, Sextus, what now ?’’ replied 
ἐς Never, quoth he, like caitiff wight, but 
having done A deed with which the future 
years shallring.”’’ Cicero omits the word 
ἀπολοίμην, which, though necessary to 
complete the verse, would have been 
quite unsuitable to the occasion in con- 
nexion with which the Homeric passage 
(Il. xxii. 304) was quoted ; for had Cicero 
on the 5th of December taken the less 
vigorous course, it would have been the 
course more likely to ensure his own 
safety; he, therefore, omits ἀπολοίμην, 
which, in defiance of the mss., has been 
thrust on him by many editors. In Fam. 
xiii. 15, 2 (571), where Cicero again quotes 
these lines, the ἀπολοίμην is quite appro- 
priate, as will at once be seen, and there 
the word is given by the mss. The ellipse 
of faciendum est. rogarem after Sexte, 
quidnam ergo? and the presence of inguit 
ille atter dixit are quite in the manner 
of the letters. a fui 
᾿ς Nonis| ‘the famous December 5th,’ on 


which the associates of Catiline were put 
to death. 

2. twum consilium| Atticus had pro- 
mised to give his advice when he should 
see what had been done inthe Senate. 

emptum pacificatorem| OC. Curio is. 
generally supposed to be the person 
referred to as a ‘suborned peace-. 
maker,’ but possibly Cicero refers to 
Lepidus, afterwards triumvir, as Watson 
suggests. Ὁ. E. Schmidt (p. 166), 
supposes that he is Balbus. But Balbus 
was not yet a senator (396. 4: cp. Tac. 
Ann. xii. 60), and the person here referred 
to must have been such. Schmidt’s. 
supposition that Fam. viii. 11. 2 (267), 
and Att. vii. 3. 11(294), are proof that 
Balbus was a senator is not justified by 
these passages. We are inclined to think 
the man may be L. Calpurnius Piso, 
Caesar’s father-in-law, who was always. 
desirous of negotiating peace and of effect- 
ing a compromise (Plut. Caes. 37; Dio. 
xli. 16. 4). Cicero had attacked him 
violently in the Jn Pisonem, and never 
liked him, though in January of this year 
once or twice he speaks well of him 
(307. 1; 809. 2) because for a moment he 
threw in his lot with the opponents of 


Caesar. 


in consessu senatorum| Cp. 387. 1 in 
conventum senatorum, and note there. 

senatum] This word is added by 
Graevius. It fell out after senatorum,. 
and then enim non puto was corrected 


to non enim puto, the ms. reading. The- 


meaning is that all the most distin- 


guished members of the Senate were- 


absent. There was no illegality in the 
Senate’s being summoned by the tribunes. 


190 


—tamen suspensum meum detines, sed eo minus, quod non > 


EP. 878 (ATT. X. DP). 


dubito quid nobis agendum putes. Qui enim Flavio legionem et 
Siciliam dari scribas et id iam fierl, quae tu scelera partim parari 
iam et cogitari, partim ex tempore futura censes? Ego. vero 
Solonis, popularis tui θέ, ut puto, lamiam mei, legem neglegam, qui 
capite sanxit si qui in seditione non alterins utrius partis fuisset, 
et, nisi si tu aliter censes, et hine abero et illim. Sed alterum mihi 
est certius, nec praeripiam tamen: exspectabo tuum consilium et 
eas litteras, nisi alias iam dedisti quas scripsi ut Cephalioni dares. 
3. Quod scribis, non quo alicunde audieris, sed te ipsum putare me 


(Dio Gass. xli. 15. 2), as the tribunes 
appear to have had that right from the 
time of the plebiscitum Atinium (181 
B.C. ?): ep. Gellius xiv. 8. 2. 

meum| i.e. meum consilium in opp. to 
tuum consilium, above. So Dr. Reid in- 
terprets: so that there is no reason t» 
add animum with Wes., or to read me inde 
tenes with Bosius. See Adn. Crit. 

Qui enim] For the order of the words 
τ Q. Fr. i. 1.°17-(80). There was a 
rumour that Flavius, in command of a 
legion, would be sent to dislodge Cato, 
who was holding Sicily for Pompey ; the 
commission, however, was finally given 
to Curio. Dari = ‘is offered’ by Caesar. 
This Flavius was probably the proposer 
of the Agrarian Law of 60 B.c.: cp. Att. 
i, 18. 6 (24); 19. 4 (26) ; and was after- 
,wards praetor: cp. Q. Fr. i. 2. 10 (53) ; 
Asconius in Mil. 47. 3 (ed. Clark). 

et, ut puto] See Adn. Crit. 

iamiam mei] Cicero was thinking of 
voing to live at Athens: then Solon would 
be his fellow-countryman, as he was now 
the fellow-countryman of Atticus: tam- 
iam is ‘presently.’ It is the conj. of 
Gronovius for etiam of M. Possibly 
Orelli may be right in reading et, ut puto, 
iam, supposing that the e¢ has got out of 
place ; for iam can refer to an approaching 
time: cp. 318. 2 iam aderunt. 

capite sanxit] sancire = ‘to enact,’ 
with the addition of a penalty in case of 
disobedience: hence ‘to forbid under 
pain of punishment.’ The object of 
sancire in this sense is generally the crime: 
cp. Plane. 47, noli observantiam sancire 
poena : 83, exsilio ambitum sanmisse. 
Hence the clause si gui .. . fuisset is 
virtually equivalent to an abstract idea, 
‘neutrality.’ The penalty was not 
capital in our sense of the word, but 


only loss of civic rights. ‘lhe authorities 
for this law of Solon, collected by Grote 
and others, have an _ accession in the 
treatise On the Athenian Constitution, 
which states as the punishment ἄτιμον 
εἶναι Kal τῆς πόλεως μὴ μετέχειν, 6. 8, 
fin. ‘Capital punishment’ was a far 
wider term to a Roman than to us: see 
Dig. iv. 5. 11: Capitis deminutionis tria 
sunt genera, maxima, media, minima ; tria 
enim sunt quae habemus, libertatem, civi- 
tatem, fantiiam. LIgitur cum omnia haee 
amittimus (e. g. by slavery or death), 
maximam esse capitis deminutionem ; cum 
vero amittimus civitatem (e.g. by the 
interdictio aquae et ignis) libertatem reti- 
nemus, mediam esse capitis deminutionem ; 
cum et libertas et civitas retinetur, familia 
tantum mutatur minimam esse capitis demi- 
nutionem constat. 

hine| from Caesar’s side, iim from 
Pompey’s. 

alterum mihi est certius| Probably 
Cicero means that he was more deter- 
mined about the former course, to hold 
aloof from Caesar: but he has used an 
ambiguous expression, for alterwm in the 
letters sometimes means the latter, as in 
Fam. vii. 26. 1 (94); Fam. i. 7, 1 (114), 
where see notes. 

praeriptam] ‘I will not anticipate 
(forestall) the course of events.’ Cp. 
375. 1. For the acc. omitted see 
Lebreton, p. 163. 

3. Quod scribis| ‘you tell me, not on 
the authority of anyone, but that it 
is your own conviction, that I shall be 
drawn into the negotiations about peace 
if they come off; I have not the least 
idea how there can be any question of 
peace.” Sed quod tu ipse putas would 
have been a more regular construction 
after non quo alicunde audieris, but such 


.-..--- --. τ σ 


ἢ jature Marius’ 


᾿ς asinis et summariis qui 


EP. 878 (ATR. Χ. Ὁ 


191 


attractum iri, si de pace agatur, mihi omnino non venit in mentem 
quae possit actio esse de pace, cum illi certissimum sit, si possit, 
exspoliare exercitu et provincia Pompeium, nisi forte iste num- 
marius ei potest persuadere ut, dum oratores eant et redeant, 


quiescat. 
posse. 


Nihil video quod sperem aut quod iam putem fieri 
Sed tamen hominis hoc ipsum probi estt magnum sitT 


τῶν πολιτικωτάτων σκεμμάτων Veniendumne sit in consilium 


tyranni si is aliqua de re bona deliberaturus sit. 
eius modi evenerit ut arcessamur—quod equidem non curo. 
enim essem de pace dicturus? Dixi ; 


variations of construction are natural, 
especially in a letter. We should rather 
have expected aliunde, whieh may be 
right, asitisfoundin I. For attractum 
irt cp. rapiemur 373. 2. 

iste nummarius| ‘This is most probably 
the emptus pacificator of §2. The reading 
of the Mss. is swmmarius, which Turnebus 
ingeniously explained as meaning ‘a min- 
(sub and Marius) on the 
analogy of subbaliio for ‘an underling 
of Ballio’s’ in Plaut. Pseud. 607. But 
it is hard to see how the term could be 
applied to the emptus pacificator; ‘a 
Marius the Little’ would not be likely to 
further the ends of peace. Schmidt (Jahrb. 


1896, p. 264) explains it as ‘beast of 


burden’ (Packesel). ‘The word is found 
in late Latin in this sense (see Du Cange 
s.v. Sagma), and appears in swnpter-mule 
and French dbéte de somme, and ultimately 
comes from odyua, ‘a _ pack-saddle,’ 
which itself comes from σάττειν. He 


refers to the Gospel of the Pseudo- 


Matthew 19 ambulabant cum bobus et 
618 necessaria 
_portabant. The emptus pacificator is, 
Ben a mere ‘hack’ of Caesar's. This 
is clever and learned: but unfortunately 
_we have no early authority for this word. 
But it is possible that the copyist might 


: alter a. rare word like nwmmarius into a 
_ word like swmmarius, with which he was 


T himself familiar. Of course in classical 
Latin nwmmarius is common in the sense 
eet bribed.’ Att. i, 16. 8 (22): Cluent. 
101 nummarius inter “pres pacis et concordiae 
non probabatur.' 

᾿ eant et redeant| The conjunction is 
ly omitted (Phil. ii. 78, 89), and 
_ Beroaldus and Miiller do omit it. See 
a Crit. 


Qua re, si quid 
Quid 


ipse valde repudiavit—sed 


maynum sit] Graevius reads θέ (with 
I), magnum τῶν πολιτικωτάτων σκεμμάτων 
meaning apparently ‘and a great one 
among the highest political questions.’ 
But one may doubt whether that is 
good Latin. We might have maximum 
(Fr. Schmidt) or wnwn (Muretus), but 
hardly the positive magnum. Orelli puts 
a full stop at prodi est; and reads Mag- 
num est et τῶν, and this reading is 
adopted by Watson. See also Adn. Crit. 
Wes. reads δέ magnum tt τῶν. It is 
hardly possible, as we formerly held, 
that ut mon can have fallen out before 
magnum, though it would make fair 
sense, ‘even though it is not a great 
question of haute politique. For ut non 
in this sense cp. Ovid Her. x. 108 μέ te 
non tegeres, ‘even though you did not 
defend yourself.’ 

okeuuatwy| For such σκέμματα or 
θέσεις cp. 361. 2. 

quod ... curo] ‘on which I do not 
trouble myself,’ i.e. because it is a con- 
tingency which is so unlikely to occur. 
Boot suggests eredo, which is adopted by 
Schmidt and Miiller. 

Quid . . dicturus ἢ This is the 
punctuation adopted by Schmidt. We 
cannot govern quid by dixi: we should 
require guod. Perhaps Quidquid would 
be possible, ‘ Whatever I would have 
been prepared to say about peace, I have 
said’: or Quid might be altered to Quod, 
as a few lines before M has guid iam for 
quod iam. The words quid and quod are 
perpetually confused: cp. Miiller’s crit. 
notes to Att., p. vil. (note on p. 10, 
24). But the rhetorical question which 
Schmidt’s puuctuation supposes is quite 
in Cicero’s manner, ‘for what would I 
have been prepared to say about peace 


192 


tamen si. quid acciderit, quid censeas mihi faciendum. utique 

Nihil enim: mihi adhue accidit quod maioris. consili- 
Trebati, boni veri et ἜΗΝ verbis. te. gaudeo. delectatum, 
ὑπέρευ,᾽ me sola adhue delectavit. 
Litteras tuas vehementer exspecto, quas quidem credo iam datas 


seribito. 
esset. 
tuaque ista crebra ἐκφώνησις, ‘ 


esse. 


praecipis. 


nibus quae ex Tullia audisti vera sunt. 
seribis non mili videtur tam re esse triste quam verbo. 
ἄλη ἴῃ qua nune sumus mortis instar. 


(if I had been summoned to the Senate) ? 
I have said it: he emphatically rejected 
its 

sed tamen] resumptive after paren- 
thesis. See Index 8.0. sed. 

utique| “This particle is frequent in the 
letters and very rare in the other writings 
of Cicero. Yet it'sometimes occurs, e.g. 
Rep. v. 0; ad Quir. 23; De Div. iu. 119, 


maioris consi] ‘requiring more 
deliberation.” See on 345. 8, res 
deliberationis. 

crebva ἐκφώνησις ὑπέρευ) ‘your 


frequent exclamation dravissimo.’ 

4. Tu cum Sexto| We are strongly in- 
clined to think that a new letter begins 
here, one written about the 4th, when 
Cicero had further news about the meet- 
ing of the Senate on the Ist. 

Celer tuus| Q. Pilius Celer, the father- 
in-law or brother-in-law of Atticus. 

iuvenibus| young Marcus and Quintus. 

t+ Maconi| We can never, of course, 
restore this word for certain, unless we 
find the letter of Atticus to which it 
refers. But it seems to indicate some 
state opposite to ἄλη, which is ‘ distrac- 
tion.’ Such a state would be expressed 
by a Greek word μηκώνιον or μηκωνεῖον, 
or μακώνιον if quoted (as is possible) by 
Atticus from a Doric writer. The mean- 
ing then would be: ‘you urge what a 
miserable state is mere apathy; that 
drowsy syrup, as you call it, seems to me 
not to be so bitter as it appeared to be at 
first. Cold obstruction sounds very terrible, 
but the restless ecstasy of our present con- 
dition is as bad as death.’ We may feel 
certain that the corrupt passage has no 
reference to the young Ciceros mentioned 
in the words immediately preceding. 


EP. 878: (ATT. X.-1), 


4. Tu cum Sexto servasti gravitatem eandem quam. mihi 
Celer tuus disertus magis est quam sapiens. 


De iuve- 
t Maconi istud quod 
Haee est 
Aut enim mihi libere 


ae 
PG ee ΒΨ  ἘΡΡ BS a Sa Re ae a 


The words plainly refer to what follows, 
and deal with the political situation. 
Other conjectures are numerous: ἄκρον» 
1.6. death (Tunstall) ; μακρὸν, long term 
of absence from his country which 
joining Pompey would entail (Popma) ; 


φάρμακον, ‘remedy’ of some violent 
nature (Boot) ; ἄμαχον, ‘insurmountable 
difficulty ’ (Marshall) : ἀκόνιτον OF κώ- 


νειον (Bury): Matianwm (O. E. Schmidt 
Jahrb. 1896, p. 267) referring to some 
expression of Matius (in which he used the 
word &An), uttered in conversation with 
Atticus, and describing Cicero’s position at 
this time. But the best conjecture made is 
that of Dr. Reid, Mucianum, referring 
to Q. Mucius Scaevola, the great jurist Ὁ 
who was murdered by order of the 
younger Marius in 82: cp. 868. 1; 373. 2. 
mortis instar] ‘is as bad as death.’ 
Instar in Cicero, as far as we know, has 
a quantitative idea at its base, and comes 
to mean an ‘equivalent,’ with a latent 
quantitative sense determined by the con- 
text, much as tantus would be used to. — 
mean ‘as important,’ ‘as weighty,’ as = 
well as ‘as large’: cp. Off. ii. 69 clientis —~ 
appellari mortis instar putant (‘as bad as 
death’); Rabir. 24 datere mortis erat 
instar turpissimae; Fin. v. 585 (Endym- — 
ionis somnum) mortis instar putemus. — 
For the opposite cp. 470. 4 eguidem hos | 
tuos Tusculanensis dies instar esse vitae — 
puto, where see note, and Pis. 52 unusille 
dies mihi quidem immortalitatis instar 
Juit (‘as valuable as’); Brut. 191 Plato 
mihi unus instar est centum millium (‘as i 
weighty as a hundred thousand’): Orat.  . 
44 nam et invenire et iudicare quid dicas. 
magna.illa quidem sunt et. tamguam anime 
instar in corpore (‘of as great dignity as 


sis Sis 


the soul in the body’). 
quantitative meaning is fairly common. 
482. 1 (epistula) quae voluminis instar est ; 
Att. xvi. 


tion to the unscrupulous democrats ; 
' course is dangerous; but that which Iam 
| now following is disgraceful, and yet 
| dangerous withal.’ 


381. 2). 
‘takes it literally. 


re in the first clause legatum ἐγ from 


EP; ΒΘ (ATT. X. T). 


inter malos πολιτευτέον fuit aut vel periculose cum bonis. 
nos temeritatem bonorum sequamur aut audaciam improborum 


_insectemur: utrumque periculosum est ; 
turpe nec tamen tutum. 


The purely 


5. 5 (770) habet Tiro instar 
septuaginta (‘as many as’); Q. Fr. 11. 
1. 9 (148) Memo istorum est quin abs te 
munus fundi suburbani instar exspectet: 


ep. Verr. v. 44. and 89, navis urbis instar 


(like Verg. Aen. 11 15 instar montis equum) 
Tusc. 1. 40: Orat. 222. See Wolfflin in 
* Archiv ’ ii. 582-584 for a full discussion 
on the word. 

Aut nos. . tutum] These are the two 
alternative courses of action open, on 
espousing the perilous cause of the Opti- 
mates: ‘let us follow the foolhardy Opti- 


mates, or place ourselves in overt opposi- 
each 


Istum] Servius Sulpicius Rufus (cp. 
If de pace is sound, it is pro- 
' bably ironical, though Dr. Sihler (p. 315) 
Cicero says that he 
believes that Servius, not himself, will 


"de sent as envoy to Pompey (cp. 380), Sas 
| no mention (to my joy) has yet been 
᾿ made of me.’ 


M gives elegatum, and the 


ed. Rom. Crit.). 


me legatum (see Adn. 


Βαϊ the order of the words is very 


Wesenberg reads istum... 
egatum iri, non me arbitror. If we pre- 
e the reading given above, we must 


Θ᾽ non legatum iri of the second. So, in 


i. 2, veritus ne movere hominum 


‘studia viderer, retinere non posse, we 
i ‘must take posse, which is required for the 


‘VOL. Iv. 


193 
Aut 


at hoc quod agimus 


Istum qui filium Brundisium de pace 
-misit—de pace idem sentio quod tu, simulationem esse apertam, 
_parari autem acerrime bellum—me legatum iri non arbitror, cuius 
adhue, ut optavi, mentio facta nulla sit. 
-scribere aut etiam cogitare quid sim facturus si acciderit ut leger. 


Ko minus habeo necesse 


first clause, out of non posse in the second. 
Furneaux on Tacitus Ann. xii. 64 fin., 
Agrippina, quae filio dare imperium, 
tolerare imperitantem nequibat (where 
we must supply guibat with the first 
clause), quotes two parallels from Tacitus 
ΧΙ]. 56. 3, Hist. i. 8, 2, and one from 
Cicero Acad. Post. 126. Just possibly 
we should read «δέ m>e legatum irs. 
Manutius supposes that Jstwm is Balbus; 
but it is not at all clear that the mission 
of young Balbus to Lentulus was for 
peace: it was rather with a desire to 
draw Lentulus away from Pompey (342. 
5): besides, the younger Balbus was 
nephew, not son, of the elder Balbus. 
O. E. Schmidt (Jahrb. 1896, p. 268) also 
supposes that Balbus is referred to, and 
reads Isti me, qui <fratris> es 
Brundisium de pace misit . 
legatum wri non arbitror, cuius adhue, ut 
optavi, mentio facta nulla est (for sit): 
minus... legarer. This seems a an 
violent attack on the text. 

simulationem| Cp. note to 880. 

sit | The subjunctive here assigns a 
reason, ‘seeing that my name, to my 
delight, has not been mentioned at all.’ 

leger| The reading of the ss. is 
legerer, which Wesenberg retains in the 
sense of ‘if it should happen that I should 
be chosen.’ However, when we consider 
the nature of our Mss. of these letters, we 
feel that they would be very likely to fall 
into the error of writing /egerer for a 
rare form like leger (Corradus), and it is 
much more probable that Cicero would 
have used the verb legare than the verb 
legere in this context. 


194 EP. 879 (ATT. X. 2). 


379. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 2). 


ARCANUM; APRIL ὃ OR 6; A. U. C. 705 ; B. C. 495 ABT. CIC. 57. 


De itinere suo et commoratione in Arcano fratris, de condicione rerum incerta, de 
Dionysio ad se profecto. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Ego cum accepissem tuas litteras Nonis April. quas Ce- 
phalio attulerat essemque Menturnis postridie mansurus, ut inde 
protinus, sustinui me in Arcano fratris, ut, dum aliquid certius 


adferretur, occultiore in loco essemus agerenturque nihilo minus — 


quae sine nobis agi possunt. 


ardet, neque stat quidquam quo et qua. 


Λαλαγεῦσα iam adest et animus 


2. Sed haec nostra erit 


cura et peritorum. Τὰ tamen, quod poteris, ut adhuc fecisti, nos 


consiliis iuvabis. 


Res sunt inexplicabiles. 


Fortunae sunt com- 


mittenda omnia. Sine spe conamur ulla. Melius si quid acciderit, 


mirabimur. 


APRIL ὅ ΟΒ 6] cp. § 1 and 381. 1. 

1. ut inde protinus| Sc. profecturus, 
‘with the intention of starting thence at 
once.’ The correction of Wesenberg, μέ 
for et, is a slight one, and makes the 
sentence run more smoothly. For ellipse 
of the future of ¢o cp. Att. iv. 12 (125) 
Inde domum cenatus (sc. tbo): also for a 
similar form of expression to that used 
here cp. Att. xiv. 7. 1 (709) Zyo ὁ 
Formiano exiens xvi1 Kal., ut inde altero 
die in Puteolanum (venturus), scripsi haec. 

Arcano| in the territory of the Volsci, 
not far from Arpinum, now Rocco d’ Arce. 

quae sine nobis| such preparations for 
his journey as did not need his presence. 
Dr. Reid proposes to add non before 
possunt, meaning what cannot be done 
without his direction : nihilo minus would 
favour this view. 

Aadrayetoa] ‘ The twitterer (i.e. the 
swallow) is here (showing the approach of 
spring), and I am eager to be off, but I 
cannot make up my mind as to my desti- 
nation or my route.’ Cp. note on 376. 3. 

neque stat quidguam quo et qua| The 
alteration of est of M to stat is hazarded: 


ep. 386.1; 461. 5; Att. iii. 14, 2 (70) 

nos in Asiam convertemus neque adhuc 

stabat quo potissimum. For quo et qua 

cp. 360. 1; 386. ὃ: 
2. peritorum| 


‘experts.’ For this 


Dionysium nollem ad me profectum, de quo ad me | 


word used without any expressed indica-_ 


tion of the special point of expertness, 
cp. Off. iii. 15 Itague cum sunt docti a 
peritis, desistunt facile sententia; De Orat. 
1. 109; Hor. Epp, ii. 2. 213. 

quod poteris| ‘as far as you can’: cp. 


427.4 quod eius facere poteris; and Att. i. 


6. 7 {1}: 
Fortunae.. 


. ulla| Ribbeck (Frag. | 


Com. p. 117) supposes these words to be. 


a quotation from a comedy, and he prints 
them as portions of two iambic lines— 


. . . Fortunae stint committenda 6mnia. 
Sine spé conamur lla, 


which is most improbable. 
nollem . . . profectum| 

he has set out to join me.’ 

apparently tried to reconcile Cicero to his 


freedman, hence sed. Her gentle nature 
was pained by anything like animosity or 


bitter feeling. 


‘I am sorry | 
Tullia had ᾿ς 


EP. 380 (ATT. X. 8). 195 


Tullia mea scripsit. Sed et tempus alienum est et homini non 
amico nostra incommoda, tanta praesertim, spectaculo esse nollem, 
cui te meo nomine inimicum esse nolo, 


380. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 3). 
ARCANUM ; APRIL 7; A. U. C. 705; B.C. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero ab Attico vult certior fieri profectusne sit Caesar et quid omnino Romae 
actum sit. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


Cum quod scriberem plane nihil haberem, haec autem reliqua 
essent quae scire cuperem, profectusne esset, quo in statu urbem 
reliquisset, in ipsa Italia quem cuique regioni aut negotio prae- 
fecisset, ecqui essent ad Pompeium et ad consules ex senatus con- 
sulto de pace legati: ut igitur haec scirem, dedita opera has ad te 
litteras misi. Feceris igitur commode mihique gratum si me 
de his rebus et si quid erit aliud quod scire opus sit feceris 


certiorem. Ego in Arcano opperior dum ista cognosco. 


nolo| Some editors give volo; but it is 
more like Cicero to say that he does not 


wish Atticus to quarrel with Dionysius 


 tibi quicquam oneris impono. 
_ have expected tamen after cui.. Dionysius 


PANE AEWETIE TBE E988 EF CR BTL OITA Καὶ 


on his account: cp. 373. 5, nec im hoe 
We should 


does not appear to have come this time to 
Cicero; but he came on May 12, and was 


far from conciliatory (402. 1). 


Aprit 7] cp. 387. 1 (alteram). 
profectusne esset| Caesar set out from 
Rome about April 5: cp. 392. 6 and 


Ὁ 265. B.C. i. 33. 4. 
 eequi essent ... legati] Cp. Caes. B.C. 
i. 33.1, Probat rem senatus de mittendis 


Tegatis ; sed qui mitterentur non reperie- 


bantur, maximeque timoris causa pro se quis- 


id munus legationis recusabat. For 
ompey had threatened that he would 
regard all those who stayed at Rome and 
did not follow him across the sea as 


enemies. Plutarch (Caes. 35) adds that 
the senators supposed that Caesar did not 
really mean what he said, but merely used 
a specious form of words (εὐπρεπείᾳ 
λόγων) ; cp. 378. 4, de pace idem sentio 
quod tu, simulationem esse apertam. 

ut igitur haec sciren| M? has ut igitur, 
M! cum igitur. Most editors retain the 
latter, and read scire cuperem (or vellem) 
for scirem. Igitur is one of those con- 
junctions which resume after a parenthesis. 
The words from profectusne . . . legati 
being parenthetical in explanation of quae 
scire cuperem, these last words are resumed 
in the words wt igitur haec scirem ; cp. recta 
effectio (κατόρθωσιν enim ita appello quo- 
niam rectum factum κατόρθωμα) recta igitur 
effectio, Fin. iii. 45. The most common 
resumptive particles are sed, sed tamen, 
verum tamen, and sometimes ergo, igitur. 
In Greek they are δ᾽ οὖν, δή, sometimes 
too γάρ (as Shilleto showed in a learned 
note on the De Falsa Legatione, § 107). 


02 


ye EP, 881 (ATT. X. 3a), 


381. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 3a). 


ARCANUM; APRIL 73 A. U. C. 7053 B. C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 
De exspectatis Attici litteris et de Caesaris litteris ad se datis. 
CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. A. ἃ. vir Id. alteram tibi eodem die hance epistulam dictavi, 
et pridie dederam mea manu longiorem. Visum te aiunt in regia 
nec reprehendo, quippe cum ipse istam reprehensionem non fu- 
gerim. Sed exspecto tuas litteras, neque iam sane video quid 
exspectem, sed tamen, etiam si nihil erit, id ipsum ad me velim 
scribas. 2. Caesar mihi ignoscit per litteras quod non venerim 
seseque in optimam partem id accipere dicit. Facile patior, quod 
scribit, secum Tullum et Servium questos esse quia non idem sibi 
quod mihi remisisset. Homines ridiculos! qui cum filios misis- 
sent ad Cn. Pompeium circumsedendum, ipsi in senatum venire 
dubitarint. Sed tamen exemplum misi ad te Caesaris litterarum. 


1. alteram] Cicero appears to have — sure that Caesar’s indulgence was sincere 
written this second letter on April 7, (392. 3). 


because he had, after having sent 380, Facile patior| ‘Iam glad’: somewhat 
received a letter from Caesar. stronger than ‘I do not object.’ 
mea manu longiorem| Schmidt (p. 168) Tullum et Servium| These two men 


ingeniously supposes that, as Cicero often appear together: cp. 328. 3; 377.2 
wrote 879 with his own hand, it seemed and notes. In 376.2 we read of a son of 
to him to be longer than it really was. Volcatius Tullus as having been in > 
wn regia| ‘This was the official resi- Caesar’s camp. For Tullum Koch and — 
dence of the Pontifex Maximus onthe Via  Miiller read Titiniwm (as in 376. 2). 
Sacra. As it was habitually called Regia: But it should rather be Zitini filium: — 
we are not to suppose any hit at the cp. 377. 2, note. 
regnum which Cicero may have con- idem sibi quod mihi] 1.6. permission to 
sidered that Caesar was establishing. absent themselves from the meetings of © 
Atticus had had an interview with Caesar the Senate. He says that it is absurd 
in the residence which the latteroccupied that they should hesitate to enter the 
as Pontifex Maximus. Senate after having taken the part οὗ 
istam vreprehensionem| Cicero too Caesar so openly; his own case is very 
appears to have been censured for having different. pe 
had his interview with Caesar at Caesaris litterarum] This letter is not_ 
Formiae. extant. Be 
2. ignoscit} Yet Cicero was not quite 


! 
“Ἢ 
"ES 


EP. 382 (ATT. X. 4). 197 


382. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 4). 


CUMAE$ APRIL 143 A. U. 0. 7053; B.C. 491. AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero Attico gratias agit de multis acceptis eius litteris et scribit se de re 
publica cogitantem iam moderatiorem fore, cum videat Caesarem et Pompeium sua 
tantum modo commoda persequi, se autem bona conscientia sustentari. Tum de summa 
temeritate Q. Ciceronis filii qui Caesari patris et patrui consilia enuntiarit, de Curionis — 
ad se adventu primum exspectato tum facto, et de foedo eius sermone secum habito: 
reliqua se velle postero die ex eo quaerere, de rebus domesticis et familiaribus. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Multas a te accepi epistulas eodem die, omnis diligenter 
scriptas, eam vero quae voluminis instar erat saepe legendam, 
sicuti facio: in qua non frustra laborem suscepisti, mihi quidem 
pergratum fecisti. Qua re ut id, quoad licebit, id est quoad 
scies ubi simus, quam saepissime facias te vehementer rogo. Ac 
deplorandi quidem, quod cotidie facimus, sit iam nobis aut finis 
omnino, si potest, aut moderatio quaedam, quod profecto potest. 
Non enim iam quam dignitatem, quos honores, quem vitae statum 
amiserim cogito, sed quid consecutus sim, quid praestiterim, qua in 
| laude vixerim: his denique in malis quid intersit inter me et istos 
quos propter omnia amisimus. Hi sunt qui nisi me civitate ex- 
pulissent obtinere se non putaverunt posse licentiam cupiditatum © 
suarum, quorum societatis et sceleratae consensionis fides quo eru- 


 Aprit 14] §7 pridie, id est Idibus. quos propter| “ through whom’ ; the 


Gi aded ft MALL' sill 


There is no letter extant from Cicero 
_ between April 7 and 14. He seems to 
- have left the neighbourhood of Arpinum 
about the 10th or llth, and reached 
-Cumae on the 13th, where he received 
several letters from Atticus, and possibly 

also the letter from Trebatius (387. 1). 
᾿ We also hear of his receiving on March 16 
_ several letters at the same time (364. 1). 
1. voluminis instar] ‘as big as a 
᾿ volume’; see on 3878. 4. 

- quid praestiterim] * what I took upon 
Myself,’ that is ‘ what attitude I assumed 
- In politics.’ These perfect subjunctives, 
᾿ 4s well as quid intersit, depend, of course, 
τ on cogito. 


brat erst ok Ya 


anastrophe of the preposition is so habitual 
to Cicero that he sometimes employs that 
figure, even when it entails an ambiguity, 
as in 392. 8, quos contra me senatus 
armavit, ‘against whom the Senate 
armed me.’ Anastrophe is only used by 
Cicero in the case of dissyllabic proposi- 
tions, except, of course, when an attri- 
bute follows, as in rebus in omnibus. 

Hi sunt... vides| ‘These are they 
who thought that without banishing me 
they could not secure a free hand for the 
carrying out of their pet schemes: you 
now see the fatal issue of their banded 
union and criminal combination.’ 


198 EP. 382 (ATT. X. 4). 


perit vides. 2. Alter ardet furore et scelere nec remittit aliquid, 
sed in dies ingravescit, modo Italia expulit generum, nunc alia 
ex parte persequi, ex alia provincia exspoliare conatur, nec iam 
recusat sed quodam modo postulat ut, quem ad modum est, sic 
etiam appelletur tyrannus. 38. Alter, is qui nos sibi quondam 
ad pedes stratos ne sublevabat quidem, qui se nihil contra huius 
voluntatem facere posse, elapsus e soceri manibus ac ferro, bellum 
terra et mari comparat, non iniustum 1110 quidem sed cum pium 
tum etiam necessarium, suis tamen civibus exitiabile nisi vicerit, 
calamitosum etiam si vicerit. 4. Horum ego summorum impera- 
torum non modo res gestas non antepono meis, sed ne fortunam 
quidem ipsam, qua illi florentissima, nos duriore conflictati vide- 
mur. Quis enim potest aut deserta per se patria aut oppressa 
beatus esse? Et si, ut nos a te admonemur, recte in illis libris 
diximus nihil esse bonum nisi quod honestum, nilil malum nisi 
quod turpe sit, certe uterque istorum est miserrimus, quorum 


2. Alter| ‘The one (Caesar) is in a 
fever of frenzy and crime, which is not at 
all abating, but is growing worse every 
day: he has just expelled his son-in-law 
from Italy.” We have added generum with 
Kayser, on account of socert a few lines 
down; though itis hard to say why it 
was omitted. Possibly alterwm was lost 
before Italia. Strictly alter is nominative 
to remitiit and ingravescit; but as both 
words are used in reference to disease 
(Brut. 180; De Div. ii. 16), we have 
modified our translation to indicate that 
reference. 

nec remittit aliquid] In a negative 
sentence guicguam would be far more 
regular. Madv. on Fin. ii. 87, lays it 
down that when in cases like this aliquid 
is used instead of quicguam, the pronoun 
must be regarded as losing to a great 
extent its pronominal force and becoming 
absorbed in the idea of the verb; mec 
remittit aliquid means ‘and he is not at 
all relaxing’ ; nec remittit quiequam would 
mean ‘ he is not relaxing one jot.’ In 
the first case the stress is on the verb, in 
the second on the pronoun. 

ex alia| sc. parte. A note on p. 185 
of Madvig’s Adv. Crit., vol. iii, shows 
that the great critic did not see that alia 
here does not agree with provincia. 

3. facere posse} The ed. Rom. adds 
aiebat after voluntatem; but the ellipse is 


perhaps defensible here, though we cannot. 
feel so sure that putaret in ᾧ 8 (which is 
also added by ed. Rom.) can be omitted : 
see Heidemann, p. 77. 
may be considered to be implied in ne 
sublevabat quidem, ‘did not even give me 
a helping hand when 1 lay at his feet’ ; 
this ‘helping hand,’ something short of 
material help, would have taken the form 
of a word of comfort. 

pium .. . exitiabile . calamito~ 
sum] ‘righteous... fatal... 
trous.’ 

4. qua illi florentissima . . 


The word aiebat 


disas- 


. videmur] — 


41 do not even hold their present fortune © 


to be better than mine, though they ap- 
pear to have had a most distinguished one, 
while I have been buffeted by a harder 
lot.’ This is a strong case of zeugma: cp. 
Fin. 11. 


fruitur, id est voluptate. ‘* At enim hie 


etiam dolore !’? where Madvig quotes our 
passage, and also such passages as Livy 


xlv. 20. 9, orantes ne nova falsaque cri- 
mina plus obesse Rhodiis aequum censerent 
quam antigua merita (sc. prodesse to be 
taken out of obesse). 

Quis enim . . . beatus esse 5] 
could be happy when it is owing to his 
action that his country has been abandoned 
or enslaved?’ Pompey was responsible for 


the one, Caesar for the other. | 


88, uterque enim summo bono 


‘who 


EP. 382 (ATT. X. h). 199 


utrique semper patriae salus et dignitas posterior sua dominatione 
et domesticis commodis fuit. 5. Praeclara igitur conscientia sus- 
tentor cum cogito me de re publica aut meruisse optime cum 
potuerim, aut certe numquam nisi pie cogitasse, eaque ipsa tem- 
pestate eversam esse rem publicam quam ego quattuordecim annis 
ante prospexerim. Hac igitur conscientia comite proficiscar, 
magno equidem cum dolore, nec tam id propter me aut propter 
fratrem meum, quorum est iam acta aetas, quam propter pueros, 
quibus interdum videmur praestare etiam rem publicam debuisse ; 
quorum quidem alter non tam quia filius quam quia maiore pietate 
est me mirabiliter excruciat, alter—o rem miseram! nihil enim 
mihi accidit in omni vita acerbius—indulgentia videlicet nostra 
depravatus eo progressus est quo non audeo dicere. Et exspecto 
tuas litteras. Scripsisti enim te scripturum esse plura cum ipsum 
vidisses. 6. Omne meum obsequium in illum fuit cum multa 
severitate, neque unum eius nec parvum sed multa magna delicta 
compressi; patris autem lenitas amanda potius ab illo quam tam 
crudeliter neglegenda. Nam litteras eius ad Caesarem missas ita 
| graviter tulimus ut te quidem celaremus'sed ipsius videremur vitam 
| insuavem reddidisse. Hoc vero eius iter simulatioque pietatis 
qualis fuerit non audeo dicere. Tantum scio post Hirtium con- 


domesticis commodis| ‘personaladvan- (p. 170) conjecture im Terentiam quia 


tages’: cp. Verr. iil. 95, si ex ipsorwm 
domestico incommodo nullus dolor insideret. 
5. conscientia| ‘this ennobling reflec- 


tion’; the pleonasm whereby conscientia, 


‘reflection,’ is followed by cam cogito is 


illustrated on Att. ἰ1. 24. ὃ (61). Conscientia 


“may, however, mean ‘ conscience,’ as recta 


 conscientia, Att. xili. 20. 4 (6384). 


nisi pie] See Adn. Crit. 

non tam quia filius quam quia] Malas- 
pina added the last three words, not so 
much because he is my son as because he 


᾿ς languidiora adhue consilia cepi et quo ille 
me certiorem vult esse eo magis timeo ne in 
_ eum existam crudelior. 
_ show that our former conjecture guia non 
| tamen (‘after all’ my goodness to him) is 
wrong. Nor can we think that Schmidt’s 


These passages 


expresses the idea that Cicero had in his 
mind; for if that were the meaning, in 
matrem quia would be more probable. 

6. obsequiwm] ‘devotion.’ We need not 
alter severitate into serenitate nor muita 
into nulla: see below: cp. also 397. ὃ, 
Quintum filium severius adhibebo, With 
severitate cp. 3886. 2, quidquid ego 
astrina. 

ab illo| The dative after the gerundive 
is far more usual. 


ita graviter tulimus] ‘our feeling of 


- is more dutiful (than young Quintus): indignation about the letter he wrote to 
- cp. 898. 2, meus quidem est fortior Caesar was such that we kept you in 
_ e0que ipso vehementius commovet nec quid- ignorance of the matter, but have, I fancy, 
As quam nisi de dignatione laborat : 396.3, made his position very uncomfortable for 
_ Ego meum facile teneo. Nihil est enimeo him’ (or ‘rendered his life a burden to 
ἘΠ tractabilius, cuius quidem misericordia him’). 


simulatiogue piretatis| ‘pretence of 
affection.’ 

post Hirtiwm conventum] Atticus prob- 
ably wrote the letter to Cicero, to which 
this isa reply, about April 10; therefore 


young Quintus must have left Formiae 


200 EP. 382 (ATT. X. 4). 


ventum arcessitum a Caesare, cum eo de meo animo a suis — 


rationibus alienissimo et consilio relinquendi Italiam, et haec 
ipsa timide. Sed nulla nostra culpa est, natura metuenda est. 
Haec Curionem, haec Hortensi filium, non patrum culpa corrupit. 
Iacet in maerore meus frater neque tam de sua vita quam de mea 
metuit. Huic tu, huic tu malo adfer consolationes, si ullas potes, 


maxime quidem illam velim, ea quae ad nos delata sint aut falsa 
esse aut minora. 


et fuga nescio. Nam si haberemus rem publicam, consilium mihi 


non deesset nec ad severitatem nec ad diligentiam. Nunc haec 
sive iracundia sive dolore sive metu permotus gravius scripsi quam 
aut tuus in illum amor aut meus postulabat—si vera sunt, ignosces: 
si falsa, me libente eripies mihi hunc errorem. Quoquo modo vero 


Quae si vera sint, quid futurum sit in hac vita 


se res habebit, nihil adsignabis nec patruo nec patri. 
7. Cum haec scripsissem, a Curione mihi nuntiatum est eum 


ad me venire. 
est Idibus. 


Venerat enim is in Cumanum vesperi pridie, id 
Si quid igitur eius modi sermo eius attulerit quod ad 


te scribendum sit, id his litteris adiungam. 
8. Praeteriit villam meam Curio iussitque mihi nuntiari mox 


when Cicero went to Arpinum at the end 
of March. Young Quintus was back again 
with Cicero on April 22 (388. 3). 

cum eo| sc. collogui or agere: cp. Att. 
iv. 9. 1 (122), malta mecum de republica ; 
vil. 8. 2 (294), and often. We should 
understand the same verb with haec ipsa 
timide. 

natura metuenda est| cp. 388.3. Cicero 
has no belief in heredity; it is the work 
of nature which has to be feared ; the boy’s 
bad disposition has come from nature, and 
has neither been inherited from his father 
nor been the result of bad training. 

minora] ‘not so bad as we have 
heard,’ hence ‘ exaggerated.’ Professor 
Goligher notes that we might also have 
had maiora (i.e. maiora vero, like in maius 
ferrt) with no difference i in sense. 

in hac vita et fuga] ‘in this runaway 
life we are leading’; for hendiadys, see 
Index s. v. The words vita et are in some 
mss. only. See Adn. Crit. 

nec ad severitatem] ‘in the direc- 
tion either of keeping him under control, 
or of giving him licence.’ There is no 
need to alter diligentiam into indulgentiam 
with Man. and Miiller. Schmidt excel- 


lently compares Cato ap. Fam. xv. 5. 8 
(266), severitatem diligentiamque sociis et 
reip. praesta. Of course indulgentiam 
would be wholly satisfactory (cp. 396. 3) 
if it had ms. authority. For another 
example of negatives not destroying one 
another, cp. Att. xiv. 20. 3 (727), nemo 
unquam neque poeta neque orator fuit qui 
quemquam meliorem quam 86 arbitraretur ? 
see also Madvig 460, Obs. 2. 

st falsa] We should expect sin falsa ; 
but ep. Prov. Cons. 46; Phil. i. 88, quoted 
by Dr. Reid (Acad. i. 7). He would, 
however, alter si to sim in these passages. 

adsignabis | adsignare i is generally ‘to 
impute as a crime’ in Cicero (yet cp. Mil. 
6); it rarely means ‘to impute as ἃ 
virtue’ till the Augustan age. 


7. a Curione] ‘news came to me from — 
Curio’s house that he (Curio) was coming 
not ‘it was announced by 
in which case se not ewm must 
Cp. Acad. Post. i. 1 
nuntiatum est nobis a M. Varrone venisea 


to see me,’ 
Curio,’ 
have been written. 


eum, and Dr. Reid’s note there, 

8. Praeteriit] Here begins the second 
part of the letter. Curio passed Cicero’ 5. 
villa on April 13. 


ἜΣ tase Ree nee 


EP. 382 (ATT, X. 4). 201 
se venturum, cucurritque Puteolos, ut ibi contionaretur. Con- 
tionatus est, rediit, fuit ad me sane diu. Orem foedam! Nosti 


hominem: nihil occultavit, in primis nihil esse certius quam ut 
omnes qui lege Pompeia condemnati essent restituerentur, itaque 
se in Sicilia eorum opera usurum. De Hispaniis non dubitabat 
quin Caesaris essent : inde ipsum cum exercitu ubicumque Pompeius 
esset; elus interitu finem filli fore: plane iracundia elatum 
voluisse Caesarem occidi Metellum tribunum pl., propius factum 
esse nihil: quod si esset factum, caedem magnam futuram fuisse ; 
permultos hortatores esse caedis, ipsum autem non voluntate aut 
natura non esse crudelem, sed quod putaret popularem esse clemen- 
tiam: quod si populi studium amisisset, crudelem fore, eumque 
perturbatum quod intellegeret se apud ipsam plebem offendisse de 
aerario; itaque ei cum certissimum fuisset ante quam proficisceretur 
contionem habere ausum non esse vellementerque animo perturbato 
profectum. 9. Cum autem ex eo quaererem quid videret, quem exi- 


Contionatus est| He spoke on April 14. 

fuit ad me] ‘he was with me’: for 
ad me = apud me cp. 402.1 ad me bene 
mane Dionysius fuit: 456. 2 sive in 
Cumano ad te placebit. Also Miiller’s 
very learned note on our passage. In 
$10 we have ad mare superum milites 
sunt. 

Nosti hominem] 
(842). 

inde ipsum cum exercitu] sc. 60 iturum. 
It is just possible that these words were 
lost after exercitu. But the ellipse of 
verbs of motion is very common: cp. ᾧ 12 
pedibusne Regium sc. eam. 

wii) This can hardly mean ‘for 
Caesar’ dat. comm. Man. conjectures 
belli, Orelli mali, and Wes. ili belii. 
Orelli’s reading mali will mean ‘of the 
whole bad business,’ i.e. the civil war. 

plane... nihil: quod] This is the 
arrangement made by Man. and Malaspina 
of the words in M Pompeius (marg. prope 
ius) factum esse nichil et plane wracundia 
elatum voluisse cesarem occidi metellum et 
R. Pi. quod. It is not satisfactory, as it 
does not account for δὲ ; but nothing better 
has been suggested. We have thought 
that possibly a full stop should be placed 
at ei, and a semicolon at fore, and either 
belli or mali read for illi. “ Pompey’s death 
would end the war; and he (Pompey) was 
within an.ace of meeting it’ (sc. at Bruu- 


ep. ad Brut. ii 5. 4 


disium): lit ‘ nothing was nearer being 
accomplished for him’ (dat. incomm.). 

Metellum] L. Metellus was tribune this 
year, He is mentioned as an active 
enemy by Caesar, B.C. i. 33. 3. He 
refused to allow Caesar to open the 
treasury, and stood before the door. 
Caesar had to remove him by force (Plut. 
Caes. 35; Lucan iii 114ff.), and break open 
the treasury (Dio Cass. xli. 17. 2)—a pro- 
ceeding which caused him no little un- 
popularity (892. 6: cp. 388. 3 offensione 
populari). He is again referred to in 392.6 
as one in whose case Caesar threw off his 
mask of lenity. His mother-in-law, 
Clodia, is mentioned in 360. 3; and we 
read in 420. 2 that Caesar would not allow 
him to enter Italy. 

putaret| added by ed. Rom. Orelli 
puts it after popularem. It can hardly be 
omitted: see above, § 3. 

eumque perturbatum] Curio said ‘ that 
he (Caesar) was annoyed on hearing that 
his action in appropriating the public 
money had given offence to the people ; 
accordingly, though he had quite made 
up his mind to address the people before 
his departure, he had not ventured 
to do so, but had gone away in a state 
of great irritation.’ There was some 
truth in all this; but Curio plainly 
wanted to make Cicero’s blood run cold. 

quem exitum| The mss. give quem 


202 


EP. 382 (ATT. X. b). 


tum, quam rem publicam, plane fatebatur nullam spem reliquam : 
Pompei classem timebat, quae si exisset, se de Sicilia abiturum. 
‘ Quid isti, inquam, ‘sex tui fasces ἢ sia senatu, cur laureati? siab 
ipso, cur sex?’ “ Cupivi,’ inquit, ‘ ex senatus consulto surrupto: nam 
non poterat aliter. At illeimpendio nunc magis odit senatum. A me, 
inquit, omnia proficiscentur.’ ‘Cur autem sex ?’ ‘ Quia duodecim 
nolui: nam licebat.’ 10. Tum ego, ‘Quam vellem ’ inquam ‘ petisse 
ab eo quod audio Philippum impetrasse ! sed veritus sum, quia ille 


exemplum. It is perhaps just possible to 
explain these words as meaning ‘ whom 
(did he look on) as a type to be followed 
by the victor,’ the model for his conduct, 
Sulla or Cinna, or some one else? cp. 
388. 1 Sullano more exemploque vincet. 
But it is better to correct exemplwm to 
exitum, with Malaspina, Madvig, and 
Wesenberg, or to eventwm with Boot and 
Miiller. To read guod exemplum with M? 
and Rom. is unscientitic ; how arose the 
corruption quem ? 

exisset| ‘lett the coast of Sicily,’ see 
388. 38, Siciliae diffidens δὲ Pompeius navi- 
gare coepisset. This is the emendation of 
Weiske. ‘The reading of the mss. is esset, 
accepting which we could only render ‘ he 
feared the fleet of Pompey (that is, that he 
would put to sea); if this should be so, 
he said he would leave Sicily’; but this 
would require quod δὲ esset or quae res st 
esset, and even then the expression would 
be far from satisfactory. Dr. Reid 
suggests adesset. 

sex tui fasces| Caesar had given Curio 
the government of Sicily as propraetor 
(Caes. B. C. i. 30. 2). Praetors and pro- 
praetors had six fasces, consuls and pro- 
consuls twelve. ‘The question Cic. asked 
Curio was ‘Are you an independent pro- 
praetor, appointed by the Senate: or are 
you only adegatus propraetore of Caesar’s ? 
In the former case you have no right to 
put laurels on your fasces, though in the 
latter case you would have this right, as 
the fasces would be technically Caesar's, 
and he had won great victories in Gaul. 
But if you are Caesar’s legatus pro praetore, 
you have no right to six, but to some 
lesser number.” Mommsen (St. R. i.? 369. 
2) notices this passage as tending to 
prove that, when Augustus decreed that 
his legati pro praetore should only have 
five fasces, who were accordingly called 
quinquefascales, he was only stereotyping 
a custom. But this hardly explains 


Curio’s reply Quia duodecim nolui: nam 
licebat. The fact is rather that Caesar 
might have appointed Curio legatus pro 
consule, and then he would have had the 
right to twelve fasces. There seems to 


have been considerable diversity in the 


style and title of provincial governors at 
this time : see Mommsen St. R. 11.2 629. 2. 
He illustrates this by the case (among 
others) of A. Allienus, who was praetor in 
49 and governor of Sicily in 48. In the 
Bell. Atr. 2 he is called praetor and in 
ὁ. 84 pro consule. The latter title appears 
in the address of Fam. xiii. 79 (526) and 
in the coins of Allienus (Eckhel v. 134). 
ex senatus consulto surrupto | Curio says 
he desired to get the government of Sicily 
from the Senate by a ‘snatched vote,’ 
when there was a very small attendance 


(cp. Liv. xxxix. 4. 8) and when the tribune 


L. Metellus would be absent. We do 
not know of any other example of the 
phrase senatus consultwm surreptumn. 

nam non poterat aliter| We do not 
like inserting negatives, but the sense 
here is imperious. We have placed the 
non after nam, not after aliter, as more 
likely to have fallen out after so similar 
a word. But we are not sure that we 
should not read num poterat aliter, which 
would be a very slight change. Curio is 


prone to rhetorical questions, as in guid 


optatius ὁ and again, quid scripsit ad me 
Dolabelia ¢ below. 

At ille impendio| These are the words. 
of Curio, who quotes the remark of 
Caesar to show how strong was his feeling 
against the Senate. Jmpendio magis, ‘ far 
more,’ belongs to colloquial speech: ep. 
Plaut. Aul. Proj. 18; Ter. Eun. 587; 
Afranius 851 impendio magis magisque 
maceror. 

10. Philippum] He was married to the 
niece of Caesar, who was the widow of 
Octavius and the mother of the future 
Augustus, who was, therefore, stepson of 


ees E ’ 
Ἔτσι τ iets Sipe KC Ps bart os 


EP, 382 (ATT, X. 4). 203 


a me nihil impetrabat.’ ‘ Libenter’ inquit ‘ tibi concessisset. Verum 
puta te impetrasse ; ego enim ad eum scribam, ut tu ipse voles, de 
ea re nos inter nos locutos. Quid autem illius interest, quoniam 
in senatum non venis, ubi sis? Quin nunc ipsum minime offen- 
disses eius causam, si in Italia non fuisses, Ad quae ego, me 
recessum et solitudinem quaerere, maxime quod lictores haberem. 
Laudavit consilium. ‘ Quid ergo?’ inquam: ‘nam mihi cursus in 
Graeciam per tuam provinciam est, quoniam ad mare superum 
milites sunt.’ ‘ Quid mihi’ inquit ‘ optatius?’ Hoc loco multa 
perliberaliter, Ergo hoc quidem est profectum, ut non modo tuto 
verum etiam palam navigaremus. 11. Reliqua in posterum diem 
distulit, ex quibus scribam ad te si quid erit epistula dignum. 
Sunt autem quae praeterii: interreguumne esset exspectaturus, 
an quo modo dixerit ille quidem ad se deferri consulatum sed se 
nolle in proximum annum. Ht alia sunt quae exquiram. Lurabat 
ad summam, quod nullo negotio facere so/et, amicissimum mihi 
Caesarem esse debere. ‘Quid enim?’ inquam. ‘Scripsit ad me 


Dolabella.’ ‘Dic, quid ?’ 


Philippus. He had obtained permission to 
live where he pleased. See Index s. v. 
Mareius Philippus (L.). 

a@ me nihil impetrabat] Cicero had 
refused the recent request of Caesar, who 
had asked him to come to the meetings of 
the Senate: cp. 376. 1. 

ut tu se voles| ‘in whatever terms 
you please.’ 

nune ipsum | 

ego| sc. dixi. 

lictores haberem] Cicero says he was 
quite willing to give up all thoughts of a 
triumph (362. 5): yet he had his lictors 
with him more than a year and a half 
after this (418. 2). 

ad mare superum sunt | 

Quid mihi... optatius| 
be more desirable for me ¢’ 

perliberaliter| (se. dixit: ΟΡ. 427. 1.) 
All Caesar’s officers were most polite to 
Cicero: cp. 403. 1 and Antony’s letter 
(891). But no doubt they were watching 
him all the same. 

hoe quidem est profectum] ‘we have 
gained this advantage at all events’ ; 
profectum from pro/ficio. 

1l. seribam] Cicero says a few words 
about this subsequent conversation in 
384, 2. 

quae praeterii| 


‘just at this time.’ 


cp. § 8, note. 
‘What could 


‘which I neglected to 


Adfirmabat eum scripsisse, quod me 


ask him.’ The indicative praeterii is rare 
after sunt qui: cp. Fam. i. 9. 25 (153) 
sunt qui putant, and note there. Also 
Lebreton, p. 315. 

an quo modo dixerit| ‘or what did he 
mean by saying that he was offered the 
consulship, but did not want it for the 
following year?’ Cicero suspects he was 
thinking of the dictatorship. ‘Chis is the 
reading of Ernesti, adopted by Baiter and 
Boot: but the mss. give dixerim and sed 
for ad se; and we should certainly wish 
for a definite alternative after an, such as 
is suggested by Wes. trom 364. 3; 978. 2 
an a praetore vel consules creart vel dicta- 
torem dici vellet. We fear that the passage 
still awaits correction. 

ad summam} ‘in short’: 
vil. 7. 7 (298). 

Scripsit ... Dolabelia| These are the 
words of Cicero. On the whole of this 
passage, see Adn. Crit. 

Adfirmabat eum secripsisse| ‘Curio said 
that Dolabella had written to say that 
Caesar was greatly obliged to him (Dola- 
bella) for his earnest desire that I should 
come to Rome; and not merely approved, 
but was delighted at it’ (i.e. at Dolabella’s 
zeal in the matter) ; quod is ‘ because,’ 
‘for,’ and is governed by gratias agere 
maximas. 


cp. Att. 


204 


cuperet ad urbem venire, illum quidem gratias agere maximas et 


EP. 382 (ATT. X. 4). 


non modo probare sed etiam gaudere. Quid quaeris? Acquievi. 
Levata est enim suspicio illa domestici mali et sermonis Hirtiani. 
Quam cupio illum dignum esse nobis et quam ipse me invito, 


Τα 16 pro illo sit suspicandum! 


Sed opus fuit Hirtio convento? 


Est profecto nescio quid, sed velim quam minimo. Et tamen eum 


nondum redisse Miramur. 


Sed haec videbimus. 
12. Tu Oppios Terentiae dabis. 


Tam enim urbis vanum 


periculum est. Me tamen consilio iuva, pedibusne Regium an hine 


statim in navem, et cetera, quoniam commoror. 


domestict mali et sermonis Hirtiani] See 
§6; he refers to the treachery of young 
Quintus, and to his talk with Hirtius, in 
which Cicero supposed that he had gone 
over the communication, highly injurious 
to himself, which was to be made to Caesar. 
He now thinks that the interview with 
Caesar may not have taken place, since 
Caesar’s feelings towards himself do not 
seem to have undergone any change. 

illum] young Quintus. 

ipse me invito| ‘1 indulge myself in,’ 
6 treat. myself to’: cp. Plaut. Amph. 
285 mira sunt nist invitavit sese in cena 
plusculum, and Palmer’s note. It usually 
takes abl. of the thing with which: Rud. 
362 Neptunus magnis poculis hae nocte 
eum invitavit. It is also used with the 
abl. of place, Verr. iv. 45 ecquis est 
gui senatorem tecto ac domo non invitet, 
like invitare hospitio Phil. xii. 23; so 
that it is possible that we should read 
me invito Xisto> quo pro illo sit suspi- 
candum, “1 indulge myself in that quarter 
where one may surmise that excuses can 
be found for him.’ 

que... suspicuandum| ‘This passage is 
not yet emended. Kayser gives ad id, 
guod pro illo sit, suspicandum; Fr. 
Schmidt ea qnae pro illo sint ad suspi- 
candum; Wes. ad ea quae pro illo sint 
(or sunt) suspicanda; and any one of 
these gives, as would seem, the approxi- 
mate sense of the passage. Yet the 
word suspicandum seems unusual in this 
sense of ‘surmising,’ though we may com- 
pare placiturum tibi esse librum 11 (this 
should be read, not meum) suspicabar 
Q. Fr. i. 7. 1 (120). 

Sed opus fuit Hirtio convento ?] ‘but 
was there any need of his interview with 
Hirtius?’ Wes. adds guid before opus 


Ego ad te statim 


Suit. Possibly we should punctuate sed 
opus fuit, Hirtio convento, “ But one had 
need (of trying to discover grounds of 
excuse) after his meeting with Hirtius.’ 

velim quam minimo| This must be 
explained by the ellipse of some verb 
like defungi or constare, ‘I hope the bad 
results amount to very little.” But we 
confess to some doubt as to the possibility 
of such a violent ellipse, though perhaps 
the ellipse is no more than esse, as that 
verb is used with abl. of price, e.g. Verr. 
ili. 189 HS binis tritici modius erat. 
Or perhaps minimo modo might be read. 
Lamb. altered to minimum. 

12. dabis| ‘Pray direct the Oppii to 
act as Terentia’s bankers’: lit. ‘ present 
them to her.” The more usual word 
would be deleyubis, as is suggested by 
Wes. and read by Miiller. The use of 
dare aliguem is rare, except in the re- 
flexive dure se; yet it is occasionally 
found, e.g. Lig. 37, though not there in 
the exact sense as here. For the Oppii 
as bankers, cp. 308. 1. 

vanum| ‘The danger (of being plun- 
dered) which threatened the city is now 
merely imaginary.’ This is the conjecture 
of Gronovius for wnwm, which has really 
no meaning. Pius and Miller read 
nullum. Perhaps minimum. The expla- 
nation ‘living in Rome now entails only 
danger, not disgrace, as before,’ is no 
explanation at all, unless we assume that 
Cicero chose the most inappropriate means 
he could find to express a sentiment which 
could easily be expressed clearly in half- 
a-dozen ways. 

et cetera, quoniam commoror | sc. scribe, 
a word very easily supplied after me con- 
silio iwva. Cicero adds quoniam commoror, 
‘since I am staying here,’ to show Atticus 


ee - 


EP, 383 (FAM. VIII. 16 = ATT. X. 9 A). 


205 


habebo quod scribam, simul et videro Curionem, De Tirone cura, 
quaeso, quod facis, ut sciam quid is agat. : 


383. CAELIUS TO CICERO (Fam. vu1. 16 = Art. x. 94). 


ON THE MARCH TO SPAIN, PROBABLY AT INTIMELIUM j 


APRIL 16 


(ABOUT) 5 A.U.C. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 


Pulso ex Italia a Caesare Cn. Pompeio, suadet M. Ciceroni M. Caelius ne adflictam 
fortunam sequi velit sed ut se saltem in aliquod oppidum a bello vacuum recipiat. 


CAELIUS CICERONI ΒΚ. 


1. Exanimatus tuis litteris, quibus te nihil nisi triste cogitare 
ostendisti neque id quid esset perscripsisti neque non tamen quale 


esset quod cogitares aperuisti, has ad te ilico litteras scripsi. 


Per 


fortunas tuas, Cicero, per liberos te oro et obsecro ne quid gravius 


that he need not abstain from writing in 
the fear that he (Cicero) might have de- 
parted before Atticus’s letter could arrive. 
So he says, ὁ 1, quoad lucedit, id est quoad 
scies οὐδὲ simus; 392. 10 dum adsumus 
scribes ; 401.4; 402.2. Lehmann (p. 108) 
was the first to vindicate the reading of 
the Mss. against conjectures, some of which 
involve very doubtful Latinity, as Orelli’s 
quo iam commoror, ‘to what purpose am I 
now staying?’ We have in Fam. vii. 
23, 2 (126), Martis signum quo mihi pacis 
auctori; but guwo commoror cannot be 
paralleled. In Horace’s guo valeat num- 
mus, Sat. i. 1. 78, quo is the relative of eo, 
and 60 valere, ‘to be serviceable to that 
end,’ is a good phrase: see N. D. iii. 5; 
Nep. Them. 2. 7, and 4. 4; Quintil. i. 
2, 16. 

simul et} So M! (M* has wt, ep. 364. 1) 
‘as soon as.’ We think simul et is an 
alternative form occasionally found for 
simul ac or simul ut (364. 1): ep..402. 4, 
and note to Att. 11. 20. 2 (47). Hit is also 
found in Att. xvi. 11. 6 (799); Q. Fr. ii. 
5.3(106). Miller reads μέ, noting (xxiii. 
p. 72. 20) e¢ is often foundin mss. for μέ. 
Cp. Mr. J. C. Jones in the ‘ Archiv,’ 
xiv, p. 247. 


Schmidt (p. 176) has shown that Caesar 


“ arrived before Massilia about April 19th ; 


for Cicero heard at Cumae, on May 6th 
(cp. 398. 6), that the town proposed to 
resist Caesar; so that it could not have 
shut its gates later than about April 19th, 
as letters travelled about fifty miles a 
day, and it was over 800 miles from 
Massilia to Cumae. Caelius may have 
met Caesar at Intimelium (cp. 344. 2), 
about the 16th, and written at once to 
Cicero. Plainly, when Caelius wrote, 
there did not seem any certainty that 
Massilia would offer resistance (cp. ὁ 4, 
me secum in Hispaniam ducit). ‘The same 
post that brought the letter of Caelius 
probably brought the letter of Caesar 
(385) which was written on April 16th 
(cp. 385 fin.). 

1. Exanimatus ... aperuisti] ‘ Deeply 
agitated as I was by your letter, in which 
you show that your thoughts are running 
on nothing but what is gloomy, though 
you have not written plainly what it is, 
while, after all, you have not failed to 
disclose the real nature of your thoughts.” 
For neque... neque non tamen Boot 
compares Fam. iii. 12. 2 (275) neque 
enim tristius dicere quidquam debeo.. , 
neque non me tamen mordet aliquid. 

Per fortunas| This formula of urgent 
appeal often occurs in the letters: cp. Att. 
iii. 20. 1 (78), where see note; v. 11. 
1 (200); v. 18. 3 (203); Fam, xiv. 1. 


206 EP, 383.(FAM. VITI..16.+ ATT. X. 9 A). 


de salute et incolumitate tua consulas. 
amicitiamque nostram testificor me tibi praedixisse neque temere 
monuisse, sed postquam Caesarem convenerim sententiamque eius 
qualis futura esset parta victoria cognoverim, te certiorem fecisse. 
Si existimas eandem rationem fore Caesaris in dimittendis adver- 
sariis et condicionibus ferendis, erras. Nihil nisi atrox et saevum 
cogitat atque etiam loquitur. Iratus senatui exiit: his interces- 
sionibus plane incitatus est: non mehercules erit deprecationi 
locus. 2. Qua re si tibi tu, si filius unicus, si domus, si spes tuae 
reliquae tibi carae sunt, si aliquid apud te nos, si vir optimus, 
gener tuus, valet, quorum fortunam non debes velle conturbare 
ut eam causam in quoius victoria salus nostra est odisse aut relin- 
quere cogamur, aut impiam cupiditatem contra salutem tuam 
habeamus denique, illud cogita, quod offensae fuerit in ista 
cunctatione te subisse; nune te contra victorem Oaesarem facere 
quem dubiis rebus laedere noluisti, et ad eos fugatos accedere 
quos resistentis sequi nolueris summae stultitiae est. Vide ne, 
dum pudet te parum optimatem esse, parum diligenter quid opti- 


Nam deos hominesque 


ΡΥ MEE re ars 


5 (82), per fortunas miseras nostras. It 
has much the same effect as our ‘ for 
goodness’ sake.’ 

ne quid... consulas| ‘that you do 
not take any serious step, endangering 
your safety or security.” No particular 
distinction is to be here made between 
salus and incolumitas ; in the De Invent. 
li. 169 incolumitas is said to be salutis 
tuta et integra conservatio. 

neque temere| ‘it was no casual warn- 
ing which I gave you, but I let you know 
for certain.’ 


postquam ... . convenerim| “ after 
meeting.’ 
rationem fore... in dimittendis] We 


should more naturally expect the genitive 
instead of iv with the ablative. Caelius 
appears to construct rationem fore as if it 
was rationem versaturam esse. 

atrox et saevum] ‘astern and ruthless 
course of action.’ 

extit|] sc. Roma, Fam. vii. 5, 1 (134), 
461. 3, De Leg. Agr. i. 8. 

his intercessionibus | sc. that of Metellus, 
cp. 882. 8 and Caes. B.C. i. 33. 3, 
subicitur etiam L. Metelius, tribunus 
plebis, inimicus Caesaris, qui hane rem 
distrahat reliquasque res quascunque agere 
tnstituertt impediat. 

incitatus est| ‘he is clearly roused.’ 


deprecationi] ‘appeal to mercy.’ 

2. st... valet| ‘If I and if that 
excellent man your son-in-law have any 
influence with you.’ M (49. 18) reads 
valemus where this letter occurs among 
those to Atticus. Here M (49. 9) has 
valet, which is probably right, as Caelius 
generally uses the singular in the case of 
a common predicate to several subjects, 
e.g. Fam. viii. 2. 2 (196); 4. 2, 3 (206) ; 
14, 2, 4 (280); see vol. 1113, p. cxi fin. 

fortunam .. . conturbare] ‘to ruin our 
prospects.’ Mr. Jeans translates ‘ to make 
our fortune so utterly bankrupt’; but 
we are not obliged to take conturbare 
in this tecinnical sense here. 

impiam} ‘conceive an unnatural de- 
sire, prejudicial to your safety.’ 

habeamus denique, illud cogita] We 
have adopted the punctuation of M. 
Georges Ramain (Revue de Philologie, 
1908, p. 305). We thus avoid an 
anacoluthon. For the position of denique 
he compares 409. 2. 

offensae] ‘ odium’ ; subisse ‘ incurred ’ : 
for subire offensas, cp. Plin. Ep. iii. 9, 26, 
and Mayor’s note. 

Vide ne] ‘take care lest from shame 
of having shown insufficient devotion to 
the better class you choose with insuffi- 
cient carefulness the better part.’ 


EP. 383 (FAM. VIII. 16 = ATT. X. 9 A). 207 


mum sit eligas. 3. Quod sitotum tibi persuadere non possum, 
saltem dum quid de Hispaniis agamus scitur exspecta: quas 
tibi nuntio adventu Caesaris fore nostras. Quam isti spem 
habeant amissis Hispaniis nescio. Quod porro tuum consilium 
sit ad desperatos accedere non me dius fidius reperio. 4. Hoc 
quod tu non dicendo mihi significasti Caesar audierat. Ac simul 
atque ‘ Have’ mihi dixit statim quid de te audisset exposuit. 
Negavi me scire, sed tamen ab eo petii ut ad te litteras mitteret, 


quibus maxime ad remanendum commoveri posses. 


in Hispaniam ducit. 


Me secum 


Nam nisi ita faceret, ego prius quam ad 


urbem accederem, ubicumque esses ad te percucurrissem et hoc a 


te praesens contendissem atque omni vi te retinuissem. 


δ, Etiam 


atque etiam, Cicero, cogita ne te tuosque omnis funditus evertas, 
ne te sciens prudensque eo demittas unde exitum vides nullum 


esse. 


Quod si te aut voces optimatium commovent aut non nul- 


lorum hominum insolentiam et iactationem ferre non potes, eligas 
censeo aliquod oppidum vacuum a bello dum haec decernuntur, 


quae iam erunt confecta. 


Id si feceris, et ego te sapienter fecisse 


iudicabo et Caesarem non offendes. 


3. quid de Hispaniis agamus| ‘ how we 
get on as regards the Spains.’ Cuelius 
was at this time in the army of Caesar, 
who was marching into Spain to attack 
Afranius, Petreius, and Varro, the Pom- 
peian generals. 

ad desperatos accedere| Hofmann says 
that this is in apposition to ¢wwm consilium, 
ep. N. Ὁ. iii. 68, magnam molestiam sus- 
cepit Zeno commenticiarum fabularum red- 
dere rationem. But it is better to take it 
as the infinitive which is used after 
phrases expressing inclination or oppor- 
tunity, e.g. consilium est (Att. v. 5.1 
(188), Caes. B. G. vii. 26. 1), mos est, 
ratio est, tempus est, copia est, such 
phrases being virtually equivalent to 
simple verbs, cp. Madv. 389, 417, obs. 2; 
Kritz on Sall. Cat. 30. 4. 

4. non dicendo| ‘though not in so 
many words.’ For this modal use of 
the gerund cp. Caelius 344. 1, bellwm 
ambulando confecerunt. 

Have| ‘Good morning.’ Have and 
Salve were the morning greetings: cp. 
Mart. i. 55. 6, et matutinum portat ineptus 
Have. The evening one, according to an 
old custom, was vale (Suet. Galba, 4. 4). 

percucurrissem] probably the correct 


form: cp. Neue- Wagener iii? 356, though 
of course the unreduplicated form is also 
found: Hor. Carm. i. 28. 6. Roby says 
the unreduplicated form is the more usual 
one in Cicero and Livy. See Adn, 
Crit. 

hoe a te praesens contendissem] “41 
should have striven to obtain this promise 
from you in person.’ 

5. sciens prudensque| Boot notices that 
Cicero generally uses the reverse order, 
prudens et sciens, 488.6; Marc. 14 ; prudens 
sciens without the conjunction, Ter. 
Eun. 72. 

co demittas unde| ‘get yourself impli- 
cated with that cause from which you see 
there is no escape.’ It would be more 
usual if we had the generic subjunctive 
videas, ‘a cause from which.’ For demit- 
tere in cp. 456. 2, cum me in res tur- 
bulentissimas . . . demisissem. The phrase 
recalls our colloquial one, ‘ to get oneself 
into a hole.’ 

insolentiam et iactationem] ‘ arrogance 
and effrontery.’ 

iam| ‘presently.’ Cp. 318.2, iam 
enim aderunt consules ad suas Nonas. This 
use of iam is quite frequent in the 
comedies and in poetry: cp. 378. 2. 


208 


EP. 384 (ATT. X. 5). 


384, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 5). 


CUMAE}; APRIL 163 A. Ὁ]. Ὁ, 


705; ΒΒ. C. 495 AET. CIC, 57. 


De sermone Curionis, de Quinto filio regendo, de emptione per Vettienum facta. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Detota mea cogitatione scripsi ad te antea satis, ut mihi 


visus sum, diligenter. 


hoe: non ante lunam novam. 2. 


De die nihil sane potest scribi certi praeter 


Curionis sermo postridie eandem 


habuit fere summam, nisi quod apertius significavit se harum rerum 


exitum non videre. 


Quod mihi mandas de Quinto regendo, 


᾿Αρκαδίαν. Tamen nihil praetermittam. Atque utinam tu..,.! 


Sed molestior non ero. 
ac valde requirere solebat. 
locutus quam ad me scripserat. 
gentiam non queo. Cum enim 


Aprit 16] § 8 fin. 

1. De die| sc. profectionis meae. 

2. eandem habuit fere summam | 
‘amounted to much the sameas before’ : 
cp. 402. 1, at tlle perpauca locutus hane 
summam habuit orationis ut sbi ignos- 
cerem. 

exitum non videre| cp. 3888. 8, where 
Curio does not appear to feel so confident 
of Caesar’s fortunes as he did according 
to 382. 8. 

᾿Αρκαδίαν] ‘is Arcadia of the oracle.’ 
᾿Αρκαδίαν μ᾽ αἰτεῖς᾽ μέγα μ᾽ αἰτεῖς" οὔ 
τοι δώσω, the answer of the oracle 
(Herod. 1. 66) to the Lacedaemonians when 
they consulted the god about their chance 
of making themselves masters of Arcadia. 
Cicero quotes only one word of the verse 
which he knows to be familiar to Atticus. 
How completely in the dark we should 
have been about this passage were it not 
that the verse happens to be familiar to 
us in the pages of Herodotus! The 
proverb means ‘in asking me to control 
Quintus, you are setting me a hard task,’ 
and in further allusion to the same sub- 
ject, 398. 7, ‘I will do my part for the 
youth, and take on myself the burden of 
(not only Arcadia but) all Peloponnesus,’ 


Epistulam ad Vestorium statim detuli, 
3. Commodius tecum Vettienus est 


Sed mirari satis hominis negle- 
mihi Philotimus dixisset se HS 


that is ‘I will shrink from no trouble in 
such a cause.’ 

molestior | So Vict. for modestior of M : 
cp. 3886. 2 fin. Δὲ sine illo possem, 
regerem; quod tu potes. Sed ignosco ; 
magnum, inquam, opus est. 


Vestorium] the banker of Puteoli. See 


Index. 

requirere solebat| ‘he used often to ask 
why the letter was not forwarded to 
him.’ 

3. Commodius | 
dating spirit.’ 

neglegentiam| 'The account of the mat- 
ter seems to be as follows:—Philotimus 
(a freedman mentioned in 888, 2, and 
not the dishonest steward of Terentia) 
told Cicero that he could buy from one 
Canuleius one of those lodges with which 
Romans of position were obliged to pro- 
vide themselves if they would travel in 
a manner befitting that position in an 
age when there were no satisfactory 
public hotels or lodging-houses. Canu- 
leius asked fifty sestertia (a little more 
than £400), but Canuleius, according to 
Philotimus, would take less if Cicero 
could get Vettienus to act as purchaser. 
Cicero succeeded in doing so. Vettienus 


‘in a more accommo- 


= es 


PAIN Bey Stang Hn Ss 
Bo eat ᾿ SA TON ach 
ci δ NSF eke ee ~ 


YP aE Ta 


EP, 384 (ATT. X.-5). 


209 


L emere de Canuleio deversorium illud posse, minoris etiam 
empturum si Vettienum rogassem, rogavi ut, si quid posset, ex 
ea summa detraheret: promisit: ad me nuper se HS xxx emisse, 
ut scriberem cui vellem addici, diem pecuniae Id. Novembr. esse. 


Rescripsi ei stomachosius cum ioco tamen familiari. 


Nune quo- 


niam agit liberaliter nihil accuso hominem, scripsique ad eum me 


a te certiorem esse factum. 


cogites velim me certiorem facias. 


now wrote to him a curt, downright 
(ἀποτόμως 396. 5) letter, telling him 
that he had purchased the lodge for thirty 
sestertia (about £250), asking him to 
name a person to take formal possession, 
and adding that the money was to be 
paid on November 13. Itis not easy to 
see wherein lay the ‘negligence’ of 
Vettienus. It may have been in the fact 
that he had not informed Cicero more 
promptly of the transaction, or had not 
secured a later day for payment, though 
as it was now only April, it does not 
seem that there would have been much 
ground for Cicero’s complaint in that 
respect. Or perhaps it consisted in his 
having concluded the whole transaction, 
while Cicero enly wanted him to make 
preliminary negotiations and see if he 
could induce the vendor to promise to 
 sellat a lower price. Schiitz remarks on 
this passage how easily Cicero took 
offence, and how easily he returned to 
good humour. 

nuper] sc. sertpsit, as often: cp. Att. 
xii. 31. 3 (568), Haec ad te mea manu 
~ (se. scripsi). 


VOL. IV. 


Tu de tuo itinere quid et quando 


A. d. xv Kal. Maias. 


ut seriberem cur vellem addici| ‘and 
asking me to write and tell him the 
person to whom it was to be conveyed,’ 
who was to attend on Cicero’s behalf and 
have the property formally and personally 
delivered to him. This would be a slave, 
and what was assigned to him would 
become the property of his master: cp. 
Pollex in Att. xiii. 46. 3 (663); but it 
might be an agent (procurator): cp. Roby, 
Roman Private Law, i. 401, 402, on the 
question of acquisition by representation. 
Schmidt (p. 171) thinks that Vettienus. 
meant that Cicero was to name some 
banker as creditor to whom Cicero should 
be assigned as debtor. The banker would 
pay Canuleius forthwith. The former 
view seems preferable. For addici cp. 
Att. vii. 3. 6 (294), Sed quid est quod ei 
vict Luccet sint addicti ? 

Stomachosius| Cp. 396. 5 θυμικώτερον. 

cum toco tamen familiari] This is re- 
ferred to in 396. 5, where see note. 

agit liberaliter] ‘as he is acting hand- 
somely in the matter,’ possibly by 
securing postponement of the time for 
payment. 


EP. 385 (ATT. X. 8 B). 


385. CAESAR TO CICERO (Arr. x. 83). 


ON JOURNEY ἸῸ SPAIN, PROBABLY AT INTIMELIUM (cp. 388). 
APRIL 163, A. U. Ὁ. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 


Caesar rogat Ciceronem pro amicitia sua ne quid temere faciat et suadet ut a 
civilibus controversiis absit. 


CAKSAR IMP. SAL. D. CICERONI IMP. 


1. Etsi te nihil temere, nihil imprudenter facturum iudicaram, 
tamen permotus hominum fama scribendum ad te existimavi et 
pro nostra benevolentia petendum ne quo progredereris proclinata 
iam re quo integra etiam progrediendum tibi non existimasses. 
Namque et amicitiae graviorem iniuriam feceris et tibi minus 
commode consulueris si non fortunae obsecutus videbere—omnia 
enim secundissima nobis, adversissima illis accidisse videntur— 
nec causam secutus—eadem enim tum fuit cum ab eorum consiliis 
abesse iudicasti—sed meum aliquod factum condemnavisse, quo 
mihi gravius abs te nil accidere potest. Quod ne facias pro iure 
nostrae amicitiae a te peto. 2. Postremo, quid viro bono et quieto 
et bono civi magis convenit quam abesse a civilibus controversiis ἢ 
Quod non nulli cum probarent, periculi causa sequi non potuerunt. 


CAESAR] In sending this letter to 
Atticus, Cic. prefaces it with the words 
Eodem die (as he received 391 from 
Antony, viz. May 2) Philotimus a Caesare 
attulit hoe exemplo, ‘On the same day 
he brought a letter from Caesar of which 
this is a copy.’ Caesar seems to have 
written this letter at the request of 
Caelius (383. 4). He wrote it probably 
at Intimelium: see introd. note to 383. 

1. ne quo progredereris| ‘that you 
would not take any step, now that 
matters have taken a turn in my favour, 
which you did not think necessary when 
the issue was quite open.’ 

proclinata iam re| The more usual 
word is inclinata (cp. 394. 1), which 
appears in some ss. (e.g. Harl. 2491) 
and ined. Rom. But proelinata is used 
by Caesar in B. G. vii. 42. 4. 

Namque et amicitiae... accidere potest] 

Caesar’s argument is that if Cicero now 


joins Pompey it will be clear that it is 
not because he thinks Pompey’s is the 
winning cause—for everything is now 
going against Pompey and for himself; 
nor will it be because he thinks it the 
right cause—for it is unchanged from the 
time when Cicero decided to hold aloof 
from it (abesse iudicavit). What, then, 
will be the meaning of Cicero’s joining 
Pompey now? It will be interpreted as 
a distinct pronouncement against some- 
thing in the conduct of Caesar, ‘and,’ 
adds Caesar, with singular magnanimity 
for one in his position, ‘you could not 
inflict on me a greater blow than that; 
and I pray you, by the right the friend- 
ship between us gives me, not to do so.’ 
He only asks Cicero to be neutral, not to 
discredit his cause by joining Pompey. 
Quod nonnulli . . . non potuerunt] 
Caesar is probably thinking generally of 
many people who in civil wars would 


Deer 


EP. 386 (ATT. X. 6). 211 
Tu explorato et vitae meae testimonio et amicitiae iudicio neque 
_tutius neque honestius reperies quidqguam quam ab omni conten- 


tione abesse. xv Kal. Maias ex itinere. : 


386. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 6). 


CUMAE ; BETWEEN APRIL 17 AND 21 (Cp. 388); A. U. C. 7053 B. Ο. 49; 
ART. Cic, 57. 


De cogitationibus suis ab Attico reticendis, de Q. filio difficulter a se regendo, de 
Pompeio. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Me adhue nihil praeter tempestatem moratur. Astute nihil 
sum acturus: fiat in Hispania quidlibet, [et] tamen res stat: ἰτέον. 
Meas cogitationes omnis explicavi tibi superioribus litteris: quo- 
circa hae sunt breves, et tamen quia festinabam eramque occupatior. 
2. De Quinto filio, fit a me quidem sedulo sed—nosti reliqua. 


gladly have been neutral, and with an 
} allusion too to the threats which Pompeians 
} directed against those who did not take 
| their side (418. 2; 470.3; Plut. Pomp. 
' 61): implying, however, that Cicero’s 
-high position and distinction absolved 
‘him from such fear. But he may be 
} thinking of himself; he, Caesar, would 
| gladly live as a private citizen if only he 
could be safe. 
| 2. Tu explorato| ‘when you have care- 
) fully weighed the evidence furnished by 
' my life (that I keep my word) and the 
j adgment which my friendship for you 
᾿ dictates’ (i.e. the advice which asa friend 
I give you). If amicitiae is taken as the 
Objective genitive, the words must mean 
*having thoroughly examined (considered) 
your own conviction of my friendliness 
‘to you.’ But that is rather forced. Per- 
haps we ought to read indicio, and render 
*in the proof I have given of my friend- 
ship to you,’ both previously and now. 
~ Note how Caesar dwells on the ‘friend- 
ship’ (the word amicitia occurs three 
times in this short letter) that subsisted 
~between him and Cicero. Caesar well 
Knew the sort of appeal to make to 
‘Wicero’s warm heart; and he had a 


sincere desire for Cicero’s welfare and 
happiness. 


1. Astute] cp. 394.6, ‘Iam not going 
to play a deep game (and wait till I see 
who wins in Spain); come what will in 
Spain, my mind is made up, je m’en vais,’ 
For ἰτέον cp. ἰτέον in castra, Att. xiv. 
22. 2 (729). The corrupt reading of the 
Mss. arises here, as it so often does, from 
a Greek word misunderstood or taken for 
a Latin one. To change recitet et to 
retice is quite unscientific ; besides, retice 
or reticeto gives a very unlikely sentiment, 
Under recit is, perhaps, concealed ves stat, 
and under e¢ et possibly lurks it éoy or 
irntéov. Madvig saw that the sense re- 
quired was ire certum est. Greek words 
are often corrupted by transliteration, e.g. 
in 361. 1 ΜΙ gives pollicite for πολιτικαί. 
See Adn. Crit. for other conjectures. 
Ellis conjectured ut tamen res est irnréa. 

et tamen] ‘and in any case,’ putting 
other considerations aside: cp. note on 
365. 3 and Munro on Luer. v. 1177, and 
Lehmann, ‘ Att.’ 194. 

2. fit. . .sedulo| This may refer to 
some letter Cic. wrote to young Quintus, 
for the latter had not as yet arrived at 


P2 


212 EP. 386 (ATT. X. 6). 


Quod dein me mones, et amice et prudenter me mones, sed erunt | 
omnia facilia, si ab uno illo cavero. Magnum opus est: mirabilia — 
multa: nihil simplex, nihil sincerum. Vellem suscepisses iuvenem | 
regendum. Pater enim nimis indulgens, quidquid ego astrinxi, 
relaxat. Si sine illo possem, regerem: quod tu potes. Sed ig- 
nosco: magnum, inquam, opus est. ὃ. Pompeium pro certo 
habemus per Illyricum proficisci in Galliam. Ego nune qua et — 


quo videbo. 


Cumae (388. 3). It is possible, as has 
been suggested by some commentators, 
that Cicero is here quoting from Ter. 
Ad. 413, jit sedulo, nihil praetermittio, 
consuefacio. He breaks off the quotation 
as being familiar to Atticus. Certainly 
that is what one would expect from nosti 
reliqua: cp. 477. 2, ‘ubi nec Pelopi- 
darum’—nosti cetera. But if Cicero is 
making a quotation, that quotation is still 
to be discovered. ‘The sed renders the 
Terentian passage improbable, as do the 
words Φ me quidem. Miller reads sedulo : 
sed nosti reliqua, by which may be meant 
either ‘you know the rest,’ i.e. ‘need 1 
say more?’: or just possibly ‘ you know 
what remains to do,’ a euphemistic way 
of saying ‘I am not very hopeful of any 
good result.’ 

ab uno illo} sc. young Quintus. It is 
not plain what the second piece of advice 
was that Atticus gave him. Perhaps it 
had some reference to possible defection 
on the part of the elder Quintus (cp. 
396. 1). 


Magnum... sincerum] ‘Itis a serious: 
undertaking: he has many extraordinary 
traits: nothing straightforward or frank.’ 
For mirabilia cp. Att. ii. 25. 1 (52), 
mirabiliter moratus est, a passage very 
similar to this. Cp. also note to 395 fin. 
It is worth mentioning that miradilia is the 
regular Ciceronian word for ‘ paradoxes,” 
so that the words might mean ‘he is a 
mass of contradictions,’ which would sum, 
up all Cicero’s criticisms on his character. 

quidquid ego astrinzi| ‘any restraints. 
I apply’: cp. note to severitate (382. 6). 

Sed ignosco| Cp. note to molestior non 
ero, 384, 2. 

3. im Galiam| with the view of de- 
fending Spain against Caesar : cp. 393. 1. 
For another baseless rumour of this. 
nature cp. Caes. B. C. 1. 39. 3, audierat 
Pompeium per Mauretaniam cum legionibus — 
iter in Hispaniam facere confestimque esse. 
venturum. ‘ 

qua et quo] ‘I shall look to my route 
and the place I am to go to’: ep. note 
to'379.. 1. | 


EP. 387 (FAM. IV. ἢ): 218 


SERVIUS SULPICLIUS RUFUS 


387. CICERO TO 
| (Fam. Iv. 1). 


CUMAE}; APRIL 22 (ABOUT); A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


Quo tempore C. Caesar regressus in Hispaniam Cn. Pompeii legatos oppugnabat, 
Ser. Sulpicius Rufus vir iuris scientia clarissimus M. Ciceronem convenire voluit ut 
cum eo de rei publicae statu communicaret. Huic condicionem rei publicae deplorans 
Cicero significat quem ad modum, si ipsi placeat, per interpretem utriusque commode 
rem agere possint. 

" 


M. CICERO S. D. SER. SULPICIO. 


1. C. Trebatius, familiaris meus, ad me scripsit te ex se quae- 
Sisse quibus in locis essem, molesteque te ferre quod me propter 
valetudinem tuam cum ad urbem accessissem non vidisses, et hoc 
tempore velle te mecum, si propius accessissem, de officio utriusque 
nostrum communicare. Utinam, Servi, salvis rebus—sic enim est 
dicendum—colloqui potuissemus inter nos! profecto aliquid opis 

-occidenti rei publicae tulissemus. Cognoram enim iam absens te 
haec mala multo ante providentem defensorem pacis et in consu- 


AprRiIL 22] From 389. 1, written on 
| April 28, we learn that Cic. received a 
» fetter from Servius Sulpicius, written 
“when Philotimus, whom Cic. had sent 
» with a letter to him (388. 2), was already 
πη Rome. Ep. 387 was probably the 
‘letter which Philotimus brought: and it 
᾿ accordingly must have been written not 
» Tater than April 22, as it was a three-day 
2 mney from Rome to Cumae. This is 
' Sternkopf’s view (p. 68, No. 150). 
~ Schmidt would (p. 168) place it after Cic. 
had heard of the meeting of the Senate 
on April 1, but before he had received 
Caesar’s letter on the 7th (381. 2), i.e. 
- between April 3 and 6: but there does 
“Mot seem to be any reason why Cicero 
should mention to Sulpicius Caesar’s letter, 


veil 


-latu tuo et post consulatum fuisse. 
‘tuum probarem et idem ipse sentirem, nihil proficiebam. Sero 
“enim veneram : solus eram: rudis esse videbar in causa: incideram 
“in hominum pugnandi cupidorum insanias. Nune, quoniam nihil 
iam videmur opitulari posse rei publicae, si quid est in quo nobis- 


Ego autem, cum consilium 


especially if, as we suppose, it was nearly 
three weeks old now. Besides, Cicero 
does not mention to Atticus anything 
about correspondence with Sulpicius until 
388. 2. 

1. C. Trebatius] cp. vol. II?, p. Ixiii. 
He had been at Formiae, and probably 
saw Cicero on March 27 (375. 1) on his 
journey to the city. 

cum ad urbem accessissem| On January 
4th; cp. 301. 2. 

Utinam] ‘Ah! Servius, if we could 
only have had a talk together before all 
was lost—‘‘ lost ’’ is the word.’ 

in consulatu tuo] ὁ.6., 51 B.c. Cp. 
494. 1, and Introduction to vol. III?, 
p- lxviii. 


214 EP. 387 (FAM. IV. 1). 
met ipsis consulere possimus, non ut aliquid ex pristino statu — 
nostro retineamus sed ut quam honestissime lugeamus, nemo est 
omnium quicum potius mihi quam tecum communicandum putem. ~ 
Nec enim clarissimorum virorum quorum similes esse debemus ~ 
exempla neque doctissimorum quos semper coluisti praecepta te 
fugiunt. Atque ipse antea ad te scripsissem te frustra in senatum ~ 
sive potius in conventum senatorum esse venturum, ni veritus ‘ 
essem ne eius animum offenderem qui a me ut te imitarer 
petebat. Cui quidem ego, cum me rogaret ut adessem in senatu,, 
eadem omnia quae a te de pace et de Hispaniis dicta sunt ostendi 
me esse dicturum. 2. Res vides quo modo se habeat: orbem ter- 
rarum imperiis distributis ardere bello: urbem sine legibus, sine 
iudiciis, sine iure, sine fide relictam direptioni et incendiis. Itaque 
mihi venire in mentem nihil potest non modo quod sperem sed 
vix iam quod audeam optare. Sin autem tibi, homini prudentis- 
simo, videtur utile esse nos colloqui, quamquam longius etiam, 
cogitabam ab urbe discedere, cuius iam etiam nomen invitus audio, 
tamen propius accedam ; Trebatioque mandavi ut, si quid tu eum © 
velles ad me mittere, ne recusaret, idque ut facias velim aut, si 


non ut aliquid| ‘to take measures, not 
for the maintenance in aught of our former 
position, but that our sorrow may be the 
noblest possible.’ 

coluistt|] ‘revered.’ 

conventum senatorum| The senators 
assembled together by Caesar could not 
be called the Senate (especially by one 


2. Res... habeat] SoMG. Some 
Mss. read sem, which is rather a Greek 
construction, but can be supported by 
Att. xiv. 21. 2 (728), Nosti virum quam 
tectus ; Caelius ap. Fam. viii. 10. 3 (226). 
Nosti Marcelium quam tardus et parum. 
efficax sit itemgue Servius quam cunetator 5 
ib. 16. 1 (883). Ter. Kun. 1036 seis me 


who favoured the Pompeians as Cicero 
did), inasmuch as the consuls and so 
many other magistrates were not pre- 
sent; cp. 378. 2, puto iam actum aliquid 
6886 71 Consessu senatorum—senatum enim 
non puto. Compare Att. xv. 3. 1 (7383), 


where Cicero speaks of the novi conventus. 


habitatores instead of coloni at Capua, 
as he did not consider that the planting 
of a colony at Capua was legal: also 
Phils 11. 101 ἢ, 

qui a@ me ut imitarer petebat| Cp. 
376. 1. 


quacate., . dicta sunt} This shows 


that Servius Sulpicius, though a man of, 


peace, had enough moral courage to 
attend Caesar’s Senate and express his 
own opinions, even though they were 
unpalatable to Caesar; cp. Dr. Sihler, 
Cicero of Arpinum, p. 314 note. 


in quibus sim gaudiis. There is no reason 
whatever to read habeant with Ernesti and 
Schiitz. 

erbem terrarum imperiis distributis ar- 


dere belio| ‘the world is all ablaze with | 


war; the various commands are allotted.’ 
sine legibus . . . incendiis| 


fire and sword.’ 
opposed here, but ‘ by ius is rather meant 
the completion which the science of law 
received through the edicta praetorum as 
opposed to the common law,’ Holded 
on Off. iii. 69. For fides, ‘credit,’ cp. 
Leg. Manil. 19, Romae solutione impe= 
dita fidem concidisse; Caes. B. Ο. ithe 
1,2. “ὦ 
; Trebatioque mandavi] Philotimus ὑός 
bably brought a letterto Trebatius along 
with this one to Sulpicius (389. 1). a 


i 


‘ without. 
statutes, trials, law, credit, abandoned to 
Leges and ius are not 


EP. 388 (ATT. X. 7). 215 


quem tuorum fidelium voles, ad me mittas, ne aut tibi exire eX 
urbe necesse sit aut mihi accedere. Ego tantum tibi tribuo quan- 
tum mihi fortasse adrogo, ut exploratum habeam, quidquid nos 
communi sententia statuerimus, id omnis homines probaturos. 


Vale. | oft 


388. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 7). 
CUMAE ; APRIL 225 A. U. Ἢ 7055 Β. Ὁ. 495 AET. CIC. 57. 


_ De consilio ab Attico inito et eius condicione non eadem atque ipsius, serviendum 
iam esse alteri utri, sed se malle Pompeio et iam velle exire, de Ser. Sulpicio, de 
Curionis sermone, de Q. filio a se vehementer accepto, de re privata. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Ego vero Apuliam et Sipontum et tergiversationem istam 
probo, nec tuam rationem eandem esse duvo quam meam, non 
quin in re publica rectum idem sit utrique nostrum, sed ea non 
agitur. Regnandi contentio est, in qua pulsus est modestior rex 
et probior et integrior et is qui nisi vincit nomen populi Romani 
deleatur necesse est: sin autem vincit, Sullano more exemploque 
vincet. Ergo hac in contentione neutrum tibi palam sentiendum 
et tempori serviendum est. Mea causa autem alia est quod bene- 
ficio vinctus ingratus esse non possum, nec tamen me in acie sed 


Melitae aut alio in loco simili foppidulo futurum puto. 


voles| sc. mittere. 
igo . 


_ an opinion of you as I perhaps unduly 


eta Se eS 


entertain of myself; sothat I feel assured 


that whatever determination we arrive 
_ atas the result of our united judgment 
_ will meet with the approval of the world 
generally.’ 


: Arent 22] Cp. § 2 and introd. note to 
87. 


1. Ego vero} ‘ Yes, I think you are 


τ right in playing the opportunist, and’ 


Staying in Apulia and Sipontum.’ Atticus 


wanted to leave for Greece (384. 3), but 


experienced some difficulty in getting the 


_ requisite passport (diploma): cp. 403. 4 
_ and 399. 3; also 392. 10. yovero isthe 
_ answer to a question. 


af 
" 


«ον probaturos| ‘I have as high 


‘Nihil,’ 


sed ea non agitur| ‘but it is not the free 
state that is the question.’ 

vex| ‘despot’: he deliberately uses 
a word peculiarly hateful to the Romans. 

Sullano more exemplogue] ‘the Sullan 
despotism will furnish the method and 
model of his victorious régime’; cp. 362.5. _ 

neutrum tibi palam sentiendum] ‘you 
must not openly profess adherence to 
either side.’ Hoc sentireand aliud sentire 
furnish a sufficient justification for neu- 
trum sentire. 

tempori serviendum est] 333. 6, * but 
must wait upon events.’ 

oppidulo| Some inferior codices (e.g. 
Balliolensis and Helmstadtiensis) are 
said by Graevius to read awt aliguo in loco 
sive oppidulo. This is obviously an 
attempted emendation on the part of the ’ 


216 EP. 388 (ATT. X. 7). 


inquies, ‘iuvas eum in quem ingratus esse non vis?’ Immo minus 
fortasse voluisset. Sed de hoc videbimus; exeamus modo: quod 
ut meliore tempore possimus facit Adriano mari Dolabella, Fre- 
tensi Curio. 2. Iniecta autem mili spes quaedam est velle mecum 
Ser. Sulpicium colloqui. Ad eum misi Philotimum libertum cum 
litteris; si vir esse volet, praeclara συνοδία : sin autem—erimus 
nos qui solemus. 3. Curio mecum vixit, lacere Caesarem putans 
offensione populari, Siciliaeque diffidens si Pompeius navigare 
coepisset. Quintum puerum accepi vehementer. Avaritiam video 
fuisse et spem magni congiari. Magnum hoc malum est, sed 
scelus illud quod timueramus spero nullum fuisse. Hoc autem 
vitium puto te existimare non @ nostra indulgentia sed a natura 
profectum ; quem tamen nos disciplina regemus. De Oppiis Veli- 


scribe: but suggests that perhaps we 
should read in loco simil vel oppido, and 
suppose that vel (εἴ) got embedded in 
oppido. For locus as different from 
oppidum cp. Att. vii. 8. 10 (294). Cicero 
proposed to go to Malta, as that island 
would be outside the region of the war, 
and so his neutrality would be obvious. 

minus fortasse voluisset| ‘perhaps he 
would have been glad if I had helped him 
less.” It is difficult to be sure what 
Cicero meant by this. It is perhaps the 
first mention of the ‘ Caelian business,’ 
some resort to force, possibly in Sicily, 
which Cicero was meditating at this time 
(cp. 898, 4-6; 401. 2-4), Orit may be 
that Cicero professes to think that the 
support of such men as himself would 
be an embarrassment to Pompey if he 
should prevail, and should begin to play 
the part of Sulla. Or Cicero may have 
thought that Pompey may have been 
displeased at the attempts he made to 
bring about peace. 

quod... facit| ‘andthat wemay be 
able to do so at a more convenient time 
is being effected by Dolabella on the 
Adriatic and Curio on the Sicilian 
Straits.” We do not know of any other 
passage where the adj. Fretensis occurs. 
Fretum is constantly applied to the 
Straits of Messina: Att. ii. 1. 5 (27). 

2 misi Philotimum] cp. introd. note to 
387. 

praeclara συνοδία] ‘we shall have 
a splendid ¢téte-d-téte.’ See 387 and 389 
for the subjects which he wished to 
discuss. 


3. mecum vintit... putans| ‘stayed 
with me. His opinion is,’ &¢. For mecum 
vixit, cp. Att. iv. 15. 6 (143) Vixi cum 
Axio. The present participles which 
follow ought in strictness to assign a 
reason why Curio stayed with Cicero, but 
they seem merely to describe the senti- 
ments wbich he entertained at the time of 
his visit. But it is hardly likely that 
Cicero wanted to imply that Curio chose 
him, a Pompeian, to be his host, because 
he thought things were going against 
Caesar. In 392. 2, he says cum ipsum 
Curionem ad eum transiturum putem, but 
that only refers to the contingency of a 
total defeat of Caesar. Curio probably 
left Campania shortly after his visit to 
Cicero on the 15th (384. 2): for it is 
probable that Cato, who abandoned Sicily 
on the 23rd (402. 3), did so in conse- 
quence of the approach of Curio. 

offensione populari] ‘by the unpopu- 
larity he has excited’: cp. 392. 6. 

accept vehementer| “1 gave him a 
rough reception.’ 

Avaritiam] ‘cupidity,’ ‘greed.’ Miiller 
conjectures that we should add causam 
after avaritiam, quoting Phil. ix. 3, 
where he thinks causa is similarly -lost. 
But there we should probably read cut 
legatio ipsa morti fuisset (not mortis 
causa fuisset). 

scelus] his ‘disloyalty ’ 
his uncle to Caesar. 

natura| Cp. 882. 6. 
Oppiis. Veliensibus|] Cp. 308.1; 382. 


ale 


in maligning 


EP. 389 (FAM. IV. 2). 217 


ensibus quid placeat cum Philotimo videbis. Epirum nostram 
putabimus, sed alios cursus videbamur habituri. 


CICERO TO SERVIUS SULPICIUS RUFUS 
(Fam. Iv. 2). 


989, 


CUMAE; APRIL (END); A. U. C. 705; Β. C. 49; ABET. CIC. 57. 


Ser. Sulpicio Cn. Pompeii an C. Caesaris partes sequatur dubitanti, plus alteras 
honestatis, firmitatis alteras habere scribit. Longius ergo discedendum ab urbe, in 
qua quae fiant turpe sit probare, non probare periculosum. Sed quo sit eundum quam 
primum rogat ad se deliberatum ut veniat. 


M. CICERO 5. D. SER. SULPICIO. 


1. A. ἃ. 11 Kal. Maias cum essem in Cumano, accepi tuas 
litteras: quibus lectis cognovi non satis prudenter fecisse Philoti- 
mum qui, cum abs te mandata haberet, ut scribis, de omnibus 
rebus, ipse ad me non venisset, litteras tuas misisset, quas intel- 
lexi breviores fuisse quod eum perlaturum putasses. Sed tamen, 
postquam tuas litteras legi, Postumia tua me convenit et Servius 
noster. His placuit ut tu in Cumanum venires, quod etiam 
mecum ut ad te scriberem egerunt. 2. Quod meum consilium 
exquiris, id est tale ut capere facilius ipse possim quam alteri dare. 
Quid enim est quod audeam suadere tibi, homini summa auctori- 
tate summaque prudentia? Si quid rectissimum sit quaerimus, 
perspicuum est: si quid maxime expediat, obscurum : sin 11 sumus 
qui profecto esse debemus, ut nihil arbitremur expedire nisi quod 


Servius} the son of Sulpicius. 

quod] = et id. ‘and they also urged 
me to write this to you.’ 

2. Quod... exquiris] ‘As to your 
asking me what my plan is, it is of such a 
nature that I can more easily adopt it 


nostram putabimus| ‘I shall look on 
your place in Epirus as my own, but I 
think my voyage will take me in a dif- 
ferent direction’: cp. 368. 1 and note. 


1. qui... venisset] ‘since he came.’ 
For the adversative asyndeton venisset, 
Jitteras tuas misisset, cp. 479. 4 fin. non 
multi οὐδὲ hospitem accipies, multi ioc : cp. 
Lehmann ‘ Quaest.’ 27. 

_perlaturum] ‘bring it to its destina- 
tion,’ * deliver it himself.’ 

Postumia tua] wife of Sulpicius. 


than suggest it to another.’ Possibly it 
is the Caelian business, but this is far 
from certain. 

ut nihil arbitremur| “ granted that we 
think nothing expedient save what is just 
and honourable ’—the Stoic confession of 
faith, to which Cicero makes more than 
one allusion about this time: cp. 390. 1, 2. 


218 EP. 889.(FAM. IV. 2), 


rectum honestumque sit, non potest esse dubium quid faciendum 
nobis sit. 8, Quod existimas meam causam-comiunctam esse cum 
tua, certe similis in utroque nostrum, cum optime sentiremus, 
error fuit. Nam omnia utriusque consilia ad concordiam specta- 
verunt, qua cum ipsi Caesari nihil esset utilius, gratiam quoque 
nos inire ab eo defendenda pace arbitrabamur. 
fefellerit et quem in locum res deducta sit vides. 

perspicis quae geruntur quaeque iam gesta sunt sed etiam qui 
cursus rerum, qui exitus futurus sit. Ergo aut probare oportet ea 
quae fiunt aut interesse etiam si non probes: quorum. altera mihi 


Quantum nos 


turpis, altera etiam periculosa ratio videtur. 4. Restat ut disceden- 


dum putem. In quo reliqua videtur esse deliberatio, quod consi- 
lium in discessu, quae loca sequamur. Omnino cum miserior res 
nunquam accidit tum ne deliberatio quidem difficilior: nihil enim 
constitui potest quod non incurrat in magnam aliquam difficul- 
tatem. ‘I'u, si videbitur, ita censeo facias ut, si habes 1am statutum 
quid tibi agendum putes in quo non sit coniunctum consilium 
tuum cum meo, supersedeas hoc labore itineris: sin autem est 
quod mecum communicare Velis, ego te exspectabo. Tu, quod tuo 
commodo fiat, quam primum velim venias, sicut intellexi et Servio 
et Postumiae placere. Vale. 


3. cum optine sentiremus| ‘though we 


had the most loyal sentiments.’ Some- 
what similar is 483. 7, sperare optime, 
‘to have hopes of, the best’: Att. xiii. 
33. 2 (616), bene narrare ‘to announce 
good news’; both quoted by Hofmann. 
gratiam . . . arbitrabamur] ‘We 


subject is indefinite, 
not approve of it’: cp. Lebreton, p. 352. 
4. quod consilium “sequamur] 
‘what plan we should adopt in our de- 
parture, and what place of retirement 
repair to’: cp. 404, 2 and note. 
quod non incurrat . difficultatem], 


Neque solum ea 


‘even if one does. 


thought we were earning gratitude from 
him by advocating peace.’ 

probare| ‘either one must approve.’ 
The subject pronoun is often omitted 
with verbs of declaring and thinking. 
Cp. Dr. Reid on Acad. i. 18; Madv. 401; 
Lebreton, pp. 376-378. But here there is 
no verb of declaring or thinking : the 
subject is indefinite ‘one,’ not definite 


‘you, Atticus.” For the sentiment cp. 
378, 4. 
proves| The subjunctive, because the 


‘ which is not met by some serious ob- 
stacle.’ 

Tu... itineris| ‘you, should it seem 
advisable, might, I think, save yourself 
the trouble of a journey here, if you have: 
already made up your mind as to what 
you think should be done, and if it is such 
that your plan of action is not therein: 
connected with mine; but if there is any- 
thing of which you wish to let me know, 
I shall wait for you.’ The subjunctive 
sit is generic, ‘of such a nature that.’ 


ἡ 
μ᾽ 
ies 
᾿ 
4 


EP. 390. (FAM. V. 19). 219 


390. CICERO TO L. MESCINIUS RUFUS, uis Ex- 
Quaxkstor (FAM. ν. 19). 


CUMAE; APRIL (END); A. U. C. 705: B.C. 493 AET, CIC. 57. 


Cn. Pompeio Italia pulso L. Mescinium Rufum, qui quaestor Ciceroni in provincia 
fuerat, nunc dubitantem cuius castra sequatur, M. Cicero hortatur ut Pompeium ne 
relinquat. 


CICERO RUFO. 


1. Etsi mihi numquam dubium fuit quin tibi essem carissimus, 
tamen cotidie magis id perspicio, exstatque id quod mihi osten- 
deras quibusdam litteris, hoc te studiosiorem in me colendo fore 
quam in provincia fuisses—etsi meo iudicio nihil ad tuum pro- 
vinciale officium addi potest—quo liberius iudicium esse posset 
tuum. Itaque me et superiores litterae tuae admodum delecta- 
verunt quibus et exspectatum meum adventum abs te amanter 
videbam et, cum aliter res cecidisset ac putasses, te meo consilio 
magno opere esse laetatum, et ex his proximis litteris magnum cepi 
fructum et iudici et offici tui; iudici, quod intellego te, id quod 
omnes fortes ac boni viri facere debent, nihil putare utile esse nisi 
quod rectum honestumque sit, offici, quod te mecum quodcumque 
‘cepissem consili polliceris fore; quo neque mihi gratius neque, ut 
ego arbitror, tibi honestius esse quidquam potest. 2. Mihi con- 
silium captum iam diu est: de quo ad te, non quo celandus esses, 
nihil seripsi antea, sed quia communicatio consili tali tempore 


For this Mescinius Rufus see on 9802. regard would be considered a genuine 


This letter was probably written on the 
same day as 389, as the sentiments ex- 
pressed in § 2 are almost verbally the same. 
1. cotidie magis| For cotidie with vom- 
paratives see note to Att. i. 20. 7 (26). 
hoe .. . quo liberius...tuwn] ‘that 
you would show the more deference in 
proportion as your judgment was more 
independent.’ Rufus meant that when 
he ceased to be Cicero’s subordinate, and 
80 was not under a strict obligation to 
defer in all things to him as his superior 
officer, he became much more ready and 
solicitous to show Cicero respect, as such 


expression of opinion. 

ad tuum provinciale officium| ‘to the 
respect you showed me in Cilicia.’ 

et ex his proximis ... tui] ‘and from 
this last letter of yours I derived great 
pleasure as regards your convictions and 
your obligations.’ For capere fructum cp. 
Pis. 31, quo quidem tempore cepi, patres 
conseripti, fructum tmmortalem vestri in 
me et amoris et iudici. 

2. non quo celandus eet) ‘ not that 1 
wanted you to be kept in the dark.’ For 
celari de re cp. Fam. v. 2. 9 (14) te. 
maximis de rebus a fratre esse celatum. 


220 EP. 390 (FAM. V. 19). 


quasi quaedam admonitio videtur esse offici vel potius efflagitatio 
ad coeundam societatem vel periculi vel laboris. Cum vero ea tua 
sit voluntas, humanitas, benevolentia erga me, libenter amplector 
talem animum, sed ita—non enim dimittam pudorem in rogando 
meum—si feceris id quod ostendis, magnam habebo gratiam: si 
non feceris, ignoscam et alterum timori, alterum mihi te negare 
non potuisse arbitrabor. st enim res profecto maxima. Quid 
rectum sit apparet: quid expediat obscurum est, ita tamen ut, si 
nos li sumus qui esse debemus, id est studio digni ac litteris 
nostris, dubitare non possimus quin ea maxime conducant quae 
sunt rectissima. Quare tu, si simul placebit, statim ad me venies. 
Sin idem placebit atque eodem, nec continuo poterit, omnia tibi ut 
nota sint faciam. Quidquid statueris, te mihi amicum, sin id quod 


opto, etiam amicissimum iudicabo. 


libenter... sedita| “1 cordially wel- 
come such a spirit, but insist no further 
than this.’ 

non enim... meum)| ‘for I will not 
cease to be modest in my request.’ Lan- 
guage could not be used in a more grace- 
ful manner by a superior to an inferior 
than in this letter. Cicero was evidently 
very anxious that his ex-quaestor should 
join with him in whatever action he took. 
He, therefore, wrote him this letter, which 
is earnest and lofty in tone, but at the 
same time neither unduly pressing nor 
dictatorial. 

et alterum ...arbitrabor| ‘and I shall 
consider the latter a concession you could 
not refuse to your fears, but the former 
one you could not refuse to myself.’ 

studio digni ac litteris nostris| ‘ worthy 
of our devotion to learning.’ 

quae sunt rectissima| ‘The ss. give 
sunt, which we need not alter: cp. Catil. 
li. 21 Hie quis potest esse tam aversus a 
vero. . qui neget haec omnia quae videmus 
[= 7a ὁρατά] ... deorum immortalium 
potestate administrart. Similarly the 
phrase ea quae sunt rectissima expresses 
a category which might have been ex- 
pressed by a single word [e.g. τὰ δικαιό- 
tata]. See Lebreton, p. 368. 

Quare tu] mss. quae tu. Streicher 
(pp. 159 ff.) has a long discussion to show 
that personal pronouns are not usually 
found after illative particles like quare, 
quamobrem, proinde, ergo, &c: He accord- 
ingly ejects quae and reads 7, si. His list 


of passages in which the personal pronoun 
is omitted is enormous; but he candidly 
allows that there are some passages where 
it is found in such a position, e.g. Fam. 
ii. 8. 1 (201); v. 2. 10 (15), Att. xii, 
51. 2 (598); xiii. 11. 2 (625), and such 
phrases as Tu igitur ut coepisti Att. xu. 
28. 1 (564); and there does not seem to 
be ary reason why it should not occasion- 
ally be so used. We have, therefore, not 
thought it advisable to omit Quare. That 
quae is only a slip of the copyist for guare 
is most probable. Miller gives many 
cases of 7 being omitted by M: e.g. 495. 2 
postrata M for prostrata. 

δὲ simul placebit| ‘if you think well 
of joining with me’—a rather harsh el- 
lipse for simul esse mecum, and in any case 
an unusual expression. Streicher wishes 
to supply proficisct before placebit, but 
this is too violent a remedy. 

Sin idem ... poterit) ‘But if the 
same Course commends itself to you, and 
it turns out to be possible for you to come 
to the same place (as I shall be in), 
though not at once, I shall take care to 
keep you informed of everything.’ There 
is no need to alter poterit of the ss. to 
poteris, as Cratander, followed by Wesen- 
berg, does: for poterit often = poterit fiert ; 
cp. Kuhner on Tusc. i. 28, as solet = solet 
Jjiert Madv. Fin. v. 1: ep. 472. 7 ut olim 
solebat. With eodem understand ire, a 
common ellipse: e.g. Att. xvi. 10. 1 (801) 
statueram enim recta Appia Romam (sc. 
ire). 


AER 


EP. 391 (ATT, X. 8A). 


22} 


391, ANTONY ΤῸ CICERO (Arr. x. 8 A). 


CAMPANIA (3); 


MAY 1 (ABOUT); A. U. ©. 7053 B.C. 49; AKT. CIC, 57. 


M. Antonius suadet M. Ciceroni ut, consilio abeundi abiecto, sibi omnia integra 


servet. 


ANTONIUS TRIB. PL. PRO PR. CICERONI IMP. SAL. 


1. Nisi te valde amarem et multo quidem plus quam tu putas, 
non extimuissem rumorem qui de te prolatus est, cum praesertim 


falsum esse existimarem. 


Sed quia te nimio plus diligo, non 


possum dissimulare mihi famam quoque, quamvis sit falsa, magni 


esse. 


May 1] As Cicero probably received 
this letter just before writing 392, and as 
Antony was in the vicinity of Cumae, 
it is probable that Antony wrote it on 
May 1. 

TRIB. PL. PRO PR.| Caesar on his 
departure for Spain had given Antony 
ἃ commission to govern Italy as pro- 
praetor, though at the time he was tribune. 
Antony had already in 52 been chosen 
quaestor by Caesar without sortition, Att. 
vi. 6. 4 (276); he had gained the augur- 
ship in 50. He had joined the army of 
Caesar this year, and Atius Paelignus had 
capitulated to him at Sulmo, 335. ὃ. In 
395. 2, and in Att, xiv. 13 a (716) we 
have other letters to Cicero from this 
man, who was destined so largely to 
influence his life, and finally to cause his 
death. 

1. non extimuissem] ‘I should not have 
been alarmed at a rumour which has 
been spread about you, the more espe- 
cially as I believe it to be false.’ 

nimio plus| lit. ‘quite too much,’ 
‘ever so much,’ a colloquial expression ; 
nimio with comparatives is frequent in the 
comedies; see Prof. Sonnenschein on 
Most. 72. The phrase nimio plus is found 
in Horace, Epist. i. 10. 30, where Wilkins 
quotes other passages; and it is often 
found in Livy ; see Weissenborn on i. 2, 
3. 


famam .., esse| ‘mere report, no 
matter how false it is, is of considerable 
concern.’ For the last three words Zb 


Te iturum esse trans mare credere non possum, cum tant 


has falsa falsam agnoscere magni esse; M 


esse (in margin in aio esse): while OR P 
have falsa magno esse, and shas falsa magni 
esse. Lehmann, in his ed. of Hofmann, 
reads qguamvis sit falsa, falsam agnoscere 
magni esse. It is strange, indeed, to say 
‘because I love you I must say that it is 
desirable to recognize. that the rumour, 
although it is false, is false’: but 
Antony’s logic or powers of expression 
were not very exact. In his Quaest. 
Tull., p. 8, Lehmann had suggested 
quamvis sit falsa, magno esse <dolori (or 
stomacho). Te iturum esse>. But how 
are we to account for agnosco in M? and 
Bosius did not lie wholesale as regards Ζ 
(Lehmann ‘ Att.,’ pp. 104-112). Possibly 
we should read as in Z, omitting falsam,. 
‘that it is of considerable importance to 
take note of report too, no matter how 
false it is’ (as well as of ascertained facts). 
If we adopted Lehmann’s original inter-. 
pretation, we might read guamvis sit 
falsa, angori magno esse, and refer to the 
actual report about Cicero, not to report 
in general. 


Te iturum esse} These words must be 
inserted, and must be supposed to have 
fallen out threugh the homoeoteleuton of 
esse. . . esse. Wes. says they are in 
ed..Iens. The violent ellipses which 
Hofmann quotes in defence of the text 
as given in the mss. are not to the purpose,. 


222 EP. 891 (ATT, X. 8.4). 

facias Dolabellam οὐ Tulliam tuam, feminam lectissimam, tantique 
ab omnibus nobis fias quibus mehercule dignitas amplitudoque 
tua paene carior est quam tibiipsi. Sed tamen non sum arbitratus 
esse amici non commoveri etiam improborum sermone, atque 60 
feci studiosius quod iudicabam duriores partis mihi impositas esse 
ab offensione nostra, quae magis a ζηλοτυπίᾳ mea quam ab iniuria 
tua nata est. Sic enim volo te tibi persuadere mihi neminem esse 
cariorem te excepto Caesare meo, meque illud una iudicare Cae- 
sarem maxime in suis M. Ciceronem reponere. 2. Qua re, mi 
Cicero, te rogo ut tibi omnia integra serves, eius fidem improbes 
qui tibi ut beneficium daret prius iniuriam fecit, contra ne pro- 
fugias qui te etsi non amabit—quod accidere non potest—tamen 
salvum amplissimumque esse cupiet. Dedita opera ad te Calpur- 
nium, familiarissimum meum, misi ut mihi magnae curae tuam 


vitam ac dignitatem esse scires. 


as they all come from hasty and familiar 
letters dashed off in a hurry by Cicero, 
and belong to a quite different kind of 
literature from a semi-official missive like 
this, and one on which Antony seems to 
have bestowed some pains. Nor does 
Antony write hastily and allusively in his 
other letter, Att. xiv. 13 a (716). 

lectissimam] ‘that peerless lady your 
daughter Tullia.’ For Jectissima cp. De 
Inv. i. 52. 

dignitas amplitudoque | 
and distinction.’ 

atque 60 feci studiosius| ‘and I have 
acted with the more earnestness in this 
matter because I thought a harder réle 
was laid on me by reason of our misunder- 
standing, which arose rather from my 
jealousy than from any want of friendli- 
ness on your part.’ Cicero was elected 
augur to the exclusion of Antony in 53, 
cp. Phil. ii. 4; hence the jealousy to 
which Antony refers. For ab = ‘as the 
result of’ Prof. Goligher refers us to 
such passages as Livy xxx. 6. 1, ab eodem 
ervore credere; Xxv. 26. 7, accessit et ab 
pestilentia malum. 

meque iliud una iudicare| ‘and be sure 
that I am convinced of this at the same 


‘your position 


time that Caesar holds Cicero in a high — 


place among his friends.’ This is a 
rather awkward sentence, and would be 
much better without the words megue... 
iudicare ; but though M omits from meo 
to Caesarem, which Cratander has pre- 


served (see Adn. Crit.), the words appear 
to have been written by Antony, and are 
unlikely to have been interpolated. 

2. tibi omnia integra serves| “1 beg you 
to commit yourself to nothing, to disown 
allegiance to (or decline to repose 
trust in) one who, in order to do you a 
kindness, first inflicted on you an injury 
(as Pompey did in the matter of Cicero’s 
exile); and, on the other hand, not to 
turn your back on one, who even though 
he should no longer feel affection for you— 
an impossible case—will ever have at 
heart that your political position and pre- 
eminent distinction should be secure.’ 
Incolumis is the regular word for one in 
possession of political rights: cp. contra 
damnatum et mortuum pro incolumi et pro 
vive dicere, Cluent. 10. The difference 
between incolumis and salvus (if any) is 
one of degree ; cp. de salute et incolumitate 
tua, 383. 1; De Invent. ii. 169. 

qui... fecit] Cp. 333. ὃ tlle restituendt 
met quam retinendi studiosior, and note 
there. 

Calpurnium| This may have been L. 
Calpurnius Piso, whom Cicero attacked 
in the Jn Pisonem, and who had been 
consul in 58. He is called familiaris 
Antoni in Phil. xii. 1. But again it may 
have been the L. Calpurnius Piso who is 
mentioned in Phil x. 13, as a legatus of 
Antony who surrendered to young Marcus 
Cicero in 43. The matter is uncertain. 


_ thinks is on the wane (δὲ 6, 7). 


_ perhaps the ‘ Caelian affair,’ as his tone is 
_ rather decided; cp. 393. 2. 
- about neutrality (ἡ 10) was only for 
_ Antony. 


EP. 392 (ATT. X. 8). 


bo 
bo 
Ww 


392. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arv. x. 8). 
CUMAE; MAY 2 (ὃ 10) ; A. U. C. 705; B. CG. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero pluribus verbis exponit quam ob rem sibi consilium exspectandi dum 
quid in Hispania geratur accipiat repudiandum esse videatur et citius transeundum. 


CICERO A'TTICO SAL. 


1. Et res ipsa monebat et tu ostenderas et ego videbam de lis 


_ rebus quas intercipi periculosum esset finem inter nos scribendi 
-fieri tempus esse. 


Sed cum ad me saepe mea Tullia scribat orans 
ut quid in Hispania geratur exspectem et semper ascribat idem 
videri tibi, idque ipse etiam ex tuis litteris intellexerim, non puto 
esse alienum me ad te quid de ea re sentiam scribere. 2. Con- 
silium istud tune esset prudens, ut mihi videtur, si nostras rationes 
ad Hispaniensem casum accommodaturi essemus, quod fier 20n debet. 
Necesse est enim aut, id quod maxime velim, pelli istum ab His- 
pania aut trahiid bellum aut istum, ut confidere videtur, appre- 
hendere Hispanias. Si pelletur, quam gratus aut quam honestus 
tum erit ad Pompeium noster adventus, cum ipsum Curionem ad 
eum transiturum putem? Sin trahitur bellum, quid exspectem 
aut quam diu? Relinquitur ut, si vincimur in Hispania, quies- 


In this letter Cicero seems decided to 
dissociate himself quickly (ᾧ 5) from all 
connexion with Caesar, whose cause he 
He was 
plainly meditating some overt action (ᾧ 1), 


tended to make my course depend on 
the turn things may take in Spain’: cp. 
quae ipsa tum esset iucundior si ulla res 
esset publica, Fam. vi. 11. 2 (622); tum 
demum, tum denique, ita demum are more 
usual in sentences like this. 


His talk non debet | This is found in the Paris 


1. quas intercipi] The accusative is 


- quite normal, as the sentiment ‘it would 

' be dangerous to have this intercepted’ 

᾿ς would naturally and regularly be expressed 
by periculosum esset hanc rem intercipi. 


Tullia] She was in Rome (§ 9, cp. 
321. 2 and 378. 4), and corresponded with 
her father (379. 2). She appears to have 
come down to Cumae shortly after this 
(cp. 399. 1), and was confined there pre- 


-maturely on May 19 (404. 1). 


2. tune... si] ‘only in case I in- 


Ms. P, which s., however, is full of 
interpolations: also in ed. Iens. Koch 
reads neqguit. Lehmann in his ed. of 
Hofmann adds nec honestum nec tutum, 
and notices that Cicero discusses the 
honestum down to § 4, and the ¢utwm in 
ᾧ 5. Some such addition must be made. 
istum] refers to Caesar throughout. 
Curionem] See on 388. 3. 
Relinquitur] ‘the only alternative 
remaining is that I should maintain a 
neutral attitude if we are beaten in 
Spain. I take the opposite view to this 
(1 do not regard 10 85 a possible alterna- 


224 EP. 899 (ATT. X.. 8), 
camus. Id ego contra puto: istum enim victorem magis relin- 


quendum puto quam victum et dubitantem magis quam fidentem 
suis rebus. Nam caedem video si vicerit, et impetum in priva- 
torum pecunias et exsulum reditum et tabulas novas et turpis- 
simorum honores et regnum non modo Romano homini sed ne 
Persae quidem cuiquam tolerabile. 3. Tacita esse poterit indignitas 
nostra? Pati poterunt oculi me cum Gabinio sententiam dicere ? 
et quidem illum rogari prius? praesto esse clientem tuum 
Clodium? Οὐ. Atei Plaguleium? ceteros? Sed cur inimicos con- 
ligo P qui meos necessarios a me defensos nec videre in curia sine 
dolore nec versari inter eos sine dedecore potero. Quid, si ne id 
quidem est exploratum fore ut mihi leeat—scribunt enim ad me 
amici eius me illi nullo modo satis fecisse quod in senatum non 
venerim—tamenne dubitemus an ei nos etiam cum periculo ven- 


tive), for I think I am more bound to 
turn my back on Caesar as victor, rather 
than when he is conquered and is in a 
critica], rather than a confident, state as 
regards his fortunes.’ The alternative to 
victum is the whole clause dubitantem magis 
quam fidentem suis rebus. It is the love of 
antithesis that has led to the introduction 
of the words magis quam fidentem suis rebus, 
which almost render the sentence self- 
contradictory. Schtitz and others have 
altered et to nec, an easy but unnecessary 
proceeding. Contra is adverhial, as in 
utrumgue contra accidit, Fam. xii. 18, 2 
(670): ep. im stultitia contra est, Clu. 84 ; 
Plin. Ep. 1. 20. 7, ego contra puto. The 
meaning is ‘ not only do I not think that 
the victory of Caesar in Spain would be 
a reason for my doing nothing, but I 
hold the very opposite view, and think it 
would be a reason for my declaring at 
once against him.’ 

in privatorum pecunias ... tabulas 
novas| Cp. 304.1. For anticipations of 
massacre 395. 6. 

3. indignitas| ‘indignation.’ Boot 
denies that the word can bear this 
meaning in Cicero, but Caelius uses it, 
doloris atque indignitatis causa, Fam. 
viii. 17. 2 (408); and the word in other 
passages in Cicero certainly means 
‘unworthiness’ (Div. in Caecil. 63), or 
‘unworthy treatment,’ ‘indignity’ (498. 
2): from this it is an easy transition to 
‘indignation at unworthy treatment’: 
cp. Liv, vii. 7. 2, and often. We find 
dignatio for dignitas in 393. 2, which 


shows that the line between the two ideas 
was not very strictly marked. Lambinus 
says Zhas Tanta for TZacita. ‘Then the 
words will mean, ‘Can our lack of worth 
be so great (as to endure this) Ὁ" 

Gabinio| He was recalled by Caesar 
in this year, and had an unsuccessful 
campaign in Illyricum in 48. He died 
there of disease (Bell. Alex. 43. 1-3). 

clientem tuum Clodium| Sext. Clodius, 
who had been banished in 52 as one of 
the most riotous of the creatures of 
P. Clodius (Phil. ii. 8; Ascon. in Mil. 55, 
ed. Clark), Cicero ussails him violently in 
Cael. 78. He was ultimately restored by 
Antony in 44, with the consent of Cicero: 
cp. Att. xiv. 13 a@and ὁ (716,717). He 
is called clientem tuum because his family 
were on terms of intimacy with Atticus. 
P. Clodius is called the sodalis of Atticus 
in Att. ii. 9. 3 (36). 

C. Atei| sc. elientem. This Ateius was 
probably the notorious enemy of Crassus ; 
see note to 457. 2. These strong oppo- 
nents of the democratic Triumvirs seem 
to have been, all the same, on friendly 
terms with extreme democrats. Plagu- 
leius is mentioned among the supporters 
of Clodius in De Domo 89. 

conligo| ‘enumerate,’ ‘recapitulate’ : 
cp. 494. 1, conlectis omnibus bellis ; 400. 3, 
multaque conligebamus. 

nec videre ... potero| because, as Man. 
says, they had been regularly and legally 
condemned, and are yet now restored. 

tamenne| ‘yet (in spite of the uncer- 
tainty how they may be received) am I to 


EP. 392 (ATT. X. 8). 225 


ditemus quicum coniuncti ne cum praemio quidem voluimus esse ? 
4. Deinde hoc vide, non esse iudicium de tota contentione in 
Hispaniis, nisi forte iis amissis arma Pompeium abiecturum putas, 


 antiquissima cura fuit. 


* 


' think about making advances to Caesar 
with a risk of rejection, when I refused to 
join him with the certainty of a reward ?’ 
Dubitare an means ‘to entertain the idea 
of,’ ‘ich zweifle ob nicht mit Hinneigung 
zur Bejahung,’ Hofmann. 

4. iudicium] ‘that the verdict on the 
whole contest does not depend on the 
Spains.’ Judicium is here metaphorical. 

Themistocleum| Cp. non est in parieti- 
bus res p. and fecit idem Themistocles 304. 
3. Pompey looked on the mastery of the 
sea as the important point ; Themistocles 
held the same view: cp. Hdt. vii. 143, 
παρασκευάζεσθαι ὧν αὐτοὺς ὡς ναυμαχή- 
σοντας συνεβούλευε ὡς τούτου ἐόντος τοῦ 
ξυλίνου τείχεος. Again we read in chapter 
144 that he advised the Athenians in the 
war with Aegina to build a fleet with the 
revenues of the mines of Laurium: cp. 
Groteiv. 397 ff. (ed. 1869). In his Essay 
on ‘ The True Greatness of Kingdoms and 

_ Estates’ (No. 29), Bacon quotes this pas- 
᾿ς sage:—‘*To be master of the Sea is an 
abridgement of a monarchy. Cicero, writ- 
᾿ς ing to Atticus of Pompey his preparation 
_ against Caesar, saith: Consilium Pompeii 
Le plane Themistocleum est: putat enim qui 
mari potitur ewm rerum potiri. And with- 
_ out doubt Pompey had tired out Caesar if 
_ upon vain confidence he had not left that 
_ way... But thus much is certain: that 
© he that commands the sea is at great 
_ liberty, and may take as much and as 
little of the war as he will; whereas those 
_ that be strongest by land are many times 
_nhevertheless in great straits.”’ 
per se| ‘Spain qua Spain,’ i.e. ‘for 
its own sake.’ So Lehmann, who com- 
pares virtus per se expetenda (Fin i. 25), 
and such expressions in Cicero’s philo- 


bt a 


1 ~_sophical works passim. 
a VOL. IV. 


euius omne consilium ‘l'hemistocleum est. 
mare teneat eum necesse esse rerum potiri. 
egit ut Hispaniae per se tenerentur, navalis apparatus ei semper 
Navigabit igitur, cum erit tempus, 
maximis classibus et ad Italiam accedet, in qua nos sedentes quid 
erimus? nam medios esse iam non licebit. 
bimur igitur? Quod maius scelus aut tantum? denique quid 
turpius? fanuival delic in absentis ¢ solus tuli scelus eiusdem 


Existimat. enim qui 
Itaque numquam id 


Classibus adversa- 


quid erimus| Cp. quid ero (by some 
editors wrongly changed to videro), Att. 
viii. 2, fin. (832): ‘What shall we do if 
we do nothing ξ᾿ (sedentes); cp. Pompeio 
stante vel etiam sedente, Att. vi. 3, 4 
(264). 

medios esse iam non licebit] ‘When the 
dat. dependent on /icet is not expressed, 
the acc. with infinitive is not only a 
possible, but the necessary construction ’: 
Dr. Reidon Balb. 29. He compares Fam. 
vil. 1. 5 (127), neque nos lepore tuo neque 
te meo frui liceret. When the dat. is 
expressed, the acc. with inf. is rare: Balb. 
29 (cp. Ter. Heaut. 388, expedit bonas 
esse vobis). 

adversabimur| ‘shall I take the side 
opposed to Pompey’s fleets?” The answer 
to this is, ‘What greater treason could 
there be or so great as this? What, in 
fine, more ignominious step could be 
taken?’ This is something of an anti- 
climax : ¢urpiws is less strong than 
scelus. 

tanuival dehic] See Adn. Crit. for some 
of the various corrections of this corrupt 
passage which have been proposed. We 
think it well-nigh certain that scelus 
refers to Caesar, and that Cicero is here 
putting the case alternative to the one 
just put, which was ‘shall I oppose 
Pompey?’ He now asks ‘shall I join 
Pompey and oppose Caesar?’ His im- 
plied answer is, ‘Yes; he cannot remain 
neutral. It were treason and ignominy 
to oppose Pompey.’ And the next clause 
indicates that Cicero is not afraid, for he 
alone opposed the treason of Caesar while 
he was victorious and carrying all before 
him. And he will certainly not be afraid 
of Caesar when Pompey and the aristo- 
crats will be here to withstand him. But 


Q 


226 


“EP, 399: (ATT:- X. 8). 


cum Pompeio et cum reliquis principibus non feram ? 5. Quod si 
iam misso officio periculi ratio habenda est, ab illis est periculum 
‘si peccaro, ab hoe si recte fecero; nec ullum in his malis consilium 
periculo vacuum inveniri potest, ut non sit dubium quin turpiter 


facere cum periculo fugiamus quod fugeremus 


etiam cum 


salute. Non simul cum Pompeio mare transivimus. Omniuo 


it is not at all clear how this is to be got 
out of the words. Hofmann suggests an 
iram huius in absentis solus tuli, scelus 
eiusdem ... non feram. This makes good 
sense, but it seems improbable that such 
plain words wouid have been corrupted. 
We cannot help thinking that the theory 
advocated by Victorius, Corradus and 
Pantagathus, revived by O. E. Schmidt 
(Rh. Mus. 1897, p. 165), has much to 
recommend it, and that there is some 
reference to Hannibal: cp. 804.1, Utrum 
de imperatore populi Romani an de Hanni- 
bale loquimur 2 If the ὁ of Hannibal was 
altered to v, corruption would have pro- 
ceeded apace. We might then suggest 
An Hannibalis huius in absentis solus tulr 
scelus, eiusdem, &c.; or An Hannibalem 
λῆς. .. tuli, scelus eiusdem, meaning 
that hitherto, before Caesar became 
desperate, he was something of a legiti- 
mate enemy, but anon his declining 
fortunes will compel him to every kind of 
crime, and he will thus be less formidable. 
Schmidt notices that Cicero calls Verres 
a Hannibal (v. 81). But the Oedipus of 
this passage has, we think, still to come. 
5. Quod si iam misso] ‘If I lay aside 
considerations of duty, and only weigh 
the risk attending each course, I am in 
danger from the Pompeians if I do wrong, 
from Caesar if I do right.’ 
quin... fugiamus|} ‘that I should 
shun doing disgracefully when it is 
dangerous what I shonld have shunned 
doing even if it had been safe’ (Shuck- 
burgh). The course he refers to is joining 
Caesar, and abandoning Pompey. It is 
more usual to have the infinitive after a 
verb of doubting when the sentence is 
negative, and the idea is to ‘hesitate’ 
about a course of action; but guia with 
subj. is sometimes found: cp. Leg. Man. 
49: 68; Leg. Agr. ii. 69; Mur. 67; Mil. 
63 ; quoted by Dr. Reid on De Sen. 16. 
For fugere facere cp. De Orat. iii. 158, 
Jugerim dicere. It is common in the 


poets: cp. Horace, Carm. i. 9. 18, Quid 


sit futurum cras fuge quaerere. 


non .. .transwimus| the reading of ἡ 
the Mss is 2202) simul cum Pompeio mare 


transierimus omnino potuimus [P indeed 


has non before omnino: but P and R are 
full of interpolations: cp. Lehmann, 
‘ Att.,’ p. 162]. We venture to alter ¢ran- 
sierimus (which cannot be interpreted) to 
transivimus or transiimus with Nipperdey ; 
but we think no further change is neces- 
sary. Cicero’s argument is:—As danger 
attends either course, staying in Italy or 
doing the right thing and leaving it with 
Pompey, better choose the right course 
and go. But we did not. ‘ We did not 
succeed in crossing the sea with Pompey. 
We could of course have done so: the 
dates are there. But—for let us acknow- 
ledge the truth, we did not even make 
an effort to succeed—I hoped for peace.’ 
This view is at variance, no doubt, with 
other passages, such as 343. 3 and 356. 2 
where Cicero represents his inability to 
join Pompey as due to the fact that 
Pompey did not inform him of his plan of 
going to Brundisium until after the 
capture of Corfinium, and by that time 
Caesar had cut off communications with 
the army of Pompey. But it is plain 
from the somewhat disingenuous and 
partially untrue statements of Cicero in 
343. 3 (e.g. that pointed out by Mr. Duff | 
(see note to 848. 3) that he received 

Pompey’s despatch to the consuls at 
Cales, which was well on the way to 
Brundisium, and not at Formiae, whither 
he had retired, and where he did receive 
the despatch 337. 1,2) that he made no 
serious effort to join Pompey and caught 
at the first rumour of danger as an excuse 
for discontinuing his journey. He seems 
to acknowledge this here when writing to 
his close friend Atticus. If he had 
wanted to go, he could have done so; and 
Professor Goligher refers to 395. 1, where 
he says that he often wrote to Antony 
to the effect potuisse, si aliter sentirem 
esse cum Pompeio. But he still cherished 
hopes that he might act as peace-maker. | 
This view, suggested by Professor © 


nolui. 
tarditatem incidi. 


| Goligher, seems better than resorting to the 
- somewhat serious step of adding <non> 
before potwimus with Manutius and most 
 editors—though that would make fair 
sense. ‘ We simply could not succeed in 
joining Pompey. The dates are plain. 
_ But we readily acknowledge that we did 
not even make an effort to succeed.’ In 
our former edition we read non <si> simul 
eum Pompeio mare transieramus ? omnino 
<non> potuimus. " Was there not one 
“safe course if we crossed the sea with 
Pompey ? (you may ask). We simply 
F could not.? But we think that would 
have required transissemus, as it was an 
unfulfilled condition. 
ne contendimus| In our former ed. we 
adopted the Mss. reading condimus and 
interpreted it thus (following a hint of 
Orelli), ‘I refuse even to take the sting 
out of the confession, supposing I could.’ 
 Condire is often used by Cicero in the sense 
_ of ‘to sweeten’ or ‘make palatable’ what 
is unpalatable: cp. De Oret. ii. 212; 
Att. xii. 40. 3 (584). But that is a 
“somewhat artificial idea in a passage 
_ where the language is fairly simple. So 
_ the ordinary conjecture is adopted, that 
᾿ς of Nipperdey, ne contendimus quidem ut 
| possemus, “1 did not try hard to put 
“myself ina position to do so.’ This is 
sertainly the natural expression. No 
doubt it involves two alterations—the 


᾿ Possimus to possemus; but neither is an 
/ unusual kind of corruption. Some mss., 
» @.g. Harl. 2491, have nec ostendimus, 
which points to ne contendimus. Lambinus 
with much confidence conjectures ne 
_ tvespondeamus quidem ut possumus, sup- 
| posing the corruption to condamus to 
» have come through rondeamus. This is 
) mot very convincing, for condimus, not 
Ὁ tondamus, is the Ms. reading. — 

_. idem] ‘when at the same time he was 
‘friendly with Pompey.’ For Cicero’s 
desire not to break with Caesar, cp. 343.7. 


EP. 892 (ATT..X. 8). 


potuimus; exstat ratio dierum. 
quod est; necontendimus quidem ut possemus—fefellit ea me res, 
-quae fortasse non debuit, sed fefellit: pacem putavi fore, quae si 
esset, iratum mihi Caesarem esse cum idem amicus esset Pompeio 
Senseram enim quam iidem essent. 
Sed adsequor omnia si propero: si cunctor 
amitto. 6. Et tamen, mi Attice, auguria quogue me incitant 
quadam spe non dubia, nec haec collegi nostri ab Atto sed illa 


227 


Sed tamen—fateamur enim 


Hoc verens in hane 


videm] ‘how exactly the same (each as 
the other) were Caesar aud Pompey ἢ in 
their aims and methods. The meaning 
‘how unchanged each was’ would require 
the addition of some such words as qui 
fuerant. Caesar was from the very out- 
break of the war always trying to have a 
personal interview with Pompey; and 
there was always in the aristocrats the 
fear that Caesar and Pompey might unite 
once more, and where would the aristo- 
crats be then? Cp. O. KE. Schmidt 
(p. 124), who writes excellently on this 
topic. Nissen (p. 104 note) holds much 
the same view, and thinks that this sus- 
picion explains and justifies the hesitating 
position which Cicero took up during 
these months. He refers to 326. 2; 343. 
7; 345. 2, and to this passage. Cicero 
was quite sensible that uterque regnare 
vult (342. 2), 

incidi] 1 drifted into this dilatory 
attitude.’ 

6. ab Atto] ‘I do not mean the words 
of wisdom of my own augural college, 
which came down from Attus Navius, 
but Plato’s word of wisdom about the 
tyrant.’ In referring to the auguria 
Platonis, Cicero has in his mind the passage 
De Rep. viii. 562, which he has para- 
phrased in his own De Rep. i. 66 (the 
Latin and Greek passages are well worth 
comparing). The point of both passages 
is the sentiment so admirably put by 
Tennyson in The Vision of Sin— 


He that roars for liberty 
Faster binds a tyrant’s power ; 
And the tyrant’s cruel glee 
Forces on the freer hour. 


And again in Tiresias— 
My warning that the tyranny of one 
Was prelude to the tyranny of all, 


My counsel that the tyranny of all 
Led backward to the tyranny of one. 


Cicero takes hope from the fact that 
Q2 


228 


Platonis de tyrannis. 


EP. 392 (ATT. X. 8). 


5. tse ae ae aan 


Nullo enim modo posse video stare istum 


diutius quin ipse per ce etiam languentibus nobis concidat, quippe — 
qui florentissimus ac novus, vi, vil diebus ipsi illi egenti ac per- 
ditae multitudini in odium acerbissimum venerit, qui duarum — 
rerum simulationem tam cito amiserit, mansuetudinis in Metello,. 


divitiarum in aerario. 


Iam quibus utetur vel sociis vel ministris, 


si ii provincias, si ii rem publicam regent, quorum nemo duo: 
menses potuit patrimonium suum gubernare? 7. Non sunt. 
omnia colligenda quae tu acutissime perspicis, sed tamen ea pone 
ante oculos: iam intelleges id regnum vix semestre esse posse. 
Quod si me fefellerit, feram sicut multi clarissimi homines in re: 


tyranny by its very nature carries in itself 
the source of its dissolution. In De Div. 

ii. 80, Cicero questions the right of Attus 
to be regarded as the founder of Roman 
augury. 

forentissimus| ‘in the bloom of 
success’: cp. 3838.4; 394.1. Itisa 
word to which Cicero is partial. 

vI, vir diebus| ‘in the course of a 
week.’ The number is proverbial, as 
‘two or three’ with us; and the asyn- 
deton, which is very rarely found with 
other numerals, points to the proverbial 
character of the expression. Cp. his men- 
sibus sex septem, Ter. Eun. 332; sex sevtem 
milia, Hor. Ep. i. 1. 58. ‘The asyndeton 
disappears in Lucr. iv. 577, sex etiam aut 
septem loca vidi reddere voces, but very 
probably the aut should be struck out. 
The interval referred to is that between 
Caesar’s return from Brundisium and his 
departure for Spain, from March 30 to 
April 5. 

qui... amiserit]| ‘by letting slip 
through his fingers in such a short space 
his fictitious claim to two good things, 
clemency in the case of Metellus, ample 
resources in his seizure of the public 
money in the temple of Saturn.’ For 
Metellus see on 372. 8. For the un- 
popularity he incurred, cp. 388. 3. 

utetur|; ‘This correction of the Ms. 
utatur must be accepted, unless we under- 
stand video from non video, above: for the 
subjunctive could not stand in a question 
of this kind, but only in deliberative 
questions, nor could cogita or necesse est 
be understood. Ellipse must have some- 
thing to reston. Besides, the succeeding 
vegent shows that the tense must be 
future. 


7. colligendu| 
cp. colligo, § 3. 

Quod si me fefellerit| “11 I prove to- 
be mistaken in my estimate of the dura- 
tion of Caesar’s pre-eminence, I err in 
company with great men like Themistocles. 
[and will readily accept the consequences. 
of my mistake, as they did of theirs]: for 
surely you do not suppose I would 
rather have the lot of Sardanapallus, death 
in his bed, than death in exile - like 
Themistocles.’ Sardanapallus, we are told 
by Ctesias, being no longer able to defend. 
Nineveh, destroyed himself, with his 
wives and treasures, on a funeral pyre. 
But it seems to us certain that this inci- 
dent is not referred to here, if, indeed, it. 
was known to Cicero. Such a violent and 
self-inflicted death would be far worse: 
than exile, and would, therefore, be quite 
unsuitable as an illustration in this pas- 
sage. With Cicero Sardanapallus 18- 
invariably used merely as a type of 
sensuality: see Fin. 11. 106; Tusc. v. 
101; and De Rep. iii. (fragm. 4), in 
which he is characterized as vitiis multo- 
quam nomine ipso deformior. Here, too,. 
he is a type of inglorious ease and self- 
indulgence, and the words in suo lectulo- 
(cp. 400. 2) are undoubtedly genuine, 88: 
the natural end of a life of ease. We 
insert in after exsilio. Wesenberg would 
change swo to meo before /ectulo, and other 
editors would bracket in suo lectulo. 
Hofmann, indeed, well shows that the re= 
flexive pronoun (‘ one, one’s’) is suitable 
in sentences like this, comparing Nat. 
Deor. i. 84, quam bellum erat, Vellei, 
confitert potius nescire quod nescires. . “ 
quam . . . sibi displicere ‘to lose one’s 
self-respect.’ But the addition of me: 


‘to be enumerated’ ; 


ὦ δ 


EP. 392 (ATT. X. 8). 229 


publica excellentes tulerunt, nisi forte me Sardanapalli vicem in 
suo lectulo mori malle censueris quam in exsilio Themistocleo: qui 
cum fuisset, ut ait Thucydides, τῶν piv παρόντων δι᾿ ἐλαχίστης 
βουλῆς κράτιστος γνώμων, τῶν δὲ μελλόντων ἐς πλεῖστον τοῦ 
γενησομένου ἄριστος εἰκαστής, tamen incidit in eos casus quos 
vitasset si eum nihil fefellisset. tsi is erat, ut ait idem, qui τὸ 
ἄμεινον καὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἐν τῷ ἀφανεῖ ἔτι ἑώρα μάλιστα, tamen nec 
vidit nec quo modo Lacedaemoniorum nec quo modo suorum 
_¢ivium invidiam effugeret nec quid Artaxerxi polliceretur. Non 
fuisset illa nox tam acerba Africano, sapientissimo viro, non tam 
dirus ille dies Sullanus callidissimo viro C. Mario, si nihil 
utrumque eorum fefellisset. Nos tamen hoc confirmamus illo 
augurio quo diximus, nec nos fallit nec aliter accidet. 8. Cor- 
ruat iste necesse est aut per adversarios aut ipse per se, qui quidem 
sibi est adversarius unus acerrimus. Id spero vivis nobis fore. 
~Quamquam tempus est nos de illa perpetua iam, non de hac 


| makes our passage somewhat different. 
Perhaps it is ‘unless you think that I 
ἢ should prefer to die “ like S. in his bed,”’’ 
ἢ and suppose that S. was recorded some- 
§ where to have declared that he would die 
# in his bed, as Walter Map said he was 
resolved to die ina tavern. Sardanapalli 
vicem may perhaps mean ‘like Sardana- 
allus’; but it is a rare usage, and not 
found in Cicero, though it is found in 
Sallust (ap. Non. 497. 26), vicem pecorum 
obtruncabantur. It is better, we think, 
to regard maile as a verb expressing 
feeling, and compare such a usage as 
De Domo 8 et meam et aliorum vicem 
rtimescere. Then vicem would be ‘the 
dot,’ and a direct acc. on malle, and in 
| suo lectuio mori, ‘death in his bed,’ in 
) apposition with it. That we should not 
) bracket in suo lectuio mori is rightly held 
) by Sjogren (Comm. Tull., p. 158). 
᾿ς τῶν μὲν παρόντων) <A reference to 
ΕἼ. Thuc. i. 138, will show that Cicero here 
“quotes from memory, and not quite accu- 
‘Yately. Instead of τῶν μὲν παρόντων, 
Thucyd. has τῶν re παραχρῆμα; instead 


δον κα ἰδ, Πα Oe TIN 


᾽ 
[ἢ 
ei 


οὗ τῶν δὲ, he has καὶ τῶν ; instead of és, 
ΒΘ has ἐπὶ; instead of τὸ ἄμεινον καὶ τὸ, 
[δ has τότε ἄμεινον ἢ ; and instead of 
ἑώρα, he has προεώρα. 

|  polliceretur| the subjugation of Greece 
)) under the yoke of Persia. The meaning 
| as not ‘he did not discern how (by what 
means) he should escape the jealousy of 


the Lacedaemonians and his own citizens, 
or what (what kind of a) promise he 
ought to make to Artaxerxes’; but ‘he 
did not foresee to what straits he would 
be reduced to escape the jealousy of the 
Lacedaemonians and his own citizens, 
and what a promise he would be com- 
pelled to make to Artaxerxes.’ 

Africano| See note on Q. Fr. ii. 3. 3 
(102). ‘Africanus would have been 
spared that night so untimely (on which 
he died), and Marius that disastrous day 
of Sulla’s triumph (on which he was 
driven from Rome by his victorious rival), 
if nothing had ever escaped their sagacity.’ 
This sense of acerbus is rare in Cic., though 
found occasionally (Tusc. iv. 18 and 
perhaps in De Dom. 42). 

illo augurio quo diximus| It seems 
better to understand nos confirmari than 
to assume an unusual attraction of the 
relative. The reference is to the auguria 
Platonis, of which he says above me 
incitant quadam spe non dubia. 

8. unus acerrimus]  wunus merely 
strengthens the superlative: cp. note to 
365. 2, and see the Dictionaries. For 
the sentiment cp. 398. 6 Sed tamen nihil 
inimicius quam stbi ipse. 

de tila perpetua] ‘This cannot be taken 
as a proof of Cicero’s belief in a future 
life. He contrasts with the brief span of 
his own existence the great extent of 
future time (life of men in this world) 


230 EP, 392 (ATT. X. 8). 


exigua vita cogitare. Sin quid acciderit maturius, haud sane mea. 
multum interfuerit utrum factum [fiat] videam an futurum esse 
multo ante viderim. Quae cum ita sint, non est committendum ut 
iis paream quos contra me senatus, ne quid res publica detri- 
menti acciperet, armavit. Tibi sunt omnia commendata, quae- 
commendationis meae pro tuo in nos amore non indigent. Nec 
hercule ego quidem reperio quid scribam ; sedeo enim πλουδοκῶν. 
Etsi nihil umquam tam fuit scribendum quam nihil mihi umquam 
ex plurimis tuis iucunditatibus gratius accidisse quam quod meam 
Tulliam suavissime diligentissimeque coluisti. Valde eo ipsa. 
delectata est (ego autem non minus), cuius quidem virtus mirifica. 
Quo modo illa fert publicam cladem ! quo modo domesticas tricas ! 
quantus autem animus in discessu nostro! Ist στοργή; est summa. 


σύντηξις, tamen nos recte facere et bene audire vult. 


10. Sed 


hac super re ve nimis, ne Meam ipse συμπάθειαν iam evocem. 


during which men will, perhaps, think 
of Cicero and Cicero’s prophecies: cp. 
longumque illud tempus cum non ero magis 
me movet quam hoc exiguum, Att. xii. 18. 
1 (549) 

Sin quid acciderit| ‘if anything should 
happen tu me,’ a euphemism for death. 

quos eontra| a strong instance of ana- 
strophe, ‘against whom the Senate armed 
me’; it is strange that Cicero did not 
avoid the ambiguity by some modification 
of the order of the words. The weapon 
which the Senate put into his hands was 
the ‘ultimate decree,’ videant consules ne 
quid respublica detrimenti capiat, 301. 1. 
In quos he is alluding to Caesar, who, he 
considered, was implicated in the Catili- 
narian conspiracy. We suppose, with 
Moser, that ve . . . acciperet is to be 
regarded as a phrase in the ablative = ‘ (by 
their order) that the State should sustain 
no injury’ ‘by the ultimate decree.’ 

9. 7ibi... indigent| ‘ Everything has 
been put into your hands, though, con- 
sidering your great affection for me, such 
an act on my part is not atall necessary.’ 
Wes. added mea after omnia, but it is 
easily understood from the next clause. 

πλουδοκῶν] ‘ waiting for a chance of 
sailing,’ like our phrase ‘ whistling for a 
wind.’ 
δοκεύων, but cp. καραδοκῶν. 

ἰδ] ‘yet (though I say I have no- 
thing to write about) never was there 
anything I have felt more bound to write 


than that there was never any one of all. 


The usual word for watching 15. 


your kindnesses to me which gave me 
greater pleasure than your most gracious 
and careful attention to Tullia.’ ΖΕ 8). 
often takes its meaning from a suppressed 
clause, and so ee equivalent to our 

‘yet, though? : : ep. 448. 1. 

cuius| refers to oo (Zullia), not to ego.. 
Hofmann gives some good examples of 
this usage, Tusc. i, 2, Τὴν στ 26-2. 
So below in ὃ 10, is does not refer to- 
Curione, which is nearest to it, but takes. 
up the 60 of the previous clause, which 
refers to Antonius. 
tuate coluisti—valde .. . minus—curus. 

tricas| ‘ worries,’ ‘ complications,’ es- 
pecially with Dolabella, her husband, who- 
was demanding from Cicero the payment. 
of her dowry. 


στοργή) isthe usual word for ‘ natural ἢ 


affection ’ in the letters: σύντηξις means- 
‘ community of feelings,’ ‘sympathy’; 
almost ‘she mingles her tears with mine,” 
‘she yields to the. ‘*melting mood’? in 
sympathy with me’ ; συμπάθεια i is ‘sense: 
of the pathos ofa situation ’ 
συμπάθειαν is ‘self-pity.’ 
10. super| = dé: 


Att. xiv. 22. 2 (729); hac super re Att. 


xvi. 6. 1 (778). These are, we think, ‘hell 
only examples of this usage in Cicero; _ ; 
but it is found in N epos, Paus. 4. 1, and. 
Sall. Jug. 71. 5, and in late prose. P 

ne| is inserted by Lehmann, who com- 
pares 404. 3, non loquar plura ne te quogue- 4 


excruciem ; without ne the words ne 


Some editors punc--; 


: and mean 


cp. super legatione ΐ 


a 
+ 


evocem would have nothing to depend on. 


EP. 393 (ATT. X. 9). 291. 


Tu, si quid de Hispaniis certius et si quid aliud, dum adsumus, , 
scribes et ego fortasse discedens dabo ad te aliquid, eo etiam magis 
quod Tullia te non putabat hoc tempore ex Italia. Cum Antonio 
item est agendum ut cum Curione, Melitae me velle esse, huic 


civili bello nolle interesse. 
bono in me quam Curione. 


Eo velim tam facili uti possim et tam. 
Is ad Misenum vi Nonas venturus 


dicebatur, id est hodie: sed praemisit mihi odiosas litteras hoc . 


exemplo [ Ep. 5911. 


393. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. x. 9). 


CUMAE ; MAY 3; A. U. Ὁ. 7055 B.C. 49; AKT. CIC. 57. 


De adventu Philotimi, de nuntiis de itineribus Caesaris et Pompeii adlatis, se 


Melitam cogitare dum quid in Hispania geratur accipiat. 


De M. Caelii litteris, de 


colloquio suo cum Antonio futuro, de rebus privatis. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Adventus Philotimi—at cuius hominis, quam insulsi et 
quam saepe pro Pompeio mentientis!—exanimavit omnis qui 


mecum erant; nam ipse obdurui. 


Dubitabat nostrum nemo quin 


Caesar itinera repressisset—volare dicitur: Petreius cum Afranio 


certius| sc. audieris : 
393. 3. 

ex Italia| sc. profecturum: cp. 445. 2. 
Ilium arbitrabantur protinus Patris in 
Siciliam (sc. iturum) and often: cp. 
Heidemann, p. 55. 

Cum Antonio ...agendum| ‘I must 
represent to Antony, as I did to Curio, 
that I wish to stay at Malta, and not 
to take part in the war.’ Agere cum = 


cp. note to 


dicere, and hence takes an objective 
clause. 
odiosas| ‘unpleasant,’ ‘annoying,’ 


which made me feel uncomfortable—the 


Greek ἐπαχθής. ‘This letter is Ep. 
391. 
May 3] Onthe same day as Cic. re- 


ceived Ep. 391 from Atticus, viz. May 2, 
he says Philotimus arrived with a letter 
from Caesar (Ep. 385) : see introd. note 
to 888. 


contradicts. 


1. pro Pompeto mentientis| cp. 321. 13. 
362. 6. 

exanimavit| ‘takes their breath’ 
away ’ by bringing information directly 
opposed to that which they had believed 
to be the case, and rendered more credible 
because it is unfavourable to Pompey, in 
whose favour he habitually resorts to 
fabrication. 

Dubitabat nemo| ‘No one hesitated to 
believe that Caesar had checked the rate 
of his progress—he is said by Philotimus 
to be absolutely flying : (nobody doubted) 
that Petreius had effected a junction with 
Afranius—he announces nothing of the 
kind.’ Boot’s reading volare dicitur ; 
dicitur Petreius cannot be accepted, for 
Cicero would hardly have used the same 
words dicitur both for the news of Philo-. 
timus contradicting the prevalent rumour 
and for the prevalent rumour, which he 
The mss. read coniunzisse, 


232 EP. 393 (ATT. X. 9). 


coniunxisset se—nihil adfert eius modi. Quid quaeris? Etiam 
illud erat persuasum, Pompeium cum maguis copiis iter in Ger- 
maniam per Illyricum fecisse: id enim αὐθεντικῶς nuntiabatur. 
Melitam igitur, opinor, capessamus, dum quid in Hispania, quod 
quidem propemodum videor ex Caesaris litteris ipsius voluntate 
facere posse, qui negat neque honestius neque tutius mihi quid- 
quam esse quam ab omni contentione abesse. 2. Dices, ‘Ubi ille 
ergo tuus animus quem proximis litteris?’ Adest et idem est. 
Sed utinam meo solum capite decernerem! Lacrimae meorum 
me interdum molliunt precantium ut de Hispaniis exspectemus. 
M. Caeli quidem epistulam scriptam miserabiliter, cum hoc idem 
obsecraret ut exspectarem, ne fortunas meas, ne unicum filium, 
ne meos omnis tam temere proderem, non sine magno fletu 
legerunt pueri nostri: etsi meus quidem est fortior eoque ipso 
vehementius commovet, nee quidquam nisi de dignatione laborat. 
3. Melitam igitur, deinde quo videbitur. Tu tamen etiam nune 
mihi aliquid litterarum et maxime, si quid ab Afranio. Ego, si 
cum Antonio locutus ero, scribam ad te quid actum sit. Ero 
tamen in credendo, ut mones, cautus. Nam occultandi ratio cum 


iter... fecisse| cp. 386. ὃ and note. this sense, ‘on myself personally,’ cp. its 


id@ enim αὐθεντικῶς nuntiabatur | 
Cicero does not think it necessary to add 
that here too Philotimus contradicted the 
general report ; it is not necessary to 
indicate a lacuna with Wesenberg, for 
Cicero may well have omitted a statement 
so easily supplied. 

opinor, capessamus| Cp. 860. 2 sed, 
opinor, quiescamus. 

dum quid in Hispania] sc. actum sit, 
a common form of ellipse: cp. 399. 3 
Tu, quaeso, (sc. scribes) si quid in Hispania 
(sc. actwm sit). ‘This letter teems with 
ellipses, but they are all easily supplied. 

quod . - facere] sc. Melitam me 
conferre. 

qui negat ... abesse| Cp. 384. 2. 

2. quem proximis litteris| sc. ostendisti. 
‘Where is the spirit of your former 
letter?’ The ellipse is peculiar, but 
obvious: so we need not add <adesse 
ostendisti> or anything of the kind. 

meo solum capite| ‘I wish I had only 
to decide for myself’; caput has here no 
reference to political rights or position, 
still less to the ‘intelligence’ of the 
writer, as Boot suggests. For caput in 


use in imprecations, e.g. 336. 1 suo capiti, 
ut aiunt. Dr. Reid would add de before 
meo, and that is no doubt the usual con- 
struction ; but cf. Phil. xiii. 6 229 decernam 
capitis periculo. 

ut... exspectemus| Op. 392. 1. 

M. Caeli ... epistuiam] Ep. 383. 

miserabiliter| ‘in a pathetic strain.’ 

puert nostri] ‘my son Marcus and 
young Quintus.’ 

meus quidem est fortior] Op. 396. 3. 
This makes in favour of Malaspina’s 
addition in 382. 5. Cicero’s children 
(cp. 392. 9 fin.) seem to have been 
decidedly highminded in this crisis. 

commovet; ‘affects me’: sc. me. 

dignatione| " dignity’ ; “ position’ ; 
see on 392. 3. It is often used in Livy 
in this sense, e.g. ii. 16. 5. 

3. Melitam igitur] sc. capessamus, § 1. 
‘To Malta then.’ 

mihi aliquid litterarum] 56. 
For the ellipse ep. 402. 6 fin. 

ab Afranio| sc. audieris: ep. 392. 10. 
Sometimes Cicero uses habebis in this 
sense: cp. Att. xv. 4. 5 (735) et st quid 
habebis quod placeat scribes. 


mittas. 


EP. 394 (FAM. 11. 16). 


difficilis tum etiam periculosa est. 
et adigit ita Postumia et Servius filius. 


233 


Servium exspecto ad Nonas: 
Quartanam leviorem esse 


gaudeo. Misi ad te Caeli etiam litterarum exemplum. 


394. CICERO TO CAELIUS (Fam. 11. 16). 


CUMAE; MAY (BEGINNING) ; 


Aa U. ©. 70 8. B. CG. 49.) ABT. CIC,57- 


M. Cicero cum e provincia revertisset, a M. Caelio admonitus erat litteris ne nimio 


opere ad Cn. Pompeium se applicaret. 


Ei iam respondet se pace et otio frui malle 


quam castra sequi, neque quidquam se temere commissurum. 


M. CICERO IMP. S. D. M. CAELILO. 


1. Magno dolore me adfecissent tuae litterae, nisi iam et ratio 
ipsa depulisset omnis molestias et diuturna desperatione rerum 


obduruisset animus ad dolorem novum. 


Sed tamen qua re acci- 


derit ut ex meis superioribus litteris id suspicarere, quod scribis, 
nescio. Quid enim in illis fuit praeter querelam temporum, quae 
non meum animum magis sollicitum habent quam tuum? Nam 
non eam cognovi aciem ingeni tui, quod ipse videam, te id ut non 
* putem videre. Illud miror adduci potuisse te, qui me penitus 
nosse deberes, ut existimares aut me tam improvidum qui ab 
excitata fortuna ad inclinatam et prope iacentem desciscerem, 


Servium| his friend and correspondent 
Sulpicius (Epp. 387, 389). 

adigit ita] ‘his wife Postumia, as 
well as his son, urges me to this course,’ 
to wait for the arrival of Sulpicius at 
Cumae, as we learn from 395. 4. For 
Postumia and young Servius, cp. 389. 
1, 4. 

Quartanam] Op. 359.1; 401. 4. 

etiam} as well as those of Antony 
(Ep. 391) and Caesar (Ep. 385). 

itterarum] sc. Ep. 383. 


This letter is a reply to Ep. 383. 

1. Magno} ‘Your letter would have 
caused me great sorrow were it not that 
reflection itself has driven away all vexa- 
tions, and by the daily renewed despair 
for the community my mind has grown 
¢allous to any new sorrow.’ 


Nam non eam] ‘For I knew that the 
keen penetration of your mind was not so 
wanting as to allow me to suppose that 
you did not see what I saw.’ am goes 
closely with wt, and id is the antecedent 
to quod. 

deberes| 'The subj. is due to the oratio 
obliqua. In oratio recta it would be adduct 
potuisti gui me penitus nosse debebas. See 
Lebreton, p. 287. 

qui ab excitata| ‘that Iamsothought- 
less as to desert the exalted fortunes of 
the one side for the sinking and all but 
prostrate fortunes of the other (ep. note 
to 409. 1); or so unstable as to fling 
away all the abundance of favour which 
I have gained with a man now in the 
bloom of success (cp. 392. 6), and thereby 
fail to act up to my true self: and to take 
part in the eivil war which from the 
beginning I have consistently avoided.’ 


234 EP. 394 (FAM. 11. 16). 


aut tam inconstantem ut collectam gratiam florentissimi hominis. 
effunderem a meque ipse deficerem et, quod initio semperque fugi,. 
civili bello interessem. 2. Quod est igitur meum ‘triste’ con- 
silium ? ut discederem fortasse in aliquas solitudines? Nosti enim 
non modo stomachi mei, cuius tu similem quondam habebas, sed 
etiam oculorum in hominum insolentium indignitate fastidium. 
Accedit etiam molesta haec pompa lictorum meorum nomenque 
imperi quo appellor. Ho si onere carerem, quamvis parvis 
Italiae latebris contentus essem. Sed incurrit haec nostra laurus 
non solum in oculos sed iam etiam in voculas malevolorum. 


Quod cum ita esset, nil tamen umquam de profectione nisi vobis. 
approbantibus cogitavi. Sed mea praediola tibi nota sunt: in his 


mihi necesse est esse ne amicis molestus sim. Quod autem in 
maritimis facillime sum, moveo non nullis suspicionem velle me 
navigare: quod tamen fortasse non nollem si possem ad otium: 
nam ad bellum quidem qui convenit ? praesertim contra eum cui 
spero me Satis fecisse, ab eo cui iam satis fieri nullo modo potest ? 
3. Deinde sententiam meam tu facillime perspicere potuisti 1am 
ab illo tempore cum in Cumanum mihi ob viam venisti. Non 
enim te celavi sermonem ‘I’, Ampi: vidisti quam abhorrerem ab 


2. ‘ triste’ consilium| ‘my * gloomy ἢ 


is, perhaps, as Mr. Jeans says, some- 
project’: referring to the words of 


thing of a play on the words ocudos and 


383. 1, quibus te nihil nisi triste cogitare 
ostendistr. 

ut discederem| ‘was it departure per- 
chance to some lonely region (§ 6)? For 
youknow how my gorge rises at (and you 
had something of the same feeling your- 
self [cp. 408. 1] in times past), and also 
how my eyes loathe the presumption of 
these upstart creatures.’ As the project 
referred to is supposed to have been 
formed in past time, we have the imper- 
fect, discederem, ‘did you suppose that 
my plan was that,’ &c.? cp. Rose. Am. 
92 («mpellerent). For stomachi fastidium, 
ep. Hor. Sat. 11. 4.. 78, magna movet 
stomachi fastidia. From De Orat. ii. 138, 
we see that indignitas is the opposite of 
dignitas. 

nomenque 17,67} 
Jeans. 

Sed incurrit] ‘ but this laurel of mine 
is subject not only to the sight but now 
also to the slightsof my enemies.’ Cicero 


‘military _ title,’ 


had his laurelled lictors with him eighteen. 
‘There 


months from this time: cp. 418. 2. 


qe. 


facillime] ‘most gladly.” Hofmann 


compares Att. xii. 34. 1 (570), ego hie vel 


sine Sicca facillime possum esse, ut im 
malis : xiii. 26. 2 (591), Off. 11. 75, De Sen. 
7, and Dr. Reid’s note; also the common 
phrase facile patior. 

st possem] We can supply navigare 
from the preceding line, both here and. 
after convenit. After nollem we should 
understand Sacere. 

ab eo | 
the common phrase stare ab aligno, ‘ to be 
on anyone’s side,’ Hofmann quotes 
De Invent. i. 4, @ mendacio contra verum 
stare. 

3. in Cumanum... venisti] This visit 
occurred probably immediately after 
Cicero’s return from Cilicia before the 
civil war broke out, about December 12 
or 13: ep. Schmidt, Pp. 95. 

T. Ampi] He was called by the 
Caesareans tuba belli civilis, as being one 
of the most violent. advocates of the pro- 


posal that there should be no compromise. 


‘on the side of Pompey,’ as in. 


istic ai ρροηοηεβρ 


EP, 394 (FAM. IT. 16). 235. 
urbe relinquenda cum audissem. Nonne tibi adfirmavi quidvis 
me potius perpessurum quam ex Italia ad bellum civile exiturum ? 
Quid ergo accidit cur consilium meum mutarem? Nonne omnia 
potius ut in sententia permanerem ? Oredas hoe mihi velim, quod 
puto te existimare, me ex his miseriis nihil aliud quaerere nisi ut 
homines aliquando intellegant me nihil maluisse quam pacem: ea 
desperata nihil tam fugisse quam arma-civilia. Huius me con- 
stantiae puto fore ut numquam paeniteat. Etenim memini in hoc 
genere gloriari solitum esse familiarem nostrum Q. Hortensium 
quod numquam bello civili interfuisset. Hoc nostra laus erit 
illustrior quod illi tribuebatur ignaviae: de nobis id existimari 
posse non arbitror. 4. Nec me ista terrent quae mihi a te ad 
timorem fidissime atque amantissime proponuntur. Nulla est 
enim acerbitas quae non omnibus hac orbis terrarum perturbatione 
impendere videatur: quam quidem ego a re publica meis privatis 
et domesticis incommodis libentissime vel istis ipsis quae tu me 
mones ut caveam redemissem. 9. Filio meo, quem tibi carum 
esse gaudeo, si erit ulla res publica, satis amplum patrimonium 
relinquam memoriam nominis mei: sin autem nulla erit, nihil 
accidet ei separatim a reliquis civibus. Nam quod rogas ut re- 
spiciam generum meum, adulescentem optimum mihique earis- 
simum, an dubitas, cum scias quanti cum illum tum vero ‘lulliam 
meam faciam, quin ea me cura vehementissime sollicitet ἢ et eo 
magis quod in communibus miseriis hac tamen oblectabar specula,. 


with Caesar. Ep. 490 is addressed to 


5. memoriam nominis mei] So Cratander 
him. Foran account of him see Intro- 


probably rightly for in memoria, though 


duction II, No. 6. 

Hoc| This is the abl. of measure with 
quod, as so often in Caesar, 347. 1: cp. 
B. G. i. 2, 3. For the double dative, id/ 
and ignaviae, cp. Nepos Timol. 4. 2, 
neque hoc ei quisquam tribuebat superbiae ; 
also Roby, § 1163, who quotes Ter. Andr. 
331; Liv. iii. 11. 5. 

4. perturbatione] ‘convulsion.’ 

redemissem| ‘which I would gladly 
have averted from the State at the cost 
of annoyances to myself and my family, 
even at the cost of those very dangers 
against which you advise me to be on my 
guard.’ This use of redimere, ‘to buy 
off,’ is common in Cicero: cp. Verr. v. 
23, haee vero quae vel vita redimi recte 


possunt, aestimare pecunia non queo: 


ib. 117, iii.-49. 


a 


there is a similar use of im with ablative 
in Fam. x. 28. ὃ (819), magnum damnum 
factum est in Servio. But see Adn. Crit., 
and ep. Schmalz, Antib. i. 583. For the 
sentiment cp. Off. i. 121 fin., and De 
Domo, 147. 

an dubitas| ‘can it be that you are in 
doubt ?’—implying that Cicero thinks 
that he is in doubt. For this use of an. 
Hofmann compares Tusc. i. 87: ep.’ 
Madv. on Fin. i. 28, and his Latin 
Grammar, ᾧ 443; also Off. ili. 105, and 
Roby, 2255. Here we may suppose some-' 
thing understood like idne serio rogus? as 
Heidemann says, p. 62. Wesenberg wishes 
to read nwm (Em. Alt. 4), which might 
have been corrupted, and would make good 
sense, but is not absolutely necessary. 

specula| ‘gleam of hope.’ 


236 EP. 394 (FAM. II. 16). 


Dolabellam meum vel potius nostrum fore ab iis molestiis quas 
liberalitate sua contraxerat liberum. Velim quaeras quos ille 
dies sustinuerit in urbe dum fuit, quam acerbos sibi, quam 
mihimet ipsi socero non honestos. 6. Itaque neque ego hune 
Hispaniensem casum exspecto, de quo mihi exploratum est ita esse 
ut tu scribis, neque quidquam astute cogito. Si quando erit civitas, 
erit profecto nobis locus: sin autem non erit, in easdem soli- 
tudines tu ipse, ut arbitror, venies in quibus nos consedisse 


audies. 
bunt exitus. 


Sed ego fortasse vaticinor et haec omnia meliores habe- 
Recordor enim desperationes eorum qui senes erant 


adulescente me: eos ego fortasse nunc imitor et utor aetatis vitio. 


Velim ita sit. 
Oppio puto te audisse. 
sed eum infector moratur. 


dies| ‘These were the settling days on 
which Dolabella had been compelled to 
meet his creditors. The Kalends and the 
Ides were the fortnightly settling days at 
Rome: cp. Hor. Epod. 11 fin. 

6. hune Hispaniensem casum] ‘the issue 
of the Spanish campaign.’ 

quidqguam astute| ‘any profound piece 
of policy’: cp. 386. 1. 

vaticinor| ‘am raving’; cp. Sest. 23, 
vaticinart atque insanire. 

autor aetatis vitio] 41 am acting with 
the weakness of my years.’ 

Sed tamen] A common kind of apo- 
siopesis; but usually, as Hofmann points 
out, with verwmtamen; cp. Att. xii. 17 
(550), guamguam quid ad me 2 Verum- 
tamen ; Att. xiv. 12.1 (715); Fam. xvi. 
23. 1 (784). 

7. Oppio| One of Caesar’s most trusted 
agents: see Introduction II, No. 5. It 
was surmised that heand Balbus (396. 4) 
would get curule magistracies; but it 
would appear that neither got them; for 
Tacitus (Ann. xii. 60. 5) says that they 
always remained knights. 

Nam] (But Curtius aims at higher 
things) for. 

Curtius| Cicero appears to have asked 
Caesar to give this M. Curtius Postumus 
a military tribuneship ; cp. Q. Fr. ii.13.3 
(141): iii. 1. 10 (148), De tribunatu quod 
seribis, ego veronominatim petivi Curtio et 
miht ipse Caesar nominatim Cur tio paratum 
esse rescripsit, meamgue in rogando vere-= 
cundiam obiurgavit. He was a very 
earnest Caesarean at this time, and was so 
boastful and aggressive that Cicero could 
not tolerate him: cp. 356. 3; 357. 1. 


Sed tamen .. 2. 


7. Togam praetextam texi 


Nam Curtius noster dibaphum cogitat: 
Hoe adspersi, ut scires me tamen in 


He seems to have somehow impeded 
Atticus when Atticus wished to leave 
Italy (399. 3). He was an ambitious man, 
and in 709 (45) there was some talk of his 
standing for the consulship, Att. xii. 49. 
1 (593). 

dibaphum| This was the double- 
coloured toga praetexta, which was a white 
toga with a purple border. 1t was worn 
by the priests of the four chief sacred col- 
leges as well as by high civil magistrates. 
Here the reference is probably to the 
augur’s robe: cp. Att. 11.9. 2 (36); Sest. 
144 and Schol. ad loc., p. 813, Or. This 
is the view of Mommsen, St. R. 1’, 406; 
but it is possible that Cicero means by 
dibaphum the trabea, which, though a 
dress more connected with war than with 
peace, was worn by the augurs, and was 
partly purple and partly sattron-coloured 
(Serv. on Aeneid. vii. 612); cp. Mommsen, 
op. cit. 414, note 6. 

infector| ‘the dyer,’ a word used only 
here. Rumour has been talking of these 
appointments, but somehow or other they 
were not made as soon as was expected. 
Cicero jestingly supposes that the delay 
was owing to the dyer who had not the 
robes ready. Mr. Jeans says that infector 
means Caesar, and that there is a play 
‘on the ambiguous meaning of the word 
inficere, which signifies ‘‘to corrupt”’ as 
well as ‘‘to dye.’ It therefore contains 
a sneer, apparently undeserved, at Oppius 
aud Curtius, as if they were bribed by 
offers of place.’ He translates, ‘ but the 
person from whom he takes his colour is 
keeping him waiting.’ 

Hoe adspersi| ‘This by way of season- 


a a re 


EP. 395 (ATT. X. 10). 237 


stomacho solere ridere. De ve Dolabellae, quod scripsi, suadeo 
videas tamquam si tua res agatur. Extremum illud erit: nos nihil 
turbulenter, nihil temere faciemus. ‘Te tamen oramus, quibus- 


cumque erimus in terris, ut nos liberosque nostros ita tueare ut 


amicitia nostra et tua fides postulabit. 


395. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 10). 


CUMAE; MAY 3 (§3); A. U.C. 7053 B. C. 493 ABET. CIC. 57. 
De litteris Antonii et eius adventu exspectato, de Cicerone puero. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Me caecum qui haec ante non viderim! Misi ad te epis- 
tulam Antoni. Hi cum ego saepissime scripsissem nihil me contra 
_ Caesaris rationes cogitare, meminisse me generi mei, meminisse 
amicitiae, potuisse, si aliter sentirem, esse cum Pompeio, me 
autem quia cum lictoribus invitus cursarem abesse velle nec id 
ipsum certum etiam nunc habere, vide quam ad haee παραινετικῶς : 


ing.’ So Mr. Jeans, admirably: cp. Att. 
1. 18. 1 (19) litterae humanitatis sparsae 
sale. Shuckburgh quotes Clu. 71, ipse 
conditor totius negott Guttam aspergit 
huic Buibo. 

videas | = cures, ‘seeto’: cp. Att. v. 1. 
3 (184), wt prandium nobis videret.— 
Watson. 

turbulenter| “ wildly.’ 


May 3] ὁ 8 and 396.1. ‘This letter 
was written on the 3rd, but not despatched 
until the 4th. 

1. Me caecum qui haec| ‘how blind 
I was not to see this before!’ that I 
should not be allowed to leave Italy un- 
molested. We again have the acc. of 
exclamation without the interjection Ὁ 
in δ 6. 

τ iedione} No doubt:an exaggeration ; 
but Cicero was writing with a consider- 
able amount of excited emphasis. Madvig 
(A.C. iii. 186) suggests aeguissime; Dr. 
Reid amplissime. 

generi mei} sc. Dolabella: ep. 391. 1. 

potuisse . . . habere| * though I had 
told him in my letters that 1 could now 
have been with Pompey if my views had 


been other than I described to him, but 
that I wished to leave Italy, as I did not 
like to be constantly moving about with 
my lictors, though I had not at all made 
up my mind on the point.’ 
mapatveTixk@s| So Lambinus and 
Schelle (De M. Antonii triumviri quae 
supersunt epistulis, 1883, p. 8, note 2) ; 
‘in what hortatory fashion.’ This word 
exactly describes the tone of the letter 
which follows, and is as nearthe Mss. as 
either of the readings usually adopted— 
παροινικῶς, also suggested by Lambinus 
and approved by Bosius, or τυραννικῶς 
(Victorius). Both these adverbs are un- 
suitable as a description of Antony’s 
letter, which has little trace of ‘ master- 
fulness’ and none of ‘ drunken violence.’ 
Dr. Reid suggests παροξυντικῶς (fin an 
irritating way’), an adverb used by 
Plutarch. The letter is called σκυτάλην 
Λακωνικήν in § 3 as being brief and 
definite. It was much more definite 
in purport than Ep. 391; but Antony 
wanted to be quite frank with Cicero, 
who was apt to put more into expressions 
of politeness than they were intended to 
convey. Antony was on the whole 


238 


2. ‘Tuum consilium quam verum est. 


EP. 395.(ATT. X. 19). 


esse vult in patria manet: qui proficiscitur aliquid de altera utra 


parte iudicare videtur. 
iure quis proficiscatur necne. 


ne quem omnino discedere ex Italia paterer. 


Sed ego is non sum qui statuere debeam 
Partis mihi Caesar lias imposuit, 


Qua re parvi re 


fert me probare cogitationem tuam, si nihil tamen tibi remittere 


possum. 


Ad Caesarem mittas censeo et ab eo hoc petas. 


Non 


dubito quin impetraturus sis, cum praesertim te amicitiae nostrae 
rationem habiturum esse pollicearis.’ 


3. Habes σκυτάλην Λακωνικήν. 
Erat autem v Nonas venturus vesperi, id est hodie. 
Temptabo, audiam : 


ad me fortasse veniet. 
surum ad Caesarem. 
tabor ; 


Clam agam: 
certe hine istis invitissimis evolabo, 


Omnino excipiam hominem. 
Cras igitur 
nihil properare, mis- 
cum paucissimis alicubi occul- 
atque utinam ad 


Curionem! Zdvec ὅ Tot λέγω. Magnus dolor accessit. Lfficietur 


friendly to Cicero. For the ellipse of 
rescripserié cp. Att. xill. 18 (630) sed 
exspecto quid ad ea quae scripsi ad te (sc. 
rescribas). In referring to another letter 
from Antony, Cicero writes (420. 2): 
petebat a me per litteras ut sibi ignoscerem ; 
facere 856 non posse quin pareret. 

2. quam verum 656] ‘the resolution 
you have come to is perfectly sound.’ 
For guam with adjective in the positive 
degree, see 311.2. Antony courteously 
begins with the last thing Cicero had 
said, ‘that he had not determined to 
leave Italy,’ and treats it as a determina- 
tion to remain, because Antony knows 
that Cicero will not be allowed to leave 
without Caesar’s special permission. 

is non sum] ‘1 am not the person to 
decide whether anyone has a right to 
leave or not; my simple commission is 
to let no one ‘leave Italy at all. So my 
approval of your determination is of little 
consequence to you, as I could not at all 
relax my orders in your case. I think 
you should apply to Caesar; and I have 
no doubt you will obtain your request, 
especially as you promise that you will 
pay regard to the friendship that subsists 
between us.’ Possibly Cicero said some- 
thing about having a right to leave if he 
liked. For verum cp. 351. 1. 

3. σκυτάλην Λακωνικὴν] “ἃ Laco- 
nian despatch,’ brief and peremptory. 
For the method of communication of the 
Ephors with their generals or governors 
abroad by means οἷς ἃ σκυτάλη; or ‘stick,’ 
see Dict. Autiq. 8ὲ v. 


Omnino excipiam hominem] <I will 
certainly receive the man’: ep. Mil. 105; 
Liv. xxx. 14. 3. It might just possibly 
have a more subtle meaning of watching 
him as one would an animal which is 
being stalked (Hor. Carm. iii. 12. 10): it 
will then mean ‘I shalitake my cue from 
him and deal with him diplomatically.’ 

LTemptabo, audium]| his is the reading 
of Moser. See also Adn. Crit. 

nihil properare| sc. dicam. 

Clam agam| So O. Ἐς Schmidt (p. 
175) excellently for clamabam. 

certe| This is the suggestion of the 
old edd. for cart: of M. Muller conjec- 
tures furtim; Brakman cursim ; Olivetus 
and Boot ewute; Schelle kapreouds. 

utinam ad Curionem] see 397. 1, where 
he writes: ego Curionem nactus omnia me 
consecutum putabam. 

Suves ὅ τοι λέγω] This is a phrase 
found in Pindar (Frag. 105 Bergk.) and 
quoted by Plato Meno 76 pb, Phaedr. 
236 Ὁ, and by others. It is therefore a 
very likely phrase to be found in a letter 
of Cicero, and is closer to the mss. than 
the vulgate σὺν θεῷ τοι λέγω. It is also 
very appropriate to the context, ‘mark 
my words: it will be a feat worthy of 
my reputation.’ The emendation is due 
to Cobet. Buta variant in Cratander’s 
edition has σύνες 8, τι λέγω: cp. Leh- 
mann, ‘ Att.,’ 73. 

tdolor] ‘This clause was transposed 
by Wes. to precede δυσουρία, and to refer 
to that complaint of Atticus: but that is 
very doubtful. Schmidt (p. 175) conjec. 


Nam qui se medium 


ἀ 
ne 
te 
ἊΝ 
ΕἸ 
Ἵ 
et 
3 


EP. 395 (ATT. X. 10). 


249 


‘aliquid dignum nobis. Δυσουρία tua mihi valde molesta. Medere, 
‘amabo, dum est ἀρχή.---4. De Massiliensibus gratae tuae mihi 


litterae. 


Quaeso ut sciam quidquid audieris. 
$i possem palam, quod a Curione effeceram. 


Ocellam cuperem, 
Hic ego Servium 


exspecto—rogor enim ab eius uxore ‘et filio—et puto opus esse. 
5. Hie tamen Cytherius Cytherida secum lectica aperta portat, 
alteram uxorem; septem praeterea coniunctae lecticae amicarum 
sunt an amicorum. Vide quam turpi leto pereamus, et dubita, si 
potes, quin ille, seu victus seu victor redierit, caedem facturus sit. 
Ego vero vel luntriculo, si navis non erit, eripiam me ex istorum 


tures ardor; perhaps we should read 
calor: cp. Q. Fr. ii. 9. 3 (160). Boot 
(Obs. Crit.55£.) gives the whole passage 
thus: Tentaho ut δὲ persuadeam me [| Temp- 
tabo persuadere me, Schmidt, p. 1741 nihil 
properare, missurum ad Caesarem: clam 
abibo, me cum paucissimis alicubi oecultabo, 
caute hine istis invitissimis evolabo atque 
utinam ad Curionem! Σύνες 6 τοι λέγω" 
 efficietur aliquid dignum nobis. Magnus 
dolor accessit: δυσουρία tua mihi valde 
molesta est. For utinam, however, he 
thinks we should read curram. 
ἀρχή] It would besimpler if he had said 
ἐν ἀρχῇ : cp. Eur. Med. 60, ἐν ἀρχῇ 
“πῆμα κοὐδέπω μεσοῖ. 
4. De Massiliensibus| It had been 
‘rumoured that they would close their 
gates against Caesar. News that they 
actually had done so had not yet arrived : 
see introd. note to Ep. 383. They did 
so on April 19, and definite news of this 
had arrived when Cicero wrote 398. 6. 
Ocellam| sc. habere, 403. 3 (For a 
somewhat similar ellipse cp. Att. xiv. 
2. 4 (704) sed veilem Atticam) as a tra- 
velling companion: cp. 399. 3. As M has 
Socellam (dittography of s after audieris), 
Lamb. conjectured Siciliam, which is 
possible: cp. 397. 2. 
quod a Curione effeceram] ‘a point 1 
had secured from Curio,’ i.e. open de- 
“parture : cp. 382. 10. 
uxore| Op. 393. 3. 
5. Cytherius| We have inserted here 
this nickname of Antony taken from Att. 
xv. 22 fin. (755). The editors have all 
noticed that some designation of Antony 
is required here, hic not being at all 
} sufficiently explicit. We take hic to be 
| the adverb; Cicero writes ‘ yet (though 
‘we have good symptoms elsewhere) here 
we have this Cytherius with his Cytheris, 


whom he treats as a second wife.’ 
Antony’s wife was Fulvia. It must, 
however, be mentioned, as against the 
conjecture Cytherius that Antony is re- 
ferred to as huic in 397. 1, a passage 
where the context is less indicative of 
Antony than here. 

an amicorum| ‘dubitat Cicero utrum 
illae lecticae amicas Antonii contineant 
an exoletos,’ Boot. For this use of an 
(‘or shall I say ?’) see Madv. on Simonides 
an quis alins, Fin. 11. 104. Cicero de- 
scribes in Phil. ii, §§ 57, 58, how Antony 
flaunted his profligacy at this time. 

leto| This word, which is rare ex- 
cept in poetry, is used by prose writers 
as a more dignified synonym of mors. 
Nizolius quotes only two other passages. 
in Cicero where the word occurs: and the 
language is somewhat lofty in each case 
(De Div. i. 56; De Leg. ii. 22). It also 
occurs in two quotations, Tuse. 1. 116; 
ii. 25. Meyer thinks that we may have 
a quotation bere owing to the hexametrical 
thythm of guam turpi leto pereamus. 

caedem| cp. 392. 2. 

vel luntriculo| ‘ Even in a little skiff.’ 
So some early editor, perhaps Victorius, 
emended the corrupt vellunt ridiculo. Z is 
stated to have vel lutridiculo. See Adn. 
Crit. The word inter was probably 
originally Janter (possibly connected with 
πλυντήρ : see Vanicek 559, though others 
connected it with the linden tree, Walde 
s. v.), and appears in mss. of Horace 
(Epist. i. 18. 61) and Vergil (Georg. 
1. 262) as lynter. 

ex istorum parricidio] ‘from these 
Caesarean traitors to their country’: 
Istorum are the Caesareans: cp. 392. 2 
note. Cicero often uses parricidium for 
‘high treason,’ e.g. Sull. 6; 193; Phil. 
ii. 17. 


_ 240 EP. 396 (ATT. X. 11). 


parricidio. Sed plura scribam cum illum convenero. 6. Iuvenem | 
nostrum non possum non amare, sed ab eo nos non amari plane | 
Nihil ego vidi tam avnforoinrov, tam aversum a suis, | 
Vim incredibilem molestiarum! Sed 

Mirum est enim ingenium: ἤθους 


intellego. 
tam nescio quid cogitans. 
erit curae et est ut regatur. 
ἐπιμελητέον. 


396. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 11). 


CUMAE$ MAY 4; A. U.C. 7055 B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. | 


De litteris Attici a Philotimo redditis, de Q. fratre, de Q. eius filio, de adventu 
Antonii, de itinere maritimo, de Balbo, de Vettieno. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Obsignata iam epistula superiore non placuit ei dari cui 
constitueram quod erat alienus. Itaque eo die data non est. 
Interim venit Philotimus et mihi a te litteras reddidit ; quibus 
quae de fratre meo scribis sunt ea quidem parum firma, sed 
habent nihil ὕπουλον, nihil fallax, nihil non flexibile ad boni- 
tatem, nihil quod non quo velis uno sermone possis perducere. 


6. Luvenem nostrum| The young 
Quintus. 
ἀνηθοποίητον] 
‘unprincipled.’ 
tam aversum cogitans| “80 
alienated from his kinsfolk, so absorbed 


in some design or other.’ 


‘ jll-conditioned,’ 


Vim] acc. of exclamation without 
interjection: cp. § 1, and note to Att. 
xiii. 6. 4 (617). See, however, Lehmann, 


‘ Att.,” 203 ἢ, 

erit curae, ut est] ‘it will still be my 
endeavour, as it now is, to guide him ’ (or 
‘ to discipline him”): ep. 386. 2; 388. 3. 
Ut est is the clever correction of "Wesen- 
berg. The ms. reading δέ est is less 
likely to be correct. Cicero would at least 
have written θέ est et erit. For et and ut 
confused in mss. cp. Miller’s note to 
p. 72. 21 of his ed. of Att. 

Mirum] “ He has excellent qualities : 
it is his character that requires forming.’ 
Mirus is shown by the context to be 
used in a different sense from that in 


which mirabilis (‘strauge, singular ’) 
was used in a previous letter with refer- 
ence to this same young man, 386. 2. 


May 4] Antony arrived ‘yesterday 
evening,’ ὁ 4. He was to have arrived. 
on May 8 (395. 3). 

1. alienus} He was 
Cicero’s own servants. 

Philotimus| Schmidt (p. 176) thinks. 
that Philotimus was sent by Cicero on 
May 3 to Misenum to Antony, and on 
this journey had been handed by another 
messenger this letter from Atticus. Philo 


not one of 


timus had arrived from Rome on May 2 — 


(ep. 893. 1). 5 

quae de fratre meo scribis| ‘the conduct g 
(or manner) of my brother (cp. note to 386. 
2) described in your letter shows a want _ 
of firmness, but no’ chicane, no treachery, ᾧ 
nothing that implies a mind closed Ὁ. 
good influences, and incapable of being & 
turned in any direction one pleases by a 
single conversation.’ a | 


EP. 396 (ATT. X. 11). 241 


Ne multa: omnis suos, etiam quibus irascitur crebrius, tamen 
earos habet, me quidem se ipso cariorem. Quod de puero aliter ad 
te scripsit et ad matrem de filio non reprehendo. De fitine et 
de sorore quae scribis, molesta sunt, eoque magis quod ea tempora 
nostra sunt ut ego iis mederi non possim; nam certe mederer. 
Sed quibus in malis et qua in desperatione rerum simus vides. 
2. Illa de ratione nummaria non sunt eius modi—saepe enim audio 
ex ipso—ut non cupiat tibi praestare et in eo laboret. Sed si 
mihi Q. Axius in hac mea fuga HS xiii non reddit quae dedi 
eius filio mutua et utitur excusatione temporis, si Lepta, si ceteri, 
soleo mirari de nescio quibus HS xx cum audio ex illo se urgeri. 
Vides enim profecto angustias. Curari tamen ea tibi utique 
jubet. An existimas illum in isto genere lentulum aut restric- 
tum? Nemo est minus, .3. De fratre satis. De eius fin filio, 
indulsit illi quidem suus pater semper, sed non facit indulgentia 
mendacem aut avarum aut non amantem suorum, ferocem fortasse 
atque adrogantem et infestum facit. Itaque habet haec quoque, 

Ne muita] 


sc. dicam, ‘in short,’ Att. Rome) a loan of thirteen sestertia (about. 


vi. 9. 1 (282). 

aliter ...et) ‘different from’ the ac- 
count of her son which he gave to Pom- 
ponia, the boy’s mother. Boot compares 
aliter docti et indocti (sc. loguuntur), Fin. 
v. 89; aliud sentire et loqui, Fam. viii. 1. 
$ (192). 

De itine| Victorius reads itineve, and 
10 is supposed to refer to the journey of 
Quintus to Caesar. It seems to us as 
probable that the correction should be de 
Quinto. Cicero refers to his brother’s 
connubial troubles. He had first referred 
to Quintus as his brother; then in the 
words de Quinto et de sorore he alludes to 
him as a husband ; finally he turns to his 
pecuniary condition. Miiller reads de 
Quinto fratre (or patre). Schmidt (Rh. 
Mus., 1897, p. 166) reads afini with the 
same reference to Quintus. <A possible 
correction would be Tirone (cp. 382. 12 ; 
399. 2), but the mention of Pomponia 
points to Quintus. 

ea tempora nostra sunt ut] Cp. § 3. 

2. Ilia de ratione nummaria] ‘ His 
financial position does not prevent him 
from being anxious (for I often hear from 
him) and eager to pay you; but when 
Axius does not pay me at this time of 
flight (now that I have had to fly from 


VOL. IV. 


£100) which I made to his son, and pleads 
the state of the times in excuse; when 
Lepta and others co the same; I cannot 
help being surprised when 1 hear from him 
that he is pressed for asum of some twenty 
sestertia (about £150).’ The phrase nescio 
quibus indicates the paltriness of the sum. 
Cicero hints his surprise that Atticus 
should press Quintus at a time when 
there is such difficulty in recovering debts 
even fromrich men. 

Q. Axius] 399.2; 401.4. See Index. 

Curart . . . iubet] “ However, he ex- 
pressly orders the sum to be paid you.’ 
For curare = ‘ to pay,’ cep. Att. i. 7. 1 (3) 
and often : see Index. 

lentulum aut restrictum] 
paying) or close-fisted.’ 

3. tin] We think the copyist began to 
write indulsit before jilio, and noticed his 
error, but forgot to erase iz. For correc- 
tions suggested see Adn. Crit. 

Serocem . . . adrogantem.. . infestum] 
‘violent .. . overbearing . . . aggressive,’ 

habet| aword specially used for the 
possession of certain traits of character : 
cp. habebat hoe omnino Caesar, “ this was 
a marked trait in Caesar’s character,’ 
Phil. ii. 78; Sardus habebat Ille Tigellius 
hoc, Hor. Sat. i. ὃ. 3. 


‘slack (in 


R 


942 EP. 396 (ATT. X. 11). 


quae nascuntur ex indulgentia, sed ea sunt tolerabilia—quid enim 


dicam ?—hac iuventute. Ha vero, quae mihi quidem qui illum 
amo sunt his ipsis malis in quis sumus miseriora, non sunt 
ab obsequio nostro: nam suas radices habent, quas tamen evel- 
lerem profecto si liceret. Sed ea tempora sunt ut omnia mihi 
sint patienda. Ego meum facile teneo. Nihil est enim eo trac- 
tabilius, quoius quidem misericordia languidiora adhue consilia 
cepi, et quo ille me certiorem vult esse, eo magis timeo ne in eum 
existam crudelior. 4. Sed Antonius venit heri vesperi. Iam 
fortasse ad me veniet, aut ne id quidem, quoniam scripsit quid 
fieri vellet. Sed scies continuo quid actum sit. Nos iam nihil 
nisi occulte. De pueris quid agam? Parvone navigio committam ? 
Quid mihi animi in navigando censes fore? MRecordor enim 
aestate cum illo Rhodiorum ἀφράκτῳ navigans quam fuerim sol- 


licitus: quid duro tempore anni actuariola fore censes ? 
T'rebatius erat mecum, vir plane et civis 


undique miseram ! 
bonus. 


Quae ille monstra, di immortales ! 


O rem 


Ktiamne Balbus in 


senatum venire cogitet? Sed ei ipsi cras ad te litteras dabo. 


hac iuventute] ‘as young men go now’ ; 
for this ablative see on Fam. v. 8.4 (131). 

non sunt αὖ] ‘do not arise from,’ a 
common use of esse ab in Cicero, e.g. 
Mur. 61, ea bona sunt omnia non a natura 
verum a magistro. Compare also note on 
354. 3. 

ea tempora sunt| Omitted in 3A, but 
found in Cratander’s ms. and Z. See 
Adn. Crit., and cp. for the phrase ὁ 1. 

meum| se. filium. 

quoius misericordia| ‘through pity for 
whom.’ 

certiorem] ‘more unflinching’; Cicero 
has written above, 393. 2, that his son 
cares for nothing but his father’s dignity. 

4. Sed] The opposition implied in Sed 
may be to the principal thought then 
in Cicero’s mind, viz. ‘I am thinking of 
leaving Italy: but here comes Antony, 
who will perhaps stop me.’ But the oppo- 
sition is not very definitely intended ; and 
Sed comes, in such passages, to be little 
more than a mark of transition, our 
‘well,’ ‘however.’ For a. somewhat 
similar transitional sed cp, 376. 4., _ 

nisi occulte| Cp. 395. 3, elam agam. 

cum illo] ‘with my son.’ As he had 
his nephew also with him on his journey 
home from his province, it is proposed to 
read cum illis, but Cicero is here only 
thinking of the concern he would feel at 


the danger of his son. For aphracta ep. 
Att. v. 11. 4 (200), note; and vi. 8. 4 
(281). From Att. v. 13. 1 (208) propter 
aphractorum Rhodiorum imbecillitatem it 
is possible that we should read imbecillo 
for cum illo: cp. also Att. v. 12. 1 (202). 
Lehmann (p. 105) would read cum illis 
illo, the ilo going with ἀφράκτῳ. 

actunriolt| For actuariola cp. Att. xvi. 
3. 6 (773); 6. 1 (775). The Thesaurus 
quotes no other passage except these three 
in which the word occurs. 

monstra}| ‘shocking news.’ Cp. Att. 
iv. 7. 1 (111) mera monstra nuntiarat. 
For a somewhat similar eliipse cp. Phil. 
1. 25, Quus tu mihi, inquit, intercessiones, 
quas religiones ? 

Baibus| This most probably refers to 
the elder Balbus; see note to 378. 2: so 
that we should not add <minor> with 
Schmidt (p. 177). 

cogitet| ‘so Balbus is thinking, is he, 
of entering the Senate?’ Such is the 
force of the subjunctive, for which see 
note on Att. ii. 12. 1 (87). The extent 
to which this subjunctive of protest is 
used is greater than we said in that note : 
see Riemann-Gélzer, δ 326, 327. In 
senatum venire is ‘to become asenator ’ ; 


in curiam venire, ‘to enter the senate — 
house.’ 


θὲ ipsi] i.e. to Trebatius. | 


i τὰ ee 


EP. 397 (ATT. X. 12, δ 1-3). 243 


5. Vettienum mihi amicum, ut seribis, ita puto esse: cum eo quod 
(ἀποτόμως ad me scripserat de nummis curandis θυμικώτερον eram 
Id tu, si ille aliter acceperit ac debuit, lenies. MonrraLi 
Sed quoniam est homo 


Vale. 


locatus. 
autem adscripsi, quod ille ad me PRo cos. 
et nos diligit, ipse quoque a nobis diligatur. 


397. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 12, §§ 1-3). 


CUMAER$ MAY 53 A. U. C705; B.C. 49 } ART. CIO. 67. 


Moleste fert Cicero quod Antonius nondum ad se venerit, de Curione, se undique 
custodiri nec commode posse exire Italia, cogitare se de Sicilia, quae provincia teneri 
potuisse videatur; de C. Marcello, de Q. filio. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Quidnam mihi futurum est aut quis me non solum infe- 
licior sed iam etiam turpior ? Nominatim de me sibi imperatum 
dicit Antonius, nec me tamen ipse adhuc viderat sed hoc Trebatio 
marravit. Quid agam nune quoi nihil procedit caduntque ea, quae 


‘diligentissime sunt cogitata, teterrime ? 
nactus omnia me consecutum putavi. 


5. Vettienum] See 384.3; ‘he wrote 
rather brusquely (ἀποτόμως) about paying 
the money by a certain day, sol put a 
‘spice of. temper into the jokes in my 
letter.’ 

Monetali| Perhaps Vettienus was one 
‘sof the 11 v. A. A. A. F. FL, Zriumvirr 
.auro argento aere flando feriundo: see Fam. 
‘vii 18. 2 (172). Thev were also called 
Triumviri monetales. This not being an 
office of any great dignity, Cicero would 
not have thought of adding it to his title 
were it not that Vettienus had vexed him 
by styling him Pro-consud instead of 
Imperator. Or it may be that as he wrote 
ἃ curt business letter about a consider- 
able sum of money that he expected 
_ Cicero to pay, Cicero called him ‘ money- 
| man’ or ‘ coiner,’ as if there were nothing 
| asier than to procure money. We talk 
ofaman whois making money plentifully 
‘as ‘ coining.’ 

quoniam est homo] ‘as he is a good 
fellow’ (Shuckburgh). He is the ordinary 
sort of man like the rest of us, and so 


Ego enim Curionem 
Is de me ad Hortensium 


claims our kindly feeling: ep. Att. iv. 
15. 2 (143), si vis homo esse, ‘if you wish 
to be an ordinary man (and not a recluse),’ 
and note; also note to 132 fin. on homo. 


May 5| The interview with Antony, 
who arrived on the evening of May 4 
(398. 4), probably occurred on the 5th, 
and Cicero, as was his wont, wrote about 
it at once. 

1. Nominatim] ‘ Antony says he had 
received orders about me specially,’ that 
Cicero was not to be allowed to leave 
Italy. In 395. 2 Antony said no one 
was to be aliowed to leave Italy. From 
the fact that Cicero was specially men- 
tioned, he inferred aliquid atrocius de. me 
imperatum est (399. 2). For imperatum 
see Adn. Crit. 

quoi nihil] ‘nothing succeeds with me, 
and my best-laid plans are turning out 
horribly.’ . 

Curionem nactus| Cp. 395. 3, utinam 
ad Curionem. Cicero thought that if he 
could put himself under the protection of 


R2 


244 


scripserat. 
cum hoc mari negoti fore. 
custodior. 


Reginus erat totus noster. 
(Yuo me nune vertam? Undique — 
2. Sed satis lacrimis. Πόρον κλεπτέον igitur et occulte — 


EP. 397 (ATT. X. 12, 88 1-8). 


Huic nihil suspicabamur 


in aliquam onerariam corrependum, non committendum ut etiam 


compacto prohibiti videamur. 


Sicilia petenda: quam si erimus 


nacti, maiora quaedam consequemur. Sit modo recte in Hispaniis ! 


Quamquam de ipsa Sicilia utinam sit verum! 
Concursus Siculorum ad Catonem dicitur factus, orasse- 


secundl. 


Sed adhue nihil 


ut resisteret, omnia pollicitos, commotum illum dilectum habere 


coepisse. 
teneri illam provinciam scio. 


Curio all would go well. Curio was 
governor of Sicily. Hortensius com- 
manded the mare inferwm, and probably 
associated with him was Reginus, who 
may be identified with C. Antistius Regi- 
nus, a lieutenant of Caesar’s mentioned 
B.G. vi. 1. 1; vii. 83. 3; 90. 6. Schmidt 
(p. 178) thinks Reginus is a contemptuous 
term for one of the Balbi, meaning that 
he is a creature of the monarch (Caesar), 
‘der Kénigsknecht.’ This is surely im- 
probable. Orelli conjectures Redilus. 

Huic nihil] ‘we had no idea that 
Antony (ep. 395. 5) had anything to do 
with this part of the sea.’ 

2. satis lacrimis] 56. datum est. For 
dare omitted, cp. Att. iv. 15. 6 (148) 
deinde Antiphonti operam; xiv. 12. 1 (715) 
multa illis Caesar; and for such a usage 
of dare cp. Fam. xv. 6. 1 (278) amicitiae 
dedisses . . . veritati dares. Something 
similar is Orat. 215, animo istue satis est, 
auribus non item. 

Πόρον κλεπτέον) Thus we propose 
to correct the corrupt reading of M, for 
which see Adn. Crit. The phrase κλέπ- 
τειν φυγήν is a familiar one. Cicero here 
modities it slightly so as to mean ‘I must 
cross the sea privily,’ πόρον being used 
for transitum and transire, which occur 
so often in this context. Cicero uses the 
construction in which the verbal adjective 
governs the accusative above in πόλεμον 
ἐπακτέον, Att. ix. 4, 2 (361). Wé6lfflin 
reads παρακλεπτέον (Philol. xxx. 115). 
Victorius suggested παραπλευτέον ; Emil 
Thomas of Berlin παραποπλευτέον : quoted 
by Prof. Conway in Class. Rev. xxviii. 
(1914), p. 283. (The verbal adj. of πλέω 
is, we think, rAevoréos, not πλευτέοΞ). 
Could the reading be παροτλευτέον, ‘we 


Non credo; at est luculentus auctor! 


Potuisse certe 


Ab Hispaniis autem iam audietur.. 


must struggle on’? Bosius (if we under-. 
stand him rightly) conjectured πάρωρα. 
ὀτλητέον, ‘we must bear up against the 
unfavourable weather’ (and leave Italy). 

non committendum| ‘I must not run. 
the risk of being thought to be prevented: 
(from leaving Italy) by a collusion between. 
myself and the Caesareans.’ In the next 
letter, ᾧ 1, he says he sometimes thinks. 
he ought to welcome some really injurious. 
act on the part of the Caesareans, to show 
that he is not in favour with Caesar. 

compacto| ‘by a collusive agreement.” 
The form is generally compecto : cp. Scaur. 
8; Liv. v. 11. 7; Afranius 90 (Ribb.). 
It seems to be an adverbial form like: 
improviso. In Plaut. Capt. 484 we have- 
de compecto, and in Suet. Iul. 20. 5 ex 
compacto. 

Sicilia} Cp. 395. 4, note. He is. 
thinking of the ‘ Caelian enterprise,’ 
some recourse to force which he proposed 
to put into operation in Sicily. See- 
Introduction. 

commotum] ‘that Cato, struck by this- 
devotion, has set on foot a levy.’ 

Non credo ; at est luculentus auctor| So- 
we have altered ut of the mss. Wes. reads 
nec. Boot (whom we formerly followed): 
ut ut. But, as Miiller points out, μέ ut 
does not mean ‘although’; and it cannot _ 
qualify Jduculentus, ‘however good the — 
authority.’ It rather means ‘in what- 
ever way,’ e.g. ut wt est res, If we adopt — 
at, Cicero will be supposed to say that he _ 
does not believe the report, but implies. — 
that he is unwilling to resign wholly — 
credence therein by adding ‘but there is. _ 
a reliable authority.’ # 

tam audietur| ‘presently there will be _ 
news from Spain,’ 


av schiiiia 


EP. 398 (ATT. X. 12, § 4-7). 245 


3. Hie nos C. Marcellum habemus, eadem vere cogitantem aut 
bene simulantem: quamquam ipsum non videram, sed ex familia- 
rissimo eius audiebam. Tu, quaeso, si quid habebis novi: ego, si 
quid moliti erimus, ad te statim scribam. Quintum filium severius 
adhibebo.. Utinam proficere possim! ‘Tu tamen eas epistulas, 
quibus asperius de eo scripsi, aliquando concerpito, ne quando 
quid emanet : ego item tuas. 4. Servium exspecto nec ab eo 
quidquam ὑγιές. Scies quidquid erit. 


398. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 12, δὲ 4-7). 


CUMAE; MAY 6; A. U. C. 705; B.C. 49; ABT. CIC. 57. 
De misera condicione sua, de Caelio, de Hispaniis, tum de Caesare et de Q. filio. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


(4) Sine dubio errasse nos confitendum est. At semel? at una 
in re? Immo omnia quo diligentius cogitata eo facta sunt 


imprudentius. 


᾿Αλλὰ τὰ μὲν προτετύχθαι 


3. C. Marcellum] Boot remarks that, 
as Cicero writes of this man, in 401. 2, 
timidiorem, quem consulem fuisse paenitet, 
we may infer that the person here men- 
tioned is not the colleague of L. Lentulus 
in the consulship of the present year, 
but the C. Marcellus who was consul with 
L. Aemilius Paullus the year before, and 
who is mentioned in Pompey’s letter, 
Att. viii. 12a, 4 (331). He was then at 
Liternum (399. 2). The consuls of that 
year (49) had crossed over to Greece in 
March (360. 3: Caes. B. C. 1. 25. 2). 

eadem| that is, of having some resort 
to force. 

si quid habebis novi] 
often, e.g. 399. 3. 

adhibebo| “1 shall treat with increased 
strictness,’ like accepi vehementer, 388. ὃ 

ep. 382.6, note): ep. adhiberi liberaliter, 

. Fr. i. 1. 16 (30). 


sc. scribes, as 


5. 2 / 
ἐάσομεν ἀχνύμενοι περ, 


aliquando concerpito| ‘some time or 
other tear up’: cp. Suet. Nero 47. 1. 
In Fam. vii. 25. 1 (668) he uses con- 
scindere for tearing up a letter. 

ne quando quid| =ne aliguando aliquid ; 
cp. lepidum quid ne quo excidat, Att. iv. 17 
(18), 1 (149), and note there. 

tuas| sc. concerpam, supplied from the 
preceding clause: ep. 504 init. Hert 
veni in Cumanum, cras ad te fortasse (sc. 
veniam). 

4. ὑγιές] “ wholesome counsel.’ 

May 6] As Ep. 397 was written on 
May 5, and 399 on May 7, this letter 
was doubtless written on May 6. 

4. ᾿Αλλὰ τὰ μὲν] This is the verse 
(Hom. Il. xviii. 112) which Cicero often 
uses to express the sentiment ‘let by- 
gones be by-gones,’ or ‘what is done 
cannot be undone.’ 


246 EP, 398 (ATT. X. 12, §§ 4-7). 


in reliquis modo ne ruamus. Iubes de profectione mea pro- 
videre. Quid provideum? Ita patent omnia quae accidere 
possunt ut, ea si vitem, sedendum sit cum dedecore et dolore, si 
neglegam, periculum sit ne in manus incidam perditorum. Sed 
vide quantis in miseriis simus. Optandum interdum videtur ut: 
aliquam accipiamus ab istis quamvis acerbam iniuriam, ut tyranno 
in odio fuisse videamur. 5. Quod 81 nobis is cursus quem spe- 
raram pateret, effecissem aliquid profecto, ut tu optas et hortaris, 
dignum nostra mora. Sed mirificae sunt custodiae, et quidem ille- 
ipse Curio suspectus. Qua re vi aut clam agendum est et, si Vi, 
tforte ne cum pestate: clamaut emistis.f In quo si quod σφάλμα. 
vides quam turpe sit. Trahimur, nec fugiendum si quid vio- 
lentius. 6. De Caelio saepe mecum agito, nec, si quid habuero 
tale, dimittam. Hispanias spero firmas esse. Massiliensium factum 
cum ipsum per se luculentum est, tum mihi argumento est recte 
esse in Hispaniis. Minus enim auderent si aliter esset : et scirent,. 


nam et vicini et diligentes sunt. 


yuamus| * act with precipitation,’ or 
“come to grief’ (Shuckburgh). The use 
in § 6 is somewhat different. 

Lubes de profectione mea providere| See 
Adn. Crit. For the omission of me, the 
subject to providere, see Madv. 401; 
Lebreton 376 ff. 

5. Qua re vi] Cicero says he must 
venture on some overt act of ‘opposition 
to Caesar or he must confine himself to 
secret co-operation with Pompey: these 
are the two alternatives. Such an overt 
act he frequently mentions in subsequent 
passages in such terms as Caelianum 
aliquid: see note to 397. 2. That it was 
some military act is probable from 401. 2 
Vexillo opus est: convolabunt. The Caelius 
referred to cannot be Cicero’s correspon- 
dent and friend, and has been supposed to 
be one Caelius who raised a force in Italy 
against Sulla, as we read in Plut. Pomp. 
7. Cicero, in the words Cuelianum 
aliquid, refers to some step now to be 
taken by him against Caesar like that of 
Caelius against Sulla. We have obelised 
the passage forte . . emistis. Many editors 
(also the Thesaurus) treat the words elam 
autem istis as sound, printing a mark of 
interrogation, and explaining them to 
mean ‘but how could I elude those who 
are watching me?’ If this is right, the 
present is the only place in Cicero where 


Odium autem recte animad- 


clam is used as a preposition. [On the 
construction of clam see Wolfflin in 
‘Archiv’ vii. 278 f.] For some attempts 
to correct the passage see Adn. Crit. 
We hazard the following: e¢ si vi,. 
favente tempestate, <si>clam autem, istis- 
(sc. faventibus). ‘If we attempt to effect 
our departure by force, it must be with. 
the favour of the weather; but if we 
desire to steal away, it must be by the 
favour of the Caesarean authorities, who- 
would connive at my departure.’ ‘Thisis 
supported by his previous remark, that 
the arrangements for watching him are 
wonderfully good, and by what he says,. 
402. 2, as to his chance of effecting a 
secret departure. Cicero elsewhere says. 
that the weather is a consideration, 401. 
2, Itaque torqueor utrum ventum exspec- 
tem: cp. 402. 2 navigatio modo sit: 408. 
3; 404. 1. 

In quo] 86. clam agendo. 

σφάλμα] ‘contretemps.’ 

Trahimur| ‘1 am carried away’ by 
the course of events. 

6. Massiliensiwm] Cp. note to 395. 4. 

et scirent} ‘and they would know, 
as they are near Spain and are careful 
observers.’ 

et vicini et diligentes sunt] See Adn.. 
Crit. We are surprised to find Lambinus-. 
commending (and stating that it is well- 


a ἘΠῚ — 


EP. .898 (ATT. X. 12, 88 4-7). 


vertis significatum 7” theatro. 


quam sibi ipse. 
ruet, 
animo Caeliano. 
continuo scies. 

ponnesum ipsam sustinebimus. 


Illud recte times ne ruat. 
Quo magis efficiendum aliquid est, fortuna velim meliore, 

Sed primum quidque; quod qualecumque erit 
7. Nos iuveni, ut rogas, suppeditabimus et Pelo- 
Est enim indoles, modo aliquod 


247 


Legiones etiam has quas in Italia 
adsumpsit alienissimas esse video. 


Sed tamen nihil inimicius 
Si desperarit certe 


én hoc ἦθος TAKIMOAION. Quod si adhue nullum est, esse tamen 
potest aut ἀρετὴ non est διδακτόν: quod mihi persuaderi non 


potest. 


nigh certain) the conjecture of Bosius, 
even though Bosius said he found it in his 
Decurtatus, nam et vieti sunt et δειλοὶ 
gente sunt, and saying gente, i.e. genere. 
Ferrero (ii. 251 note), quoting this 
passage, says rightly: ‘‘ It is impossible 
to understand this campaign unless it is 
realized that the military operations in 
Spain and the siege of Marseilles were 
intimately connected. Cicero knew this 
well.’”? Just at this time Caesar was not 
making any progress with the two 
operations (at Marseilles and in Spain) 
which he was conducting simultaneously. 
C. Fabius in Spain was actually unsuc- 
cessful. Spain was at heart Pompeian, 
owing to the great reputation there of the 
conqueror of Sertorius: the Pompeian 
generals had five legions, and it was 
expected that Pompey might go through 
Africa and land in Spain (Caes. Β. Ὁ. 1. 
39. 3). 

in theatro| Cicero often refers to ex- 
pressions of popular opinion made in the 
theatre: cp. Att. ii, 19. 3 (46) Popul 
sensus maxime theatro et spectaculis per- 
spectus est, and the instances he gives 
in that passage. It was hoped in July, 44, 
that some expression of popular favour 
would be shown to the conspirators at the 
games held by Brutus: cp. vol. V’, 
p. Ixxxv, note 2. 

Legiones| They were two (400. 2). 

nihil... ipse| 392. 8 gui quidem sibi 
est adversarius wnus acerrimus. 

yuat| ‘proceed to violent measures’ : 
ep. Att. ii. 14. 1 (41) and often: see 
Index. Also ᾧ 4, above. 

Sed primum quidque| ‘ But everything 
as it comes up; you shall have a 
description of every turn of the situation 
forthwith.’ For primum quidque ep. 
Madvig Fin. ii 105 (cp. 106 fluit voluptas 
et prima quaeque avolat), and Dr. Reid on 
Acad. ii 49; also Munro on Lucr. i. 389 


nam primum quemque necesse est Occupet 
ille (aer) locum dein omnia possideantur. 

7. iuvent ... suppeditabimus| 41 will 
do for young Quintus everything that is 
requisite.” For suppeditare used without 
an accusative cp. Att. xiv. 20. 3 (727). 
He had said above, in 384. 2, that in 
asking him to undertake the control of 
Quintus, Atticus was putting on him a 
hard task, which he allusively (see note 
there) called ᾿Αρκαδίαν : he now says he 
‘will take on his shoulders the task, 
however hard, even if it be not Arcadia, 
but the whole of Peloponnesus’: perhaps 
Cicero wishes to convey a further allusion 
to another proverb often used by him, 
Σπάρταν ἔλαχες ταύταν κόσμει. 

indoles] ‘ability’ (So ed. Iens. M has 
indolens) ; the word may be used without 
a qualifying adjective, as in vidi statim 
indolem, De Or. ii. 89; ad Brut. 1. 18. 4 
(915) of Octavian videtur enim esse im 
90 indoles, sed flexibilis aetas multique ad 
depravandum parati: cp. existimatio = 
bona existimatio in Att. xvi. 16 ὁ, 10 (778), 
and iudicium = bona opinio in 420. ὃ. 

modo aliquid in hoc sit] ‘if he only had 
some character.’ The second Greek word 
is quite obscure. ‘The guess which goes 
nearest to the letters is ἀγχίμολον 
(Muecke), of which Boot approves, saying 
that it means ‘a disposition attached to, 
not aloof from, his own family’ (395. 6; 
396. 3 non amantem suorum). But the 
word seems to be used only in the local 
sense of ‘near.’ The idea which is 
required is ‘ possessed of principle,’ 
‘trustworthy.’ Man. suggested ἄκιμον = 
sanabilem. Is there such a word? ἀκέσι- 
μον is ‘healing ’ (active). Turnebus and 
Cobet ἀκίβδηλον : Schmidt ἀλκιμώτερον ; 
Gurlitt ἀξιόλογον. Qu. ἄκαμπτον, or, as 
Mr. F. V. Longworth suggested, ἀκίνητον; 
‘ steadfastness’ ; but this word generally 
means ‘stubbornness’ (a faulty quality), 


248 


EP, 399 (ATT. X. 13). 


399. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. x. 13). 


CUMAE; MAY 7 (§ 2); A. U. Ὁ. 7053 B. Ὁ. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero invitat Atticum ad litterarum commercium: de Antonio, tum de rebus 
suis, de exspectato Servii adventu, de Hispaniis. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Epistula tua gratissima fuit meae Tulliae et mehercule 


mihi. 


leones pertimescas cave. 
tende πρᾶξιν πολιτικοῦ. 
primos et L111viros. 
dormit ad Η 11r. 


Semper speculam aliquam adferunt tuae litterae. 
igitur ac, si quid ad spem poteris, ne dimiseris. 
Nihil est illo homine iucundius. 
Evocavit litteris e municipiis decem 
Venerunt ad villam eius mane. 
Deinde, cum esset nuntiatum venisse Neapo- 


Scribes 
Tu Antoni 
At- 


Primum 


litanos et Cumanos—his enim est Caesar iratus—postridie redire 


iussit: lavari se velle et περὶ κουλιολυσίαν γίνεσθαι. 


effecit. 


May 7] § 2 pridie Nonas... hodie... 
eras. 

1. speculam| ‘a glimmer of hope.’ 
This is Boot’s conjecture for secwm, and 
it seems very probable. The word is 
used by Cicero, 394. 5 and Cluent. 72, 
and is also found in Plautus Rud. 666. It 
is quite rare enough to bea likely sub- 
ject for corruption. None of the other 
suggestions seems probable, except per- 
haps securitatem. 

si quid ad spem poteris| sc. scribere 
taken out of scribes. For the phrase 
ep. Att. vil. 4. 2 (295) nihil ad spem 
concordiae. . 

_ leones| We are told that at a later 
period of his career, after Pharsalia, 
Antony had a carriage drawn by lions 
(Plin. H. N, viii, 55; Plut. Ant. 9). 
Whether this is a fact ora fiction, the 
present passage shows that this practice 
of his (or myth about him) was some years 
earlier in its origin. Vict. wished to read 
leonibus for lenonibus in Phil. ii. 58. 

; tucundius| ‘hearty,’ ‘jovial.’ 
.Attende πρᾶξιν πολιτικοῦ] ‘do 
recognize in the following a truly states- 
manlike proceeding.’ 


Hoc here 


Hodie sutem in Aenariam transire constituit ut exsulibus 


decem primos et \111viros] The decem 
primi were an executive committee of the 
Senate of municipal towns in Italy and 
provincial towns appointed for special 
purposes, especially embassies; ep. Rosc. 
Am. 25, Verr. ii. 162, and Marquardt i.? 
218, note 10; Mommsen St. R. iii. 852n. 
The principal magistrates of most muni- 
cipia were quattuorviri, while those of 
colonies were duwmviri, but the distinc- 
tion is not absolute; cp. Arnold, Roman 
Provincial Administration (ed. Shuck- 
burgh), p. 246; Marquardt 1", p. 142. 

H 11.) = horam tertiam. 

Aenariam] An island off the coast of 
Campania, also called Pithecusa, now 
Ischia. 

exsulibus| cp. 872. 2; 382.8; 392. 2; 
399.1. The restoration of exiles who had 
been duly condemned by law seemed 
intolerable even to a man of peace like 
Servius Sulpicius (400. 3). Caesar in 
December of this year did restore most of 
the exiles, especially those condemned by 
Pompey’s laws of 52 B.c. ; but a few were 
not restored, e.g. Milo (Dio Cass. xli. 36. 
2), who had helped the Massiliotes, C. 
Antonius, Cicero’s colleague in the con- 


Ἧι 


_-coram negare mihi non vult: 


EP, 399 (ATT. X. 18). 


2. A Q. Axio accepi litteras. 
a Vesiorio reddidi. 


249 


‘4 e Φ . . . . 

- reditum polliceretur. Sed haec omittamus, de nobis aliquid agamus. 
De Tirone gratum. 
Servius pridie Nonas Maias Menturnis 


Vettienum 


-mansisse dicitur, hodie in Liternino mansurus apud C. Marcellum, 
Cras igitur nos$mature videbit mihique dabit argumentum ad te 


; B ovistulne. Iam enim’non reperio quod tibi scribam. Illud admiror 


quod Antonius ad me ne nuntium quidem, cum praesertim me 


$1 impetrassem crediturus. 


valde observarit. Videlicet aliquid atrocius de me imperatum est : 
quod ego nec rogaturus eram nec 
| Nos tamen aliquid excogitabimus. 
Es 9, Tu, quaeso, si quid in Hispaniis: iam enim poterit audiri, et 


omnes ita exspectant ut si recte fuerit nihil negoti futurum 


putent. 


Ego autem nec retentis iis confectam rem puto neque 


amissis desperatam. Silium et Ocellam et ceteros credo retardatos. 
Te quoque a Curtio impediri video; etsi, ut opinor, habes 


tEKITAONON. 


sulship (Phil. ii. 56; 98), and perhaps 
‘some Others. Caesar had this done by 
regular procedure before the people, 
praetors and tribunes, especially Antony, 
proposing the bills (Caes. B. C. iii. 1. 4; 
myic. Phil, ii ¢.¢.). 

2. Q. Axio] 396.2; 401. 4. 

Tirone| Cp. 396, 1 note. 

Vettienum| 384.2; 396. d. 

Vestorio| 384. 1. 

Liternino| Liternum was a little north 
of Cumae. . 

C. Marcellum] 397. 3. 
᾿ς argumentum ad te epistulae| Cp. 488. 1. 

nenuntium quidem| sc. misit: cp. Att. 
Xil. 37. 1 (579), Quod mihi Bruti litteras 
(sc. misisti) gratum, and often. 

valde observarit| ‘has been quite polite.’ 

atrocius| Cp. note to 397. 1. 

impetrassem] ‘had obtained the request.’ 

3. si quid in Hispaniis| 393. 1, 80. 
scribes, “ Please write any Spanish news? 
cp. 397. 3. 

‘iis] 86. Hispaniis. 

Silium] Silius may perhaps be P. Silius, 
‘who had been governor of Bithynia in 
51 B.c.: cp. Fam. xiii. 61 (233). 

Oceltam| 395. 4; 403. 3. 

retardatos | ‘have had their departure 
‘delayed’ (by the Caesareans). 

@ Curtio] M. Curtius Postumus: cp. 
394. 3. 

TEKITAONON] For some of the 
various attempted’ emendations of the 
word see Adn. Crit. ‘The idea required is 


although you havea passport (diploma)’ : 
cp. 403. 4. Baiter suggests ἔκπλουν. 
Gurlitt (Zextkritisches zu Ciceros Briefen, 
Steglitz Programm, 1898, p. 10) ingeni- 
ously proposes ἐξιτητέον, ‘a permit to 
depart,’ ‘an exeat’; as we might say of 
a person who got a permission to have 
his work printed, ‘he got an imprimatur,’ 
Gurlitt thinks we should read Curione for 
Curtio. Tyrrell conjectured exitus ἐξουσίαν 
or exitum ἄοκνον. Ellis (Philologus, 1895, 
p. 747) proposed ἐπίσταθμον, and this is 
adopted by Miller. Ellis interpreted 
ἐπίσταθμον either (1) as ‘one who stands 
at the door’ (Callimachus, Epigr. xxiv, 
uses it apparently in the sense of a janitor) 
and prevents Atticus leaving, as a pressing 
creditor might prevent his debtor from 
leaving; or (2) as ‘one billeted upon 
you,’ cp. Plut. Demetrius 23; or (3) as 
‘a governor’ or ‘satrap,’ cp. Isocrates 
Panegyr. 65 E, ὁ 120 (βασιλεὺς) μόνον οὐκ 
ἐπιστάθμους ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι καθιστάς, and 
74 Ὁ, § 162, ‘Exaréuvws ὃ Καρίας ἐπίσταθ- 
μος. But we should then expect δέ rather 
than e¢si, which ought to mark a contrast 
with what goes before. Bosius suggested 
κέλητα ἄοκνον, ‘an active steed,’ which 
he professed to have virtually fonnd in 
his Decurtatus, and supposed the ‘ active 
steed’ would be obtained by the possessor 
of a passport. Lambinus thought that 
κέλητα ὄνον, which he supposed to be the 
emendation of Bosius, and translated asi- 
nus ephippiatus, could mean ‘ a passport.’ 


EP. 400 (ATT. X. 1h). 


400. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. x. 14). 


CUMAE; MAY 8(§ 1); A. U. C. 7053 B.C. 493 AEP. OIC. 57. 


De Servio, quem metu maxime perturbatum esset cognoverit ac paene desperatum.. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


3 


1. O vitam miseram! maiusque malum tam diu timere quam 


est illud ipsum, quod timetur! 


Servius, ut antea scripsi, cum: 
venisset Nonis Maiis, postridie ad me mane venit. 
teneam, nullius consili exitum invenimus. 


Ne diutius te 
Numquam vidi homi- 


nem perturbatiorem metu, neque hercule quidquam timebat quod 
non esset timendum: ‘illum sibiiratum, hune non amicum: horri- 
bilem utriusque victoriam, cum propter alterius crudelitatem, 
alterius audaciam, tum propter utriusque difficultatem pecuni- 
arlam, quae erul nusquam nisi ex privatorum bonis posset.’ Atque 
haec ita multis cum lacrimis loquebatur ut ego mirarer eas tam 
diuturna miseria non exaruisse. Mihi quidem etiam lippitudo. 
haec, propter quam non ipse ad te scribo, sine ulla lacrima est sed 
saepius odiosa est propter vigilias. 2. Quam ob rem quidquid 
habes ad consolandum conlige et illa scribe, non ex doctrina neque- 
ex libris—nam id quidem domi est, sed nescio quo modo imbe- 
cillior est medicina quam morbus—, haec potius conquire, de 
Hispaniis, de Massilia: quae quidem satis bella Servius adfert : 


May 8] ὁ 1. Nonis Matis postridic. 

1. nuliius ... invenimus] Cp. 397. 4 
Servium exspecto nec ab eo quidquam ὑγιές, 
and 401. 2. 

illum sibi iratum] Cp. 342.3. Lllum 
refers to Pompey, who would be angry 
with Servius Sulpicius for not leaving 
Italy to join him, and still more for send- 
ing his son to Caesar, as we read in 376. 2 
that he did; Aunc designates Caesar, who 
was offended with the view taken by 
Sulpicius in the Senate on the question 
whether Caesar should oppose Pompey’s 
lieutenants in Spain: ep. 387. 1. 

alterius crudelitatem| Cp. Pompei. 

erui| The subject (quae) is probably 
pecunia taken out of pecuniariam, ‘ which 
cannot be unearthed except from the 
property of private individuals.’ 


sine ulla lacrima| ‘is not accompanied 
by any running, but is often disagreeable- 
by keeping me awake.’ The sentence 
does not call for correction, but Madvig’s. 
et per 86 odiosa est et propter vigilias is a 
pretty conjecture (A. C. iii. 186). 

2. domi est] ‘I havea supply of’: cp. 
460. 2, Sed quid ego nune haec ad te, 
cuius domi nascuntur, γλαῦκ᾽ eis ᾿Αθήνας Ὁ 
Cp. domo petes Fam. vii. 25 (668) ; Cluent. 
27; Plaut. Amph. 637 : domi habet Plaut. 
Mil. 194 and Tyrrell’s note. 

imbeciliior] ‘is unable to cope with the- 
disease.’ 

quae... adfert]} ‘on which subject 
Sulpicius brings fairly good news’ ; bedla 
is the secondary predicate, ‘ which things. 
he announces as good.’ 


TPP SRE 


ΤΟΣ Ha BS 


sz 
> a aly 


EP. 401 (ATT. X. 15). 


3. Sed redeo ad Servium. 
_ sermonem in posterum, sed tardus ad exeundum : ‘multo se in 
h suo lectulo malle, quidquid foret.’ 
militia Brundisina. 


251 


a qui etiam de duabus legionibus luculentos auctores esse dicebat.. 
_ Haec igitur si habebis et talia. 
 andiri necesse est. 


Et quidem pancis diebus aliquid 


Distulimus omnino- 


Odiosus scrupulus de fili 


Unum illud firmissime adseverabat, si dam- 


nati restituerentur in exsilium se iturum.: Nos autem ad haec ‘ et 
id ipsum certo fore et quae iam fierent non esse leviora,’ mul- 


taque conligebamus. 


Verum ea non animum eius augebant sed 


timorem, ut iam celandus magis de nostro consilio quam ad idem 


* * videretur. 
de Caelio cogitabimus. 


401. 


Qua re in hoc non multum est. 


Nos ate admoniti. 


CICERO “FO: ATTICUS (ax irex. 15): 


CUMAE 5 MAY 12; A. U. C. 7055 B.C. 495 AKT. CIC. 57. 


M. Cicero scribit Attico se eius litteras accepisse et de negotio Funisulani, dein de 
profectione sua, de Servii consilio, de Antonii excusatione quod ad se non venerit, de 


rebus domesticis ac privatis. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Servius cum esset apud me, Cephalio cum tuis litteris vr 
Idus venit, quae nobis magnam spem attulerunt meliorum rerum 


de duabus legionibus| Cp. legiones... 


alienissimas esse video, 398. 6. 
Haec... taiia| 


understand dicié “ but loath to leave Italy, 


_ (he says) that he would much prefer to 
_ die in his bed, whatever happens.’ 


adds erat before tardus. 
form in Cic.: ep. 319.2; Rep. ii. 24. 

in suo lectulo| se. mori: ep. 392.7 ; 
473. 2. 

fili militia Brundisina| 376. 23; 377. 
2; 381. 2. 

damnati| Cp. 399. 1 note, and 392. 2. 

ad haeec| sc. diximus. 


conligebamus| “ brought together’ (392. 


3) many other arguments for this view. 


de nostro consilio| Cicero’s ‘ Caelian’ 


enterprise. 


sc. scribes: cp. 397. ὃ. 
3. tardus ad exeundum| Lamb. adds est 
after tardus, perhaps rightly : but we may 


Wes. 


Foret is a rare 


ad idem| Some word like adhibendus 
(Mady. after Ursinus), or vocandus, or 
invitandus must be supplied. 

in hoc| masculine: * we can’t expect 
much from him.’ 

de Caelio| This expression always 
refers to some overt act of hostility to- 
Caesar. See 402. 4, when he tells how 
he received a deputation which proposed 
to put the town of Pompeii into his hands. 
If he had accepted their proposal, he would 
have done Caelianum aliquid; but he 
suspected that the offer was a trap for 
him. 


May 12] §4.exewrro in Pompeianum : 
402. 4 profectus sum in Pompeianum 
a. d. 1111 Jd. Cicero wrote this letter just 
as he was leaving Cumae for Pompeii. 


252 EP. 401 (ATT. X. 15), 


de octo cohortibus: etenim eae quoque quae in his locis sunt 
labare dicuntur. Eodem die Funisulanus a te attulit litteras in 
quibus erat confirmatius idem illud. Hi de suo negotio respondi 
cumulate cum omni tua gratia. Adhuc non satis faciebat ; debet 
autem mihi multos nummos nec habetur locuples. Nune ait se 
daturum, cui expensum tulerit morari, Ttabellarius, si apud te esse, 


quas satis fecissest dares. 
2. Sed ad maiora redeamus. 
rescit. 


est: convolabunt. 


1. de octo cohortibus| which he hoped 
would desert from Caesar’s army, as they 
had already shown signs of a wavering 
allegiance: 398.6; 400. 2. 

Funisulanus| Att. v. 4. 1 (187). 

cum omni tua gratia] “1 gave him a 
full and satisfactory reply, explaining all 
your kindness.’ 

Nune ait... dares| This passage 
still awaits emendation. If we adopt the 
usual restoration tabellariis (Manutius) si 
apud te esset qua (Man.) satisfecisset (Pius) 
dares, we may translate ‘now he says he 
will pay me, but that a debtor of his was 
slow about settling his account with him 
[that he has desired that debtor to pay 
the money over to you, and] if you now 
have the money thus paid by the debtor, 
you are to send it by the letter-carriers to 
me.’ ‘The words enclosed between brackets 
explain the nature of the transaction, 
which is so briefly described as to be 
somewhat unintelligible. Qua satisfecisset 
is literally ‘by which he has satisfied his 
obligation.” We are inclined to think 
that Funisulanus got less than was due to 
him from his debtor, and that Cicero was 
to get less than Funisulanus owed him. 
Satisfacere seems to imply that payment 
was notin full: ep. Dig. xiii. 7.9. ὃ Omnis 
pecunia exsoluta esse debet aut en nomine 
satisfactum esse, ut nascatur pigneraticia 
actio: satisfactum autem accipimus, quem- 
admodum voluit creditor, licet non sit 
solutum. (Though this has reference to 
pledges given for payment, it shows that 
settlement of a debt might be made other- 
wise than by payment in full: partial 
payment might ‘satisfy’ the creditor.) 
For expensum ferre, a very common 
expression for ‘to lend,’ cp. note to 206. 
4, also to 31. 1. Prof. Goligher would 
read and punctuate thus: Nune ait se datu- 


Quantum sit ros Philotimi tibi dicet. 
Quod optas, Caelianum illud matu- 
Itaque torqueor utrum ventum exspectem. Vexillo opus 
Quod suades ut palam, prorsus adsentior, 


rum, cui expensum tulerit morari: tabel- 
lariis suis si apud te essent ‘if they called 
at your office,’ as in Att. v. 6. 1 (189): 
cp. 402. 1) qua satisfecisset (‘ whatever 
amount will have satisfied his debt to me’) 
dares. ‘He says he will pay me, but his 
own debtor is slow in paying him: [that 
he had put the money received from this 
debtor in your hands, and] that you are to 
pay over whatever will settle his debt to 
me to his messengers if they call at 
your office.’ This gives a good point to 
Quantum sit Eros tibi dicet. 

2. Caelianum illud| 398.5; 402. 4. 

ventum| awind favourable for sailing : 
cp. note to 398. 5. 

ut palam| sc. proficisear, which can 
be easily supplied from the context. 
Atticus seems to be now advising Cicero 
to adopt an overt course of action. As 
other expressions in this and the next 
letters (402. 2; 404. 2) seem somewhat 
inconsistent with this view, it has been 
proposed to alter the word palum. Gro- 
novius ingeniously sought to get the 
required meaning from palam by taking 
that word as the accusative of pala, ‘the 
bevil of a ring,’ and supposing Cicero to 
allude to the story of Gyges, who could 
make himself invisible by turning the 
bevil of his ring inwards. Palam thus 
understood would, therefore, mean the 
same thing as clam. But Cicero would 
not have used a word naturally convey- 
ing the very opposite meaning to clam, 
without some hint about the story which 
would explain it, unless indeed Atticus 
had written Suadeo ut palam vertas. We 
do not see anything inconsistent with 


the belief that yalam has here its natural — 


meaning of ‘openly.’ Cicero had no 
fixed plans at all. His ideas varied from 
day to day, owing, as was probable, to 


ca 


4 


δ᾽ 


Mee GOL CATT. A TO), 253: 


itaque me profecturum puto. ‘T'uas tamen interim litteras ex- 
specto. Servi consilio nihil expeditur. Omnes captiones in omni 
sententia occurrunt. Unum C. Marcellum cognovi timidiorem, 
quem consulem fuisse paenitet. "Q πολλῆς ayevveiac! qui etiam 
Antonium confirmasse dicitur ut me impediret, quo ipse, credo, 
honestius. 3. Antonius autem vi Idus Capuam profectus est, ad 
me misit se pudore deterritum ad me non venisse quod me sibi 
suscensere putaret. Ibitur igitur, et ita quidem ut censes, nisi 
cuius gravioris personae suscipiendae spes erit ante oblata. Sed 
vix erit tam οἷο. Alienus autem praetor putabat aliquem, si ego 
non, ex collegis suis. Quivis licet dum modo aliquis. 4, De 
sorore laudo. De Quinto puero datur opera: spero esse meliora. 
De Quinto fratre, scito eum non mediocriter laborare de versura, 
sed adhue nihil a L. Egnatio expressit. Axius de ΧΤῚ milibus 


his uncertainty as to whether Antony 
and Hortensius and the other Caesarean 
agents were sincere in their professions 
of friendship, or were spying upon him. 

itaque| ‘and so (that is, openly), I 
think I will set out.’ 

captiones| a law term, meaning ‘ dis- 
advantages.’ Cp. Att. xv. 7 (739), Ser- 
vius vero pacificator cum librariolo suo 
videtur obisse legationem et omnis captiun- 
culas pertimescere. We have it above in 
mea captio est, ‘the loss is mine,’ Att. v. 
+. 4 (187), and it is common in the Digest. 
Tr. ‘bars of every kind meet us in every 
course that is proposed.’ 

C. Marcellum| See on 397. 3. 

&yevvetias|  ‘ bassesse,’ “ meanness,’ 
in urging Antony to prevent Cicero’s 
departure, ‘so that he might remain in 
Italy with a better grace’ (honestius) : 
sc. in Italia maneret. For the ellipse of 
esset (or maneret) Heidemann (p. 32) com- 
‘pares 505. 1 ἐδὲ diem unum (sc. manebo), 
500. 2 ego tamen triduwn (sc. Romae ero), 
and many other examples. 

3. ad me misit| *‘hesent me a message 
that.’ Cp. in the next letter, ὁ 5, misit 
puerum se ad me venire; § 4, ventum est 
ad me; ‘centuriones ... velle.’ 

Ibitur] Cp. ἰτέον, 386. 1. 

gravioris personae suscipiendae| This 
is generally taken as meaning ‘the rdle 
of peacemaker’; but there does not seem 
to have been any talk of peace negotia- 
tions at this time. We rather think that 
it refers to the ‘ Caelian’ project of some 
appeal to arms in Sicily. 


Alienus autem praetor| Next year 
he was Caesarean propraetor (or pro- 
consul: cp. note to 3882. 9; also 526 
(address) ; and Mommsen St. R. ii? 629. 
2) of Sicily. If the reference is to the 
‘ Caelian’ business, the opinion expressed 
by Alienus looks as if he were laying a 
trap for Cicero. Even Cicero himself 
thought the incident at Pompeii next day 
was a trap ( fieri poterat ut temptaremur 
402. 4. The Caesarean agents were 
trying to sound the good Cicero, who was. 
but a novice in intrigue. Of courseif the 
reference is to the initiation of proposals 
of peace, no such charge could be laid 
against Alienus. For the spelling Alienus: 
and Allienus see Wolfflin on Bell. Afr. 2 
and 34. Theellipseis to be supplied from 
the context ‘thought that some one of his 
colleagues (should undertake the part),’ 
personam rllam suscipere debere. 

Quivis licet, dum modo aliquis] ‘let it 
be anyone atall, provided it is someone’: 
cp. Publ. Syrus, 119, Cuivis potest accidere 
quod curquam potest. And Afranius (409 
Ribb.) quoted by Cicero Att. xvi. 2. 3 
(772) and Tusc. iv. 45, Dummodo doleat 
aliquid doleat quidlubet. 

4. de versura] ‘he is very anxious about 
raising money to pay the debt to you 
(396. 2), but has not squeezed a farthing 
out of Egnatius yet.’ See Adn. Crit. 

Axius| Axius. is mentioned above, 
396. 2; 399. 2, as being slow about 
paying a debt contracted by his son. He 
now seems to have asked for a further 
loan of about £90, requesting Cicero ‘to 


254 EP. 402 (ATT. X. 16). 


pudens. Saepe enim adscripsit ut Gallio quantum is vellet darem. 
‘Quod si non scripsisset possemne aliter? Et quidem saepe sum 
pollicitus, sed tantum voluit cito. Me vero adiuvarent his in 
angustis. Sed diistos! Verumalias. Te a quartana liberatum 
gaudeo itemque Piliam. Ego, dum panis et cetera in navem 
parantur, excurro in Pompeianum. Vettieno velim gratias quod 


studiosus sit: si quemquam nanctus eris qui perferat, litteras des 


ante quam discedimus, 


402. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 16). 


OUMAE } MAY 14; A. U. C 705: B. 6.493 ABT. CIC. 57. 


De Dionysio, de consilio suo proficiscendi, de Catone, de Cotta, de profectione in 
Pompeianum sua, de Hortensio, de valetudine Attici. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Commodum ad te dederam litteras de pluribus rebus eum 
ad me bene mane Dionysius fuit; cui quidem ego non modo 


give Gallius whatever he wants.’ Hence 
it is inferred that Gallius was his son, 
and that he had been adopted by some one 
-of that name, so that he would now be 
Gallius Axianus. Possibly this may be 
the M. Axianus of Att. xv. 29. 1 (768), 
and also the M. Gallius mentioned in 
Att. xi. 20. 2 (444). The Quintus Gallius 
(or Quintius Gallus; the reading is un- 
certain) of Fam, xiii. 43 (918) may be one 
of the Gallii mentioned by Caelius in 
Fam. vili. 4. 1 (206), and is possibly the 
Gallius mentioned in Petit. Cons., § 19 
(Ep.12): ep. Asconius 54, KS (= 62 Clark). 
Cicero feels bound to give the money, 
and asks ‘could 1 have done otherwise 
even if he had not written?’ But he feels 
the inconvenience of having to supply 
the money on such short notice. 

Me vero adiuvarent] ‘ Butit is they who 
ought to help me—confound them.’ For 
adiuvarent = adiuvare debebant cp. Maidv. 
351, obs. 4, who quotes Off. ill. 88 potius 
doceret ; also ep. Phil. ii. 86 peteres, and 
Roby, 1604. ὗ 

Sed di istos !} sc. perduint: cp. Att. xvi. 
1. 1 (769) Di hereule istis, sc. male 
faciant. 


alias| sv. de re loguemur; asin such 
an expression as Sed haec coram. 

quartana) 359. 1; 393. 3. 

igo dum panis| “ while bread and other 
supplies are being put on board, I am 
taking a run down to my place in 
Pompeii.’ Boot (Obs. Crit., p. 56) quotes 
many examples to show that when th: 
Latins meant to speak of ‘bread’ gene- 
rally and not ‘loaves’ individually they 
used the singular: e.g. Pis. 67 ; Sall. Iug. 
44.5; 45.2; and panem et circenses. 

Pompeianum] 402. 4. 

Vettieno] 396.5. With gratias under- 
stand agas: cp. Att. xvi. 7. 5 (783) ego 
vero austro gratias miras (sc. egi). 

des| governed by velim. 


May "πὴ Cicero returned from Pompeii 
on the 13th (§ 4); Hortensius (ὃ 5) wrote 
on that day that he would come and see 
Cicero, and Cicero was now (iam) ex- 
pecting him. The visit was paid on the 
14th (403. 1). 

1. fuit] is bracketed by Wesenberg, 
Baiter, and others as spurious; esse ad 
for esse apud is defensible (cp. note to 
382. 8), and Cicero in sentences like this 


 doloribus hune mihi scito esse. 


EP. 402 (ATT. X.. 16). 255 
fe placabilem me praebuissem sed totum remisissem, si advenisset 
_ qua mente tu ad me scripseras. Erat enim sic in tuis litteris, 
ΠΟ quas Arpini.acceperam, eum venturum facturumque quod ego 
_ vellem. Ego volebam' autem vel cupiebam potius esse eum no- 
M4 biscum. Quod quia plane, cum in Formianum venisset, prae- 
ΟΠ eciderat, asperius ad te de eo scribere solebam. At ille perpauca 
Ἷ locutus hane summam habuit orationis ut 510] ignoscerem, se rebus 
suis impeditum nobiscum ire non posse. Pauca respondi, magnum 
 accepi dolorem, intellexi fortunam ab eo nostram despectam esse. 
(Quid quaeris? fF ortasse miraberis: in maximis horum temporum 
Velim ut tibi amicus sit. Hoe 
eum tibi opto, opto ut beatus sis: eritenimtamdiu. 2. Consilium 
nostrum spero vacuum periculo fore. Nam et dissimulavimus et, 
ut opinor, non acerrime adservabimur: navigatio modo sit qualem 
opto; cetera, quae quidem consilio provideri poterunt, cavebuntur. 
Tu, dum adsumus, non modo quae scieris audierisve sed etiam 


generally leaves the verb to be under- 
stood. But as fwit is in the Mss., we hesi- 
tate to bracket it. 

totum remisissem]| “1 should have given 
him a full and free pardon.’ 

gua mente] sc. ea mente qua, ‘if he 
had come in the spirit in which you said 
in your letter that he would come.’ 

Erat enim sie} ‘you said in your 
letter’: cp. 434. 2, misit exemplum 
Paciaect litterarum in quo erat iilas 
undecim esse legiones: cp. 420. 2 ; Att. 
xiv. 8.1 (710). Cp. also μέ apud Platonem 
est, ‘as Plato has it,’ Off. i. 64. 

pracciderat| = praecise negaverat, ‘he 
had given an _ unqualified refusal ἢ 
(335. 2): ἀποτόμως (396. 5) has much 
the same sense as praecise. 

hane summanm habuit| ‘said what 
amounted to this’: cp. 384. 2. 

fortunam| ‘my position,’ ‘ the state 
of my affairs.’ 
τς mmaximis... doloribus| ‘thatis one 

of the greatest of my present distresses.’ 

Hoe cum tibi opto] A very ingeniously 

‘expressed sentiment. ‘I wish you his 
friendship ; in doing so I wish you pros- 
-perity: the duration of the two will 
coincide.’ Cicero and Dionysius had 
become friends againin 45 8.0. : ep. Att. 
ΧΗΣ, 2. 3 (609). 
__ 2. Consilium] This plan was to leave 
Italy secretly. The ‘ Caelian’ project 
had definitely collapsed owing to Cato’s 
evacuation of Sicily (§ 3). 


dissimulavimus . .. adservabimur] ‘we 
have kept our departure a secret, and I 
fancy we shall not be watched very 
closely.” The word dissimulavimus at 
first sight seems inconsistent with the 
natural meaning of palam in the last 
letter, but he means that he has not yet 
taken the overt step of which he spoke in 
that letter. We have accepted Madvig’s 
conjecture (A. C. 111. 186); 20n would 
easily have fallen out after opinor, and the 
word adservari could not mean ‘ to keep 
a look-out,’ as it should mean if we read 
et acerrime. We should have to read 
observabimus. Pius and Manutius would 
read dissimulabimus for dissimulavimus. 

adservabimur| Cp. quibus adservor, 
404. 1; not adservabimus, for ut opinor 
shows that he is not speaking of what he 
will do himself. The difficulty is that 
Cicero elsewhere represents himself as 
being closely watched (398.5; 404.1); 
so that it may be argued that it is a less 
violent course to alter adservabimus of M 
to observabimus (which Or. says is in ed. 
1618.) than to adservabimur, with which 
reading we are further compelled to add 
non before acerrime. But Cicero’s state- 
ments varied very much from day to day 
(cp. note to 401. 2) owing to his want of 
information, and μέ opinor precludes 
observabimus. 

dum adsumus | 
at Cumae.’ 


‘ while I am still here 


256 EP. 402 (ATT. X. 16). 


quae futura providebis scribas velim. 3. Cato, qui Siciliam tenere 
nullo negotio potuit et, si tenuisset, omnes boni ad eum se contu- 
lissent, Syracusis profectus est ante diem vit Kal. Mai., ut ad 
me Curio scripsit. Utinam, quod aiunt, Cotta Sardiniam teneat ! 
Hst enim rumor. . O, si id fuerit, turpem Catonem! 4. Ego, 
ut minuerem suspicionem profectionis aut cogitationis meae, pro- 


fectus sum in Pompeianum 8.4, 1111 Idus, ut ibi essem dum quae > 


ad navigandum opus essent pararentur. Cum ad villam venissem,. 
ventum est ad me: ‘centuriones trium cohortium quae Pompeiis 
sunt me velle postridie convenire. Haec mecum Ninnius noster, 
‘velle eos mihi se et oppidum tradere.’ 
villa ante lucem, ut me omnino illi ne viderent. Quid enim erat 
in tribus cohortibus? Quid, si plures? Quo apparatu?P Cogitavi 


At ego tibi postridie a. 


3. Cato qui... potuit| This isan unfair 
judgment on Cato, who characteristieally 
refused to sacrifice lives in a hopeless 
attempt to hold Syracuse with a totally 
inadequate force. Sicily and Sardinia 
were very important provinces, and were 
essential to the design of starving out 
Italy, as they were the provinciae frumen- 
tariae. The Caesarean Q. Valerius had 
little difficulty in wresting Sardinia from 
Aurelius Cotta. Cato had opposed the 
thanksgiving for Cicero’s successes during 
his provincial government, and many see 
a certain malignity in Cicero’s judgment 
on Cato here. But we must remember 
that we have the rest of Cato’s life on 
which to form our verdict on his charac- 
ter. The abandonment of Sicily was a 
great blow to the Pompeian cause, and 
Cicero may not have seen that it was 
unavoidable. 

et... adeum| = ad quem; this use of 
parataxis is more common in the letters 
than in the other works of Cicero. 
Lebreton (p. 101) quotes many examples 
of the demonstrative replacing the rela- 
tive, e.g. Brut. i. 10.1 (897) quod ut 
Jaceres idque maturares: Fam. xii. 28. 2 
(792) quas (legiones) sibi conciliare pecunia 
cogitabat easque ad urbem adducere. 

Cotta| M. Aurelius Cotta, mentioned 
casually again Att. xii. 22. 2 (558). He 
did not succeed in holding Sardinia (Caes. 
Β, 0... 80): 

4. a.d. 111 Idus| Cp. note to 464. 1. 

dum... pararentur| 401 fin. 

ventum est ad me | 


‘I was approached - 


(by some who said)’: 
on ad me misit. 


convenire| ‘This is not in 3A, but it is. 


in C and Z (Lehmann, ‘ Att.’ 123). See 
Adn. Crit. 

Ninnius| He was the man,who moved: 
for the return of Cicerv from exile: Att. 


iii, 23. 4 (83); Sest. 26, 68; Red. in 


Sen. ὃ. For the ellipse of some verb. 
like communicavit cp. Att. xiv. 10. 3 
(713). 

tibi] ‘let me tell you,’ ‘I promise- 


you,’ ‘lo and behold you,’ ‘ between you 
and me,’ the ethical dative. Sjogren 
(Comm. Tull. p. 117 f.) has an excellent 
dissertation on the dat. ethicus in Cicero, 
and shows that we must not alter ¢idi to- 
abi. 

avilla| sc. discessi: cp. Att. vii. 3.11 
(294), ab honestissima sententia digitum 
nusquam, quoted by Heidemann, p. 47. 
lt is strange that Cicero should not have 
said whither he was going, but, perhaps, 
it is his excessive caution. The Ms. read- 
ing is ad villam, and Boot would read 
abit clam. 

Quid enim erat in] ‘* What did three 
cohorts amount to? And, even if more 
joined, what was our equipment ? 
and again it was possible that it was a trap 
for me.” A very characteristic passage, 
showing the mental habit of one who was. 
emphatically not a man of action. 

cogitavi equidem] We have accepted. 
Boot’s conjecture of eguidem for eadem, 
which sets the whole passage right. Cicero 
remarks that he did think of the ‘ Caelian 


. owe 


cp. 401. ὃ, note 


faeatdiern sce Lage 


Υ̓ 


ἕ 


 litterarum aliquid interea. 


᾿ 


| project’ of which he had often written to 
| Atticus, but it only comes in parentheti- 
cally in the middle of the recital of the 
difficulties and dangers which beset an 
active course. 
| Caeliana| Cp. 398. 6, note. 
οι simul et] Cp. note to 382. 12. 
temptaremur| ‘a trap was being laid 
' for us’: cp. note to 401. 3. Perhaps 
| simul before jiert should be bracketed, 
having been wrongly repeated from the 
adjacent simul. 
| suspicionem sustuli] ‘I avoided giving 
| any handle whatever to any suspicion’ 
(1.6. that he thought of raising a force 
against Caesar). 
5. cum redeo, Hortensius venerat | ‘when 
I return, Hortensius had come’ (i.e. I 
_ find that he had come). It is rare to find 
the historical present in a subordinate 
} sentence when the principal verb is not 
im the same tense. Lebreton, p. 186, 
_ quotes Verr. iv. 32, 60 cum venio praetor 
| quiescebat; Rosc. Am. 120, cum occiditur 
| Roscius, ibidem fuerunt. It is found in the 
comedies, Ter. Eun. 792, guom tibi do 
_istam virginem dixtin hos dies mihi sol 
\dare te? Kditors usually alter cum to 
| dum: see Adn. Crit. 
_ Jam) ‘presently.’ Cp. 397. 2, Ad 
| Hispaniis autem iam audietur. 
_—-misit enim puerum| ‘he sent his servant 
| (with a message) that he was coming to 
) See me’: see on § ὃ of last letter and 
note to 418. 3. 
Hoe quidem) sc. fecit: cp. 308, stulte 
| omnia et incaute. The idea seems to be 
that Hortensius’s conduct in calling on 


πες 


| Antony’s in keeping mistresses. 

_ 6. quartana| 401. 4, and note. 

_ novum| In our former ed. we added 
| <non modo> before novum, supposing 
: VOL. IV. 


EP. 402 (ATT. X: 16). 


) respectable households is better than _ 


207° 


equidem illa Caeliana quae legi in epistula tua, quam accepi 
simul et in Cumanum veni eodem die—et simul fieri poterat ut 
temptaremur. Omnem igitur suspicionem sustuli. 
redeo, Hortensius venerat et ad Terentiam salutatum deverterat ; 
sermone erat usus honorifico erga me.. Iam eum, ut puto, videbo: 
misit enim puerum se ad me venire. 
 conlega noster Antonius, cuius inter lictores lectica mima portatur. 
6. Tu, quoniam quartana cares et tnovum morbum removisti 


5. Sed cum 


Hoe quidem melius quam 


sed etiam gravedinem, teque vegetum nobis in Graecia siste et 


that these words fell out before novum 
morbum, and read te for tegue of Ml}. 
The reading of M is novwm, of other mss. 
nedum. But nedum in the sense of ‘not 
only,’ though used by Balbus in 381. 1, 
could not be so used by Cicero. Besides, 
the sense is against it if we do not add 
novum, for then quartana is opposed to 
morbum, as if the quartan ague were not 
a disease. The meaning, as we held, 
was: ‘since you have got rid of the ague 
and not only of your newly incurred 
disease (δυσουρία), but even of your cold 
(gravedo), you must turn up (render up 
yourself to us) well and hearty in 
Greece, and mind you write meantime.’ 
The objection is that Cicero appears to 
be saying the same thing as he says in 
403. 2, a vetere morbo et a novis tempta- 
tionibus; so that at times we think it 
possible that, as Lambinus suggested, 
non modo veterem has got corrupted into 
novum. But non modo is fairly often 
omitted: we have quoted six passages 
in our note on Att. 111. 15. 5 (73); so that 
perhaps no alteration at all is necessary. 
Fr. Schmidt very ingeniously suggests 
seda for sed. ‘The corruption would 
readily have occurred; and it will allow 
us to retain teque vegetum, and not eject 
the gue. It is quite possible that this 
emendation is right; but the expres- 
sion seda gravedinem, ‘allay your cold,’ 
seems somewhat unusual, though it is 
often used of diseases by Pliny. In Att. 
xvi. 14. 4 (805) Cicero has gravedini, 
quaeso, omni rations subveni. 

siste| sistere is a law term, ‘ to 
produce in court’: ep. Att. iii, 25 (86), 
ut te ante Kal. Ian. ubicunque erimus 
sistas; Gell. xviii. 10. 7 (quoted by Boot), 
sistas hune nobis sanum atque validum, 

litterarum aliquid] Sc. mitte, 393. 3. 


5 


EP. 408 (ATT. X. ΤΌΝ 


403. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 17). 


CUMAE; MAY 16 (ἢ 4); A.U.C. 7053 B.C. 493 AET. CIC. 57. 


De Hortensii ad se adventu, de Serapionis adventu cum epistula Attici, de lippi- 


tudine sua et valetudine Attici, de Ocella, denique quod de diplomate Attici suspicatus © 


erat se excusat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Pridie Idus Hortensius ad me venit scripta epistula. 


Vellem cetera eius. 
quidem cogito uti. 


Quam in me incredibilem éxréveav! 
Deinde Serapion cum epistula tua, quam 


qua 


prius quam aperuissem dixi ei te ad me de eo scripsisse antea, ut 


May 16] §4. At this time Cicero 
was desirous of leaving Italy, but was 
not at all sure that his attempt to embark 
would not be resisted by Caesar’s officers. 
He reposed great hopes in the apparent 
cordiality of Hortensius, who held acom- 
mand under Caesar; but we find from 
what he says in the next letter that his 
hopes were ill-founded. 

1, Pridie Idus| ‘On the 14th of May 
Hortensius called on me just as I had 
finished my letter to you. I wish that 
the rest of his conduct had been lke 
this. You would have hardly believed 
he could have gushed so. I mean to take 
advantage of it.’ In our former ed. we 
translated Vellem cetera eius ‘1 only 
hope the rest of his conduct towards 
me will be of a piece with his present 
demeanour’; but that would have re- 
quired velim, not vellem. Dr. Reid says 
vellem cetera sc. scripta essent, ‘I would 
rather he had confined himself entirely to 
writing.’ We think that the reference is 
rather to the wild life young Hortensius 
had formerly led: cp. Att. vi. 3. 9 (264) 
and 382.6; also Val. Max. v. 9.2. He 
was a degenerate son of the great orator, 
and had himself a still more degenerate 
son (Val. Max. 111. 5. 4). But he led a 
fairly active life. He was with Caesar 
when he crossed the Rubicon (Plut. 
Caes. 32.1). He was a strong partisan 
of Brutus, and put to death Gaius 
Antonius when he was his prisoner. For 
that Mark Antony executed him on the 
tomb of Gaius (Plut. Brut. 28.1; Ant. 
22.3). See also Adn. Crit. 


éxtéverav| ‘gush.’ The Greek word 
corresponds to a slang expression with 
us. In the same way we find ἄμορφον, 
‘bad form’; ἐπίτηκτα, ‘veneering’; 
δξύπεινος, ‘peckish’; ἐξακανθίζειν, * to 
pick holes’: cp. vol. 15, p.86. All Caesar’s. 
officials were very polite to Cicero at this 
time: cp. 372. 10. 

Serapion| He may have been the 
mathematical geographer, a native of 
Antioch, and a severe critic of Eratos- 
thenes: cp. Att. 11. 4. 1 (31); 6.1 (338); 
Pliny, H. N., in his list of authorities 
of Books ii, iv, v. For Serapion see 
Susemihl, Litt. der Alexandrinerzeit, 
i, 698. 

aperuissem| This is the reading of the 
Mss., which many editors retain; ‘ foedo 
mendo,’ says Wesenberg, ‘ because Cicero 
never uses the subjunctive when one 
thing is simply said to have occurred 
before another.’ True; but this passage 
does not say simply that Cicero before 
opening the letter told Serapion how 
kindly Atticus had ulready written about 
him. No; ‘prior to opening the letter,’ 
and deliberately so, was Cicero’s state- 
ment about Atticus. If he had waited 
till he had opened the letter which 
Serapion brought, the latter would not 
have believed that Atticus had already 


recommended him; so ‘as a preliminary 
to opening the letter’ of recommenda- 


tion, Cicero told Serapion how kindly 
Atticus had already written and spoken. — 
The subjunctive is quite requisite to 


mt 


express that thought. Then ‘ after skim-_ 
ming the letter,’ says Cicero, ‘I entered | 


erat. 


EP. 403 (ATT. X. 17). 


259 


_ feceras. Deinde, epistula stricta, cumulatissime cetera: et hercule 
hominem bonum et doctum et probum existimo: quin etiam navi 
eius me et ipso convectore usurum puto. 
᾿ lippitudo, non illa quidem perodiosa sed tamen quae impediat 
_ scriptionem meam, Valetudinem tuam iam confirmatam esse et 
᾿ a vetere morbo et a novis temptationibus gaudeo. 


2. Crebro refricat 


3, Ocellam 


vellem haberemus; videntur enim esse haec paullo faciliora. 
Nune quidem aequinoctium nos moratur, quod valde perturbatum 


_ on the whole matter in the fullest detail,’ 
telling Serapion all that Atticus had 


written in his praise. 

stricta| The reading of the mss. is 
scripta. Most editors read lecta, which 
of course gives a very good sense; but 
why was it superseded by scripta? ‘The 
corrupt word must have been some rare 
one which the copyists did not under- 
stand, and some word far more Jike scripta 
than lecta is. Such a word we have in 
stricta, which nowhere else is used in 
the sense of ‘to skim,’ or ‘hastily read.’ 
But strictim attingere, legere, scribere, 
&c., are common enough expressions, 
and stringere cautis is ‘to graze the 
cliffs’; stringere is also ‘to treat a sub- 
ject concisely,’ and sétrictus is ‘ concise.’ 
These senses come so near to that 
ascribed to the word here that we think 
we are justified in supposing that Cicero 


in a familiar letter used the word in this 


τ 
o 


ne 
vi 


sense, and that, being misunderstood by 
the copyists, it gave place to the very 
common word scripta of the mss. But 
perhaps the reading is Dein de epistula 
scripta cumulatissime cetera. ‘'Then (1 
read him) from the letter all the other 
very complimentary statements you had 
made in it.’ Dr. Reid thinks this passage 
is one of many where confusion has been 
caused by the contraction apta for aperta, 
and that aperta was the original reading. 

quin...puto| ‘nay, even I think 1 
will make use of his vessel and take him 
as my fellow-passenger.’ Cicero may 
possibly have contemplated taking Sera- 
pion as a tutor for his boys, and as a 


' guccessor to Dionysius. 

τς 2. Crebro refricat| ‘My eye-trouble is 
constantly coming back,’ lit. ‘ irritates.’ 
Here used without direct acc., which we 


find in Att. v. 15. 2 (207), Appi vulnera 
non refrico. » 


Inde si ἀκραὲς erit, utinam idem maneat Hortensius! si 


a vetere morbo et anovis temptationibus | 
Cp. 402. 6. 

3. Ccellam] 399. ὃ. 

faciliora] 386. 2. Lehmann (p. 116) 
adds <futura>, but it is hardly necessary. 
In 395. 4 Cicero had said Ocellam cuperem, 
si possem palam. He now says ‘I wish I 
had taken Ocella, as things are somewhat 
less stringent here now’: cp. Att. xiv. 
7. 2 (709), sunt omnia faciliora. 

nos| ‘Traveller’s plural: see Conway, 
p- 70; cp. 404. 2 pervenerimus. 

Inde si ἀκραὲς erit| ‘Then if a brisk 
breeze for sailing springs up (and thus I 
am enabled to sail), [ only pray that Hor- 
tensiusmay maintain his present amiability 
(and assist me) ; since so far nothing could 
be more courteous than his demeanour.’ 
It is possible, however, that there is a 
certain humorousness in the passage: ‘if 
the wind proves fair, I only hope the 
temper of Hortensius will be like it.’ 
The word ἀκραὲς is the conjecture of 
Bosius for cras of the mss. The very 
word for the wind that Cicero wanted is 
ἀκραής, Which is always used in Homer 
for a ‘ brisk, steady’ breeze, enabling a 
man to start on a voyage and pursue 
it effectively (cp. Arrian Indica 24. 1 
ἔπλωον axpaei). Hitherto the wind was 
boisterous and squally, chopping and 
changing, all of which is implied in per- 
turbatum. The very opposite kind of 
weather to that indicated by ἀκραές is a 
calm ; and that was the weather which it 
was his lot to meet ; see next letter, where 
he complains of the mirificaetranquillitates. 
He hoped to be enabled to sail by the con- 
nivance of Hortensius, who helda command 
under Caesar, and who might have made 
himself very disagreeable to Cicero, but 
who so far was all that could be desired. 
It turned out, however, that his ‘ gush’ 
was all ‘ humbug.’ (infantia), as we read in 


$2 


260 


quidem, wt adhuc erat, liberalius esse nihil potest. 4. De dipio- 
mate admiraris quasi nescio cuius te flagiti insimularim. 
enim te reperire qui mihi id in mentem venerit. 
scripseras te proficisci cogitare—etenim audieram nemini aliter 


BP, jo, (ATT. &. 18), 


Negas 
Ego autem, quia 


licere—eo te habere censebam et quia pueris diploma sumpseras. 

Ρ 
Habes causam opinionis meae, et tamen velim scire quid cogites in 
primisque si quid etiam nunc novi. xvii Kal. Jun. 


404. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x. 18). 


CUMAE ; MAY 19(§ 1); A. U.C. 705; B.C. 49; AET. CIC. 57. 


De partu Tulliae, de navigatione impedita adhuc, de custodiis quibus adservetur ; 
Attici epistulas exspectat, maxime si quid de Hispaniis, de Balbo, de misera condicione: 


sua. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Tullia mea peperit xin 
Quod ηὐτόκησεν gaudeo. Quod 


the next letter. We have accepted inde, 
Dr. Reid’s correction of the Ms. reading id. 
One might say that the aeguinoctium was 
perturbatum, but one could not call it 
axpaés, which could only be used of a 
wind. ritisimpersonal. Ziehen (Eph. 
Tull. p. 34) reads Id si transierit, utinam 
adem maneat Hortensius, and compares 
Att. 11. 21. 2 (148), transitum tempestatis 


exspectare, which is closer to the mss., and 


is adopted by most recent editors. 

4. diplomate| This word generally 
refers (1) to a state letter of recommenda- 
tion given to a person travelling in the 
provinces; (2) to a document drawn up 
by a magistrate, securing to the holder 
some favour or privilege, especially to 
soldiers. Here the reference seems to be 
to ‘a passport’ which Caesar himself 
issued permitting persons to leave Italy, 
or to return to Rome from abroad: cp. 
490. 8. Cicero seems to have said some- 
thing implying that Atticus had pro- 
cured such a passport, and Atticus seems 
to have resented this, as if Cicero had 
thought him capable of a crime. It seems 
Atticus had secured a passport for his 
own servants, which led Cicero to suppose 


Kal. Tun. puerum ἑπταμηνιαῖον. 
quidem est natum perimbecillum 


he would want one himself; moreover,. 
Cicero was under the impression that 
such a document was indispensable for 
those who wished to leave Italy or to re- 
enter Rome. 


1. ἑἙπταμηνιαῖον) ‘a seven-months’ 
child.’ For this and ηὐτόκησε cp. 18, 
p- 86. Thecorrect Greek form is érrdun- 
vov, Herod. vi. 69 ; Lucian Dial. Deorum 
9.2: but Plutarch, De Placitis Philoso- 
phorum v.18 = 908 B, has érraunviaious. 

gaudeo| M has gaudeam corrected by 
Ursinus. It is more probable that ὦ 
was written instead of 0, than that we 
should alter to gaudebam with Man. and 
Wes., or add est guod, as we did in our 
former edition. ᾿ 

Quod quidem est natum] The neuter 
must be used for an unborn child: ep. 


Plaut. Amph. 501, verwm quod erit natum — 


toliito; but it is strange to find it used 
of a new-born child. Att. xi. 9. 3 (423) 
Haec ad te die natalt meo scripsi: quo 
utinam susceptus non essem, aut ne quid ex 
eadem matre postea natum esset. Though 


the covert reference is to Quintus, the — 
expression is general, ‘had never had © 


RR SOR να το εν τες νυ 


“is baat — 


barat 


“ry 


Sy τ 


REET 
neon ᾽ν 


PSS 
ἊΣ ee ee 


νὰ 
τινῶν 
Saker 


est. 
impedimento fuerunt quam custodiae quibus adservor. 


εἴν “ἢ 


EP. 204. (ATT. X. 18). 


261 


Me mirificae tranquillitates adhue tenuerunt atque maiori 


Nam illa 


Hortensiana omnia tfuere infantia. Ita fiet: homo nequissimus a 


Salvio liberto depravatus est. 


Itaque posthac non scribam ad 


te quid facturus sim sed quid fecerim: omnes enim Κωρυκαῖοι 


videntur subauscultare quae loquor. 


2. Tu tamen si quid de 


Hispaniis sive quid aliud perge quaeso scribere, nec meas litteras 
exspectaris nisi cum quo opto pervenerimus aut si quid ex cursu. 


another child.’ Terence Andr. 219 and 
464 are not parallel, as they refer to a 
determination to rear a still unborn child. 

tranquillitates| ‘days of calm weather’: 
ep. Att. vi. 8. 4 (281) and note. 

Nam illa Hortensiana| Cicero, in 
telling Atticus that he is under surveil- 
lance, adds that all his hopes founded on 
the amiability of Hortensius have been 
dissipated; ‘all the gush of Hortensius 
turns out to be mere humbug.’ The 
word infantia is very probably corrupt ; 
whether we take it as the nominative 
singular of the substantive or the nomi- 
native plural of the adjective, it is not a 
suitable word. It ought to indicate, as it 
does elsewhere in the writings of Cicero, 
‘a want of eloquence,’ ‘incapability of 
expressing oneself,’ but here it must bear 
the rarer meaning of ‘folly,’ ‘ drivelling.’ 
The force of nam is this: ‘the calms 
are a worse obstacle to me than the sur- 
veillance to which I am subjected; (I 
am under surveillance), for the gush of 
Hortensius turns out to be all nonsense.’ 
Atticus might have judged from the 
“ager letter of Cicero that the surveil- 
lance of Hortensius was a mere form, if 
Cicero had not here put him in possession 
of the real facts of the case. [Dr. Reid 
has kindly sent us the following note :— 
“* For fuere infantia | would read fuerunt 
(the other form is highly improbable in 
Cicero) fatua ; if fatua were accidentally 
written fantua, infantia would result, like 


_ temperantius above for temperatius. A 


subject for depravatus est seems to have 
dropped out; probably,the-name of a letter- 
carrier who had allowed Salvius (freedman 
of Hortensius?) to open Cicero’s letters 
and betray Cicero’s designs to Hortensius. 
This supposition seems necessary to ac- 
count for Cicero’s resolve to say no more 
about his plans.’’] There are only a few 


cases of the termination -ére for -érunt in 


Cicero; see note to Fam. x. 19. 2 (879). 
Possibly a Greek word has been corrupted, 
and we should read, with Prof. Goligher, 
Juerunt φαντασία, ‘were mere show.’ 
This adheres very closely to the mss. See 
also Adn. Crit. Fiet homo nequissimus, ‘he 
will become an utter scoundrel; he has 
been corrapted by his freedman Salvius.’ 
Ita fiet] ‘so it will be found to be’; 
cp. quiescet, Juv. i. 126, and Mayor’s 
note there. The most common example 
of this use of the future is sie erit, ‘ you 
will find it to be so,’ which is frequent in 
the comic drama, so that we need not 
regard with suspicion a similar usage in 
the letters of Cicero. Cp. inerunt, ‘there 
will be found to be in the purse,’ Plaut. 
As. 734 ; conveniet, ‘you'll find it right,’ 
Ter. Phorm. 53. 
Κωρυκαῖοι) A general term for ‘spies,’ 
‘ eaves-droppers,’ borrowed from the name 
of a seafaring folk who lived on the pro- 
montory of Corycus opposite Chios, and 
earned a livelihood by gathering informa- 
tion for the pirates who infested the coasts 
of Asia Minor: ep. Strabo xiv. 1. 32 
(= p. 644), who says further that a 
proverb arose therefrom ‘‘rod δ᾽ dpa 
Κωρυκαῖος Kpodoaro’”’ (it occurs in 
Menander ; cp. Kock, Fragm.. 150) ὅταν 
δοκῇ τις πράττειν δι᾿ ἀπορρήτων ἣ λαλεῖν, 
μὴ λανθάνῃ δὲ διὰ τοὺς κατασκοποῦντας 
καὶ φιλοπευστοῦντας (‘inquiring curiously 
about’) τὰ μὴ προσήκοντα. There were 
other towns called Corycus, one on the 
south coast of Lycia, and one in Cilicia. 
2. perge ...mnec... euspectaris| For 
the imperative followed by nec (neque) and 
the perf. subj. Lebreton (p. 296) com- 
pares Fam. i. 9. 19 (153) recordare.... 
nec hoe pertimueris, perhaps Rab. 84. 
nec... eursu| ‘do not count on 
any letters from me unless I reach my 
destination, or possibly get a chance of 
communicating with you on the journey.’ 


te Pe 


262 EP. 405 (FAM. XIV. 7) 


Sed hoc quoque timide scribo: ita omnia tarda adhuc et spissa. 
Ut male posuimus initia sic cetera sequuntur. Formias nune 
-sequimur, eodem nos fortasse Furiae persequentur. 
autem sermone, quem tecum habuit, non probamus de Melita. 
Dubitas igitur quin nos in hostium numero habeat? Seceripsi 
equidem Balbo te ad me et de benevolentia scripsisse et de suspi- 
cione. Egi gratias. De altero ei me purga. 3. Ecquem tu 
hominem infeliciorem ? Non loquor plura ne te quoque excruciem. 
Ipse conficior venisse tempus cum iam nec fortiter nec prudenter 
quidquam facere possim. 


405. CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. xiv. 7). 


OFF FORMIAE.S JUNE)7:(§ 3); Al U. ©. 7055 By. C. 495 ABD. CIC. 67. 


M. Cicero sollicitudinem se deposuisse cum ipsa causa rei significat. 


Uxorem δῷ 


fortitudinem animi et ad valetudinis curam hortatur. 


TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE S. P. 


1, Omnis molestias et sollicitudines, quibus et te miserrimam 
habui, id quod mihi molestissimum est, e¢ Tulliolam, quae nobis 


tarda adhue et spissa] ‘everything so 
far goes so slowly and heavily.’ Spissa 
contains a metaphor drawn from a heavy, 
muddy road: cp. note to Fam. ii. 10. 4 
(225), and Nonius, p. 392. 

Ut male . . . sequuntur] ‘as our be- 
ginning was bad, so is the sequel.’ 

sequimur| ‘Formiae is my present 
destination’: cp. 389. 4; Att. ii. 16 
(74), δὲ manus, Cyzicum aut aliud aliquid 
sequemur, and Verg. Aen. iv. 361, [taliam 
nom sponte séequor. 

non probamus de Melita] ‘ to judge 
from your talk with Balbus, my project 
of going to Malta does not meet with 
approval’ (sc. from the Caesarean party) : 
cp. Att. xvi. 7. 5 (783), quibus de meo 
celert reditu non probabam. 

igi gratias. De altero| ‘I thanked 
him (for his goodwill). As regards the 
other point (his suspicion that I was 
seeking an opportunity to join Pompey) 
put me right with him.’ Cicero may 
have possibly written de altero twice, 


which would be a little clearer, but the 
text asit stands in the Ms. is quite accurate: 
enough for the demands of the epistolary 
style. 

3. infeliciorem] sc. nosti, audistr. 

conficior venisse]| ‘I am tortured (by 
the thought) that the time has come when 
I can no longer act either with boldness: 
or With discretion.’ For the infinitive as. 
oblique predicate with its subject in the 
accusative, the whole expression forming 
the object after a verb, see Roby 1351, 
1352. <A good parallel example is 432. 1, 
incredibili sum dolore affectus tale ingenium 
in tam misera fortuna versart. 


Formiaz ; June 7] An interval of three 
weeks has elapsed since the last letter. 
Terentia and T'ullia were probably still at 
Cumae (404.1). Tnllia could hardly have 
borne the journey to Formiae so soon. 

1. te miserrimam habui] ‘1 kept you 
in a state of intense wretchedness’: cp. 
Flace. 71, Cur ergo wnus tu Apollonidensis: 


Da ric ce ee ree a 


Ex Balbi — 


a 
rs 
Δ) 


Ἢ 
fs 
ΩΣ 
4 
ar 7 
fe 
iY 


᾿ et caste satis facies [id est Apollini et Aesculapio]. 


EP. 405 (FAM. XIV. 7). 


263 


nostra vita dulcior est, deposui et eieci. Quid causae autem 
fuerit postridie intellexi quam a vobis discessi. 


Χολὴν ἄκρατον 


noctu eieci : statim ita sum levatus ut mihi deus aliquis medicinam 


fecisse videatur. 


Cui quidem tu deo, quem ad modum soles, pie 


2. Navem 


ΟΠ spero nos valde bonam habere: in eam simul atque conscendi 


_haee scripsi. 


Deinde conscribam ad nostros familiaris multas 


_epistulas quibus te et Tulliolam nostram diligentissime commen- 
dabo. Cohortarer vos quo animo fortiores essetis nisi vos fortiores 


cognossem quam quemquam virum. 


Et tamen eius modi spero 


negotia esse ut et vos istic commodissime sperem esse et me 


aliquando cum similibus nostri rem publicam defensuros. 


νος miseriores habes quam aut Mithri- 
dates aut etiam pater tuus habuit unauam 2 
Hofmann quotes mare infestum habere, 
‘to make the sea dangerous,’ = ‘to take 


’ to piracy,’ Att. xvi. 1. 3 (769) ; soldicitum 


te habebat cogitatio, Fam. vii. 3. 1 (464) ; 
nihil aeque Tiberium anxium habebat, Tac. 
Ann. il. 65. 1; Plaut. Men. 588. 

deposui et eiecti| ‘I got rid of and 
discharged’; eicere is technical in this 
sense: cp. Quintil. xi. 3. 27, nam crudum 
quidem aut saturum aut ebrium aut erecto 
modo vomitu . . . declamare neminem, 
qui mentis sit compos, puto. 

Quid causae.. . fuerit| Most probably 
in this common phrase causae is the pre- 
dicative dative: cp. Roby ii’, p. xliii; 
but it may be the partitive genitive: cp. 
Prof. Sonnenschein on Plaut. Rud. 758. 

Χολὴν ἄκρατον] lit. ‘unmixed bile.’ 
The physicians of antiquity made an ex- 
tensive study of χολή, classifying its 
many kinds under such heads as ἐρυθρά, 
μέλαινα, ξανθή, dypa, &c., for which see 
Stephanus 5, v. χολή. Here Cicero’s 
complaint is possibly what Horace alludes 
to in Epod. 9. 35 (fluentem nauseam). 

medicinam fecisse| ‘to have effected 
the cure.’ Cp. Plaut. Cist. 74, si medicus 
veniat qui huie morbo facere medicinam 
potest. The verb facere is in colloquial 
language used with substantives to ex- 
press a verb: cp. Att. i. 14. 5 (20), com- 
muleium facere, which emendation of 
Schmidt we now think is right : ep. note 
to Att. xili. 87. 1 (657), ed. 2; Fam. xi. 
18. 3 (871), gratulationem facere, quoted 
by Hofmann. 

Cui quidem . 
vol. I p. 47. 


. satis facies| Cp. 


3. Tu 


id est . . . Aesculapio| This is pro- 
bably a gloss, though found in all mss, 

2. simul atque conscendi| cp. Att. i. 
13. 1 (19), where we hear of Atticus de- 
spatching a letter from the ship just 
before starting. 

quo| = uteo: ep. Leg. 11. 65, sublata 
etiam erat celebritas virorum ac mulierum 
quo lamentatio minueretur ; Ter. Heaut. 
127, pro se quisque sedulo Factebat quo 
illum mihi lenirent miseriam. H appears 
to have qguoniam, so that possibly we 
should read quo iam. 

fortiores| Lehmann (p. 88) has shown 
that there is no reason to alter this, the 
Mss. reading. He quotes ¢e tranquilliorem 
esse animo, Fam. iv. 5. 6 (572) ; et animo 
et consilio paratum, ii. 8. 2 (201) ; alacres 
animo sumus, v. 12. 9 (109); erectiorem 
esse animo, Att. x1. 12. 4 (427) ; queetus 
animo, Tusc. iv. 37. 

Et tamen| ‘and (though I know well 
that you will be brave) yet.’ 

ut. . . sperem|] ‘to justify my 
hopes.” 

commodissime . . . esse} For adverbs 
with esse in the sense of staying at a 
place cp. 315. 1, Tu ipse cum Sexto etiam 
nune mihi videris Romae recte esse posse, 
Att. xiv. 20. 3 (727), cui si esse in urbe 
tuto. See also 15 p. 91. 

me... . cum similibus nostri . . 
defensuros| This construction, according 
to which a singular substantive which has 
another substantive joined to it by cwm is 
followed by a plural verb, is very rare in 
Cicero; we know of only one other 
example, i.e. Phil. xii. 27, Sulla cum 
Scipione ... contulerunt. It is not found 
in Caesar, but is fairly common in Sallust, 


264 


EP. 405 (FAM. XIV. 7). 


primum valetudinem tuam velim cures: deinde, si tibi videbitur, 


villis iis utere quae longissime aberunt a militibus.. 


Fundo 


Arpinati bene poteris uti cum familia urbana si annona carior 


fuerit. 
atque etiam vale. 


Livy, and later writers: see Drager, i. 
178. It is occasionally found in Greek, 
e.g. Thucyd. iii. 109. 2; Xen. Hell. i. 1. 
10. The singular is used when the 
subjects are not considered as acting con- 
jointly: cp. 310. 3, Tu ipse cum Sexto 
scire velim quid cogites; Q. Fr. ili. 2. ὃ 
(150), Domitius cum Messalla certus esse 
videbatur. 

3. utere| Wesenberg says (Hm. Alt. 
49): ‘*Ci¢ero post videbitur certe scrip- 
Sisset utitor non utére : post primum ... 
velim cures ne utére quidem aptum est. 
Ego: utare ut pendeat ex velim.’’ But the 
futures videbitur and aberunt on each 
side of the tense in question would seem 


Cicero bellissimus tibi salutem ae dieit. 
1 ὙΠ Id. Tun. 


Etiam 


to show that it should be taken as future. 
δὲ annona carior fuerit] ‘if the price | 
of food rises.’ 

Cicero bellissimus| For this peculiarity 
of epistolary style, whereby the attribute 
is joined directly with the substantive, 
and is not put in apposition with any such 
word as (in this case) puer, cp. Att. i. 18. 
1 (24) mellito Cicerone; 534. ὃ Lepta 
suavissimus ediscat Hesiodum et habeat in 
ore τῆς δ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἱδρῶτα. These passuges 
are quoted by Stinner (p. 33) in the 
course of an excellent discussion on the 
question. Yonng Cicero went to Greece 
with his father. Probably, too, Quintus 
and his son: ep. Schmidt, p. 183. 


LETTERS OF THE TWENTY-FIRST YEAR OF CICERO’S 
Bein CORRESPONDENCE. 


EPP. 406-422. 


A. U. Ὁ. 706 * 8. C45; ART, CIC. 58. 


‘COSS C. JULIUS CAESAR IIL AND P. SERVILIUS VATIA ISAURICUS. 


‘CicERo left Italy for the camp of Pompey on June 7th, 49, and we have no 
letters from him until the next year. He appears to have attended Pompey’s 
‘senate at Thessalonica (Phil. xiii. 28), During the first half of 48 he received 
letters from Caelius and Dolabella, and wrote a few to Terentia and Atticus. 
They are mostly on domestic matters, and when he does touch on the condition — 
-of his party he is despondent except for a moment in the middle of June, just 
after the defeat of Caesar (413. 2). hen follows another long break in the 
-correspondence, there being no letters until Cicero, after Pharsalia, returned 
about October to Brundisium. He stayed in that town for the rest of the year. 
His correspondents were still Atticus and Terentia. He was depressed, both 
‘from uncertainty as to the nature of Caesar’s feelings towards him, and by 
reason of the treacherous conduct of Quintus and his son, who were endeavour- 
ing to injure him with Caesar. See Introduction I, ὃ 2, where this 
period of anxiety is treated in detail. During the whole of this miserable 
sojourn at Brundisium Cicero never had the spirit to engage in any literary 
work. 


266 EP. 406 (ATT. XI. 1). 


406. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x1. 1). 


EPIRUS ; JANUARY (FIRST HALF); A. U. C. 705; B.C. 483 AET. CIC. 58. 
M. Cicero Attico res suas domesticas suscipiendas et tuendas commendat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Accepi a te signatum libellum quem Anteros attulerat, ex 
quo nihil scire potui de nostris domesticis rebus: de quibus acer- 
bissime adflictor quod qui eas dispensavit neque adest istic neque 
ubi terrarum sit scio. Omnem autem spem habeo existimationis 
privatarumque rerum in tua erga me mihi perspectissima bene- 
volentia ; quam si his temporibus miseris et extremis praestiteris, 
haec pericula quae mihi communia sunt cum ceteris fortius 


feram ; idque ut facias te obtestor atque obsecro. 


cistophoro in Asia habeo ad HS 


The date of this letter is fixed approxi- 
mately by 407. 1, for the letter which 
Cicero received on February 4 was pro- 
bably an answer to this, as both contain 
so much about Cicero’s impaired financial 
position. It took about twenty-two days 
(more, probably, in winter) for a letter to 
go from Epirus to Rome and an answer to 
be received. Therefore this letter may be 
put somewhere in January. Schmidt 
(p. 184) thinks its gloomy tone may in- 
dicate that it was written shortly after 
January 7, when the news that Caesar 
had landed in Epirus reached Pompey 
(ep. Caes. B. C. iii. 6. 2, compared with 
11. 1): hence Ais temporibus miseris et 
extremis. 

1. signatum]| ‘sealed,’ not ‘ signed.’ 
The practice of sealing among the Romans 
was merely for security. It was not, as 
with us, an element in the due execution 
of a document (Roby, Classical Review, 
vol. i, p. 69). . 

qui eas dispensavit| Philotimus. 

existimationis| ‘my credit.’ Cp. μέ 
bonum nomen existimer, Fam. v. 6. 2 (16). 
‘ Credit’ is more usually jides, as below, 

2. 
2. cistophoro| An Asiatic coin, so 
called from the device stamped on it, the 


2. Ego in 


bis et viciens. Huius pecuniae 


sacred cista of Dionysus half open, with a 
snake creeping out of it. ‘The value of 
the cistophorus was probably about three 
denarii (Marquardt 11? 39). ; 

HS bis et viciens| i.e. 2,200,000 
sesterces, about £17,500. This money 
was what Cicero had made and saved 
during his year of provincial administra- 
tion. He had left it in the hands of the 
publicani at Ephesus, no doubt at the 
usual rate of interest. In some way, 
whether by letter or through Sestius (cp. 
note to 302. 5), or in his interviews with 
Cicero on the 10th and 25th of December, 
50, cp. Att. vii. 4. 2 (295), 8. 4 (299), 
Pompey recommended that that money be 
left where it was for his use in case of 
civil war. Hence Cicero says to 
Mescinius Rufus in 302, 9 that Pompey 
had taken for his own purposes (abstulisse) 
that whole sum. This was an exaggera- 
tion: he can have only requested it to be 
left at his disposal. Now Cicero hears 
that his own creditors are pressing, and 
bethinks him of this money whereby to 
re-establish his credit: his intention 
probably being to excuse himself to 
Pompey on the plea that charity must 
begin at home. But before it became 
necessary to draw on this money, a legacy 


-----ρ-- 


— 


ἰνῶν ἃ 


sa oes Ta Ἢ 


es LOC CAP ALS). 267 


permutations fidem nostram facile tuebere, quam quidem ego nisi 


expeditam relinquere me putassem credens ei cui tu scis iam 


pridem minime credere me debere, commoratus essem paullisper 
nec domesticas res impeditas reliquissem: ob eamque causam 
serius ad te scribo quod sero intellexi quid timendum esset. Te 
etiam atque etiam oro ut me totum tuendum suscipias, ut, si 1] 
salvi erunt quibuscum sum, una cum iis possim incolumis esse 
salutemque meam benevolentiae tuae acceptam referre. 


407, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x1. 2). 


EPIRUS} A CONSIDERABLE TIME AFTER FEBRUARY 4 (ὃ 4); 
ἀν Ὁ ἡ 708). Bo ὑπ. AKT. O10; δ8. 


De hereditate quae ipsi obvenerit, de dote filiae, de pecunia sua Asiatica et aliis 


rebus domesticis. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Litteras tuas accepi pridie Non. Febr. eoque ipso die ex 


was left Cicero (407. 1), and that seems to 
have saved him from bankruptcy without 
his having either to call on Atticus to 
secure him or to draw on the money at 
Ephesus. However, he did draw half 
the money from the publicani, and 
appears to have put it at Pompey’s dis- 
posal., That seems to be the meaning of 
Tutius videbatur fore ibi ubi est quam apud 
publicanos (407. 3): cp. 428. 4 δὲ quas 
habuimus facultates, eas Pompeio tum cum 
id videbamur sapienter facere detulimus. 
Cicero says (ib.) he never set eyes on that 
money neque ipsi eam pecuniam aspeximus. 

permutatione| ‘by negotiating a bill 
of exchange to that amount.’ Atticus 
probably had an agent in such an impor- 
tant town as Ephesus. 


expeditam| ‘clear,’ ‘free from all 
claims.’ Opp. to impeditam ‘ involved,’ 
‘embarrassed.’ 

eredens ev} sc. Philotimus. 


credere me debere| Lehmann (p. 50) adds 
me debere, comparing Q. Fr. i. 1. 32 (30), 
where consulemus is certainly for consulere 
debemus, which even has manuscript 
wuthority, viz. P: see Sjégren’s edition. 


Dr. Reid conjectures decere for credere. 
possim incolumis esse| ‘my _ position 
may remain unimpaired.’ Cicero, of 


course, means his financial position. 


This letter was plainly written a good 
while after February 4: cp. § 4, Zardius: 
ad te remist tabellarium. Schmidt 
(p. 189 ff.) thinks that it was written about 
the middle of March: for (1)it must have 
taken at least a month for Cicero to send 
to Ephesus for the money (} 3) and get 
it transferred to Pompey’s camp; and 
(2) the fortunes of Pompey seem to have 
looked favourable at the time Cicero 
transferred the money to Pompey (428. 4, 
eas Pompeio tum cum id videbamur 
sapienter facere detulimus) ; and this must 
have been before Antony arrived in 
Epirus at the end of March, This may 
be right: but neither of the arguments. 
is very strong; for exegi may be an epis- 
tolary tense, ‘I am calling in,’ and next 
year (i.e. 47, when he wrote Ep. 428) 
Cicero may have regarded Pompey’s for- 
tunes as favourable at any time up to the 
defeat at Pharsalus. 


268 EP. 407 (ATT. XI. 2). 


testamento crevi hereditatem. Ex multis meis et miserrimis curis 
est una levata, si, ut scribis, ista hereditas fidem et famam meam 
tuerl potest, quam quidem te intellego etiam sine hereditate tuis 
opibus defensurum fuisse. 2. De dote quod scribis, per omnis 
deos te obtestor ut totam rem suscipias et illam miseram mea 
culpa et neglegentia tueare meis opibus si quae sunt, tuis quibus 
tibi molestum non erit facultatibus; quoi quidem deesse omnia, 
quod scribis, obsecro te, noli pati. In quos enim sumptus abeunt 
fructus praediorum ? Iam illa HS Lx, quae scribis, nemo mihi 
umquam dixit ex dote esse detracta : numquam enim essem passus. 
Sed haec minima est ex iis iniurlis quas accepi; de quibus ad te 


dolore et lacrimis scribere prohibeor. 


1. crevi] Cernere hereditatem is ‘to 
accept an inheritance formally,’ whether 
in person or by letter; it is used meta- 
phorically in Att. vi. 1. 10 (252), of feel- 
ings of affection, which the legatee ought 
to have inherited along with a property 
bequeathed to him. Cicero  prob- 
ably signed in the presence of wit- 
nesses a document expressing his 
willingness to accept the inheritance, 
and sent that document back by the 
first messenger he knew of who was 
leaving for Rome. Though acceptance 
of an inheritance was usually made by 
word of mouth, either by the principal 
or his agent, yet there must have been 
some such natural method as signing a 
‘document in the presence of witnesses, 
when the parties were far distant from 
one another (cp. Roby, Roman Private 
Law, i. 403). A mere business document 
like that would not be ‘censored ’ by 
Pompey’s blockading ships (cp. Schmidt, 
Ῥ. 186, note). Cicero kept the messenger 
Atticus had sent (§ 4) until he had some 
‘special news to transmit which the mes- 


senger might convey by word of mouth’ 


(cp. 411, init.), and also the blockade 
may have perhaps become more strict 
as regards private communications. We 
do not know what the estate was: it is 
supposed to have been that of Fufidius 
(428. 8; 429. 3; 480. 4). 

Ex multis meis et miserrimis curis] So 
Z: see Adn. Crit. The other mss., how- 
ever, omit e¢, and Miiller holds that it is 
unnecessary. He compares 383. 6, multa 
magna delicta compressi. The omission 
is, however, rare: cp. Dr. Reid on Lael. 


3. Ex ea pecunia quae fuit 


30, who quotes from that treatise, § 49, 
delectari multts inanibus rebus ; § 54, mul- 
torum opes praepotentium. 

2. De dote] Cicero asks Atticus to see 
to the whole matter of Tullia’s dowry, 
no doubt especially that the second in- 
stalment due on July Ist be paid. We 
are not quite sure why Tullia should have 
been in such want at this time. The 
separation from Dolabella does not seem 
to have taken place. Probably Dolabella 
was so extravagant that he did not allow 
his wife enough to live on; and in June 
(411. 1) Cicero is seriously considering 
the question of divorce. But at the same 
time Dolabella was on very good terms 
with Cicero, though the latter implies 
that political considerations alone deterred 
him from severing all connexion with 
Dolabella. 

Sacultatibus| There is no reason to 
omit facultatibus: it is virtually a 
synomyn of opibus = ‘resources’ (Off. 
11. 63). The construction is obtestor ut 
illam miseram tueare meis opibus si quae 
sunt, turs facultatibus guibus {ἰδὲ molestum 
non erit (tueri illam). 

In quos enim sumptus| ‘for on what 
are the rents of my property spent?’ We 
do not know whether this ‘ property’ was 
the house property (insuwlae) which Cicero 
appears to have owned at Rome (ep. 
Att. xvi. 1. 5, Ep. 769), or some of his 
country estates: praedia could be either 
urbana or rustica (Gaius i. 120). 

HS ux.] about 450 guineas, which 
Terentia had managed to hold back out 
of the first instalment. 


wwii bie aie in ella 


ae Sued a hE ΓῚ 


. 
ι 
i 
ΐ 


EP. 407 (ATT. XI. 2). 269 


in Asia partem dimidiam fere exegi. ‘Tutius videbatur fore ibi 
ubi est quam apud publicanos. Quod me hortaris ut firmo sim 
animo, vellem posses aliquid adferre quam ob rem id facere 
possem. Sed si ad ceteras miserias accessit etiam id quod mihi 
Chrysippus dixit parari—tu nihil significasti—de domo, quis me 
miserior uno iam fuit? Oro, obsecro, ignosce : non possum plura 
scribere. Quanto maerore urgear profecto vides. Quod si mihi 
commune cum ceteris esset qui videntur in eadem causa esse, minor 
mea culpa videretur et eo tolerabilior esset: nunc nihil est quod 
consoletur, nisi quid tu efficis, si modo etiam nunc effici potest, ut 


ne qua singulari adficiar calamitate et iniuria. 
remisi tabellarium quod potestas mittendi non fuit. 


4, 'l'ardius ad te 
A tuis et 


nummorum accepi HS Lxx et vestimentorum quod opus fuit. 


Quibus tibi videbitur velim des litteras meo nomine. 
Si signum requirent aut manum, dices me prepter 


familiaris. 
custodias ea vitasse. 


3. exegi| This may mean that he had 
actually got the money; or it may be an 
epistolary tense, ‘I am calling in’ the 
money : see Introd. note. 

1bi ubi est] i.e. with Pompey: see note 
to 406.2. From Caesar B.C. iii. 33 we 
may gather how insecure actual money 
was, no matter where deposited. It was 


perhaps nowhere more secure than when 


lent to Pompey. That ἐδὲ μὲ est does 
not refer to Egnatius (411. 3) has been 
established by Sternkopf (Dortmund 
Program, No. 344, 1891, p. 6). 

id facere| sc. firmo esse animo; for 
this use of facere in taking the place of a 
foregoing verb, see Lewis and Short, 
Chrysippus| This man was different 
from the Chrysippus who was a literary 
-freedman of Cicero’s: cp. Q. Fr. iii. 
4. 5 (152): 5. 6 (155); for Cicero had 
discovered him in dishonesty, and he had 
run away: Att. vii. 2. 8 (293). 

de domo| Cicero was afraid that his 
house would be confiscated by the Caesa- 
reans. So the editors, probably rightly. 
We think, however, that it might mean 
that his ‘creditors would take over 
his house. Cicero’s creditors may have 
been more insistent than the creditors of 
the other nobles who followed Pompey, 
as they knew how shaky his finances 
were, and how little chance he had of 


Nosti meos 


making money during his absence from 
his profession. But perhaps the ordinary 
meaning is the better, and that what 
Chrysippus reported was but an idle 
rumour. ‘The estate which Cicero had 
just inherited seemed likely to reinstate 
his credit. 

quis me misertor uno iam fuit| ‘who. 
was more wretched than I am of all men 
in the world ?’ ‘ was there ever a man 
more wretched than my single self?’ For 
uno iam H. Schwarz conjectured wun-. 
quam. 

Quod si... esse] Cp. 411. 2. 

4. potestas| ‘an opportunity,’ a com- 
mon Ciceronian use. 

A tuis... fuit] Cp. 428. 3, Itaque 
tum et a tuo vilico sumpsimus et aliunde 
mutuati, sumus. The vestimenta were 
probably mainly for Cicero’s servants. 

Quibus . . . nomine| Cp. 411. ὃ; 
420.7. This sort of insincerity was not 
regarded with as much disapproval by 
the Romans as it would be by us. 

Si signum...vitasse]| ‘if they ask 
why I have not written and sealed these 
letters myself, please say that I have 
avoided doing so on account of the 
blockade.’ The commanders of Pompey’s. 
guardships would no doubt read private 
letters going to Rome. For the reading: 
dices see Adn. Crit. 


270 EP, 408 (FAM. VIII. 17). 


408. CAELIUS TO CICERO (Fam. vir. 17). 


ROME; FEBRUARY ; A. U. 6. 706; Β, 6. 483 AET. CIC. 58. 


Queritur M. Caelius se Curionis amore et odio App. Claudii in eas partes vocatum 
esse unde nunc multa incommoda sibi nascantur. A Caesare enim cum Romaeé 
praetor relictus esset, ait se rebus urbanis Trebonio mandatis multa 5101 mala invidia 
et aemulatione contraxisse et consilii sui se iam paene paenitere. 


CAKELIUS CICERONI S. 


1. Ergo me potius in Hispania fuisse tum quam Formiis quom 
tu profectus es ad Pompeium! Quod utinam aut Appius Claudius 
in hac parte fuisset aut in ista parte C. Curio, quoius amicitia me 
paullatim in hance perditam causam imposuit; nam mihi sentio 
bonam mentem iracundia et amore ablatam. Tu porro, cum ad 
te proficiscens Ariminum noctu venissem, dum mihi pacis man- 
data das ad Caesarem et mirificum civem agis, amici officium 
neglexisti neque mihi consuluisti. Neque haec dico quod diffidam 
huic causae, sed, crede mihi, perire satius est quam hos videre. 


This letter was probably written about 
January, shortly (§ 2) before Caelius 
brought forward his revolutionary pro- 
posals. (He did so in February: ep. 
Caesar B.C. iii. 20; for it was before 
Antony crossed to Greece, ib. 24). On 
the letter generally cp. vol. 1112, Ὁ. lvi. 

1. Ergo| ‘To think that : cp. Hor. 
Sat. ii. 5.191, Ergo nune Dama sodalis 
Nusquam est: Carm. i. 24. 5. 

Quod utinam| Cp. Fam. xiv. 4. 1 (62); 
quod is connexive, as in quod si, ‘ but 
af)” 

aut Appius Claudiusin hac parte fuisset 
aut in ista parte C. Curio| The words in 
italics in the text are not found in the mss. 
The addition in this exact form is due to 
Klotz: the old editors read aut non in ista 
parte Appius Claudius aut non in hae C. 
Curio fuisset; but this will not account 
so well for the corruption. 

iracundia et amore] sc. anger with 
Appius Claudius, affection for Curio. 

Ariminum| So Manutius and the old 
editors for arimini of M, also Sternkopf 
(p. 18), and Schmidt (p. 104). The word 


goes with proficiscens, not with venissem. 
The reference is to the night of the 7th 
of January, 49, when Antony, Cassius, 
Curio, and Caelius were all leaving Rome 
to join Caesar at Ariminum: cp. vol. 
III’, p. ci. We were in error in accepting 
in our former ed. Arpino of Grotefrend. 

mirificum civem agis| “ playing the 
admirable citizen.” This use of agere is 
a feature of Caelius’ style ; cp. Fam. viii. 
2. 2. (196): ep. ludit, 9. 1 (211); and he 
is the earliest writer we know who adopts 
it in this derived sense: cp. Fam. ii. 9. 1 
(224), where it seems almost to mean 
‘mimic.’ For agere of actually acting 
apart on the stage cp. Ter. Heaut. 39; 
Cicero Q. Rose. 20. It is also found in 
Liv. xlv. 25. 2, lenem mitemque senatorem 
egit, and occasionally also in post-classical 
writers, e.g. Suet. Claud. 29. 1: ep. 
Schmalz, Antibard. i. 119 ff. 

perire satius quam hos videre] Cp. 
Cicero’s remarks about the νέκυια that 
surrounded Caesar (376. 2; 377. 1) Hos 
are the Caesareans at Rome, and perhaps 
especially Trebonius. 


EP. 408 (FAM. VIII. 17). 27] 


2. Quod si timor vestrae crudelitatis non esset, eiecti iam pridem 
hine essemus. Nam hic nunc praeter feneratores paucos nec 
homo nec ordo quisquam est nisi Pompeianus. Hquidem iam 
effeci ut maxime plebs et, qui antea noster fuit, populus vester 
esset. Cur hoc, inquis? Immo reliqua exspectate: vos invitos 
vincere coégero. ftArruntanum me Catonem. Vos dormitis, 
nec haec adhuc mihi videmini intellegere qua nos pateamus et 
qua simus imbecilli. Atque hoc nullius praemi spe faciam sed, 
quod apud me plurimum solet valere, doloris atque indignitatis 
causa. Quid istic facitis? Proelium exspectatis, quod firmissi- 
mumt haec? Vestras copias non novi: nostri valde depugnare et 


facile algere et esurire consuerunt. 


2. vestrae crudelitatis} The violent 
threatenings of the Pompeian party 
tended in no small degree to keep the 
Italians from opposing Caesar: cp. 
342. 4; 352. 2. 

feneratores| Caesar won the favour of 
the capitalists by not abolishing debts. 
That he refrained from doing so was a 
sore point with the deeply involved 
Caelius. 

plebs ... populus| ‘the lower orders,’ 
‘the mass of the citizens.’ 

t+Arruntanum me Catonem] Orelli and 
Baiter suggest Geram alterum me Catonem, 
41 mean to play the part of a second 
Cato.’ Cato was always in favour of con- 
stant and prolonged conduct of the war: 
cp. Plutarch Cato min. 53, 55, 58, 59; 
and he was regarded as the natural 
leader of the Optimates after Pompey 
(Plut. l.c. 56, 57). Adopting the same 
idea, we might possibly read Habebunt 
enim me Catonem, ‘for they (the pleds 
and the populus) will have me as a Cato.’ 
Others suppose the reference is not to 
Cato Uticensis, but to C. Cato, a tribune 
in 56: but it is hard to see wherein 
Caelius could claim merit to himself by 
imitating that unimportant young man: 
ep. Q. Fr. i. 2. 15 (63) adulescens nullius 
consili. Dr. Reid (Class. Rev. xi. 351) 
suggests narrant anus me Catonem, ‘ the 
old ladies speak of me as a very Cato.’ 
The corrupt word, however, looks as if 
it were a deponent ending in -amini, or 
imini, e.g. an miramini me Catonem ? 
(C. F. Hermann), ‘Do you wonder at 
my taking the réle of Cato?’: mirabimini 
in me (Oudendorp), ‘ You will wonder 
at seeing a Cato in me.’ See Adn. Crit, 


qua nos pateamus et qua simus imbecillh | 
‘our exposed and our weak points.’ 
Cratander, followed by Baiter, reads guam 
. +. guam; but there is no necessity to 
alter the mss. Some editors alter haec to 
hoc; but there are ¢wo points of which 
Caelius says the Pompeians are ignorant, 
the exposed positions and the weak spots 
of the Caesareans. 

quod| Madv., Lat. Gramm. 815 ὁ. 
notices that the neuter relative referring 
to the entire contents of a proposition is 
usually inserted before the predicate to 
which it refers. 

indignitatis] ‘sense of wrong’; cp. 
392. ὃ Tacita esse poterit indignitas 
nostra ὃ: Liv. v. 45, 6, indignitas atque 
ex ea tra animos cepit. 

quod firmissimumt haec] The usual 
reading adopted for the corrupt haec is 
Orelli’s conjecture abet, ‘on which 
Caesar rests quite assured.’ Watson 
quotes Att. 11. 19. 4 (46), Videor mihi 
nostrum illum consularem exercitum... 
habere firmissimum, ‘to place full reliance 
on that force.’ Possibly we should read 
with Mendelssohn, huic, ‘on which he 
(Caesar) can rely for certain’; or with 
Becher, hac, ‘on this side.’ The opposi- 
tion between ‘on your side’ and ‘on our 
side’ runs all through this letter. 

nostri] Caelius has alluded before to 
the powers of endurance possessed by 
Caesar’s forces, 344. 1. Schtitz says that 
the concluding sentence of the letter 
shows that Caelius thought the wisest 
course Pompey could adopt would be to 
return to Italy instead of fighting. a 
pitched battle in Greece: and perhaps 
Caelius was right.. Among the courses 


272 EP. 409 (FAM. IX. 9). 


409. DOLABELLA TO CICERO (Fam. rx. 9). 
CAESARS CAMP IN EPIRUS; MAY3 A. U. C. 7063 B. C. 483 AET. CIC. 58. 


Dolabella socero suo suadet, ut aut cum Caesare se coniungat aut certe in otium se 
referat. 


DOLABELLA 5. ἢ. CICERONI. 


1.8. V. G. V. et Tullia nostra recte v. ‘Terentia minus belle 
habuit, sed certum scio iam convaluisse eam. Praeterea rectis- 
sime sunt apud te omnia. tsi nullo tempore in suspicionem tibi 
debui venire partium causa potius quam tua tibi suadere ut te 
aut cum Caesare nobiscumque coniungeres aut certe in otium 
referres, praecipue nunc iam inclinata victoria ne possum quidem 
in ullam aliam incidere opinionem nisi in eam, in qua scilicet tibi 


suadere videar quod pie tacere non possim. 


open to Pompey when he got free from 
Caesar’s lines at Dyrrhachium, according 
to Mommsen (R. H. iv. 410), one was 
that he ‘might leave Caesar himseli and 
his best troops in Greece, and might cross 
in person, as he had long been making 
preparations for doing, with the main 
army to Italy, where the feeling was 
decidedly anti-monarchical, and the forces 
of Caesar, after the despatch of their best 
troops and their brave and trustworthy 
commandant (M. Antonius) to the Greek 
army, would not be of very much mo- 
ment.’ 


For Dolabella see Introduction, (II. 
ὁ 15). Prof. Sihler (Cicero of Arpinum, 
p. 323) thinks that possibly Caesar in- 
spired this letter. It may well be so: 
cp. ᾧ 8. Caesar had an admiration for 
Cicero (as may be seen from his dedi- 
cation of De Analogia to him) and some- 
thing of a regard for him also. ; 

ls v.G....v.j = St vales gaudeo : 
valeo, et Tullia nostra recte valet. 

minus belle habuit] ‘was not very 
well.’ Watson refers to Att. xii. 37. 1 
(579), Piliam et Atticam plane belle se 
habere. 

certum scio| “1 know for certain,’ ep. 
Sull. 38, se nescire certum: the adjective 
is used as a substantive. Reid compares’ 


Tu autem, mi 


Sull. 39, falsum dicere, and Att. viii. 11 Ὁ, 
2 (348), dum certum nobis referretur ; 
and Att. ix. 9. 4 (364) cum certum habebo. 
At this time Cicero was in the camp 
of Pompey, which was blockaded by 
Caesar (ὁ 2 circumvallato nune denique). 
Hofmann fixes the date of this letter 
approximately from the fact that Caesar 
says at the time of the blockade the corn 
was beginning to ripen (Bell. Civ. iii. 
49. 1). Watson notices that Dolabella 
would have later news of Cicero’s family 
than Cicero himself, as Italy was held by 
Caesar’s friends. 

in otium referres | 
leisure.’ 

praecipue iam inclinata victoria] The 
apodosis begins here: ‘especially now 
also that victory is settling to our side.’ 
‘When a neutral term like fortuna or res 
is used with inclinare, the latter usually 
means going against the person who is 
principally referred to: cp. Caes. Bell. 
Civ. 1. 52. 3, ae se fortuna inclinaverat ut 
nostri magna inopia necessariarum rerum 
conflictarentur ; Fam. i. 1. 3 (95) Labora- 
tur vehementer : inclinata res est, ‘the 
matter is going against us’: cp. 394. 1 gut 
ab excitata fortuna ad inclinatam et prope 
tacentem desciscerem. 

ne possum quidem ... possim| “1 can- 
not possibly be thought to be doing any- 


‘retire to a life of 


_scripta esse iudices. 


ig 
_ thing else except indeed urging you toa 
- course on which I cannot in duty bound 
_ (pie) keep silence.’ The sentence is awk- 
_ ward, but Dolabella was trying, without 
much success, to write in the grand 
periodic style. Wesenberg omits in be- 
fore gua, but it is not necessary to do 
so: videar is generic subjunctive. For 
in opinionem incidere cp. Caelius Fam. 
viii. 10. 2 (226) in eam opinionem Cassius 
veniebat . . . finxisse bellum: opinio is 
the opinion of others: we. . . quidem, 
_ very often = οὐδὲ, ‘not .. . either,’ 
‘neither,’ rather than ‘not even,’ Reid 
: on Acad. i. 5, Arch. 2. 
τ΄ κα optimo animo]| ‘with the very best 
- intentions and entire devotion to your 
interests.’ Cp. Marcellus (496. 1) quod 
ab optimo fit animo ; Balbus (354. 3) me ab 
 singulari amore ac benevolentia : 
_ seribere, where see note. The ab seems 
-superfiuous ; it is like the ad which Livy 
so often uses, meaning ‘out of,’ 6.9. vil. 
10, 5, Gallium... linguam ab irrisu... 
᾿ς exserentem, and Weissenborn on iii. 15, 7. 
_ See Mady. 255, Obs. 1. 
_ 2, ostentare] Hence the nicknames 
_ applied to Pompey, Sampsiceramus, Hiero- 
_solymarius, <Arabarches, &c.: also. cp. 
Pompey’s forces as enumerated by 
Caesar B. C. iii. 3 and 4. 
᾿ς eireumvallato nune denique| dat., not 
abl. abs. This letter shows how fully 
convinced the Caesareans were that 


VOL. IV. 


EP. 409 (FAM. IX. 9). 


273 


_ Cicero, sic haec accipies ut, sive probabuntur tibi sive non proba- 
34 buntur, ab optimo certe animo ac deditissimo tibi et cogitata et 
| 2. Animadvertis Cn. Pompeium nec nominis 
“sui nec rerum gestarum gloria neque etiam regum ac nationum 
ἡ clientelis, quas ostentare crebro solebat, esse tutum, et hoc etiam, 


_ abdiderit in classem, tu tuis rebus consulas et aliquando tibi 
_ potius quam cuivis sis amicus. Satis factum est iam a te vel officio 
_ vel familiaritati, satis factum etiam partibus et ei rei publicae 


Pompey’s case was now hopeless, or at 
any rate that his only hope was escape by 
sea, which he still commanded: cp. 
Caesar B. C. ili. 48. 4 ut auctoritatem qua 
wlle maxime apud exteras nationes nits 
videbatur minueret, cum fama per orbem 
terrarum wpercrebruisset tllum a Caesare 
obsidert neque audere proelio dimicare. Yet 
this circumvallation of Pompey was one 
of the few military undertakings of 
Caesar which were complete failures. 
‘Caesar was entirely beaten, not merely 
in tactics but also in strategy’ (Mommsen, 
RK, Ἡ. τν. 410). 

te peto| Some editors add a before ἔθ, 
and that (or ev) would be the Ciceronian 
usage. But we cannot be so sure in the 
case Of Dolabella. The construction 
without the preposition is found in later 
writers, e.g. the Vulgate (Rénsch, Jtala 
und Vulgata, p. 375). 

aliquando tibi potius quam cuivis sis 
amicus| ‘and some time or other be a 
friend to yourself, and not to this, that, 
or the other person.’ The advice was 
perhaps sensible: it is certainly good 
evidence, if we required any, of the un- 
selfish nature of Cicero. 

Satis factum est . . . probabas] ‘You 
have by this fulfilled all obligations 
whether to conscience or to friendship ; 
you have fulfilled all obligations likewise 
to your party and to that system of 
government of which you approve.’ 


T 


274 EP. 410 (FAM. XIV. 8). 

quam tu probabas. 3. Relicum est, ubi nune est res publica, 
ibi simus potius quam, dum illam veterem sequamur, simus in 
nulla. Qua re velim, mi iucundissime Cicero, si forte Pompeius 
pulsus his quoque locis rusus alias regiones petere cogatur, ut tu 
te vel Athenas vel in quamvis quietam recipias civitatem. Quod 
si eris facturus, velim mihi scribas, ut ego, si ullo modo potero, ad 
te advolem. Quaecumque de tua dignitate ab imperatore erunt 
impetranda, qua est humanitate Caesar, facillimum erit ab eo 
tibi ipsi impetrare, et meas tamen preces apud eum non mini- 
mum auctoritatis hahituras puto. Hrit tuae quoque fidei et humani- 
tatis curare ut is tabellarius quem ad te misi reverti possit ad me 
et a te mihi litteras referat. 


410. CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. xiv. 8). 


BRUNDISIUM ; JUNE 2; A.U.C. 707; B.c. 47; AET. cic. 59. 
M. Cicero Terentiam hortatur ut valetudinem curet et si quid novi pergat scribere. 
TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE S. 


Si vales bene est, ego valeo. Valetudinem tuam velim cures 
diligentissime. Nam mihi et scriptum et nuntiatum et te in 
febrim subito incidisse. Quod celeriter me fecisti de Caesaris 


3. Relicum est... simus] Edd. often In our previous edition we accepted the 


add wt, but it is not necessary: cp. even 
in Cicero 450. 5 Relicum est... prosequar. 

rusus| archaic form for rursus, like 
prosus for prorsus. 

civitatem] rare for an actual city 
(urbs): yet cp. Ennius 291 (Ribb.), e¢ 
civitatem video Argivom incendere. Also 
Plaut. Mere. 645, and Livy xxxiv. 17. 
12. This passage of Dolabella is perhaps 
the first place in prose where the word is 
used in this sense. 

et meas tamen preces| ‘and in any 
case I think that my prayers,’ &c. For 
ef tamen = " be that as it may,’ cp. 405, 2. 

Erit tuae quoque fidei et humanitatis | 
“it wiil be incumbent on your honour and 
good-feeling to see’: quogue=‘on your 
part,’ as a return for my services, as 
Watson says. 


ordinary assignment of this letter and 412 
to June, 48, as it seemed unlikely that 
Terentia would be attacked by fever in 
two successive years just at the same 
time (cp. 409 init.). But Sternkopf (op. 
cit., p. 46) has satisfactorily shown that 
the letter of Caesar which is here referred 
to must be the letter purporting to be from 
Caesar at Alexandria to which Cicero 
alludes in his letter to Atticus of June 
3, 47 (Ep. 431. 1), and the authenticity 
of which Cicero doubts (cp. 432. 8). In 
retaining these letters (410, 412) in their 
usual place in the correspondence of 48, 
we were compelled to suppose that the 
letter of Caesar was some official one 
which was published at Rome, but of 
which we had no other information, See, 
also note to 412. 


EP, 411 (ATT. XI. 3). 275 


bax 
Bi tittoris certiorem, fecisti mihi gratum. Item posthac, si quid 
_ opus erit, si quid acciderit novi, facies ut sciam. Cura ut valeas. 


Wale. Ὁ. 1111. Nonas Tun. 


τας το ταν 
SS 


411, CICERO ἸῸ ATTICUS (Arr. xt. 3). 


ἀξ. 


CAMP OF POMPEY ; JUNE 13: A. U. 6. 706 ; Β. Ο, 483; AET. CIC. 58, 


AAR AREAL ORE RL νον 
See ore ~. Tee 


M. Cicero de re familiari sua has ad Atticum litteras misit ex castris Cn. Pompeii. 
CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


! 1. Quid hic agatur scire poteris ex eo qui litteras attulit: 
quem diutius tenui, quia cotidie aliquid novi exspectabamus, neque 
ΟΠ nune mittendi tamen ulla causa fuit praeter eam de qua tibi 
_ rescribi voluisti, quod ad Kal. Quinct. pertinet quid vellem. 
Utrumque grave est, et tam gravi tempore periculum tantae 
pecuniae et dubio rerum exitu ista quam scribis abruptio. Qua 
re, ut alia, sic hoc vel maxime tuae curae benevolentiaeque 
permitto et illius consilio et voluntati, cui miserae consuluissem 
melius, si tecum olim coram potius quam per litteras de salute 
nostra fortunisque deliberavissem. 2. Quod negas praecipuum 
mihi ullum 2m communibus incommodis impendere, etsi ista res non 


PREETI TER 


facies| polite future, ‘ you will kindly 
let me know.’ 
D.|= Data, ‘ despatched.’ 


1. hic] the camp of Pompey near 
Dyrrhachium. 

__—seire ex eo] Owing to the crisis of the 

civil war, the important news would be 


- entrusted to the letter-carrier to transmit 


by word of mouth: cp. 413a. 2 ex Isidoro 
801). 

aliquid novi| This probably means that 
ἃ battle was expected. 

quod ad Kal. Quinet. pertinet| ‘the 
point on which you wanted an answer, 
namely, what were my intentions as 
regards that 180 of July,’ on which day 
Cicero must make up his mind either to 


_ pay the second instalment of the marriage 


portion to Dolabella, or to set on foot 
proceedings for a divorce. Both alter- 
natives were formidable ; the risk of losing 


the money 1f Dolabella should have to be 
divorced after all, and the risk of breaking 
with Caesar in breaking with Dolabella 
while the issue of events was still doubtful. 

abruptio] ‘severance,’ a rare word ; 
in its literal sense used in De Div. ii. 84. 

curae| added by Lehmann (p. 22), who 
compares Fam. ili. 3. 1 (191), cura ac 
diligentia tua. ‘The usual word added is 
fider; but curae would more easily have 
been lost after éwae. 

st tecum olimcoram potius] cp. 413. (bd) 1. 

de salute nostra fortunisque| ‘inamatter 
concerning my position and my fortune,’ 
both of which he might lose now by 
offending Dolabella: nostra is the Finan- 
cier’s plural: cp. Conway, p. 35, and 
note to 428. 4. 

2. incommunibus| added by Lehmann 
‘(p. 27), as the Mss. give incommodis, not 
incommodum. For communis opposed to 
praecipuus see 429.1; 494. 1. 


T2 


276 EP, 311 (ATT. XI. 8). 


nihil habet consolationis, tamen etiam praecipua multa sunt quae | 


tu proiecto vides et gravissima esse et me facillime vitare potuisse : 
ea tamen erunt minora, si, wf adhue factum est, administratione, 
diligentia tua levabuntur. 3. Pecunia apud Egnatium est ; sit a 
me, ut est. Neque enim hoc quod agitur videtur diuturnum esse 
posse, ut scire iam possim quid maxime opus sit: etsi egeo rebus 
omnibus, quod is quoque in angustiis est quicum sumus; quoi 
magnam dedimus pecuniam mutuam opinantes nobis constitutis 
rebus eam rem etiam honori fore. ‘l'u, ut antea fecisti, velim, si 
qui erunt ad quos aliquid scribendum a me existimes, ipse con- 
ficias. ‘luis salutem dic. Cura ut valeas. In primis id quod 
scribis omnibus rebus cura et provide ne quid ei desit de qua scis 


me miserrimum esse. 


non nihil] non was added by Corradus. 
Cp. 407. 3 Quod si mihi commune cum 
ceteris esset . . . minor mea culpa videretur 
et 60 tolerabilior esset. 

administratione, diligentia| For the 
asyndeton see on pipulo convicio, Q. Fr. 
il. 10. 1 (1383), and Lehmann, pp. 24, 26. 
But it may well be that diligentiaque of 
I is right, as that edition used good 
manuscripts. 

ὃ. Pecunia... ut est| This does not 
refer to the Asiatic money (cp, note: to 
407. 3), but to some small account with 
Egnatius at Rome. ‘The money is 
lodged with Egnatius: let it stay there, 
as far as J am concerned.’ The preposi- 
tion @ is similarly used, meaning ‘as 
regards whom’ in @ guo mihi exploratum 
est, 302. 1. But the expression sounds 
strange, and perhaps Dr. Reid ὦ is right in 


Idibus Iuniis ex castris. 


reading sit tamen ut est. 
ut scire| ‘so that I shall soon know” 
when the present crisis has declared itself, 


and things cannot long remain in their 


present state. 

is... quicum sumus| sc. Pompetus. 

constitutis rebus| ‘ when things settled 
down.’ 
money, he thought Pompey would be 
victor, and that his timely assistance 
would redound both to his profit and his 
honour (cp. note to 428.4). Itis unlikely 
that Cicero meant that, no matter who was 
victor, it would be to his advantage to 
have lent the money. Cicero could hardly 
expect Caesar and his followers, if vic- 
torious, to be so high-minded, or quixotic, 
as to honour and enrich him because he 
had assisted Pompey. 

ei] 80. Tulliae. 


When Cicero lent Pompey the 


i i i 


413 (a). 


On the date of this letter see note to 
410. 
* convalescas| referring to the fever: cp. 
410. This very hasty letter would run a 
little more smoothly if we read quodque 
opus erit. 

quod opusest ... provideas| Sternkopf 
{p. 46) thinks that this is a hint to Teren- 
tia, now that she is ill, that she should 
make her will: cp. 431. 5 (June 3, 47), 
Extremum est quod te orem, si putas rectum 
esse et a te suscipi posse, cum Camillo com- 
munices ut Terentiam moneatis de testa- 
mento. Tempora monent ut videat ut 
satisfaciat quibus debet. 


As regards Att. xi. 4, it seems quite 
certain (as was seen even by Manutius) 
that § 2 is a different letter from § 1, owing 
to the divergence of statements in the two 
paragraphs. 1° No news in § 1; distinct 


_ EP. 413 (a) (ATT. ΧΙ. 4). 


277 


412, CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. xtv. 21). 
BRUNDISIUM; JUNE; A. U. Cc. 707; B.C. 47; AET. cic. 59. 
M. Cicero uxorem res suas administrare et de iis rebus litteras ad se mittere iubet. 
TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE S. Ὁ. 


S. V. B. E. V. Da operam ut convalescas ; quod opus erit, ut res 
tempusque postulat, provideas atque administres et ad me de 
omnibus rebus quam saepissime litteras mittas. 


Vale. 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Avr. xt. 4). 


CAMP OF POMPEY; BETWEEN JUNE 14 AND 183 A. U. 6. 706 ; 
B.C. 483 AET. CIC. 58. 


M. Cicero res paullo meliores et Pompeium in magna spe esse nuntiat. 
CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


2. Quid sit gestum novi quaeris: ex Isidoro scire poteris: 


news in § 2. 2° According to ὁ 1 Cicero 
proposes to take no active part in affairs ; 
in § 2 he is only waiting to get into good 
health to be once more active. The 
second instalment of Tullia’s dowry 
had to be paid on July Ist (411. 1): 
accordingly ἡ 2 must have been sent on 
June 18 at latest, as it would take about 
ten or eleven days to reach Rome from 
Dyrrhachium. It was probably sent 
later than the 13th, for in 411. 1 (written 
on that day) some important event was 
imminent, and in 413. 2 that event (viz. 
the defeat of Caesar) had occurred: ac- 
cordingly 413. 2 was written between the 
14th and the 18th. It is almost certain 
that § 1 was written on the same day as 
Ep. 414, as appears from the statement 
about the failure to sell the property: 
therefore it was written on July 15. The 
question then arises—Did Isidorus bring 


278 


reliqua non videntur esse difficiliora. 
maxime velle cures, ut scribis, ut facis. 


EP. 413 (b) (ATT. XI. 4). 


ex qua etiam summa infirmitas corporis; qua levata ero una cum 


eo qui negotium gerit estque in spe magna. 
Hactenus fuit quod caute a me scribi 


causa versatur acriter. 


Brutus amicus: in 


posset. Vale. De pensione altera, oro te, omni cura considera 
quid faciendum sit, ut scripsi iis litteris quas Pollex tulit. 


413-(0), CICERO TO AETICUS (Avr x1, 4}.} 


DYRRHACHIUM; JULY 153 A. U. 


C, 7065 Β. Ὁ. 48: ABT. GIG. 55. 


M. Cicero de rebus privatis et familiaribus ex Pompeii castris scribit et una. 
Significat sibi quae eo loco gerantur minime placere. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Accepi ab Isidoro litteras et postea datas binas. 


Ex prox- 


imis cognovi praedia non venisse. Videbis ergo ul sustentetur per 


§2to Rome, and then return with aletter 
to which § 1 isan answer? Yes, says O. E. 
Schmidt (pp. 194 f.): No, says Sternkopt 
(pp. 13f.); the letter received from Isidorus 
(ὁ 1) is that to which § 2 is an answer. 
Cicero, in writing § 1 to Att. on July 15, 
mentions all the recent letters he had re- 
ceived. If Isidorus had only arrived a 
day or two before the 15th, having left 
Rome about the beginning of the month, 
it is improbable that Cicero writing on 
the 15th would have received two letters 
of later date than that brought by Isidorus. 
He mentioned the letter received by Isi- 
dorus, even though he had already sent 
him back with an answer (§ 2), so as to 
let Atticus know that, in case Isidorus 
had not arriyed (and delays might have 
oveurred especially in war-time), the 
letter with which Isidorus had _ been 
entrusted had come to hand. 

2: reliqua] ‘it is thought that the rest 
of Pompey’s task will be no harder’; the 
reference is to the defeat sustained by 
Caesar near Dyrrhachium, about the 
middle of June, which he himself admits, 
B. C. iii. 66-72. 

ut facis| sc. curas:. ‘which you do, 
aceording to what you tell me in your 
letters’; we should have expected guod 
ut seribis, facis. . 

᾿ ΘΟ 7 οι] The present tense seems 


strange, considering the hopeful tone of 
the rest of the letter. Perhaps we should 
read confecit. 

qua levata| infirmitas levata est and 
infirmitate levatus sum are both possible 
constructions. 

cum 60 qui negotium gerit] ‘with him 
(Pompey) who is conducting the business.’ 

Brutus amicus| ‘Brutus is friendly, 
and is working hard for the cause.’ 
It would be more usual to have amicus 
est (amicust). The punctuation in the 
text is required, for Brutus amicus is not 
Ciceronian Latin. for ‘ my friend Brutus.’ 
But probably we should read amicus tuus. 
Cicero constantly speaks of Brutus as 
Atticus’s friend in Att. vi; e.g., 1. 25 
(252); 2. 7 (256). 
” Hactenus Suit quod) 
write.’ 
tenses. 

Pollex] Aservant of Cicero’s: cp. 414; 
336. 15; Att. xiii. 46. 1 (668). 


Fuit and posset are epistolary 


ee 


Tu id velim quod scis me { 
Me conficit sollicitudo 


‘this is all I can 


For the date of this letter see Introd. ἢ 


note to the preceding. 

1. proximis] ‘the last received told — 
me that the property had not been sold’ ; 
this was the property to the rents of 


which he was trusting for Tullia’s sup- — 


port. 
ut sustentetur | 


+ 


sc. Tullia. 


ee eS CT ee oe 


EP. 414 (FAM. XIV. 6). 279 


te. De Frusinati, si modo fruituri sumus, erit mihi res opportuna. 
_ Meas litteras quod requiris, impedior inopia rerum quas nullas 
_habeo litteris dignas, quippe cui nec quae accidunt nec quae 
_aguntur ullo modo probentur. Utinam coram tecum olim potius 
quam per epistulas! Hic tua, ut possum, tueor apud hos. Cetera 

Celer. Ipse fugi adhue omne munus, eo magis quod ita nihil - 

poterat agi ut mihi et meis rebus aptum esset. 


414. CICERO TO HIS FAMILY (Fam. xiv. 6). 


DYRRHACHIUM ; JULY 15; A. U. C. 7065 B.C. 48; AET. CIC. 58. 


M. Cicero excusat infrequentiam litterarum, Terentiae in Tulliam officia laudat, 


Pollicem exspectat. 


SUIS 8. Ὁ. 


Nee saepe est cui litteras demus nec rem habemus ullam 


quam scribere velimus. 


Ex tuis litteris quas proxime accepi 
| cognovi praedium nullum venire potuisse. 
quo modo satis fiat ei cui scitis me satis fieri velle. 


(dua re videatis velim 
Quod nostra 


tibi gratias agit, id ego non miror te mereri ut ea tibi merito 


tuo gratias agere possit. 


Pollicem, si adhuc non est profectus, 


quam primum fac extrudas. Cura ut valeas. Idibus Quinctilibus. 


Sruituri] We have accepted the ex- 
cellent conjecture of Lehmann for futuri, 
which could not mean ‘if I am to exist at 
all’: at least Cicero would not have ex- 
pressed that sentiment in that way ; for 
Srui, ‘to enjoy’ a purchase, see 369. 6 ; 
for the future participle see Tusc. 111. 38. 
In 458. 5 M gives fuere for fruere. We 
hear again of this estate at Frusino in 
428. 4, but not elsewhere. 

Utinam coram}| 411. 1. 

tua] Atticus had, as we know, ex- 
tensive property in Epirus. 


Cetera Celer| Q. Pilius Celer, a rela 


tion (probably father or brother) of Pilia, 
wife of Atticus, seems to have been the 
bearer of this letter: so we must under- 
stand narradit. We cannot suppose that 
the omitted word is tuebitur: for Celer 
was a Caesarean (476. 2), and we should 

then require apud illos to balance apud 
hos; and besides cetera and tua do not 
form a proper antithesis. ‘I am looking 


after your interests with the Pompeians’ ; 
‘Celer after the rest’ makes indifferent 
sense. What were ‘the rest’ ὁ 


Baiter and Wesenberg added to the 
superscription TuLLIvs. The mss. have 
only suis s.p. For sui = ‘his family’ 
cp. Fam. iii. 12. 4 (275). The letter is 
really a letter to Terentia. 

venire| ‘besold’: cp. 413. 1. 

91] Dolabella. Tullia’s dowry had not 
yet been paid by Cicero. This shows that 
Cicero had determined, notwithstanding 
the defeat of Caesar and the fact that 
money could not be raised by the sale of 
his property, not to break off relations 
with Dolabella (cp. 411. 1). 

Quod nostra} ‘ As to Tullia’s thanking 


“you, I do not wonder at your deserving 


her thanks for all your services to her.’ 

extrudas| ‘drive out’; cp. Att. xvi. 
2, 4 (772), sed cum furcilla extrudimur 
Brundisium cogito. 


πε 


te 
7 


Ἄ 


PART VIL. 


1 PATRIAM ELUXI IAM ET GRAVIUS ET DIUTIUS QUAM ULLA 
MATER UNICUM FILIUM. | 


tat 
f 


Guts eed 


ΤΥ ῸΥ νυ at Deedee aie Ue ey SS SE 1: Ee ee ee Re, ek Te ay a re eee ΎΡ 
ty εὐ ἢ; κα δ Smtr ay 1 3 aS be Se ΓΑΔ ᾽ oy ching 7 


x 


PART VII. 


LETTERS FROM CICERO’S RETURN TO ITALY AFTER THE BATTLE 
OF PHARSALIA TO THE DEATH OF TULLIA. 


EPP. 415-544. 


ΤΣ bee ᾿ Σ 5 Ξ : 706--709 
BiG; ὲ : , ; , : 48-45 
AKT; CIC; : . : : : 58-61 


EP. 415 (FAM. XIV. 19). 285- 


415. CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. xiv. 12), 


BRUNDISIUM 5; NOVEMBER 4: A. U. 6. 7063; B.C. 48; AKT. CIC. 58. 
M. Cicero Terentiae salvus in Italiam reversus ad gratulationem respondet. 


TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE 5. D. 


Quop nos in Italiam salvos venisse gaudes, perpetuo gaudeas. 
velim. Sed perturbati dolore animi magnisque iniuriis metuo ne 


id consili ceperimus quod non facile explicare possimus. 


quantum potes adiuva. 
- venit. 


Quae re 


Quid autem possis mihi in mentem non 
In viam quod te des hoc tempore nihil est: et longum est 


iter et non tutum, et non video quid prodesse possis si veneris.. 


Vale. 


Quod... velim| ‘Your joy at our safe 
arrival in Italy I trust you may continue 
to feel.’ 

Sed perturbatt . .. possimus| ‘ But I 
am atraid that, agitated as 1 was by dis- 
tress of mind and the grievous wrongs 
[from Quintus] I had sustained, 1 have 
taken a step which it is not easy to see 
the way out of.’ For explicare cp. Att. xiv. 
1.1 (703), explicari rem non posse. After 
the battle of Pharsalia, at a conference 
held at Corcyra, Cato had offered the 
supreme command of the Pompeian army 
to Cicero as the senior consular (Plut. 
Cicero 39). Cicero, anxious as ever for 
peace, refused; whereupon the fiery 
young Pompey wanted to kill Cicero, and 
was with difficulty restrained by Cato 
(cp. Plut. Cat. min. 55). This is probably 
what Cicero alludes to when he says, 
Marcell. 15, nam et in hoc ordine integra 
re multa de pace dizi, et in ipso bello 
eadem etiam cum capitis met periculo sensi. 
Cicero then crossed over to Italy so as to 
be ready to meet Caesar (who he thought 
would return at once), and use what- 
ever influence he might have in the 
interests of peace. Doubtless the extreme 
party of the Pompeians had given vent 
to expressions of bitter contempt at this— 
as they considered—pusillanimous con- 


D. prid. Non. Nov. Brundisio. 


duct on the part of Cicero; and these are 
what Cicero means by iniuriae. At the 
time when this letter was written the 
Pompeians had gone to Africa and were: 
re-organizing their forces, while Caesar 
was staying at Alexandria instead of re- 

turning straight to Italy. So Cicero was 

full of anxiety, lest, after all, perhaps, in: 
the final issue of the war the Pompeians 
might prevail, and then he would find 
it hard to explain his conduct. Besides. 
he had information that he was being 

calumniated to Caesar. Uncertainty as 
to what to do and which party would 
ultimately be victor runs through all the 
letters which Cicero wrote from Brundi- 

sium. The plural (ceperimus) may perhaps 

be due to Cicero’s thinking of his position 

as a public man: for such plurals cp. 

Conway 17 ff. 

In viam quod te des| ‘that you should 
travel,’ lit. ‘take to the road’: cp. dant: 
8686 in fugam, Verr. iv. 95. Cp. 321. 2, 
ne me dem incertae et pertculosae fugae. 

non tutum| ‘The disorder of the times. 
had rendered travelling most insecure, 
especially for Pompeians. M. Antonius 
had been left as governor of Italy, and 
does not appear to have been attending to- 
his business very well. 


286 EP. 416 (ATT. XI. 5). 


416. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x1, 5) 


[BRUNDISIUM; NOVEMBER 4; A, U. C. 7063 B. C. 463 ABET. CIC. 58. 


M. Cicero redux in Italiam post pugnam Pharsalicam de misera condicione sua 


queritur amicumque rogat ut quibus ipsi videatur litteras suo nomine conscribat, de 
Vatinio, de Q. fratre. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Quae me causae moverint, quam acerbae, quam graves, 
quam novae, coégerintque impetu magis quodam animi uti quam 
cogitatione non possum ad te sine maximo dolore scribere: fue- 
runt quidem tantae ut id quod vides effecerint. Itaque nec 
quid ad te scribam de meis rebus nec quid a te petam reperio. 
Rem et summam negoti vides. Equidem ex tuis litteris intellexi 
et 115 quas communiter cum aliis scripsisti et iis quas tuo nomine, 
quod etiam mea sponte videbam, te subita re quasi debilitatum 
novas rationes tuendi mei quaerere. 2. Quod scribis placere ut 
propius accedam iterque per oppida noctu faciam, non sane video 
-quem ad modum fierl possit. Neque enim ita apta habeo de- 
vorsoria ut tota tempora diurna in 115 possim consumere, neque 
ad id quod quaeris multum interest utrum me homines in 


oppido videant an in via. 


Sed tamen hoc ipsum sicut alia con- 


siderabo quem ad modum commodissime fieri posse videatur. 


The reference to the wrongs done to 
Cicero by Quintus, and the uncertainty 
what course he was to pursue (nec quid a 
te petam reperio, § 1) seem to show, as 
Schmidt (p. 199) points out, that this 
letter was written on the same day as 
415. 

1. Quae me causae moverint| “ what 
cruel, weighty, and unprecedented rea- 
sons induced me to act on impulse rather 
than on reflection’: cp. note on 415. 

Rem et summam negoti] ‘the whole 
state of the case.’ 

ex tuis litteris| Here, as occasionally 
(Leg. Manil. 4), ditterae is used for more 
letters than one. 

subita re] ‘by the suddenness of the 
step I took in returning to Italy.’ ᾿ 

novas| ‘new,’ or perhaps ‘ excep- 
tional.’ 


2. devorsoria| ‘lodging-places.’ Cicero 
had some such places at different times, 
e.g. at Tarracina, Fam. vii. 23. 3 (126), 
and possibly at Sinuessa, Att. xvi. 10 
(901), Fam. xii. 20 (930); Anagnia, 
505. 1; Cales, 319.1. In Att. iv. 12 (125) 
devorsorium is used for ‘an inn.’ It is 
essentially a place for temporary, not 
continuous, sojourn: cp. Fam. vi. 19. 1 
(648), nam et villa et amoenitas illa 
commorationis est non devorsori, where 
see note. 

ad id quod quaeris | 
securing privacy.’ 
suitable lodges (between the towns) in 
which to spend the whole day, he would 
have to travel by day, and it would be as 
dangerous for him to be recognized on the 
journey as in any of the towns between 
Brundisium and Rome. 


‘with a view to 


If Cicero had not. 


$ 
ἢ 
5 
A 
: 
g 


EP. 417 (FAM. XIV. 19). 287 


3. Ego propter incredibilem et animi et corporis molestiam con- 
ficere pluris litteras non potui: iis tantum rescripsi a quibus 
acceperam. Tu velim et Basilo et quihus praeterea videbitur, 
etiam Servilio conscribas, ut tibi videbitur, meo nomine. Quod 
tanto intervallo nihil omnino ad vos scripsi, his litteris profecto 
intellegis rem mihi desse de qua scribam, non voluntatem. 
4. Quod de Vatinio quaeris, neque illius neque cuiusquam mihi 
praeterea officium desset, si reperire possent qua in re me iuva- 
rent. Quintus aversissimo a me animo Patris fuit. Kodem 
Corcyra filius venit. Inde profectos eos una cum ceteris arbitror. 


417. CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. χιν. 19). 


BRUNDISIUM } NOVEMBER 273 A. U. G. 7063 B.C. 48 ; AET. CIC, 58. 


M. Cicero dolet de valetudine Tulliae, se multis rebus impediri quo minus propius 


ad urbem accedat significat. 


TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE 5. Ὁ. 


In maximis meis doloribus excruciat me valetudo Tulliae 


nostrae,. 


3. corporis molestiam] The climate of 

Brundisium was unhealthy: see Att. xi. 
22. 2 (446) and Caesar B.C. 11. 2. 3. 

conficere pluris litteris| For conficere 
litteras cp. Att. xii. 88. 3 (5682); xiii. 
26. 2 (591). 

Basiio| J. Minucius Basilus, who had 
served under Caesar in Gaul, and seems 
to have remained faithful to him during 
the civil war, ultimately joined the con- 
spiracy against him, and was afterwards 
murdered by his own slaves: cp. Fam. 
vi. 15 (699) and note. 

Servilio| P. Servilius Isauricus was 
now colleague with Caesar in the consul- 
ship. See Introd. mu. No. 14. Cicero 
wrote several letters (Fam. xiii. 66 to 72) 
to him when he was proconsul of Asia in 
46. 


meo nomine| Cp. Att. 111. 15. 8 (78) ; 


407. 4; 428. 5. 
4, de Vatinio] who was now governor of 
Brundisium: cp, Caesar B. C. iii. 100. 2. 
neque illius}| There does not seem to be 
any reason for regarding these words as 
ironical. Vatinius was a good-hearted 


De qua nihil est quod ad te plura scribam: tibi enim 


fellow, though perhaps not very scrupu- 
lous, and appears to have borne Cicero no 
lasting grudge for his scathing Interro- 
gatio: cp. vol. V, Introd. 11, No.1. 

aversissimo] ‘ showed the bitterest ill- 
feeling towards me.’ 

Patris| For Quintus at Patrae cp. 
425. 1. 

venit] After the stormy meeting at 
Corcyra Cicero appears to have gone to 
Patrae before he returned to Italy: 
cp. 423. 2, initio navigationis; also 512. 1, 
et Patris cum aliquotiens antea tum prox- 
ime hoc miserrimo bello domus etus tota 
mihi patuit. 

profectos| ‘1 fancy they have gone to 
Asia with other Pompeians,’ to make 
their peace with Caesar: see 418. 7. 
Hofmann supposes that at this time 
Cicero thought Quintus and his son had 
gone to Africa with the other Pompeians, 
but that he soon after (418. 7) learned 
that Quintus had gone to Caesar. 


Tulliae| Cp. 418.4. This letter was 
written on the same day as 418, as ap- 


288 EP, 418 (ATT. XI. 6). 


aeque magnae curae esse certo scio. Quod me propius -vultis 
accedere, video ita esse faciendum ; et iam ante fecissem, sed me 
multa impediverunt, quae ne nunc quidem expedita sunt. Seda 
Pomponio exspecto litteras, quas ad me quam primum perferendas 


cures velim. Da operam ut valeas. 


4115: CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr, x1, 6). 


BRUNDISIUM 3; NOVEMBER 27 (8 7) ; A. U. 6. 7063 B. 6. 483 
ABT. CIC. 68. 


M. Cicero Attico se consolanti rescribit se numquam paenituisse quod discesserit ab: 
armis, sed tamen malle se in oppido aliquo resedisse, Brundisii iacere sibi molestum 
esse, operam dari vult ut a Caesare restituatur, de exitu Pompeii, de Fannii, L. 
Lentuli aliorumque Pompeianorum sermonibus, de Q. fratre. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. DICIT. 


1. Sollicitum esse te cum de tuis communibusque fortunis tum 
maxime de me ac de dolore meo sentio: qui quidem meus dolor 
non modo non minuitur cum socium sibi adiungit dolorem tuum 
sed etiam augetur. Omnino pro tua prudentia sentis qua conso- 
latione levari maxime possim. Probas enim meum consilium 
negasque mihi quicquam tali tempore potius faciendum fuisse. 
Addis etiam—quod etsi mihi levius est quam tuum iudicium, 
tamen non est leve—ceteris quoque, id est qui pondus habeant, 


factum nostrum probari. 


pears from the similarity of topics: cp. 
418. 4 (illness of Tullia): 418. 2 propius 
accedere: 418.7 expectation of letter from 
Atticus. See Schmidt, p. 209. 

quod me... accedere| Cp. 416. 2. 

multa| e.g. the lictors which he still 
had with him: cp. 418. 2, Propius acce- 
dere, ut suades, quo modo sine lictoribus 
quos populus dedit possum? qui mihi 
incolumi adimi non possunt. Manutius re- 
marks that Cicero writes more cautiously, 
and less explicitly, to a woman than to a 
prudent man like Atticus. 


1. de tuis communibusque fortunis] The 


Id si ita putarem, levius dolerem. 


special anxiety of Atticus for his own 
fortunes was probably concerned with the 
financial situation. Sternkopf (p. 22) 
points out that the accession of Dolabella 
to the tribunate (Dec. 10) was at hand, 
and he had doubtless given indications of 
the line of policy concerning abolition of 
debts which he afterwards carried out. 
Besides, Caesar’s lack of money must 
have afforded indications that he would 
resort to forced loans, as he did subse- 
quently : cp. Dio Cass. xlii. 50 (quoted by 
Hofmann): though he did not exact any 
such loans from Atticus (Nepos Att. 7.3). 
si ita putarem] sc. esse. 


~ minui dolorem meum. 


senators were found to 


EP. 418 (ATT. XI. 6). 


289 


2. ‘Crede,’ inquis, ‘ mihi.’ Credo equidem, sed scio quam cupias 


Me discessisse ab armis numquam paeni- 


 tuit: tanta erat in illis crudelitas, tanta cum barbaris gentibus 
_ coniunctio ut non nominatim sed generatim proscriptio esset 
informata, ut iam omnium iudicio constitutum esset omnium 
vestrum bona praedam esse illius victoriae, ‘ vestrum’ plane dico: 
numquam enim de te ipso nisi crudelissime cogitatum est. 
Qua re voluntatis me meae numquam paenitebit : consili paenitet. 
In oppido aliquo mallem resedisse quoad accerserer ; minus 
sermonis subissem, minus accepissem doloris, ipsum hoc me non 


2. “ Crede,’ inquis, “ mihi’ | Cp. note to 
849. 1. Cicero always, except in two 
places, Att. v. 10. 1 (198); 349. 1, writes 
mihi crede; his correspondents usually 
write crede mihi. Here, however, the 
erede mihi of Atticus was not the paren- 
thetical phrase of familiar discourse, but 
an assurance that he was sincere when he 
said he thought Cicero had taken the 
right course. 

discessisse ab armis| ‘ I never regretted 
leaving Pompey’s camp.’ 

in ilis crudelitas! ‘the atrocious de- 
signs of the Pompeians,’ especially the 
design to starve out Italy : 362. 4; 364. 2. 

cum barbaris gentibus] Cp. 342. 2, 4; 
365. 3; also with Juba of Numidia: cp. 
418. 2; 420. 3; 464. 3. Alliance with 
this barbarian prince was regarded as 
unworthy of Romans: cp. Lucan vii. 
526 civilia bella non bene barbaricis un- 
quam commissa catervis. It was perhaps 
on this ground that Marcellus objected 
early in January to the proposal that 
Juba be made ‘an ally and friend’ of 
the Roman people: cp. Caes. B.C. i. 
6.4. Juba’s arrogance was intolerable 
(Plut. Cato min. 57). Caesar notices, 
plainly with contempt, that some Roman 
fs tollow in the 
_ train of Juba when he entered as victor 
- into Utica (B. C. ii. 44. 3). That 
_ Ligarius associated himself after Pompey’s 
death with a foreign king like Juba 
_ against the Roman people was the real 

_ ground on which Tubero preferred his 
charge against him in the trial in which 
Cicero made his famous speech Pro 
Ligario (see Quintilian xi. 1. 80, and 
Introduction 11, No. 8). 

informata| ‘a plan was sketched out 
for a proscription of whole classes, not 
merely of individuals.’ 


VOL. IV. 


vestrum] ‘ofall of you’ who remained 
in Italy. 

voluntatis] ‘my resolve’ to abandon 
the struggle: consili, ‘my mode of 
action ’ in carrying it out by returning to 
Brundisium: cp. 538. 5, Quo quidem 
tempore non ego causam nostram sed con- 
siliwm improbabam. (For Cicero’s un- 
certainty as to whether he had taken a 
wise course in coming to Brundisium, cp. 
420.4; 422.1; 423.1; 429.13 430.1, 2; 
431.2; 441.24.) Whenhe then goes on to 
say he ought to have ‘waited in some 
town’ until he was sent for by Caesar, 
the word oppidum plainly does not refer 
to Brundisium. Hence it is inferred that 
by oppido aliguo he means some town out 
of Italy, but this cannot be supplied, 
except in so far as resedisse implies it, “1 
should have stayed where I was in some 
town,’ and not crossed the sea back to 
Brundisium. Possibly we should read 
alio quo for aliquo, i.e. other than Brun- 
disium: cp. the emphatic position of 
Brundisi in the next sentence but one. 
Or it might be <Achaico. If the first 
syllable were lost (as in alia for Italia, 
425. 2, quos for aliguos, 428. δ), -aico 
might have been corrupted into aligquo. 

accerserey| So MW. See Adn. Crit. 
Cicero very rarely uses this form. Miller 
quotes Att. xvi. 11. 4 (799), accersivi ; 
ad Brut. i. 5. 3 (852), accersendi; Fam. 
vii. 10. 1 (161), accersitum: cp. Neue- 
Wagener ili.? 241, and Kritz on Sall. 
Cat. 40.6. Cicero can hardly have got 
Dolabella’s missive before he came to 
Brundisium, though he says he did (420. 
2): for if so, he might have fairly re- 
garded it as a ‘summons.’ 

ipsum hoc} ‘my present condition,’ 
i.e. that of regret for having come to © 
Brundisium and anxiety for the future. ἡ 


U 


290 


angeret. 


EP. 418 (ATT. XI. 6). 


Brundisi iacere in omnis partis est molestum. Propius 


accedere, ut suades, quo modo sine lictoribus quos populus dedit 


possum ? qui mihi incolumi adimi non possunt. Quos ego tnont 


paullisper cum bacillis in turbam conieci ad oppidum accedens, 


ne quis impetus militum fieret. 


tRecipio tempore me domo te 


nuncf. 3. Ad Oppium et Balbum scripsi [et] quonam iis placeret 


in omnis partis}! Cp. 536. 2, idgue in 
omnis partis valeret, ‘in every respect,’ 
‘however one looks at it.’ 

incolumi] ‘without depriving me of 
my political rights.’ To take away his 
-lictors would be to deprive him of his 
imperium, which he held as a political 
right conferred by due course of law (qwos 
populus dedit). ; 

tnon] Sothe mss. The usual reading 
is nunc. But Cicero had been more than 
a month at Brundisium. Dr. Reid sug- 
gests modo, ‘lately.’ Possibly tamen, 
‘even though I had a constitutional 
right to my lictors.’ Sternkopf (p. 23) 
retains von and takes it with paullisper, 
‘no inconsiderable time,’ ‘a good long 
while.’ Lehmann omits zon. For non 
erroneously added in codices cp. Att. il. 
23. 3 (50), [mon] ingrederis; 377. ὃ, 
[non] huius ΜΙ. 

cum bacillis} ‘with staves.” Each 
lictor had a single staff, and not a bundle 
of staves (fasces). This staff was what 
was carried by the lictor of a municipal 
magistrate. The editors compare De Lege 
Agr. 11. 93, anteibant (duumviris Capuae) 
lictores non cum bacillis, sed ut hie prae- 
toribus anteeunt, cum fascibus duobus. 
Cicero was afraid that he might provoke 
an exhibition of hostile feeling from the 
Caesarean garrison (militwm) in Brun- 
disium. 

in turbam conieci| “1 caused to mingle 
with the crowd’: cp. Phil. vi. 10, 
Plancum qui... condemnatus nescio quo 
modo se coniecit in turbam (‘mixed him- 
self up with the crowd of returning 
exiles’) atqgue ita maestus rediit ut re- 
tractus non reversus videretur; Sest. 9, 
cum is... 86 quast armorum studio in 
maximam familiam se coniecisset, ‘had 
become a member of a great band of 
gladiators.’ 

Recipio... nunc] This passage is not 
yet emended. The best conjecture, we 
think, is that of Hofmann, approved by 
Sternkopf (p. 24), Religuo (already 
suggested by Ernesti) tempore me domo 


tenui. For 86 domo tenere cp. Red. in 
Sen. 29, De Dom. 6. Boot conjectures 
Recipiam (sc. lictores) tempore idoneo. 
Mitte nunc. In our previous edition we 
read Recipio tempore me domum, ‘I intend 
to return to Rome as soon as possible’ 
(for domum = Romam cp. note to Att. 
vi. 5. 1 (269) ; and Lehmann, pp. 73, 74). 
Mitte nunc, accepting the latter from 
Boot, and the former almost from Corra- 
dus, except that he does not add domum, 
which Ursinus says is in a ‘liber vetus.’ 
(For this use of mitte see 402. 5). But 
none of these is quite satisfactory. Cicero’s 
expression for going to Rome at this 
time is propius accedere (416. 2; 417; 
442.2; 446. 2). For some other emen- 
dations see Adn. Crit. 

et Balbum scripsi| These words were 
added by Lehmann; but almost the same 
were suggested by Lambinus, Zu nune 
ad Balbum et Oppium, quoniam iis pla- 
ceret me propius accedere. ‘The correction 
Oppium for oppidum already appears in 
Cratander’s margin. Oppius and Balbus 
are constantly coupled together (420. 5; 
422.15; 429.2; 484.1): ep. Introd. ΤΙ, 
Nos. 4 and 5. 

quonam| So Boot and Lehmann for 
quoniam. But the sentence looks as if 
modo means ‘ way,” ‘manner.’ Stern- 
Κορὲ (p. 24) reads ecquonam <cum> his 
(i.e. the lictors) placeret modo propius 


accedere ut hac de re considerarent, ‘to- 


consider this point, whether in any way 
they would approve of my going nearer 
Rome with these lictors’; and this has 
the merit of retaining his, the reading of 
all the mss., except OR, which have iis; 
and we must read iis if we refer the 
word to Balbus and Oppius. But it is 
possible that Lambinus is virtually right 
(see iast note), and that we should read Tu 
nunc ad « Balbum scribe et ad> Oppium, 
quoniam tis placeret modo <me> propius 
accedere, &c., taking modo as ‘recently’ 
in opposition to mune. But then Recipio 
- + - . domo remains unexplained. For 
nunc and modo opposed cp. 488. 2 fin, 


EP. 418 (ATT. XI. 6). 291 


modo propius accedere ut hac de re considerarent. Credo fore 
auctores, Sic enim recipiunt, Caesari non modo de conservanda 
sed etiam de augenda mea dignitate curae fore, meque hortantur 
ut magno animo sim, ut omnia summa sperem: ea spondent, 
confirmant, quae quidem mihi exploratiora essent, si remansissem. 
Sed ingero praeterita. Vide, quaeso, igitur ea quae restant et 
explora cum istis et, si putabis opus esse et si istis placebit, quo 
magis factum nostrum Caesar probet quasi de suorum sententia 
factum, adhibeantur T'rebonius, Pansa, si qui alii, scribantque ad 
Caesarem me quidquid fecerim de sua sententia fecisse. 4. Tulliae 
meae morbus et imbecillitas corporis me exanimat, quam tibi 
intellego magnae curae esse, quod est mihi gratissimum. 95. De 
Pompei exitu mihi dubium numquam fuit. Tanta enim despe- 
ratio rerum eius omnium regum et populorum animos occuparat 
ut quocumque venisset hoc putarem futurum. Non possum eius 
casum non dolere: hominem enim integrum et castum et gravem 


cognovi. 


Credo fore auctores] ‘I think they 
will recommend my doing so’ (i.e. going 
to Rome). 

Sic enim recipiunt| ‘they guarantee 
that Caesar will devote himself not only 
to the maintenance, but to the enhance- 
ment, of my dignity.’ In de augenda 
dignitate he refers to a triumph, which 
he still keeps before his eyes, and in 
view of which he will not dismiss his 
embarrassing lictors. For alicui curae 
esse de cp. § 4, and de Tirone mihi curae 
est, Att. xii. 49. 2 (597). 

spondent, confirmant| For the asynde- 
ton, see on pipulo, convicio, Q. Fr. ii. 10.1 
(133). 

exploratiora| ‘better assured.’ 

ingero praeterita| ‘I am forcing on 
your consideration what belongs to the 

_ past,’ his chances of a triumph. For 
_ingero in this sense cp. Tac. Ann. ii. 

79.5; Hist. iv. 78. 1. 

τ΄ quae restant] ‘the future,’ his chances 

of being allowed to return to Rome 
~ unmolested. 

᾿ς -Trebonius, Pansa| For Trebonius see 

Introd. τι, No. 1. He was then praetor 
urbanus. Pansa also perhaps held a 
praetorship at this time. He was after- 
wards consul in 43. For him see Index, 
and Introd. to vol. VI. 


6. De Fannio consoler te? 


Perniciosa loquebatur de 


4. Tulliae meae morbus| Cp. 417. 

5. mihi dubium| “1 had no doubt’ 
that he would be killed, as everyone 
would be afraid to give him a refuge. 
The lack of emotion in this reflection on 
the death of his old leader has often been 
noticed. ‘I knew him to be an upright 
and pure and serious man.’ But it is the 
grave and sober judgment of a disillu- 
sioned but not embittered man. Pompey 
was murdered near Alexandria the day 
before his 58th birthday, September 28, 
48. He is said to have spoken kindly of 
Cicero in his last days. Cicero saw the 
future (he said) better, but he himself 
had hoped for better things (Phil. ii. 39). 
Doubtless Cicero did not know this until 
long after. 

6. Fannio| In the Civil War there 
was a Fannius who was first sent as — 
propraetor to Sicily (311. 2), but soon 
after appears as governor of Asia 
(cp. Josephus Ant. xiv. 10.13). It is 
generally supposed that this is the 
Fannius referred to here. But it is not 
certain. A Fannius appears in Phil. xiii. 
13, who may well have been this 
Fannius. If so, we must suppose that 
the rumour of his death at this time was 
false. 


U2 


\ 


292 EP, 418 (ATT. XI. 6). 

mansione tua. L. vero Lentulus Hortensi domum 510] et Caesaris 
hortos et Baias desponderat. Omnino haec eodem modo ex hac 
parte fiunt, nisi quod illud erat infinitum. Omnes enim qui in 
Italia manserant hostium numero habebantur. Sed velim haec 
-aliquando solutiore animo. 7. Quintum fratrem audio profec- 
tum in Asiam ut deprecaretur. De filio nihil audivi. Sed quaere 
-ex Diochare, Caesaris liberto, quem ego non vidi, qui istas 


Alexandrea litteras attulit. 
an iam in Asia. 


quas velim cures quam primum ad me perferendas. 


Decembr. 


de mansione tua] ‘ His language was 
most threatening (cp. 470.3; Lig. 33) 
about your staying in Italy,’ and not 
joining Pompey. 

L.vero Lentulus| L. Cornelius Lentulus 
Crus had been consul in 49. He met his 
death in Egypt shortly after Pompey’s 
murder (Caes. B. Ο. iii. 104. 3). 

Baias] ‘an estate at Baiae.? So he 
calls his property at Caieta, Caietam, 
not Caietanum, in Att. 1. 4, ὃ (9), and 
Misenum means his ‘ estate at Misenum,’ 
392. 10: ep. Phil. 11. 48: ep. note to 
333. 6 fin. 

nisi quod] ‘except that the threaten- 
ing on the Pompeian side knew no limits’: 
ep Atiem. 1.1127) ham si, 1,2 
(199); Tac. Ann. 1. 33 fin.; Kritz on 
Sall. Jug. 95. 2; nist guia, Plaut. Rud. 
1025. ‘This elliptico-adversative use of 
nist (for which see Tyrrell’s note on 
Plaut. Mil. 24) is common in the comic 
drama, not very rare in Cicero’s letters 
(see note to 437. 1), and is found in his 
early speeches, as in nescio; nisi hoc 
video, Rosc. Am. 99. We have nescio : 


Is dicitur vidisse Quintum euntem 
Tuas litteras, prout res postulat, exspecto: 


Tal. 


nisi scio, Plaut. Rud. 751; nescio: nisi 
credo, Ter. Eun. 827. 

velim ... solutiore animo| ‘we must 
talk this over when our minds are easier.’ 
This certainly seems the most natural 
meaning. For the ellipse of disseremus,. 
or some such word, cp. the common 
phrase Sed haee coram, Att. ii. 17. ὃ (44). 
We hardly think that the words mean 


‘but I hope that these sentiments of the 
Pompeians will some time become less. 


violently conceived,’ though that mean- 
ing is just possible. 


7. Alexandrea| ‘from Alexandria.’ 


This is the proper correction of the 


Alexandreas of the mss., as Cicero would 
have used Alexandrinas for the adjective : 
cp. nunttis Brundisinis, 348. 1. 

Js dicitur| ‘Diochares is reported to 


have seen the young Quintus on the 
journey to Asia; or was it after his. 


arrival there?’ Diochares was a letter- 
carrier of Caesar’s: cp. Att. xiii. 45, 1 
(662). For this use of am, see on Att. 1. 
3. 2 (8). 


EP. 420 (ATT XI. 7). 


293 


419. CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. χιν. 9). 


BRUNDISIUM ; DECEMBER 17 PROBABLY; A. U. C. 7063 B.C. 48; 
AET. CIC. 58. 


M. Cicero de Dolabellae valetudine et de Tulliae dolet. 


TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE S. PLURIMAM. 


Ad ceteras meas miserias accessit dolor et de Dolabellae vale- 


tudine et de Tulliae. 
capiam nec quid faciam 8010. 
nem cures. Vale. 


Omnino de omnibus rebus nec quid consili 
Tu velim tuam et Tulliae valetudi- 


420. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. x1. 7). 


BRUNDISIUM ; DECEMBER 17 (ὃ 8) ; A. U. 6. 7063 B.C. 483; AET. CIC. 58. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit de eo quod Romae de lictoribus suis actum sit, de 
existimatione bonorum ; de Tullia, de Q. filio, de Q, fratre, de litterarum commercio. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Gratae tuae mihi litterae sunt, quibus accurate perscripsisti 


omnia quae ad me pertinere arbitratus es. 


et de Dolabellae valetudine et de Tulliae| 
This is the reading of HDF adopted by 
Baiter. It is certainly to be retained. 
Wesenberg (Em. Alt. 49) wishes to ex- 
tract from dolor et Dolabeliae (as is read 
by M) dolor ex Doladellae, giving numerous 
examples of dolor (dolere) ex, e.g. Fam. 
xvi. 21. 3 (786), and inscriptions such as 
that of Cremona (C.[.L. v. 4113) maTER 
MONVMENTVM FECIT MAEKENS FILIO | EX 
QVO NIHIL VMQVAM DOLVIT NISE CVM IS 
NON FVIT. 


Et factum ... comprobare| We have 
adopted the reading of Sternkopf (p. 25). 
M has est for es (in the preceding sen- 
tence) ; ea for Et; ut for tw; and does not 
give et placere. Boot conjectures es. 
Facetum est igitur ut scribis placere [iisdem 
istis| lictoribus me uti; and Schmidt (p. 
210) Factum igitur nostrum (sc. my return 


Et factum igitur tu 


to Italy: cp. 418. 3) scribis istis placere, 
iisdem istis [sc. placere| lictoribus me uti. 
He brackets [ea]. For Madvig’s restora- 
tion of the passage, which supposes that 
there is a large omission, see Adn. 
Crit. But the few alterations made by 
Sternkopf are slight, and the corruption 
of them more easily explicable than in 
the case of the other emendations. Adopt- 
ing his reading, the argument seems to be 
this (see Essays presented to William 
Ridgeway, p. 68): Balbus and Oppius (you 
say) approve of my retaining my lictors, 
as a similar permission has been granted 
to Sestius; but Sestius’s lictors cannot be 
regarded as having belonged to him by 
virtue of his imperium prior to the order 
of Caesar, but to have been lictors subse- 
quently granted to him by Caesar (ab ipso 
datos). For Caesar disallows all the 
decrees of the Senate after the departure 
of the tribunes (on January 7, 49), and 


294 DE. ae0 (ATT UAL Th 


scribis istis placere, e¢ placere iisdem istis lictoribus me uti, quod 
concessum Sestio sit; cui non puto suos esse concessos sed ab ipso 
datos. Audio enim eum ea senatus consulta improbare quae post 
discessum tribunorum facta sunt. Qua re poterit, si volet sibi 
constare, nostros lictores comprobare. 2. Quamquam quid ego de 
lictoribus qui paene ex Italia decedere sim iussus? Nam ad me 
misit Antonius exemplum Caesaris ad se litterarum, in quibus erat 
se audisse Catonem et L. Metellum in Italiam venisse Romae ut 
essent palam: id sibi non placere ne qui motus ex eo fierent, 
prohiberique omnis Italia nisi quorum ipse causam cognovisset : 
deque eo vehementius erat scriptum. Itaque Antonius petebat a 
me per litteras ut sibi ignoscerem: facere se non posse quin 118 


a 


litteris pareret. 


Sestius did not get his imperium until 
after that date. But the fact that 
Caesar disallows the decrees posterior to 
that date may be taken as evidence that 
he allows that all the decrees prior to the 
same date are legal and in due form: 
therefore he should, in order to be con- 
sistent, allow me to retain my lictors. 
Sestius was intended to be the successor 
of Cicero in Cilicia: and he does appear 
to have gone there in the autumn of 50: 
cp. 302. 5, where see note. But during 
all the latter part of that year no legal 
and formal assignation of the provinces 
seems to have been made: cp. Att. vii. 
7. 5 (298), written about Dec. 20, 50: 
Senatum bonum putas per quem sine im- 
perio provinciae sunt ?—nunquam enim 
Curio sustinursset st cum 60 σὲ coeptum 
esset ; quam sententiam senatus sequi noluit 
[cp. tor putting pressure on a tribune 
Fam. vill, 13. 2 (271) and 8.6 (223)]. 
Accordingly Sestius had not the imperium 
during his visit to Cilicia. He was back 
again in Italy in January, 49: ep. 315.2; 
and it is stated in 350. 3, written on 
March 3, 49, that he then had the im- 
perium. So it is probable that he, and 
perhaps two others mentioned in that 
passage (Fannius and Voconius), obtained 
their imperium within the first two months 
of the year, after January 7, on which day 
the senatus consultum ultimum had been 
passed. 
Plutarch (Brut. 4) should consider that 
Sestius was governor of Cilicia in the 
latter part of 50. He says of Brutus: eis 


Hence it is quite excusable that . 


Tum ad eum misi L. Lamiam qui demonstraret 


Κιλικίαν [Mss. Σικελίαν : corr. Voegelin] 
ἔπλευσε πρεσβευτὴς μετὰ Σηστίου τοῦ 
λαχόντος τὴν ἐπαρχίαν : for Sestius was 
governor de facto, if only for a short 
time, though not strictly de iure. 

2. erat] 1.6. seriptum erat: cp. 402. 1 
erat enim sic in tuis latteris. 

Catonem] Cato had not returned to 
Italy, but had gone, after Pharsalia, to 
Corcyra, and thence to Africa. 

L. Metellum| ‘This was the tribune 
who tried to prevent Caesar from opening 
the Treasury in April, 49: cp. 382. 8; 
392. 6. The report was that they had 
come to Italy with the intention of living 
openly at Rome. 

ipse causam cognovisset| ‘those whose 
claims Caesar himself has examined (and 
approved); and that on this point he 
expressed himself rather strongly.’ 

ut sibi ignoscerem| an example of the 
very conciliatory tone adopted by Antony 
towards Cicero: see on 395. 1. 

L. Lamiam] a very particular friend 
of Cicero: cp. Fam. xi. 16. 2 (888) Hoe 
(sc. L. Lamia) ego utor uno omnium pluri- 
mum. Magna vetustas, magna consuetudo 
intercedit : quodque plurimum valet, nihil 
mihi eius est familiaritate iucundius. 
Magno praeterea beneficio eius magnoque 
merito sum obligatus. Nam Clodianis 
temporibus, cum equestris ordinis princeps 
esset proqgue mea salute acerrime. propug- 
naret, a Gabinio consule relegatus est: 
quod ante id tempus ciwi Romano Romae 
contigit nemini, Hoe cum populus Ro- 
manus meminit, me ipsum non meminisse 


EP. 420 (ATT. XI. 7). 295 


illum Dolabellae dixisse ut ad me scriberet ut in Italiam quam 
primum venirem; eius me litteris venisse. Tum 1116 edixit ita ut 
me exciperet et Laelium nominatim; quod sane nollem: poterat 
enim sine nomine res ipsa excipi. 3. O multas et gravis offen- 
siones ! quas quidam tu das operam ut lenias. Nec tamen nihil 
proficis: quin hoc ipso minuis dolorem meum quod ut minuas 
tam valde laboras, idque velim ne gravere quam saepissime facere. 
Maxime autem adsequere quod vis, si me adduxeris ut existimem 
me bonorum iudicium non funditus perdidisse. Quamquam quid 
tu in eo potesP Nihil scilicet. Sed si quid res dabit tibi facul- 
tatis, id me maxime consolari poterit: quod nune quidem video 
non esse, sed si quid, ex eventis, et hoc nune accidit. Dicebar 
debuisse cum Pompeio proficisci; exitus illius minuit eius offici 
praetermissi reprehensionem. Sed ex omnibus nihil magis tamen 
desideratur guam quod in Africam non ierim. Ludicio hoe sum 
usus, non esse barbaris auxiliis fallacissimae gentis rem publicam 
defendendam, praesertim contra exercitum saepe victorem. Non 


430. 2. 


probant fortasse. 


turpissimum. This is a passage which 
also shows how Cicero always cherished 
feelings of gratitude towards those who 
had done him service. 

eius me litteris venisse| Cp. note to 
418. 2, quoad accerserer. 

Laelium| Cp. 331. 3; 348.1; 429.1; 
He was the accuser of Flaccus, 
whom Cicero defended, and a very parti- 
cular friend of Pompey: cp. Flacc. 14. 
He commanded the Asiatic ships of 
Pompey’s fleet in 48 (Caes. B.C. ili. 5. 3), 
and about the time of the battle of Phar- 
salia blockaded Brundisium (ib. 100) with 
considerable resolution. Like Cassius and 
Cicero (448. 1), he appears to have 
determined as regards further participa- 
tion in the war to be guided by the result 
of the first important engagement. 

res ipsa excipi| ‘An exception could 
have been made in our case without men- 
tioning us by name.’ Cicero would thus 
have avoided incurring odium with the 
Pompeians, and yet it would not have 
prevented his leaving Italy, which the 
present decree did; see on exceptionibus 
retinear, 423. 1. 

3. Nee tamen| ‘and after all (even in 
the face of the objectionable exceptio 


Multos enim viros bonos in Africam venisse 


nominatim) you are succeeding in this to 
some extent.’ 

iudicium| ‘the good opinion’ of the 
Optimates. Cp. Fam. xiii. 46 (921); 
Pliny Ep. x. 4. 6 (where Dr. Hardy 
gives many examples) ; and note to Fam. 
x. 1. 4 (787). So existimatio sometimes 
means bona existimatio, ‘good name,’ 
‘ credit,’ ‘ honour.’ 

quod nune quidem video non 6686] “1 see 
that this (my winning the approval of the 
boni) is now impossible ; the only chance 
that it should ever be possible is the 
chance of its being brought about by some 
unforeseen occurrence, like that which 


‘has just happened. For instance, it was 


said that I ought to have left Italy with 
Pompey; his death mitigates the blame 
attaching to the neglect of that duty.’ 
hoc is the murder of Pompey. For eventa 
in the sense of ‘ chances,’ ‘ accidents,’ cp. 
its frequent use in Lucretius for the 
‘accidents’ (opp. to coniuncta, ‘ pro- 
perties ᾽) of matter, e.g. i. 449. 

desideratur | ‘is regretted,’ ‘is quoted 
as a lapse from duty’; lit. ‘is missed.’ 

Iudicio hoe sum usus| ‘this is the way 
I look at the question.° 

barbaris auxiliis] see on 418. 2, 


296 EP. 420 (ATT. XI. 7). 


audio et scio fuisse antea. Valde hoc loco urgeor. Hie quoque 
opus est casu, wt aliqui sint ex eis aut, si potest, omnes qui salutem 
anteponant. Nam si perseverant et obtinent, quid nobis futurum 
sit vides. Dices ‘Quid illis, si victi erunt?’ Honestior est 
plaga. Haec me excruciant. 4. Sulpici autem consilium non 
scripsistl cur meo non anteponeres: quod etsi non tam gloriosum 
est quam Catonis, tamen et periculo vacuum est et dolore. Ex- 
tremum est eorum qui in Achaia sunt. [1 tamen ipsi se hoc 
melius habent quam nos, quod et multisunt uno in loco et, cum in 
Tialiam venerint, domum statim venerint. Haec tu perge, ut 
facis, mitigare et probare quam plurimis. 5. Quod te excusas, 
ego vero et tuas causas nosco et mea interesse puto te istic esse, vel 
ut cum lis quibus oportebit agas quae erunt agenda de nobis, ut 
ea quae egisti; in primisque hoc velim animadvertas. Multos esse 
arbitror qui ad Caesarem detulerint delaturive sint me aut paeni- 
tere consili mei aut non probare quae fiant : quorum etsi utrum- 


hoe loco urgeor| ‘on this topic I am 
very hard pressed.’ For loco cp. ὃ 6. 
opus est casu| ‘here, too, nothing but 
chance can befriend me: I mean the 
chance that some, or, if possible, all (of 
those who have gone to Africa), should 
put their safety in the first place. For if 
they stand fast, and carry their point 
«hold their own), you see what will be- 
come of me (what an ignominious position 
I shall be in).’ Their refusal to engage 
in a hopeless struggle is the only thing 
which would place Cicero, who did not 
go to Africa, in a better position. Potest = 
Jjiert potest, as often in the letters; an- 
teponant is used absolutely: if anything 
is to be understood, it is probably not 
honestati, ‘fidelity to their cause’ (as 
Boot suggests), but something like omni- 
bus rebus (Att. ii. 16. 3 (48), Leg. Agr. 
ii. 9), the special idea being that of pre- 
ferring safety to a desperate and uncertain 
struggle. For anteponere used absolutely 
‘to put first’ cp. Att. xiv. 13. 1 (718) est 
mehercule utriusque loci tanta amoenitas ut 
dubitem utra anteponenda sit. We read ut 
with L (marg.) : other editors add si either 
before aliqui or sint. 
obtinent| Without acc. ‘ maintain their 
position,’ ‘prevail,’ ‘succeed,’ as_in 
expressions like fuma obtinet: ep. also 
Caelius Fam. viii. 6. 5 (242), de inter- 
calando non obtinuerat. 
Honestior est plaga| Their defeat, if 


faithful to their cause, would leave them 
in a better position than Cicero. It was 
never quite certain to Cicero how Caesar 
would treat his enemies if completely 
victorious. For the gradual successful 
reconstruction of the Pompeian party in 
Africa ep. 425.2; 426.1; 427.3; 429. 
1, 3; 430.1, 27 431. 

4. Sulpici| After the battle of Phar- 
salia he went to Asia and lived at Samos. 
For Servius Sulpicius cp. Introd. 11, 
No. 12. 

gioriosum| Cp. 346. 5. 

domum| ‘to Rome’ : cp. note to 418. 2. 
If they enter Italy, it can only be by 
permission of Caesar, and so they can 
repair to the city at once. 

5. Quod te excusas | 
Cicero in Brundisium. 

ego vero| ‘yes, 1 do recognize your 
reasons’: for ego vero indicating an 
answer to a question, cp. § 8; 338. 2; 
and often; see Index, 8. v. vero. 

vel] The other reason is given at the 
beginning of § 6, Alterwm est cur te nolim 
discedere. fb 

quorum etst utrumque| ‘though both 
statements are true, yet the report is 
circulated by them, not because they have 
ascertained it to be true, but through ill 


for not joining 


feeling towards me.’ For non quo cp. 333: 
4; 429.2; Att. iii. 19. (77)5 xvi22 


(755), and often. 


= 
F 
" 


EP. 420 (ATT. XI. 7). 297 


_ que verum est, tamen ab illis dicitur animo a me alienato, non quo 
ita esse perspexerint. Sed in eo est totum ut hoc Balbus sustineat 
et Oppius et eorum crebris litteris illius voluntas erga me confir- 
metur; et hoc plane ut fiat diligentiam adhibebis. 6. Alterum 
est cur te nolim discedere, quod scribis T. efflagitare. O rem 
miseram! quid scribam? aut quid velim? Breve faciam. Lacri- 
mae enim se subito profuderunt. Tibi permitto: tu consule. 
‘Tantum vide ne hoc tempore isti obesse aliquid possit. Ignosce, 
obsecro te: non possum prae fletu et dolore diutius in hoe loco 
commorari. Tantum dicam, nihil mihi gratius esse quam quod 
eam diligis. 7. Quod litteras quibus putas opus esse curas dandas 
facis commode. Quintum filium vidi qui Sami vidisset, patrem 
Sicyone: quorum deprecatio est facilis. Utinam illi qui prius 
illum viderint me apud eum velint adiutum tantum quantum ego 
illos vellem si quid possem! 8. Quod rogas ut in bonam partem 
accipiam si qua sint in tuis litteris quae me mordeant, ego vero in 
optimam, teque rogo ut aperte, quem ad modum facis, scribas 


ad me omnia idque facias quam saepissime. 


Tan. 


Sed in eo est] ‘ But everything depends 
on this, that Oppius and Balbus should 
take the matter on themselves, and that 
by frequent letters from them Caesar’s 
good will towards me should be fostered.’ 
4n eo est is added by Madvig, but he 
omits sed (A. C. iii. 187). 

6. Alterum est] ‘The other reason why 
_ I do not wish you to leave Rome is that, 

as you tell me, Tullia implores your as- 
sistance.’ Relations had become strained 
between Tullia and Dolabella, and a 
divorce appeared to be not unlikely: cp. 
437. 3. If we do not take 7. of the mss. 
for Tulliam—cp. QQ for ‘ Quintus, father 
and son,’ in 425. 1—we can read with 
Lambinus te flagitari, sc. a Tullia. T. 


Vale. x11 Kalend. 


can hardly refer to ‘Terentia, as Vict. 
suggested: for though Cic. at this time 
might have said vide ne iste obesse aliquid 
possit, he would hardly have said of her 
nihil mihi gratius esse quam quod ‘eam 


diligis. See also Adn. Crit. on this 
passage. 
isti| 50. Tulliae. 


in hoe loco commorari | 
longer on this topic’ (§ 3). 

7. patrem Sicyone] sc. vidi qui vt- 
disset. 

8. Quod rogas ut in bonam partem] 
‘you ask me to take kindly things which 
may give me pain in your letters ; indeed 
I will do so with all my heart.’ For ego 
vero cp. note to § 3. 


‘to dwell any 


298 


421. 


BRUNDISIUM ; 


DECEMBER 183 A. U. C. 7063 


EP, 421 (FAM. XIV. 17). 


CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. xtv. 17). 


Ὁ C. 483 AET. CIC. 58. 


M. Cicero Terentiam ex Lepta et Trebatio quo modo sit adfectus cognoscere iubet. 


TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE 5. Ὁ. 


S. V. B. BE. V. Si quid haberem quod ad te scriberem, facerem: 


id et pluribus verbis et saepius. 


Nune quae sint negotia vides. 


Ego autem quo modo sim adfectus ex Lepta et Trebatio poteris 
cognoscere. Tu fac ut tuam et Tulliae valetudinem cures, Vale. 


422, 


CICERO ΤΟΑ ΤΙ ρ (Arr τι, 8): 


BRUNDISIUM ; DECEMBER 18 (§ 2); A. U. 6. 106; B. C. 483 AET. CIC. 58. 


M. Cicero Attico de causa sua per Balbum et Oppium aliosque nuntios agenda scribit 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Quantis curis conficiar etsi profecto vides, tamen cognosces. 


ex Lepta et Trebatio. 


Maximas poenas pendo temeritatis meae, 


quam tu prudentiam mili videri vis, neque te deterreo quo minus 


This letter and the following were 
certainly written on the same day, and 
that day was probably December 18: see 
note to next letter. Cicero wrote these 
letters as an opportunity of forwarding 
them was afforded by the departure for 
Rome of Lepta and Trebatius. 

Lepta et Trebatio| These men had 
come to see Cicero at Brundisium, and 
had thence set out for Rome. Q. Lepta 
was Cicero’s praefectus fabrum in Cilicia : 
cp. Fam. iii. 7. 4 (244); v. 20.4 (302). 
For Trebatius see Vol. 115, pp. lvii-]xi. 


1. prudentiam] Atticus had endea- 
voured to comfort Cicero by trying to 
prove to him that the course which he 
took was the most prudent under the 
circumstances. We should not read im- 
prudentiam with Boot, even though in 
423. 1 Cicero says Ego vero et incaute ut 


scribis . . . fect. It would be strange 
consolation for Atticus tosay that he had 
acted imprudently in coming to Italy, 
and the letter of Atticus did afford con- 
solation (non nihil enim me levant tuae 
litterae hoc tempore). The ‘lack of cau-- 
tion’ which Atticus alludes to in 423. 1 
was (as Sternkopf, p. 30, holds) that 
evinced by Cicero’s statement (420. 2) 
that he had come to Italy on Caesar’s. 
orders. Ep. 423 is an answer to the 
reply which Atticus made to Ep. 420. 
It took six or seven days for a letter to- 
go from Brundisium to Rome. 

neque te deterreo| ‘I do not wish to. 
discourage you in urging these argu- 
ments.’ Deterreo is here used in a less- 
emphatic sense than it often bears, and is. 
like ‘deter,’ which is much less strong: 
than deterrere as ordinarily used: cp. ut 
eum ab illa iniuria deterrer ent, Fam. v.. 
2. 6 (14). 


ΠΕΡ, 429 (ATT. ΧΙ. 8). 299 


id disputes scribasque ad me quam saepissime: non nihil enim 
me levant tuae litterae hoc tempore. Per eos qui nostra causa 
 yolunt valentque apud illum, diligentissime contendas opus est, 
_ per Balbum et Oppium maxime, ut de me scribant quam diligen- 
tissime. Oppugnamur enim, ut audio, et a praesentibus quibus- 
dam et per litteras. [15 ita est occurrendum ut rei magnitudo 
postulat. 2. +Furnius est illic mihi inimicissimus. Quintus misit 
filium non solum sui deprecatorem sed etiam accusatorem mel. 
Dictitat se a me apud Caesarem oppugnari, quod refellit Caesar 
ipse omnesque eius amici. Neque vero desistit, ubicumque est, 
omnia in me maledicta conferre. Nihil mihi umquam tam in- 
credibile accidit, nihil in his malis tam acerbum. Qui ex ipso 
audissent, cum Sicyone palam multis audientibus loqueretur, 
nefaria quaedam ad me pertulerunt. Nosti genus, etiam expertus 
es fortasse: in me id est omne conversum. Sed augeo commemo- 


rando dolorem et facio etiam tibi. 


apud illum} sc. Caesarem. 

Oppugnamur| ‘I am assailed’: cp. 
non oportuisse Metellum fratrem tuum ob 
dictum a me oppugnari, Fam, v. 2. 6 
(14). 

2. t Furnius| Iilicmeans at Alexandria, 
where Caesar was. Editors reject Fur- 
nius: for the only Furius mentioned in 
Cicero’s Epistles was always his close 
friend: cp. Att. v. 18. 1 (218) in 51 
B.C.: 366. 1 in 49 B.c.: and Cicero’s 
two letters to him in 43 B.c., viz. Fam. 
x. 25 and 26 (880, 907), though no doubt 
at this time Furnius was a Caesarean. 
Manutius altered to Fujius, i.e. Fufius 
Calenus, the life-long enemy of Cicero. 
But at this time Fufius was governor 
in Achaia (cp. 480. 2; 431. 2; Caes. 
B. C. iii. 55), where he plainly had 
_ enough to do to watch the Pompeians in 
_ that province. It is hardly likely that 
he would have made the long journey to 
Alexandria, and even if he did he would 
not have made a protracted stay there, 
as est would seem to indicate. We venture 
to suggest Furius, i.e., Furius Crassipes, 
Cicero’s former son-in-law. His rela- 
tions with Cicero had recently been 
strained. Hirrus and Crassipes were the 
only two friends to whom Cicero did not 
write requesting them to support the 
vote for his supplicatio: cp. Att. vii. 18. 
(284). He visited Cicero at Formiae 


Qua re ad illud redeo: cura 


in the middle ‘of March, 49, having 
apparently abandoned the Pompeian side : 
see 367. 3. It was natural that he should 
be at Alexandria with Caesar. It is true 
that Cicero always elsewhere calls him 
Crassipes and not Furius; but such 
varieties of nomenclature sometimes 
occur, e.g. in the case of that very 
Fufius Calenus. Cicero elsewhere in his 
correspondence calls him Fufius, but in 
Att. xvi. 11. 1 (799) he calls him Calenus: 
and there is considerable variety in the 
nomenclature of the same man within a 
single chapter of Caesar (B. C. iii. 54). 
The father-in-law or brother-in-law of 
Atticus, Q. Pilius Celer, appears in 
Cicero’s correspondence as Q. Pilius Att. 
iv. 18. 5 (164); Pilus ad Brut. ii. 5. 
4 (842); Celer Pilius (ib. § 3); Q. Celer 
Att. vi. 3. 10 (264); and Celer often 
(378.4; 4138.1; 501. 1). 

Qui ex ipso audissent| ‘hearers of his 
at Sicyon.’ The subjunctive makes the 
persons indefinite. Qui audierant would 
imply that Cicero knew who they were. 

Nosti genus| ‘You know how he can 
revile ; perhaps you have experienced it ; 
it is all concentrated on me.’ Elsewhere 
(Q. Fr. i. 2. 6 (53) Cicero speaks of the 
invidiosa atrocitas which so often charac- 
terized the language of Quintus. 

dolorem] sc. meum, which it is strange 
that Cicero did not add, as it is directly 


300 


ut huius rei causa dedita opera mittat aliquem Balbus. 
videbitur velim cures litteras meo nomine. Vale. 


opposed to facio etiam tibi; but here again 
we must allow for the effect of his de- 
pression of spirits, which always makes 
him careless about his style; cp. above, 
diligentissime contendas . . . ut de me 
seribant quam diligentissime, 

velim cures litteras meo nomine] sc. 
dandas (420.7) or conseribendas (416. 3)— 
a somewhat remarkable ellipse, ‘see to 
letters from me to any people you think 
right.’ 
ΠΧ] So Schmidt (p. 214) after 
Sternkopf (p. 29 fin.) for xvr of the mss., 
which cannot be right: for if this letter 
was written two days before 420, it is 
most unlikely that there would have been 
no mention in it of Antony’s communica- 


EP, 422 (411. XI. 8). 


Ad quos 
xu Kal, Ian. 


tions (420. 2). This letter is little more 
than a repetition of some of the topics 
which were treated in 420. It seems to 
have been written the day after 420, owing 
to the opportunity afforded of sending a 
letter by his friends Lepta and Trebatius, 
who would tell Atticus all about Cicero 
and his anxieties: for xvr would more 
readily pass into xr than into x1 (as 
Sternkopf suggests), and much more 
readily than into vr (Malaspina). In 
444 fin. M has xvi, which is right, but 
the Wirzburg cod. (W) has xin. In 
Att. iv. 13. 1 (130) xvirr of M must be 
wrong, and Manutius was probably right 
in altering to xIIII. 


᾿ LETTERS OF THE TWENTY-SECOND YEAR OF CICERO’S 
CORRESPONDENCE. 


EPP. 423-450. 


A. U. Ὁ, 7073 B.C. 47% ART. CIC. 59. 


C. JULIUS CAESAR II. DICTATOR; M. ANTONIUS MAGISTER 
EQUITUM. 


COSS (FoR THE LAST THREE MONTHS) Q. FUFIUS CALENUS AND 
P. VATINIUS. 


DurinG the first nine months of this year Cicero was still at Brundisium,. 
His correspondents were chiefly Atticus and Terentia, and his despondency 
was as deep as ever. He was in poor health, and the climate of Brundisium 
was not good. He was in perpetual anxiety as to what treatment he would 
receive from Caesar. A new anxiety arose from the reviving power of the: 
Pompeians in Africa (see note to 420. 3). What if they should prove victorious 
after all? Again, Cicero had financial and family troubles. He appears to. 
have been sometimes in need of money for necessary expenses (428. 4. He 


᾿ suspected Terentia of defrauding him; the treachery of his brother and 


nephew rankled in his affectionate heart ; and the outrageous conduct of his. 


He young son-in-law Dolabella, both in his political actions and in his notorious 
:  profligacy, nearly drove him to despair. About the 25th of September Caesar 
_ had a friendly interview with Cicero between Brundisium and Tarentum (Plut ,. 


1: Cie. 39), and apparently gave him permission to live where he pleased. From 


that time the eloud appears to begin to rise. He became reconciled with 


= Quintus, and towards the close of the year we have two letters to Cassius. We 
have no literary works from Cicero during this year. 


302 


423. 


EP, 423 {ATT. XI. 9). 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. xr. 9). 


BRUNDISIUM ; JANUARY 8 (§ 3); A. U. C. 707; B.C. 473 AET. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero queritur cum de misera condicione sua tum de Q. fratris litteris, quas ille 
plenas in se probrorum ad Vatinium et Ligurtum et ceteros miserit. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Ego vero et incaute, ut scribis, et celerius quam oportuit feci 
uec in ulla sum spe, quippe qui exceptionibus edictorum retinear : 
quae si non essent sedulitate effectae et tbenivolentie valiceret 


mihi abire in solitudines aliquas. 


Nune ne id quidem licet. Quid 


autem me iuvat quod ante initum tribunatum veni, si ipsum quod 


fect] in stating that it was at Caesar’s 
suggestion he had come to Italy, whereby 
his freedom of action was curtailed and 
he incurred odium with the Pompeians. 

exceptionibus edictorum]| ‘by the ex- 
emptions made in Antony’s edicts,’ which 
said: exceptis Cicerone et Laelio. 

tbhenivolentie valiceret| The Wirzburg 
Ms. reads benevolentiae qua liceret. The 
old correction was benevolentia tua, liceret : 
and Cicero does seem at this time occa- 
sionally to give vent to peevish complaints 
of the conduct of Atticus and other friends, 
e.g. 446. 2, Quaeso attende et me, quod 
adhuc saepe rogatus non fecisti, consilio 
iuva: 436.1, miserits et animiet corporis 
quibus proxumi utinam mederi maluissent. 
But it is hard to believe that there would 
not have been plainer references elsewhere 
to this intervention of Atticus, and that 
Atticus would not have excused himself 
more than Cicero’s letters at this time 
would warrant, if he had really been 
instrumental in getting this exception 
introduced. Sternkopf (p. 31) very bril- 
liantly suggests Va<tini>, as Vatinius, 
who wasa good-natured manon the whole, 
seems to have been on friendly terms 
with Cicero at this time (416. 4; 423.2). 
O. E. Schmidt (p. 215) adopts this, 
comparing for similar truncated proper 
names Att. ix. 18. 3 (376), where he 
thinks that Pelanum (so M: Pedanum 
Malaspina) is a corruption of Ped<i 
Norb>anum. But this emendation is 
doubtful. Miller, however, accepts it. 
But this reading gives no account of the 
q in qua of the Wiirzburg ms., and 


‘people except his 


Cicero does not usually mention any 
immediate family 
(Terentia, Tullia, Quintus father and 
son, &c.) by abbreviations. Corruptions 
due to loss of letters, too, generally are 
at the beginning, not the end of words in 
the manuscripts of the letters in this 
book (yet cp. per of M for perge 420. 4). 
Sternkopf’s other view that an ordinary 
adjective has been corrupted seems more 
probable. He suggested intempestiva. 
Rather perhaps prava. Τί it was written 
ptua, it might have passed into gua. The 
sedulitas et benevolentia prava was probably 
due to L. Lamia (420. 2), who was 
always a friend of Cicero’s, and seems to 
have been on good terms also with Caesar 
and Balbus: cp. Att. ΧΙ, 45. 1 (662). 

ante initum tribunatum] The tribunes 
entered on their office on December 10. 
Atticus had expressed a hope that it would 
be advantageous to Cicero that he had re- 
turned to Italy before the new tribunes 
had entered on their office, because the 
new tribunes had, as we may infer, 
carried a new and more stringent statute 
against the Pompeians. This appears to 
be the view entertained by Judeich 
(Caesar im Orient, p. 185). It can bardly 
be the fact that Dolabella, who had revo- 
lutionary intentions which would alienate 
Caesar, had been made tribune; for 
Dolabella does not seem to have actually 
proceeded to propose his financial measures 
until later. We first have a hint of their 
proposal in a letter of Jan. 19, Ep. 425. 2 
urbanue res perditae, 

ipsum quod veni] Atticus had said: 


Se 


b 


OE es a ae ee 


: always 


EP. 423 (ATT. ΧΙ 9). 


303 


veni nihil iuvat? Iam quid sperem ab eo qui mihi amicus num- 
quam fuit, cum iam lege etiam sim confectus et oppressus? Cotidie 
iam Balbi ad me litterae languidiores, multaeque multorum ad 
illum, fortasse contra me. Meo vitio pereo. Nihil mihi mali casus 
attulit, omnia culpa contracta sunt. 


Ego enim, cum genus belli 


viderem, imparata et infirma omnia contra paratissimos, statueram 
quid facerem ceperamque consilium non tam forte quam mihi 


‘Your arrival in Italy before December 10 
was fortunate, for it exempts you from 
the provisions of the new and more 
stringent statutes’; Cicero says: ‘ What 
use was that, when I see that my 
coming to Italy at all was ab initio a 
mistake ?’ 

ab e0 qui mihi amicus nunquam fuit} 
Who was he? Caesar, say Corradus and 
Sternkopf (p. 32), on account of illum 
following (multaeque [litterae| multorum 
ad illum fortasse contra me): but Cicero at 
this time often (420. 7; 422.1; 430.1; 
431. 1, 2; 482. 3; 484. 1; 436. 2; 
445. 2, 3) alludes to Caesar as ipse or 
ille, the personage, without any precedent 
mention of him. And it was the inte- 
rest of the subordinates of Caesar, not 
of Caesar himself, that Cicero was en- 
deavouring to secure at this time: and 
the passing of the law—it was probably 
that which gave Caesar absolute power over 
the Pompeians to do what he liked with 
them: ‘not that he had not such power 
already,’ says Dio (xlii. 20), ‘ but it gave 
legal authorization to that power ’—would 
not have made Caesar more ready to injure 
Cicero, but it would have made his subor- 
dinates less ready, until they were aware 
of Caesar’s intentions, to do anything 
which would be very favourable to Cicero. 
O. E. Schmidt (p. 216) thinks the refer- 
ence is to Antony: for he considers it 
impossible that Cicero should say that 
Caesar was never a friend of his (though 
indeed Cicero’s words may only mean 
that Caesar’s apparent friendliness was 
insincere); and Antony was 
the person who had real command in 

_ Italy at this time, and had the power to 
alleviate or aggravate Cicero’s distress. 
_ This is quite possible: but the reference 
to the tribunate and the association with 
Dolabella which that reference suggested 
make it probable, as Boot holds, that it is 
to Dolabella that Cicero is referring. 

Cicero appears at this time to have been 


reluctant to mention Dolabella by name 
in his letters to Atticus, as Sternkopf 
(p. 45) has remarked. His friendship 
with Dolabella was becoming impaired 
owing to Dolabella’s treatment of Tullia. 
It is noticeable too that though Dolabella 
had informed Cicero of Caesar’s certainly 
verbal, and probably very vague, recom- 
mendation to return to Italy, Cicero did 
not ask Dolabella to assure Antony that 
Caesar had given such recommendation, 
but sent Lamia to him; and he does not 
appear to have asked for Dolabella’s in- 
tervention in any way. It is true that 
Antony at the time (Dec. 48) was, as 
Judeich has shown (Caesar im Orient, 
pp. 182-3), in Campania, while Dolabella 
was probably in Rome: but at least Cicero, 
if he had been on friendly terms with 
Dolabella, would have got him to write to 
Antony. Cicero considers that his son- 
in-law had never been really friendly 
with him, and will be less so now, when 
actually by law Cicero and all the Pom- 
peians are placed absolutely at Caesar's 
mercy. 

lege| For this law cp. Dio Cass. xlii. 
20. 1 (quoted by Sternkopf, p. 32), rovs 
Te yap τὰ τοῦ Πομπηίου φρονήσαντας 
ἐπέτρεψαν αὐτῷ πᾶν ὅ τι ποτ᾽ ἂν ἐθελήσῃ 
δρᾶσαι, οὐχ ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς παρ᾽ “ἑαυτοῦ οὐ 
τοῦτ᾽ ἤδη λαβὼν εἶχε ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα καὶ ἐν 
νόμῳ δή τινι αὐτὸ ποιεῖν δόξῃ. 

Cotidie| See Adn. Crit. ‘Every day I 
am now getting cooler letters from 
Balbus.’ Cicero is partial to the use of 
Cotidie with comparatives in his letters : 
see Thesaurus iv. 1092. 20, with perhaps 
a slight shade of difference in sense from 
in dies: cp. Index s. v. cotidie and note 
to Att. i. 20. 7 (26). 

languidiores| ‘ cooler.’ 

genus belli| ‘ the character of the war,’ 
which is further explained by the next 
clause, ‘ that on one side there was nothing 
but weakness and unreadiness, on the other 
perfect organization.’ 


304 EP. 423 (ATT. ΧΙ. 9). 

praeter ceteros concedendum. 2. Cessi meis vel potius parui: ex 
quibus unus qua mente fuerit, is quem tu mihi commendas, 
cognosces ex ipsius litteris quas ad te et ad alios misit; quas ego 
numquam aperuissem nisi res acta sic esset. Delatus est ad me 
fasciculus. Solvi, si quid ad me esset litterarum. Nihil erat ; epis- 
tula Vatinio et Ligurio altera; 1ussi ad eos deferri. Illi ad me statim 
ardentes dolore venerunt scelus hominis clamantes: epistulas mihi 
legerunt plenas omnium in me probrorum. Hic Ligurius furere: 
se enim scire summo illum in odio fuisse Caesari; illum tamen 
non modo favisse sed etiam tantam illi pecuniam dedisse honoris. 
mei causa. Hoc ego dolore accepto volui scire quid scripsisset ad 
ceteros. Ipsi enim illi putavi perniciosum fore si elus hoc tantum 
scelus percrebruisset. Cognovi eiusdem generis. Ad te misi: 
quas si putabis illi ipsi utile esse reddi, reddes: nil me laedet. 
Nam quod resignatae sunt, habet, opinor, eius signum Pomponia. 
Hac ille acerbitate initio navigationis cum usus esset, tanto me 
dolore adfecit ut postea iacuerim, neque nunc tam pro se quam 
contra me laborare dicitur. 3. Ita omnibus rebus urgeor, quas. 
sustinere vix possum vel plane nullo modo possum. Quibus in 
miseriis una est pro omnibus, quod istam miseram patrimonio, 


concedendum| ‘astep which might be 1310; 


᾿ = 
Ψψ, εἰ πον 


permitted in my case,’ because he had 
always endeavoured to prevent things 
from coming to an open rupture. 

2. Cessi meis vel potius parui] Cicero 
is thinking of his having left Italy and 
joined Pompey. Cicero very generously 
takes the whole blame of his doing so on 
his own shoulders when he wrote to 
Caesar on the subject (cp. the letter in 
427. 2). But this passage seems to show 
that there was probably something in the 
report which Caesar believed, viz. that 
Quintus ‘had sounded the bugle for 
Cicero’s departure’ (litwwm meae profec- 
tionis fuisse, 427. 1). 

solvi] On this incident see 15 49 f. 

Liguvio| A. Ligurius died in 45 
(probably). Cic. says he was famiharis 
Caesaris, bonus homo et nobis amicus. 
Fam. xvi. 18. 3 (692). 

scelus hominis] ‘a villain’; this use of 
the gen. is very characteristic of the col- 
loquialism of the comic stage ; Plautus has 
not only scelus viri (Mil. 1434), but hadllex 
viri, ‘a pickle of a man’ (or alluxz viri, 
‘a hop οὗ my thumb of a man’), Poen. 


hominum mendicabula = mendicos, 
Aul. 708. 

Surere| hist. inf.: cf. note to 376. 1. 

wllum . . . favisse| Another instance of 
the carelessness with which this letter was 
written ; i//um here must refer to Caesar, 
while just before iJ/wm and ili designate 
Quintus. But it is not very easy to keep 
the third personal pronoun strictly re- 
ferring to the same person in oratio 
obliqua either in English or in Latin. 
Wes. reads eum, Peter and Baiter hunc. 
Possibly we should read il/i ewm tamen, 
or ili tamen eum. If eum had been 
originally omitted and added above tamen, 
the corruption might have arisen. 

initio navigationis| The two brothers 
apparently sailed in company from Cor- 
cyra to Patrae, and there parted, Quintus 
for Asia, Marcus for Italy. 

iacuerim| 41 was prostrated.’ Watson 
compares 475. 3, ne ego te tacente bona tua 
comedim (‘while you are laid up with 
illness’). 

3. istam miseram] Tullia. 

patrimonio, fortuna omni] asyndeton 
bimembre, as often: see Index. 


EP. 424 (FAM. XIV. 16). 305 


fortuna omni spoliatam relinguam. Qua re te, μέ polliceris, 
videre plane velim. Alium enim cui illam commendem habeo 
neminem, quoniam matri quoque eadem intellexi esse parata 
quae mihi. Sed si me non offendes, satis tamen habeto com- 
mendatam, patruumque in ea quantum poteris mitigato. Haec 
ad te die natali meo scripsi: quo utinam susceptus non essem aut 
ne quid ex eadem matre postea natum esset! 
fletu prohibeor. 


Plura scribere 


421. CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. xiv. 16). 


BRUNDISIUM ; JANUARY 4; A. U. C. 707; B.C. 475 AKT. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero scribit de litteris, de Volumnia, de suo dolore. 


TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE 5. Ὁ. 


S. V. B. E. ΚΝ. Etsi eius modi tempora nostra sunt ut nihil 
habeam quod aut a te litterarum exspectem aut ipse ad te scribam, 
tamen nescio quo modo et ipse vestras litteras exspecto et scribo ad 
vos cum habeo qui ferat. Volumnia debuit in te officiosior esse 
quam fuit et id ipsum quod fecit potuit diligentius facere et 


eadem... quae mihi] Cicero expected 
that Terentia’s fortune, as well as his 
own, would be confiscated. 

si me non offendes| ‘If you do not find 
me here when you come to Brundisium.’ 
We are not justified in looking on these 
words as a hint that he contemplates 
suicide, though in the letters from exile 
such a design is frequently referred to. 
It need only mean that he had gone away 
into some remote region (cp. 394. 2), Even 
436. 1 guod longum non erit need only 
mean that his troubles will soon kill him. 

patruumque| Cicero’s brother Quintus. 

in ea| ‘in her case’: cp. note to 488. 
10 and Dr. Reid’s notes on Lael. 9: 
Balb. 6. 

natali meo| January 3: cp. Att. vil. 
5. 3 (296); xiii. 42. 3 (681). 

susceptus| ‘reared’; tollere is the more 


‘usual word for the formal acknowledg- 


ment of a child: 
tollo, 23. 


VOL. IV. 


see Lewis and Short 


ne quid] for the use of the neuter see 
on 404. 1. 


“ει cp. 420. 6. 


δ. Υ. B. E. V.)= si vales bene est, valeo. 

Volumnia| It is uncertain who this 
Volumnia was to whom Terentia appears 
to have been in some degree indebted. 
Cicero was on friendly terms with a sena- 
tor, P. Volumnius Eutrapelus, cp. Fam. 
vii. 32 (229); and she may have been the 
sister or daughter of this senator. It has 
been suggested as just possible that she 
was the actress Cytheris, who was now 
the mistress of Antony: and at this time, 
when the power of Antony was so great, 
she appears to have been addressed as 
Volumnia (Cic. Phil. ii. 58), inasmuch as 
she was the freedwoman of the above- 
mentioned senator Volumnius. But it is 
not likely that a Roman matron and 
Cicero’s wife would have had dealings 
with such a person as Cytheris, when 


x 


306 EP. 425 (ATT. XI. 10). 


cautius. Quamquam alia sunt quae magis curemus magisque 
doleamus: quae me ita conficiunt ut ii voluerunt qui me de mea 
sententia detruserunt. Cura ut vaieas. Pridie Non. Ian. 


425. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. xt. 10). 


BRUNDISIUM; JANUARY 19 (§ 2); A. U. ©. 707; B.C. 473 AET. CIC. 59. 


De Q. filii et Q. patris summis in se iniuriis, de rebus Africanis, de Attici litteris 
sibi gratissimis. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL, 


1. Ad meas incredibilis aegritudines aliquid novi accedit ex 
iis quae de Q.Q. ad me adferuntur. P. T’erentius, meus necessa- 
rius, operas in portu et scriptura Asiae pro magistro dedit. Is 
Q. F. Ephesi vidit v1 Id. Decembr., eumque studiose propter 
amicitiam nostram invitavit; cumque ex eo de me percontaretur, 
eum sibi ita dixisse narrabat, se mihi esse inimicissimum, volu- 
menque sibi ostendisse orationis quam apud Caesarem contra me 
esset habiturus: multa a se dicta contra eius amentiam; multa 
postea Patris simili scelere secum Q. P. locutum, cuius furorem 


even Cicero himself apologizes to Paetus 
(479. 2) for dining at the same table with 
her. Terentia appears to have been in 
anxiety about her property at this time 
(423. 3). 

quae me ita conficiunt| ‘which are 
distracting me quite as much as those 
men wished, who forced me to abandon 
my original intention.’ The reference 
seems to be to Cicero’s abandonment of 
neutrality when he left Italy and joined 
Pompey in 49. The persons referred to 
are probably his brother and nephew, the 
two Quinti: cp. 423. 2, Cessi meis vel 
potius parui, where see note. It is just 
possible that the reference may be to 
Dolabella’s having advised him to leave 
Achaia and come to Italy (420. 2). The 
matter is uncertain, and indeed it does not 
appear to be certain even that this letter 
belongs to January, 47. 

detruserunt| This verb has two techni- 
cal senses: to dislodge an enemy from a 
position (Liv. xxxiii. 7. 13), and to oust a 
man from his property (Cic. Caec. 47, 49). 


1. Q.Q.] ‘the two Quinti.’ Quintus, 
the brother of Cicero, and his son 


Quintus. Cicero seems to use abbrevia- 


tions extensively in this letter. 

operas . . dedit| ‘was deputy- 
collector of the port dues and pasture-tax 
of Asia’; portus is used for portoria; cp. 
magistros seripturae et portus, Att. v. 15 
3. (207) and note there. 

Q. 1.1] = Quintum filium: cp. Q. P. 
= Quintum patrem, below. 

invitavit] ‘gave him an invitation’ ; 
the word is rarely (cp. Caes. B. C. i. 74. 
4) used absolutely without ad cenam or 
some such words. 

volumenque... orationis] aroll or packet 
containing the heads of a speech which 
he intended to make to Caesar. 

similt scelere| Scelus especially refers 
to éreason and every kind of treacherous 
crimes. 
- Patris] That the two Quinti went to 
Patrae from Corcyra we learn from 416. 4, 

Q. P.] (= Quintum patrem) Μ. is said 
to have Q. P.; W to have Quintum p. 


b 


g 


EP. 426 (ATT. XI. 11). 307 
ex iis epistulis quas ad te misi perspicere potuisti. Haec:tibi 
dolori esse certo 8010, me quidem excruciant et eo magis quod 
mihi cum illis ne querendi quidem locum futurum puto. 2. De 
Africanis rebus longe alia nobis ac tu scripseras nuntiantur. Nihil 
enim firmius esse dicunt, nihil paratius. Accedit Hispania et 
alienata Italia, legionum nec vis eadem nec voluntas, urbanae res 
perditae. Quid est ubi acquiescam nisi quam diu tuas litteras 
lego? Quae essent profecto crebriores, si quid haberes quo putares 
meam molestiam minui posse. Sed tamen te rogo ut ne inter- 
mittas scribere ad me quidquid erit eosque qui mihi tam crudeliter 
inimici sunt, si odisse non potes, accuses tamen, non ut aliquid 


proficias sed ut tibi me carum esse sentiant. 
- si mihi ad eas litteras quas proxime ad te dedi rescripseris. 


xu Kal. Febr. 


Plura ad te scribam 


Vale. 


426. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x1. 11). 


BRUNDISIUM ; MORNING OF MARCH 8 (§ 2: 427.1); A. U. C. 7073 
Bye. 47-3, ABT .CIC. 59. 


De commercio litterarum, de pecunia P. Sallustio curanda, de misera condicione 


sua. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Confectus iam eruciatu 


maximorum dolorum ne si sit 


quidem quod ad te debeam scribere facile id exsequi possim; hoe 


2. scripseras| Possibly this was in 
the answer of Atticus to Ep. 420. In $3 
of that letter Cicero alluded to the Pom- 
peians in Africa, and Atticus may have 
made some depreciatory remarks about 
them in order to console Cicero. 

 Accedit Hispania] Q. Cassius Longinus, 
who had been left by Caesar in charge 
of Spain as pro-praetor, had completely 
alienated the country from Caesar’s cause 
(Bell Alex. 49-64 ;. Dio Cass. xlii. 15 and 
16). Italy, too, had been alienated by the 
conduct of Antony and Dolabella. 

urbanae’ ves perditae| through the 
quarrels between the tribunes Trebellius 
and Dolabella and their want of harmony 


with Antony. This seems to be the first 
hint of the revolutionary proposals of 
Dolabella. 

si odisse non potes| because Atticus was 
brother-in-law of the elder Quintus and 
uncle of the younger. 


1. hoc minus] Wesenberg thought that 
some such word as mune should be supplied. 
here: but this is not necessary. The 
whole sentence refers to the present 
time (iam). ‘As I am now worn out by 
the torture of my great sorrows, I could 
not, even if there were anything that I 
ought to write, perform that task—the 
less so on this account because,’ &c. 


X 2 


308 EP. 426 (ATT. XI. 11). 


minus quod res nulla est quae scribenda sit, cum praesertim ne 
spes quidem ulla ostendatur fore melius. Ita iam ne tuas qui- 
dem litteras exspecto, quamquam semper aliquid adferunt quod 
velim. Qua re tu quidem scribito cum erit quoi des: ego tuis 
proximis, quas tamen lam pridem accepi, nihil habeo quod rescribam.. 
Longo enim intervallo video immutata esse omnia: illa esse firma 
quae debeant, nos stultitiae nostrae gravissimas poenas pendere. 
2. P. Sallustio curanda sunt HS ΧΧΧ, quae accepi a Cn. Sallustio, 
Velim videas ut sine moracurentur. De eare scripsi ad ‘l'erentiam. 


Atque hoc ipsum iam prope consumptum est. 
velim cum illa videas ut sit qui utamur. 

sumere si sclam istie paratum fore. 
Qui sit omnium rerum status noster 
Nihil est mali quod non et sustineam et exspectem. 


nihil sum ausus sumere. 
vides. 


Quarum rerum eo gravior est dolor quo culpa maior. 
Achaia non cessat de nobis detrahere. 
vil Idus Mart. 


Vale. 


Itaiam| ‘so completely have I given 
up looking forward even to your letters’ 
(as a source of hope). This explains or 
emphasizes what he has just said, that 
there is no hope for the future. But 
Ita may perhaps approximate to Itaque 
and mean ‘ thus,’ i.e., ‘in those circum- 
stances’: cp. Verr. 11. 127 fin. Ita Lovis 
illud sacerdotium per hance rationem Theom- 
nasto datur. 

Longo enim intervallo] “ For Inow see 
that in (after) the long interval that has 
occurred no change has taken place in the 
general situation.” The abl. dongo inter- 
vallo is like that in Verr. iii. 21: Verres tot 
annis atque adeo saeculis tot inventus est qui 
haec non commutaret sed everteret. 

quae debeant | 
subjunctive has no place here, and would 
read debent or debebant. Boot suggests 
debilia erant. But when Cicero says that 
the cause is strong which ought to be 
strong, in using the subjunctive debeant 
he does no more than indicate that quae 
debeant is a description of the Pompeian 
cause. Hesays ‘the right cause is strong.’ 
not ‘the Pompeians are getting the best 
of if, and they are in the right.’ 

stultitiae nostrae| in leaving the camp 
of Pompey and returning to Italy. 

2. curanda| ‘are to be paid’: cep. 
Att. i. 7. 1 (3) and often. See Index. 


profecerunt. 


Wesenberg says the 


Qua re id quoque 
Hie fortasse potero 
Sed prius quam id scirem 


tie-in 
Nihil videlicet tuae litterae 


Cn. Sallustio| Cp. note to 432. 1. 

scripst ad Terentiam| This letter is. 
not extant. 

hoc ipsum] ‘this very sum’ of 30,000 
sesterces (about £250). 

velim cum illa videas ut} ‘I wish you 
would, in concert with her, see that.’ 

ut sit qui utamur | ‘some money for my 
present needs’: cp. Att. xiii. 23. 3 (637); 
Ter. Ad. 981; Plaut. Trin. 355. For 
Cicero’s lack of ready money at this time 
cp. 428. 4. 

sumere| ‘I could draw on a banker 
here if it were certain that I had a balance 
in Rome’: cp. Att. xiii. 6. 2 (554) ; Plaut. 
Asin. 247, Nam si mutuas non potero, cer- 
tumst sumam faenore. 

omnium rerum status| Thisisa kind of 
objective genitive, for which Boot com- 
pares such passages as Fam. viii. 14. 2 
(280) neque mearum rerum quid consili 
capiam reperio; De Sen. 4 ceterarum 
rerum sapientiam, where the substantive 
contains the notion of a verb which does 
not govern a direct accusative. It is 
what Roby 1318 calls ‘‘ remoter object 
corresponding to a dative (rare) or ablative 
or prepositional phrase after the cor- 
responding verb.’’ It would be more 
normal to have in omnibus rebus. 

Tlie in Achaia] Quintus senior. 

tuae litterae| Perhaps Atticus wrote 


EP: 227 (ATT. XE 19). 309 


427. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. xi. 12). 


BRUNDISIUM ; EVENING OF MARCH 8 (§§ 1, 4); 


AET. CIC. 59. 


Ay Us. Ce 1073 Bal. 47: 


M. Cicero Attico scribit de causa profectionis suae ex Italia Caesari adlata, de Q. 
fratre quae ipse Caesari scripserit, de rebus Africanis, de litteris ad Antonium et ad 
eteros dandis, de actionibus generi sui, de Galeonis hereditate. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Cephalio mihi a te litteras reddidit a. ἃ. vir Idus Mart. 
vespere. Eo autem die mane tabellarios miseram, quibus ad te 
dederam litteras. Tuis tamen lectis litteris putavi aliquid re- 
scribendum esse ea re maxime quod ostendis te pendere animi 
~quamnam rationem sim Caesari adlaturus profectionis meae tum 
cum ex Italia discesserim. Nihil opus est mihi nova ratione. 
Saepe enim ad eum scripsi multisque mandavi me non potuisse, 
cum cupissem, sermones hominum sustinere, multaque in eam 
sententiam. Nihil enim erat quod minus eum vellem existimare 
quam me tanta de re non meo consilio usum esse. Posteaque, 
eum mihi litterae a Balbo Cornelio minore missae essent, illum 
existimare Quintum fratrem lituum meae profectionis fuisse—ita 
enim scripsit—qui nondum cognossem quae de me Quintus scrip- 


a letter of reproach to Quintus on receipt 
of Cicero’s letter of January 3 (Ep. 423), 
before Cicero made his specific request 
that Atticus should write such a letter 
(425. 2). It wonld take about twenty- 
three days for a letter to reach Sicyon 
from Rome: cp. Fam. xiv. 5. 1 (283): 
so Quintus could have got the letter 
early in February. For the effect which 
the letter of Atticus actually had, cp. 
428. 2. 


1. Cephalio| 324; 401.1, and Index. 
He was a letter-carrier of Atticus. 

pendere anime | ‘that you are in a state 

of uncertainty’: cp. 336. 2; Att. xvi. 12 

(800); Ter. Heaut. 727. Roby, § 1321, 
[ 


discusses the construction : ep. Munro on 
Luer. i. 137. 
mandavi| sc. ut seriberent “1 told him 


in my own letters (and charged my friends 
to tell him the same) that 1 could not en- 
dure the way people spoke of me (for not 
joining Pompey), and I added much to 
the same effect.’ 

meo consilio usum esse] It is strange 
that he should claim to have acted solely 
on his own conviction, when he confesses 
that it was the comments of his former 
friends which moved him. He seems to 
be anxious to absolve his brother Quintus 
from all responsibility for his departure. 

illum existimare] sc. Caesarem. 

lituum meae profectionis| ‘sounded the 
bugle for my retreat’: cp. de lituis 
βοώπιδος-, Att. ii. 12. 2 (37). See also 
490. 3, where we read that Ampius Balbus 
was called (uba belli civilis. 

qui nondum cognossem| ‘not having 
yet heard.’ This detracts somewhat from 


310 EP. 427 (ATT. XI. 12). 


sisset ad multos, etsi multa praesens in praesentem acerbe dixerat. 
et fecerat, tamen nilo minus his verbis ad Caesarem scripsi : 

‘2. De Quinto fratre meo non minus laboro quam de me ipso, 
sed eum tibi commendare hoc meo tempore non audeo. Illud 
dumtaxat tamen audebo petere abs te, quod te oro, ne quid ex- 
istimes ab illo factum esse quo minus mea in te officia constarent 
minusve te diligerem, potiusque semper illum auctorem nostrae 
coniunctionis fuisse meique itineris comitem, non ducem. Qua re 
ceteris in rebus tantum ei tribues quantum humanitas tua amici- 


tiaque vestra postulat. 


Ego ei ne quid apud te obsim, 


id te 


vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo.’ 
3. Qua re si quis congressus fuerit mihi cum Caesare—etst 
non dubito quin is lenis in illum futurus sit idque iam declaraverit 


—ego tamen is ero qui semper fui. 


Sed, ut video, multo magis 


est nobis laborandum de Africa, quam quidem tu scribis confirmar) 


cotidie magis ad condicionis spem quam victoriae. 


the generosity of the passage. Cicero, 
who here quotes from his letter, as the 
subjunctive implies, owns that he would 
have adopted a different tone had he been 
aware of all the baseness of his brother, 
as seen by his letters, which Cicero opened 
(423. 2). The tamen clause qualifies only 
the etsi clause. 

praesens in praesentem| Supfle-Bockel 
compare 346. 2 armatus armato. 

2. De Quinto] This letter to Caesar was 
written between the time when Cic. parted 
from Quintus (October) and the date at 
which 423 was written (January 3). 

hoe meo tempore ‘at such a crisis in 
my fortunes.’ For this use of tempus cp. 
Fam. 111. 11. 4 (265) and Index. The 
abl. seems to be the usual ablative of the 
time at which a thing happens. 

petere abs te quod te oro| ‘this is the 
only petition I shall venture to make to 
you, my earnest request that.’ For the 
pleonasm see Madv. 481, b. A good ex- 
ample is lex permittit ‘ud liceat, 
Tull. 47. The most frequent case of this 
common pleonasm is the use of facere, 
as in invitus feci ut eicerem, De Sen. 42: 
cp. also persuasum est ut arbitrarentur, 
Fam. xii. 10. 2 (910); in eam opinionem 
Caesenniam adducebat ut putaret, Caecin. 
138. We have left this reading undis- 
turbed, not because it is wholly ‘satisfac- 
tory or usual, but because no more certain 


Quod utinam 


reading has been suggested. Miller 
reads guod potero, Dr. Reid quod debeo. 
A simpler alteration would be quod et oro. 
Boot conjectures guin te oro, reading 
audeo for audebo. But Cic. likes the 
collocation quod te oro: ep. 481. 5. 

yuo minus... constarent] ‘to infringe 


upon my unbroken recognition of your 


claims on me, or to weaken my regard for 
you ’ (Jeans). 

potiusque| ‘If anegative proposition is 
followed by an affirmative in which the 
same thought is expressed or continued, 
que, et, ac are employed where we should 
use but, as Socrates nec patronum quaesivit, 
nec supplex fuit, adhibuitque liberam con- 
tumaciam, Tusc. i. 71.’—Madv. 433. 
Obs: 2: 

ei ne quid apud te obsim] ‘that I may 
not injure him in your esteem.’ 

3. qui semper fui] He here declares 
that even the knowledge he has. gained 
since writing the letter will not make any 
change in his way of speaking about his 
brother—a statement not quite consistent 
with the use of the subjunctive cognossem 
above, § 1. 

confirmars ‘which you state is grow- 
ing strong ’ in the republican interest. 

magis ad condicionis], ‘in such a way 
as to inspire hopes of a composition rather 
than of προς 


ΤΥ, 


EP. 487 (ATT. XI. 12). 911 


ita esset ! Sed longe aliter esse intellego, teque ipsum ita existimare 
arbitror, aliter autem scribere non fallendi sed contirmandi mei 
causa, praesertim cum adiungatur ad Africam etiam Hispania. 
4. Quod me admones ut scribam ad Antonium et ad ceteros, si 
quid videbitur tibi opus esse, velim facias id quod saepe fecisti. 
Nihil enim mihi venit in mentem quod scribendum putem. Quod 
me audis erectiorem esse animo, quid putas cum videas accessisse 
ad superiores aegritudines praeclaras generi actiones? Tu tamen 
velim ne intermittas, quod eius facere poteris, scribere ad me, 
etiam si rem de qua scribas non habebis. Semper enim adferunt 
aliquid mihi tuae litterae. Galeonis hereditatem crevi. Puto 
enim cretionem simplicem fuisse, quoniam ad me nulla missa est. 


vi Idus Martias. 


longe aliter esse intelieyo | Cicero thought 
the Pompeian party would win, and peace 
would be out of the question. 

adiungatur ... etiam Hispania] i.e. 
Spain is now to be added to the strength of 
the Pompeian party, having been alienated 
from Caesar through the misconduct of his 
lieutenant Q. Cassius Longinus (425. 2). 

4. faciasid... fecisti] i.e. write to him 
in my name: cp. 407. 4; 411. ὁ ; 416. 
3; 420.7; 428. 5. 

erectiorem animo| Lehmann (p. 83) 
shows that this need not be corrected to 
erectiore animo: cp. Fam. iv. ὃ. 6 (555) 
cum te tranquilliorem animo esse cognoro, 
and note there. 

praeclaras genert actiones| This is the 
first explicit [cp. 425. 2] reference in 
Cicero to the revolutionary proposals of 
Dolabella. 

quod eius facere poteris| ‘as far as you 
can in the matter’: cp. notes to Petit. 
Cons. 86. 48 (Ep. 12.) and Roby 1297; 
also Index s. v. quod. 

᾿ eretionem| Cretio wasthe declaration of a 

legatee that he would take an inheritance. 
That declaration had almost always to be 
made within some definite time: ifthe time 
was not specified in the will, the praetor 
fixed it in the interests of the creditors of 
the deceased. The limit was generally 100 
days from the date on which the legatee 
received information that he had been in- 
stituted heir and was in a position to come 
to a decision. This was called cretio vul- 
garis. But occasionally a time was speci- 
fied in the will to run from the date of 
the testator’s death, not from the date on 


which the legatee received information ; 
the important words quibus sciet poteritque 
were omitted in the will. This was called 
eretio continua (Gaius ii. 165-173). But, 
besides the limit of time, it is quite plain 
that the testator might make several other 
conditions with regard to the eredio, e.g. 
the person before whom it was to be made, 
the place, and such like. One such con- 
dition is expressly mentioned, that the 
cretio should be made in the presence of 
witnesses: cp. Varro, L. L. vi. 81 ttaque 
in eretione adhibere iubent testes ; Cic. Att. 
ΧΙ]. 46 (663) ex 60 cognovi eretionem (Ὁ 
Vestorium neglegentem 1) liberam eretionem 
testibus praesentibus sexaginta diebus. No 
other conditions than the two specified are 
there mentioned, so that Cicero says the 
cretio is a free one, though we do not re- 
member to have met the expression /ibera 
cretio elsewhere. Much the same mean- 
ing is to be attached to the word simplicem 
in the present passage. ‘I declared,’ says 
Cicero, ‘my acceptance of the inherit- — 
ance (that was sufficient); for I think 
that there were no special conditions laid 
down in the will as to how the eretio was 
to be made, and no statement of any such 
conditions was sent to me.’ Cretio is 
understood with wwlla: cp. Karlowa, 
Rim. Rechtsgeschichte ii, Ὁ. 897; Roby, 
Roman Private Law i. 398. The condi- 
tions attaching to cretiones were trouble- 
some and annoying, and ultimately were 
abrogated by Justinian, Cod. vi. 30. 17. 
Cretionum scrupulosam sollemnitatem hae 
lege penitus amputari decernimus: ep. Cod. 
Yheod. viii. 18. 8. 1. 


312 EP. 428 (ATT. XI. 13). 


428. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art, x1. 13). 


BRUNDISIUM ; SOON AFTER MARCH 83 A. U. C. 7073 B.C. 473 
AET. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit se neminem in se alieno animo esse intellexisse, de P. 
Lentulo patre, de Lentulo filio, de Cassio ubi versari dicantur, de Q. fratris litteris ad 
se datis, de coheredibus Fufidianis, de fundo Frusinati redimendo et de facultatibus 
suis imminutis, de litterarum inter se commercio. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. A Murenae liberto nihil adhue acceperam litterarum. P. 
Siser reddiderat eas quibus rescribo. De Servi patris litteris 
quod scribis, item Quintum in Syriam venisse quod ais esse qui 
nuutient, ne id quidem verum est. Quod certiorem te vis fieri 
quo quisque in me animo sit aut fuerit eorum qui hue venerunt, 
neminem alieno intellexi. Sed quantum id mea intersit existimare 
te posse certe 8010. Mihi cum omnia sint intolerabilia ad dolorem, 


As Sternkopf (p. 34) has shown, this 
letter was written very soon after March 8. 
For there is no allusion toa letter from 
Quintus in 426. 2 (March 8). But such 
a letter arrived soon after (ὃ 2); for 
Cicero gave the reply to it to Cephalio(431. 
4), who was in Brundisium on March 8 
(427. 1): and we cannot suppose that 
Cephalio remained for any long time in 
that town. ‘The similarity of expres- 
sions in the letters of March 8 (426, 427) 
and 428 (viz. 427. 4 init. and 428.5; 
426. 2, videas ut sit qui utamur, and 428. 
4, consideres ut sit unde nobis suppeditentur 
sumptus necessarii) point to Cicero’s 
having written these letters within a 
short time of one another. 

1. ne id quidem] ‘not even the latter 
is true,’ implying that both are false. 

certe scio| Certe is sometimes, though 
rarely, found with scio: the Thesaurus 
notes that it is found in most ss. in 
Q. Fr.i. 1. 10 (80), yet certo N; i. 3. 8 
(66) certo GHN; 354. 2 (except ΟἹ); 
Att. xii. 41. 3 (588); xiv. 18. 2 (718) 
certo Εἰ. and the ss. vary in 425. 1 
(certo W; certe M): 441.4 (certo Os: 
certe M) and in 483. 6; 538. 2 (certoM; 
certe GR); also in our present passage 


certo Os; certe M. The ordinary rule laid 
down as to the distinction between certo 
scio and certe scio is, that the former 
means ‘I have certain or sure knowledge,’ 
and the latter ‘I am sure that I know.’ 
See the discussion in Neue- Wagener, 
ii?, 620. Some editors deny the validity 
of the distinction, and Boot holds that 
certe may always be used for certo, though 
it is not true that certo can always take 
the place of certe. At all events there is 
no reason here to change certe of most 
Mss. to certo, because, even if we rejected 
the doctrine of Boot, and accepted the 
distinctiou laid down, certe scio would 
suit the passage fairly well; Cicero would 
say, ‘Surely I am aware that you can 
judge how important it is to me that no 


one should have feelings of enmity 
against me.’ 
intolerabilia ad dolorem] ‘insufferably 


painful’ ; lit. ‘as regards the distress they 
cause.” For the use of ad cp. quod vel 
maximum ad timorem proponitur 539. ὃ ; 
ad severitatem lenius et ad communem 
salutem utilius Catil. i. 12; ad existima- 
tionem turpius, ad dolorem acerbius, De 
Or. ii. 200; virum ad cetera egregium, 
Liv. xxxvii. 7. 15. 


EP, 428 (ATI. XI. 13). 313 
tum maxime quod in eam causam venisse me video ut sola utilia 
mihi esse videantur quae semper nolui. P. Lentulum patrem 
Rhodi esse aiunt, Alexandreae filium, Rhodoque Alexandream 
Ὁ. Cassium profectum esse constat. 2. Quintus mihi per litteras 
satis facit multo asperioribus verbis quam cum gravissime accusabat. 
Ait enim se ex litteris tuis intellegere tibi non placere quod ad 
multos de me asperius scripserit, itaque se paenitere quod animum 
tuum offenderit, sed se iure fecisse. Deinde perscribit—sed 
parcissime—quas ob causas fecerit. Sed neque hoc tempore nec 
antea patefecisset odium suum in me nisi omnibus rebus me esse 
-oppressum videret. Atque utinam vel nocturnis, quem ad modum 
tu scripseras, itineribus propius te accessissem! Nune nec ubi nec 
‘quando te sim visurus possum suspicari. ὁ. De coheredibus Fufi- 
dianis nihil fuit quod ad me scriberes. Nam et aequum postulant 
et quidquid egisses recte esse actum putarem. 4. De fundo Fru- 
‘sinati redimendo iam pridem intellexisti voluntatem meam, etsi 
tum meliore loco res erant nostrae neque tam mihi desperatum iri 
videbantur, tamen in eadem sum voluntate. Id quem ad modum 
fiat tu videbis. Et velim, quod poteris, consideres ut sit unde 
nobis suppeditentur sumptus necessarii. Si quas habuimus facul- 
tates, eas Pompeio tum cum id videbamur sapienter facere detuli- 


mus. 


causam] “ my case is now this, that the 
dssue 1 have always disliked seems now 
the only one that will serve my interests’ ; 
he means the victory of Caesar. In sen- 
tences like this, cawsa means much the same 
-as condicio, and may be rendered ‘ vase.’ 

Rhodt esse] Caesar, B.C. iii. 102. 7, 
tells us that the Rhodians refused to re- 
ceive Lentulus, and this is confirmed by 
a letter from the son of Lentulus, Fam. 
xii. 14, 3 (883). P. Lentulus the elder 
was the Lentulus to whom Cicero owed 
his return from exile (cp. Sest. 144), and 
‘to whom he wrote most of the letters in 
Fam.i. We have treated of the younger 
Lentulus in vol. VI, Introd. 1. No. 4. 

C. Cassium| 430.2; 448. 2. 

2. satis facit] ‘in excusing himself 
‘(apologizing to me) he uses much bitterer 
expressions than in his most virulent de- 
nunciations of me.’ 

sed parcissime| ‘but in very sparing 
fashion.’ So C. F. Hermann for spur- 
-cissime of the Mss.; but that word is too 


Itaque tum et a tuo vilico sumpsimus et aliunde mutuati 


violent. Parce is often used in this kind 
of context: cp. a letter of Caecina, 532. 3, 
where the context illustrates the phrase 
scrips’ de te parce: cp. also δέ quidem 
multo parcius scripsi, ‘indeed I used 
much less qualified language than the 
occasion warranted,’ Fam. xii. 14. 3 (883). 
Exigue is similarly used in 431. 1. 

3. Fufidianis] This Fufidius was prob- 
ably arelative of the Fufidius recom- 
mended by Cicero to Brutus in 46 B.c.: 
cp. note to 453. 1. 

aequum postulant| ‘their demand is a 
fair one, and in any case I should have 
approved of any step taken by you.’ 

4. De fundo Frusinati] Cp. 413. 1. 

ut sit unde nobis] = ut sit gui utamur, 
426. 2. For the plural nodis cp. Conway, 
p. 37. 

detulimus| ‘put into the hands of 
Pompey’; this was a sum amounting to 
about £17,500, the profits of his govern- 
ment of Cilicia. Cicero tells Rufus, in 
a letter written two years before the pre- 


314 EP. 429 (ATT. XI. 14). 


sumus, cum Quintus queritur per litteras sibi nos nihil dedisse, — 
qui neque ab illo rogati sumus neque ipsi eam pecuniam aspeximus. ὦ 
Sed velim videas quid sit quod confici possit quidque mihi de — 
ὃ. Plura ne scribam dolore — 


omnibus des consili, et causam nosti. 
impedior. Si quid erit quod ad adiquos scribendum meo nomine 
putes, velim, ut soles, facias: quotiensque habebis quoi des ad me 
litteras nolim praetermittas. Vale. 


429. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Aig. xt, 14), 


BRUNDISIUM ; APRIL CEND)*% A. U. Ὁ, 7073 B. C.475 ABT. CIC. δῦ. 


De misera condicione sua quod iam ne socios quidem habeat, certior cupit fieri quid 
Caesar ad Balbum et Oppium de se scripserit, de Dolabella genero, de Q. fratre, de: 
rebus domesticis. 


CICHRO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Nou me offendit veritas litterarum tuarum, quod me cum 
communibus tum praecipuis malis oppressum ne incipis quidem, 


ut solebas, consolari faterisque jd fieri iam non posse. Nec enim 


sent, that Pompey appropriated the whole 
sum, which was in the hands of publicans 
at Ephesus, for the purposes of the war 
(cp. 302. 9; 406. 2; 407. 8; 411. 3). 
He says that at the time of his brother’s 
request he had ‘never laid eyes on’ the 
money ; but he speaks as if it was not 
yet completely exhausted. 

cum Quintus gueritur| ‘we borrowed 
money then, a time when Quintus com- 
plains we gave him nothing.’ Cum marks 
the time of dedisse. The mss. have que- 
reretur. But Madvig (4. C. iii 188) shows 
that we should read gueritur. For the 
complaint of Quintus is one urged at the 
present time, not two years earlier : if it 
had been urged so long before, Cicero 
would have’ said vogati essemus and 
a hha [ although I was not asked 
by him ’], and it should have been gwere- 
batur in "any case. Miller would read 
nune Quintus queritur, which makes the 
sentence quite plain, but the corruption 
isnot probable. ~ 

causam nosti| ' 


‘you κδν the whole 
case.’ Ἢ en, ἢ 


aliquos| We think it necessary to read 
aliguos for quos, as suggested by Lambi- 
nus (marg.). 


This letter seems (as Sternkopf shows, 
p- 35) to have been written about a fort- 
night before 430 (that letter is dated 
May 14). 
desire to see Atticus (429. 3), and Atticus 
gives reasons why he cannot meet Cicero 
(430. 1), so that there must have elapsed 
between 429 and 430 time for a letter to 
reach Rome and an answer to be received. 
It took six to eight days for ἃ journey 
from Brundisium to Rome. 

1. veritas] ‘sincerity.’ Verus often 
refers to what is right in morals: cp. 
Q. Fr. i. 1. 43 (30); Att. iv. 6. 1 (108) Ὕ 
Hor. Ep. i. 12. 23. 

communibus . . . praecipuis| For the 
antithesis between these two words, by 
which Cicero denotes troubles which 
‘ affect all in common,’ and others which 
‘affect himself specially’: cp. 411. 2; 
418.1; 484, 1 and often; and Lehmann, 
ῥ. 21. δ) dud 7<seat ard" τὸ 


For Cicero expressed an eager’ 


EP. 429 (ATT. XI. 14). 918 


ea sunt quae erant antea cum, ut nihil aliud, comites me et socios 
habere putabam. Omnes enim Achaici deprecatores itemque in 
Asia quibus non erat ignotum, etiam quibus erat, in Africam 
dicuntur navigaturi. Ita praeter Laelium neminem habeo culpae 
socium, qui tamen hoc meliore in causa est quod iam est receptus. 
2. De me autem non dubito quin ad Balbum et ad Oppium 
scripserit, a quibus, si quid esset laetius, certior factus essem, 
tecum etiam essent locuti: quibuscum tu de hoe ipso colloquare 
velim et ad me quid tibi responderint scribas, non quo ab isto 
salus data quidquam habitura sit firmitudinis, sed tamen aliquid 
consuli et prospici poterit. Etsi omnium conspectum horreo, 
praesertim hoc genero, tamen in tantis malis quid aliud velim non 
reperio. 3. Quintus pergit, ut ad me et Pansa scripsit et Hirtius, 
isque item Africam petere cum ceteris dicitur. Ad Minucium 
Tarentum-scribam et tuas litteras mittam; ad te secribam, num 
quid egerim. HS xxx potuisse mirarer, nisi multa de Fufidianis 


praediis. 


cum, ut nihil aliud| * when, though 1 
had nothing else, I thought I had com- 
panions and partners in the course I 
took’; comites only denotes those who 
accompany One; sociws indicates a par- 
ticipation in a policy or design. In the 
present case this is his return to Italy. 

Achaici deprecatores| ‘the Achaian pe- 
titioners’ for Caesar’s pardon. 

itemque in Asia] ‘likewise those in 
Asia.’ Adverbial expressions used sub- 
stantively are rare in Latin: cp. 430. 1, 
Achaici, item ex Asia: Tusce. v. 25, si tot 
sunt im corpore bona, tot extra corpus in 
casu aique fortuna; Acad. 1. 39, officiwm 
et contra officium; and Lebreton, p. 90, 
who quotes these examples among others. 

ignotum| participle from ignoscere: cp. 
Ter. Ad. 474 ignotum est, tacitum est. 

Laelium) 420.2; 480.1, 2. 

receptus| 1.6, by the Caesareans. 
Laelins was allowed to remain in Italy 
(420. 2), but without any certainty of 
being pardoned by Cvesar: ep. 430. 1 
neque ab his ipsis quidquam ad spein osten- 
datur. It can hardly mean ‘by the 
Pompeians’: .cp. 430. 1 cui neque ad illos 
reditus sit. ἘΣ 

2. ab isto. salus data| He distrusts 
Caesar’s pardon, because he was in a 
position to revoke at any time what. he 
had granted, 444. 1, 


{Ὁ advideo tamen exspecto quem videre, si ullo modo 


aliquid consuli et prospici| For con- 
sulere with acc. of neuter pronoun cp. 
2 Verr. 1.22, Vos quod ad vestram famam... 
pertinet prosprcite atque consulite; Fam. 
x. 22. 2 (906), ea quae consulebantur ; 
318. 2, nec te id consulo, where see note; 
Του δον: 

hoe genero| “ with such a son-in-law ἢ ; 
for this abl. of attendant circumstances 
cp. Leg. iii. 37, guid hoe populo obtineri 
possit, and Roby, § 1242. 

quid aliud] i.e. than ascertaining the 
exact state of Caesar’s feeling towards him. 

3. pergit|] ‘is going on as before,’ i.e. 
is abusing me. 

num quid egerim | 
to any arrangement.’ 

HS xxx potuisse mirarer} Atticus had 
undertaken to repay the representatives 
of the Tarentine banker Minucius in 
Rome any sum not exceeding 30,000 
sesterces (£250), which Minucius would 
pay over to Cicero for his current ex- 
penses. Cicero says that he would be 
surprised that Atticus could have under- 
taken the repayment of so large a sum 
out of Cicero's account with him, were it 
not that he understood that the property 
inherited from Fufidius had turned out to 
be considerable. 

Et advideo ... . existimare] We have. 
left this corrupt passage stand as it 


‘whether I can come 


316 


Tpost e1iim res pervellem. Iam extremum concluditur; tibi facile 
est quod quale sit hic gravius existimare. 


EP. 430 (ATT. XI. 15). 


Vale. 


430. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. xt. 15). 


BRUNDISIUM , MAY 14: A. U.C. 7075 B.C. 47; AET. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero consilium requirit ab Attico quid sibi nunc, cum iam paene solus sit, 
agendum sit, de negotio Minuciano, de Q. fratre et Q. filio, desummo dolore suo quod 
peccasse sibi videatur, et diutius Brundisii non amplius posse manere, de genero, de 


Aesopi filio, de Fufidianis coheredibus. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Quoniam iustas causas adfers quod te hoc tempore videre 
non possim, quaeso quid sit mihi faciendum. [116 enim ita 
videtur Alexandream tenere ut eum scribere etiam pudeat de illis 


appears in M, as we cannot feel certain 
about any of the corrections which have 
been suggested. The last clause would seem 
to show that there was considerable dis- 
order in this passage. It certainly looks 
as if we should read quod (so M; quid Z) 
quale sit ibi (sc. at Rome) facile est, hic 
(sc. at Brundisium) gravius existimare. 
‘The final issue (cp. 436. 3, mihi videtur 
adesse extremum) is reaching its end, the 
exact nature of which is easy for you at 
Rome to estimate, harder for us at Brun- 
disium.’ That advideo is a corruption of 
avide te is also very probable, as the collo- 
cation avide exspecto occurs elsewhere, 
e.g. Att. xvi. 18 ο. 1 (804); Fam. xit. 4. 2 
(818). The ellipse of the verb with mu/ta 
is somewhat harsh. For post Bosius says 
that Z has potest, and Bosius may be 
believed in what he says about that manu- 
script: so editors have no hesitation in 
adopting it, potest for potest fiert being quite 
common. (There is a somewhat similar 
ellipse in potwisse just before: ‘ I should 
have been surprised that there could have 
been (potuisse = potuisse esse) thirty ses- 
tertia.’) Out of enim res editors make ἃ 
short parenthesis <ests enim res, ‘it is 
worth while’ (Bosius, Boot); <poscit >» 
enim res (Graevius, Baiter), or <postulat> 
enim res (Wesenberg). But it seems im- 
probable. Atticus would have been at 


praediis. 


a loss to know in what the special urgency 
consisted. We think enin res may be the 
remnant of venirent (or venissent) which 
has got out of place and should follow 
For venire in the sense of an 
inheritance coming to one, cp. Verr. iv. 
62, Hie Verres hereditatem sibi venisse 
arbitratus est; Caec. 74; Phil. i. 40. 


1. causas adfers, quod... possim] Boot, 
after Ursinus, would read gwor (cu) for 
quod, but there are examples of quod 
with the subj. in Cicero and the comic 
drama, as well as in later poetry. The 
dictionaries give Plaut. Aul. 92, ne causae 
quid sit quod te quisquam quaeritet; Verr.il. 
117, atque haec una causa fuissét quod 
amicum meum.. . tam crudeliter trac- 
tasses; Att. xil. 39.1 (583) eam causam 
non scribendi fuisse quod pridie scripsisses. 

quaeso| Miller (Rh. Mus, 1898, p. 151) 
says that we must have an imperative 
before or after quaeso, e.g. vide or cogita 
(375. 2) or considera. This parenthetical 
use is certainly the more usual one of 
quaeso in the Letters. But perhaps we 
should read est for sit, ‘Pray, what 
am I to do?’ cp. Fam. ili. 7. 5 (244), 
guaeso, etiamne tu . . . existimas, Or 
possibly better <quaere >, guaeso, quid sit 
mihi faciendum. 

Iile| Caesar: ep. 428. 1. 


Tt 


i! 


Hi δ ἐξ ὦ, ἐν ἐμὲ re ESS ὅν, ἦν bi πον teal ἢ ᾿ μ 
PRET ITN EEE τς πε re Ee δε, σίνος 


_ rebus. 
_ex Asia redituri ad eos aut libero aliquo loco commoraturi. Quid 
mihi igitur putas agendum? Video difficile esse consilium. Sum 


μὰ" 
- BY 


EP, 430 (ATT. XI. 15). 317 


Hi autem ex Africa iam adfuturi videntur; Achaici, item 


enim solus aut cum altero cui neque ad illos reditus sit neque ab: 
his ipsis quidquam ad spem ostendatur. Sed tamen scire velim quid 


_ censeas, idque erat cum aliis cur te, si fieri posset, cuperem videre. 
Ὁ, Minucium ΧΙ sola curasse scripsi ad te antea: quod superest. 


velim videas ut curetur. 


Quintus non modo non cum magna. 


_ prece ad me sed acerbissime scripsit, filius vero mirifico odio. 


Nihil fingi potest mali quo non urgear. Omnia tamen sunt 


faciliora quam peccati dolor, qui et maximus est et aeternus :. 


cuius peccati si socios essem habiturus ego quos putavi, tamen 


esset ea consolatio tenuis. Sed habet aliorum omnium ratio 


 exitum, mea nullum. Alii capti, alii interclusi non veniunt in 


dubium de voluntate, eo minus scilicet cum se expedierint et una. 
esse coeperint. [i autem ipsi qui sua voluntate ad Fufium 
venerunt nihil possunt nisi timidi existimari. Multi autem sunt 
qui quocumque modo ad illos se recipere volent recipientur. 
Quo minus debes mirari non posse me tanto dolori resistere. 
Solius enim meum peccatum corrigi non potest et fortasse Laeli 


Sed quid me id levat? Nam CO. quidem Cassium aiunt consilium 


Hi autem] He enumerates all the Pom- 
peians—those in Africa ; those in Achaia, 
who afterwards went to Asia; and those 
in Asia. 

item ex Asia] Op. note to 429. 1. 

redituri| ‘ are going to join the Pom- 
peians in Italy, or to remain in some place 
not in the hands of Caesar.’ 

cum altero| sc. Laelio: ep. note to 
429.1. 

ad illos| the Pompeians. 


case of all the rest admits of some plea of 
extenuation (has a way out, ἔκβασις), 
but mine does not. Some were taken 
captive, some cut off, and so cannot incur 
any suspicion of a want of ioyalty to 
Pompey (in not going to Africa after Phar- 
salia), the more so as they have now got 
clear and succeeded in effecting ἃ junction 
there.’ 
ad Fufium] They are the Achaici, 

who yielded to Q. Fufius Calenus, whom 


ab his ipsis| the Caesareans. 

2. Minucium] 429.3. The letter to 
which Cicero refers has been lost. 

x11. sola] ‘twelve sestertia only ,’12,000 
sesterces, only about £100, whereas he 


_ required about £250. 


curasse| ‘paid’; cp. 396. 5: 426. 2. 

peccati dolor| ‘my mortification at the 
mistake I made’ in returning to Italy 
after Pharsalia. 

quos putavi} ‘as I thought I should 
have had’; he refers to his brother and 
nephew. 


Sed habet alioruwm omnium ratio] ‘the 


Caesar had made governor of Greece. 
Cicero feared that his return to Italy 
might be regarded as a distinct overture- 
to Caesar. 

Solius enim meum] Cp. Fam. ii. 6.5 (177) 
tuo unius studio: Pis. 6 urbem mea 
unius opera esse salvam: Ov. Her. 5. 4. 
nostros vidisti flentis ocellos, and note to 
Fam. v. 6. 1 (16). 


Nam] This explains the clause solius.. .. 
Laeli, the words sed quid me id levat refer- 
ring parenthetically to Laelius: ‘for the. 
case of Cassius (428. 1} cannot be quoted 
as parallel to ours, as he has given up his. 


318 


EP, 430 (ATT. ΧΙ. 18). 


Alexandream eundi mutavisse. 3. Haec ad te scribo, non tut 
queas tu demere sollicitudinem, sed ut cognoscam ecquid tu ad ea — 
adferas quae me conficiunt, ad quae gener accedit et cetera quae 
fletu reprimor ne scribam. Quin etiam Aesopi filius me excruciat. 
Prorsus nihil abest quin sim miserrimus. Sed ad primum revertor, 
quid putes faciendum, occultene aliquo propius venieundum an 


mare transeundum ; nam hic maneri diutius non potest. 
Fufidianis qua re nihil potuit confici ? 


4. De 
Genus enim condicionis 


eius modi fuit, in quo non solet esse controversia, cum ea pars 


quae videtur esse minor licitatione expleri posset. 


design of going to Alexandria to join 
Caesar.’ If he had persevered in that 
design, he would have laid himself open 
to the imputation of having made direct 
overtures to Caesar, like Cicero, and per- 
haps Laelius. 

ὃ. non ut .. . sollicitudinem|] Muller 
(Rh. Mus. 1898, p. 131) says that ut 
must signify an end, and not a ground. 
116 refers to Madvig on Fin., p. 215 (on 
Fin. 11. 42). He also says that demere 
soblicitudinem is doubtful in Cicero. We 
cannot quote a parallel from Cicero; but 
the phrase is found in Tac. Hist. ii. 68, 
and seems a natural one. Miiller reads 
non ut querar tecum de mea sollicitudine ; 
but surely this is too bold. Still his first 
point seems good. ‘The ground should be 
expressed by non quo, the end by non wut: 
cp. Att. 11. 25. 1 (52) non quo faceret sed 
ut faceret: cp. Acad. ii. 181. We would 
suggest non quo queas tu; and suppose 
that guo was lost before gueas and ut de- 
veloped out of the adjacent tw. 

gener | ‘the conduct of my son-in-law, 
Dolabella’: 427. 45 429. 2. 

fletu| Cp. 420. 6; 423 fin. Cicero 
cannot restrain his tears when he thinks 
of the sufferings of his beloved Tullia. 

_ Aesopi filius] Like Damasippus (Att. 
xii. 29. 2 (565): 33.1 (566); Fam. vii. 23. 
2, 3 (126), cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 3. 16), the 
son of Aesopus is a character common to 
-Cicero’s letters and Horace; and Horace, 
as well as Cicero, designates him as Aesopi 
fiius: -He was an utter profligate (non 
solum perditae sed etiam furiosae luxuriae, 
Val. Max. ix. 1. 2), who had inherited a 
very large fortune from his father Aesopus, 
a celebrated tragic actor of the time when 
Roscius was so famous in comedy. This 
Aesopus junior was a rival of Dolabella for 


the favours of a notorious adulteress, Me-: 


Hoe ego non 


tella, wife of P. Corn. Lentulus Spinther. 
Palmer, on Hor. Sat. ii. 3. 239, thinks 
that the coincidence of expression ( /ilius 
Aesopi) indicates a recent study of Cicero’s 
letter on the part of Horace. It was the 
bad influence of this young man on 
Dolabella which gave Cicero such pain. 

ad primum revertor, quid putes] “1 re- 
turn to my first point (I mean my ques- 
tion), what you think I should do’ ὁ 1 
quid mihi igitur putas agendum. The 
words ad primum virtually contain the 
idea of rogationem, or some such word, to 
govern quid putes. 

4. licitatione] In the division of any 
common property in definite proportions, 
it must often happen that an exactly 
accurate partition cannot be effected. The 
instance taken by Justinian in the Insti- 
tutes (iv. 17. 5) is that of ‘a man or a 
mule’; and certainly in the case of these 
commodities a division could not be made 
with much profit to the persons interested. 
But even in the case of lands and houses 
difficulty would often be caused as to how 
to effect a division without serious incon- 
venience to the owners, or without entail- 
ing considerable diminution in the value 
of the property. So that the only method 
of procedure was to assign the property to’ 
one Or more persons, and to compensate 
those who obtained a less share than was 
their due. This was generally done, no 
doubt, by friendly arrangement ; but often 
all parties were unable to agree, with the 
result that an actio familiae erciscundae or 
communi dividundo ensued. The essential 
character of these two actions was the 
same: the only difference: was that the 
former referred to inheritance, the latter 
to property owned in common. ‘The iudex 
adjudicated the property in the most 
advantageous manner to’ one or more per- 


in the Code, iii. 
_regionibus dividi aliquis ager inter socios 


EP. 431 (ATT. XI. 16). 


sine causa quaero. 


431. 


319 


Suspicor enim’ coheredes dubiam nostram 
causam putare et eo rem in integro esse malle. 
Idus Maias. 


Vale. Pridie 


/ 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. x1. 16). 


BRUNDISIUM ; JUNE 3 (ς 5); A. U. CG. 707; B.C. 47; AET. CIC. 59. 


De misera condicione sua, qua quo modo se expediatzet salutem inveniat nescire se 


ait, de Q. fratre et Q. filio, de Terentia. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Non meo vitio fit, hoc quidem tempore—ante enim est 


peccatum—ut me ista epistula nihil consoletur. 


Nam et exigue 


scripta est et suspiciones magnas habet non esse ab illo, quas 


animadvertisse te existimo. 


sons, and fixed the amount of compensa- 
tion to be paid to the person or persons 
who either had shares which were less 
than their due, or no shares at all. (Cp. 
Dig. x. 2. 55, Si famitiae erciscundae 
communive dividundo iudicium agatur et di- 
visio tam difficilis sit ut paene impossibilis 
esse videatur, potest iudex in unius perso- 
nam totam condemnationem conferre et ad- 
iudicare omnes res.) But the iewdex could 
also put up the integral portion (which it 
was impossible todivide) for auction among 
the co-heirs orco-partners(and sometimes, 
though rarely, even for public auction), 
and divide the sums thus realized among 
the non-purchasers. This is apparently 
the process to which Cicero is referring 
in our passage; and a somewhat similar 
procedure would appear to be laid down 
37. 38, 1: Cum autem 


non potest, vel ex pluribus singult aestima- 
tione iusta facta unicuique sociorum adiudi- 


_ cantur, compensatione invicem pretii facta 
 eogue, cui maioris res pretii obvenit, ceteris 
— eondemnato, ad lieitationem nonnunquam 
 etium extraneo emptore admisso, maxime si 
se non sufficere ad. iusta pretia alter ex 


sociis sua pecunia.vincere vilius licentem 


τ profiteatur. 
dubiam nostram causam] What made 


De obviam itione ita faciam ut 


Cicero so anxious about this matter was, 
that he feared his co-heirs looked on his 
chances of making his peace with Caesar 
as problematical; if he failed, his pro- 
perty might be confiscated; they there- 
fore wished the transaction to be kept 
open as long as possible, rem in integro 
esse, 80 that if Cicero incurred the anger 
of Caesar, and suffered exile or confisca- 
tion of property, they might leave him 
out in the apportioning of the estate of 
Fufidius to the different legatees. 


1. ista epistula] a letter sent to Cicero 
by Atticus, and purporting to have been 
written by Caesar. 

exigue| ‘grudgingly,’ see on 428. 2. 

habet| ‘causes, gives rise to’: ep. 
Att. xv1.4.4 (771), Haee autem navigatio 
habet quasdam suspiciones periculi. In 
Greek too we have ἔχειν ὑποψίας, Plat. 
Phaed. 84 C. 

obviam itione| These words (sometimes 
written as one word) are also used in Att. 
xiii. 50. 4 (667): cp. domumitio or domuitio 
found in Lucilius, Attius, Ennius, and 
Tar Cicero uses ἀπάντησις 352. 2; 
862. Att. xvi. 11..:6 (799) for the 
μοι accorded to a distinguished per- 
sonage. The verb obviam ire i 6). is 
quite common. 


320 EP. 431 (ATT. XJ. 16). 


suades. Neque enim ulla de adventu eius opinio est, neque si 
qui ex Asia veniunt quidquam auditum esse dicunt de pace, 
cuius ego spe in hance fraudem incidi. Nihil video quod speran- 
dum putem, nune praesertim cum ea plaga in Asia sit accepta, in 
Illyrico, in Cassiano negotio, in ipsa Alexandrea, in urbe, in Italia. 
Ego vero, etiam si rediturus ille est qui adhuc bellum gerere 
dicitur, tamen ante reditum eius negotium confectum iri puto. | 
2. Quod autem scribis quandam laetitiam bonorum esse com- 
motam, ut sit auditum de litteris, tu quidem nihil praetermittis in 
quo putes aliquid solaci esse, sed ego non adducor quemquam 
bonum ullam salutem putare mihi tanti fuisse ut eam peterem ab 
illo, et eo minus quod huius consili iam ne socium quidem habeo 
quemquam. Quiin Asia sunt rerum exitum exspectant. Achaici 
etiam Fufio spem deprecationis adferunt. Horum et timor idem 
fuit primo qui meus et constitutum: mora Alexandrina causam 


illorum correxit, mesim evertit. 


plaga in Asia| In Asia, Cn. Domitius, 
a lieutenant of Caesar’s, had been unsuc- 
cessful against Pharnaces (Bell. Alex. 
31-41); in Illyricum, Gabinius had met 
with reverses (id. 43): in Spain, Q. 
Cassius Longinus had been abandoned 
by his army, and perished, 1d. 48-64 ; 
in Alexandria, Caesar had received a 
check (ib. 1-33); in Rome, there were 
dissensions between the Caesarean tri- 
bunes (id. 65); and Italy was alienated 
from that cause by the misconduct of 
Antony (Phil. ii. 65). 

negotium confectum iri] sc. by the 
arrival of the Pompeians in Italy: cp. 
430. 1. 

2. ut sit auditum de] ‘on the news of 
Caesar’s conciliatory letter to me.’ 

non adducor | Adducor is here used as if 
it were adducor in opinionem, adducor ut 
credam; and still more anomalously, the 
object clause guemguam bonum. . . putare 
is treated as if it depended directly on non 
adducor rather than on ut credam, to be 
supplied; and accordingly guemguam is 
used instead of aliguem, quemvis, quem- 
piam, which would have been the proper 
pronouns to use if he had written non 
adducor ut credam. Madvig has a most 
masterly note on adducor = adducor ad 
credendum on Fin. i. 14. It is followed 
by τὲ with subjunctive, and by accusative 
and infinitive. Madvig points out that in 


3. Quam ob rem idem a te nune 


like manner dispexerim means me dispexe 
isse credam in nec vero possum meo tantum 
imgenio dare ut tot res tam varias... 
dispexerim, Sull. 40; and despexerit = 
despexisse iudicetur in num quid est causae 
quin diligentiam despexerit, Leg. Agr. 
ili. 3: cp. Fam. xv. 2. 8 (219), cum hae 
opinione discederem ut... regem... meus 
adventus praesentibus insiatis liberarit. By 
a similar brachylogy in De Or. i. 114, 
Cicero writes neque haec ita dico ut ars 
aliquos limare non possit, where cumplete 
perspicuity would have demanded neque 
haec ita dico ut dicamartem ... non posse. 
In 420. 3 we have the full expression sé 
me adduuxerrs ut existimem me bonorum iudi- 
cium non funditus perdidisse. 

spem deprecationis adferunt] < are still 
keeping before him a hope that they will 
at some time make their peace with 
Caesar,’ but still put it off. 

constitutum]| ‘their policy, their re- 
solution’ to put themselves into the hands — 
of Caesar; but the check which Caesar 
received at Alexandria prevented them 
from carrying out their design, and so 
saved them from breaking openly with 
the Pompeians. On the other hand, the 
fact that Caesar’s cause had suffered a 
reverse made the step which Cicero took 
in leaving the Pompeian camp for Italy a 
still more significant declaration in favour 
of Caesar. 


li 


ε 


ἄς . 55. (ATT. XI. 16). 321 


peto quod superioribus litteris, ut si quid in perditis rebus dis- 
piceres quod mihi putares faciendum-me moneres. Si recipior ab 
his, quod vides non fieri, tamen, quoad bellum erit, quid agam aut 
ubi sim non reperio: sin iactor, eo minus. Itaque tuas litteras 
exspecto, easque ut ad me sine dubitatione scribas rogo. 4. Quod 
suades ut ad Quintum scribam de his litteris, facerem, si me 
quidquam istae litterae delectarent. Etsi quidam scripsit ad me 
his verbis: ‘ Kgo, ut in his malis, Patris sum non invitus: essem 
libentius si frater tuus ea de te loqueretur quae ego audire 


vellem.’ 


(Juod ais illum ad te scribere me sibi nullas litteras 


remittere, semel ab ipso accepi: ad eas Cephalioni dedi, qui 


multos menses tempestatibus retentus est. 
acerbissime scripsisse iam ante ad te scripsi. 
quod te orem, si putas rectum esse et a te suscipi posse, cum 
Camillo communices ut ‘l'erentiam moneatis de testamento. 
pora monent ut videat ut satis faciat quibus debet. 
ex Philotimo est eam scelerate quaedam facere. Credibile vix est ; 
sed certe, 8581 quid est quod fieri possit, providendum est. 


@uintum filium ad me 
ὃ. Extremum est 


‘T'em- 
Auditum 


De 


omnibus rebus velim ad me scribas, et maxime quid sentias de ea 


3. dispiceres ... putares .. . moneres | 
depend on petivi, to be supplied with guod 
superioribus litteris. 

ab his| Sc. a Caesareanis. By hi 
Cicero generally means the Caesareans 
(e.g. 430. 1), and by ildi the Pompeians 
(430. 1.2). Shuckburgh takes hi here as 
the Pompeians; and perhaps he might 
defend that by 430. 1, hi autem ex Africa 
tam adfuturt videntur: and Cicero uses 


_ recipior generally with reference to being 


received back by the Pompeians (429. 1 ; 
430. 2). 

tactor| ‘if I am scorned, repudiated,’ 
lit. ‘tossed aside.’ See on Att. iv. 9 (122). 
This sense of the word was recognized by 
Madvig in his explanation of the Lucilian 
verse (121 ed. Bahrens, quoted in Fin. 
11. 24)— 

O lapathe ut zactare, nec es sati’ cognitu’ 

qui sis. 

Palmer on Hor. Sat. ii. 2. 47 refers to it, 
quoting Plaut. Rud. 373 Novi, Neptunus 


ta solet: quamvis fastidiosus Aedilis est ; 


δύ quae improbae sunt merces, iactat omnis, 
which would seem to show that the 
metaphor is taken from an aedile (ayo- 
ρανόμος) tossing aside bad or worthless 
commodities, 


VOL. IV. 


4, de his litteris] the letter from 
Caesar already referred to (§ 1), and in 
istae litterae the reference is the same. 

Quod ais illum] Sc. Quintum. 

ad eas| ‘in answer to it’: cp. 364. 3, 
ad tuam illam epistulam: Att. v. 4. 1 
(187). Note ditteras omitted both with 
accept and dedi. 

5. Extremum est quod te orem] ‘ the last 
thing I have to do is to beg you.’ 

cum Camillo] ‘join with Camillus in 
advising Terentia.” Camillus was a 
lawyer and a friend of Cicero’s, often 
mentioned in the letters, e.g. Att. v. 8. 3 
(193); vi. 1. 19 (252): 437.1. 

de testamento| because, if Terentia made 
a will, she would be bound to make 
arrangements for the payment of her 
debts, and make proper provision for her 
children. See note to Ep. 410. We 
should most probably assign that letter 
to this year 47, and not to 48. 

scelerate quaedam facere| Probably that 
Terentia was not making proper pro- 
vision for her children in her will: see 
O. E. Schmidt, Cicero und Terentia, in 
‘N. Jahrb.,’ 1899, p. 182. 

de ea in qua) sc. re, which is easily 
supplied from the foregoing redus; it is a 

E 


322 EP. 432 (ATT. XI. 17). 


in qua tuo consilio egeo, etiam si nihil excogitas: id enim mihi 
erit pro desperato. 111. Non. Lun. 


432, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. xt. 17). 


BRUNDISIUM ; JUNE 13 AND 14; A. U. C. 7073 B. C. 475; AET. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero Attico significat Tulliam ad se venisse, Ciceronem ad Caesarem cogitat 
mittere, Tulliam ad matrem remittere, de sermone Oppii cum Attico habito, inane esse 
illud de litteris a. d. v. Febr. datis, de L. Terentio. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Properantibus tabellariis alienis hane epistulam dedi: eo 
brevior est et quod eram missurus nostros. ‘T'ullia mea venit ad 
me pridie Idus Iunias deque tua erga se observantia benevolentia- 
que mihi plurima exposuit litterasque reddidit trinas. Ego autem 
ex ipsius virtute, humanitate, pietate non modo eam voluptatem 
non cepi quam capere ex singulari filia debui, sed etiam incredi- 
bili sum dolore adfectus tale ingenium in tam misera fortuna 
versari idque accidere nullo ipsius delicto, summa culpa mea. 
Itaque a te neque consolationem iam, qua cupere te uti video, nec 
consilium, quod capi nullum potest, exspecto, teque omnia cum 
superioribus saepe litteris tum proximis temptasse intellego. 

Ego cum Sallustio Ciceronem ad Caesarem mittere cogitabam. 


repetition of the request conveyed in ἡ 3 ; 
such iterations are common in the con- 
cluding words of the letters. 

etiam si nihil excogitas| ‘even if you 
cannot hit on any plan. For I shall take 
that as a sign that the case is desperate,’ 

id| Frederking (Philologus, 1900, 
p. 156) would read ita: cp. Att. vi. 1. 6 
(252), where M! has idque and M? ttague. 
But id is plain ; it means ‘ your not being 
ableto offer any advice.’ 


1. wirtute . . . pietate] 
kindliness, and affection.’ 

singulari filia| ‘a daughter who is 
one in a thousand.’ 

adfectus ...versari|] cp. conficior ven- 
1586 tempus, 404. 3. 


“ goodness, 


Ego| Cicero appears to have written 
the former part of this letter a day after 
Tullia had arrived, i.e. on the Ides: and 
to have continued and finished it on the 
next day, June 14 (§ 3 fin.). It certainly 
seems very strange that Cicero thought of 
sending Tullia back to Rome so soon after 
her long and ill-equipped (Plut. Cic. 41) 
journey. But he does not appear to have 
carried out his intention ; for Tullia seems 
to have been with him even at the end of 
August (445. 2). 

Sailustio| Cn. Sallustius 433: ep. 
426.2. He was an old friend of Cicero’s : 
cp. Fam. xiv. 4. 6 (62); Q. Fr. iii. 5. 1 
(155); also De Div. i. 59. 

Ciceronem] his son Marcus. 


EP. 432 (ATT. XI. 17). 


323 


Tulliam autem non videbam esse causam cur diutius mecum tanto 
in communi maerore retinerem. Itaque tematiam, cum primum 


per ipsam liceret, eram remissurus. 


Pro ea, Tque ad modum con- 


solandis scripsisti, P. tanta eo me scripsisse, quae tu ipse intellegis 
responderi potuisse. 2. Quod Oppium tecum scribis locutum, non 


abhorret a mea suspicione eius oratio. 


Sed non dubito quin istis 


persuaderi nullo modo possit ea quae faciant mihi probari posse, 


quoquo modo loquar. 


Ego tamen utar moderatione qua potero,. 


Quamquam quid mea intersit ut eorum odium subeam non 


tematiam| Bosius conjectured matri 
eam: cp. 433 and 435, where Cic. writes 
to Terentia about Tullia. O. E. Schmidt 
(Jahrbuch, 1897, p. 597) thinks that as 
Cicero’s relations with ‘Terentia were 
strained at this time, and as ‘Terentia 
does not appear to have acted well to- 
wards Tullia (cp. Plut. Cic. 41)—not to 
mention that Dolabella was in Rome at 
this time, and her husband’s house was 
the natural place for Tullia to go to— 
reads Egnatia eam. He would accompany 
her to Egnatia, and thence send her to 
Rome. But why should he accompany 
her just a small part of the way? Lam- 
binus (ed. 1584) reads eam tibi iam, “1 
shall presently (tam) send her back to 

ou when first she will let me.’ Atticus 

ad been so kind to her (§ 1; 418. 4; 
420. 6) that it was to him that Cicero 
said he would send her back. _He would 
not send her to Dolabella, who had been 
behaving so scandalously, nor to Terentia, 
with whom he was on such bad terms 
just now. Or ¢idi might mean no more 
than that in sending Tullia back to Rome 
he was sending her to Atticus, who was her 
best friend, without meaning that she was 
to live in Atticus’s house. Indeed, there 
does not seem to have been any ill-feeling 
between Tullia and her mother (cp. 414 ; 
A417): cp. also 455. 

eram remissurus|] = remissurus sum: 
see on Att. v. 17. 1 (209). 

Pro ea . . . seripsisse| In this corrupt 
‘passage possibly the reference is to a 
letter of Balbus. as Cicero goes on to 
speak of Caesar’s other agent, Oppius, 
and connects him with Balbus (istis and 
eorum) in the sequel: and we would sug- 
gest some such alteration as this: Pro 
epistula quam ad modum consolationis 
seripsit iste, puto (or perhaps putato, as 
Malaspina suggested) tanta me scripsisse 


quae tu ipse intellegis responderi potutsse. 
Cicero may have sent the letter in question 
to Balbus by the same letter-carrier 
(tabeilariisalienis) by whom hesentthis one 
to Atticus. Pro is used here as in the 
phrase par pro pari referre, Ter. Kun. 445. 
Cicero with some touch of irony refers to 
Balbus’s letter as a studied formal speci- 
men of the rhetorical exercise Consolatio 
(cp. Tusc. 1. 115, in Consolatione Cran- 
toris: cp. De Orat. ii. 50: iii. 211). The 
letter of Balbus was no doubt full of 
the platitudes and the commonplaces ad- 
dressed to one in trouble. Or perhaps 
we might read consolandi, the gerund 
being taken for the action quite abstractly 
as in Orat. 237, quae duo sunt ad iudi- 
candum levissima. ‘The objection is that 
ad modum with a genitive is not, as far as 
we know, found in Cicero; but it is found 
in Quintilian, e.g., xi. 3. 120, utraque 
manu ad modum aliquid portantium com- 
posita. For Pro ea Schmidt (p. 220) 
would read Paeto, and suppose that the 
reference is to a letter of consolation 
which Paetus had sent him. He gives 
the whole passage thus—Paeto, gui ad 
modum consolantis scripsit mihi, putato ea 
me rescripsisse, &. Miiller adopts Paeto 
from Schmidt, but differs in what should 
follow. He suggests quem ad modum 
consulenti (or consulenti mihi) scripsisti, 
‘as you wrote to me when 1 asked your 
advice’; but Miiller does not indicate 
(Rh. Mus., 1898, p. 131) on what subject 
Paetus asked the advice of Cicero, or 
what meaning he puts on the words. 
Boot conjectured Pro epistula quam ad me 
consolandum scripsisti πρᾳότατα, putato ea 
me rescripsisse. 

2. ut eorum...subeam] ‘ my incurring 
their odium—what difference that makes 
to me I cannot see.” Edd. generally in- 
sert ne or non, but this is not necessary ; 


Y¥2 


324 


EP. 433 (FAM. XIV. 11). 


intellego. 9. Te iusta causa impediri quo minus ad nos venias 


video, idque mihi valde molestum est. 
discessisse nemo nuntiat, constatque ne profectum quidem illim — 


quemquam post Idus Mart. nec post Idus Decembr. ab illo datas 


ullas litteras ; ex quo intellegis illud de litteris a. ἃ. v Id. Febr. 


datis, quod inane esset etiam si verum esset, non verum esse. 


L. Terentium discessisse ex Africa scimus Paestumque venisse. - 


Quid is adferat aut quo modo exierit aut quid in Africa fiat scire 


velim. Dicitur enim per Nasidium emissus esse. 
velim, si inveneris, ad me scribas. 


xvui Kalend. Quinctilis. 


Vale. 


Id quale sit 
De HS x, ut sceribis, faciam. 


433. CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. xiv. 11). 


BRUNDISIUM : JUNE 14, A. U. C. 7075 B. C. 475 AET. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero Tulliam ad se venisse scribit, et sibi in animo esse filium ad Caesarem 


mittere. 


TULLIUS 8S. Ὁ. TERENTIAE SUAE. 


Ss. V. B. E, ¥. 


Tullia nostra venit ad me pridie Idus Iunias, 


culus summa virtute et singulari humanitate graviore etiam sum 
dolore adfectus nostra factum esse neglegentia ut longe alia in 


see on Att. 1. 5. ὃ (1), where missione is 
defended against tntermissione on a prin- 
ciple equally applicable to this passage. 
For interesse = merely ‘it matters’ cp. 
382. 10. 

3. ab Alexandrea| Ab is probably an 
insertion of a copyist : cp. 434. 1 ; 436. 2. 
lf it is retained, it can refer to the 
country about Alexandria, ‘from before 
Alexandria’: cp. Phil. xii. 11, a Mutina 
discedereé. 

ex quo intellegis| ‘from which you see 
that the story about Caesar’s letter of 
February 9 was not true, and even if it 
were, it would have had nothingin it (have 
been of no importance).’? It would have 
been simpler if Cicero had said that ‘ the 
letter was not genuine’; but the meaning 
is clear. ‘That there was an actual letter 
sent to Cicero, and purporting to come 
from Caesar, is plain from the words of 


451. 1, nam et exigue scripta est et sus- 
piciones magnas habet non esse ab illo ; 
quas animadvertisse te existimo. 

L. Terentium|] We do uot appear to 
hear of him elsewhere. 

Nasidium| a Pompeian admiral: ep. 
Caes. B. C. ii. 8-7; Bell. Afr. 64. 2; 
98... 2; 

HS. x] Possibly this sum was a 
further advance he wanted from Minu- 
clus: cp. 430. 2. 


xvii] ‘The ss. give xv111; but there - 
is no such day. In 432 fin. the mss. are 
right. 


Be Vs Bo Be Vij ie 
valeo. 
cuius summa virtute . 


st vales bene est, 


. . postulabat} 


‘her noble nature and marvellous kindli- — 
ness have made me feel all the deeper © 
grief that it is due to my own carelessness — 


Illum [ab] Alexandrea — 


Ἀν. Ὡς 


= ae a ον δος νον 


δέον, ih yc ES pl ὡς. 


Sia ae 


| opinio valde esse impeditum. 


EP. 8, (ATT. XE 18). 


fortuna esset atque eius pietas ac dignitas postulabat. 


325 


Nobis erat 


in animo Ciceronem ad Caesarem mittere et cum eo Cn. Sallustium. 
Si profectus erit, faciam te certiorem. Valetudinem tuam cura 
diligenter. Vale. xvi K. Quinctilis. 


434. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. xt. 18). 


BRUNDISIUM3; JUNE 19 (§ 2); A. U. GC. 7073 B.C. 473 ALT. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero Attico significat se amplius Brundisii morari non posse et ab eo rogat ut 


| conficiat ut exire possit. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. De illius Alexandrea discessu nihil adhue rumoris contraque 


that her circumstances are so different 
from what her affection towards me and 
her position demanded.’ For humanitas 
cp. Mr. Heitland on Cic. Muren. 66, 
‘ Humanitas expresses those smalleveryday 
allowances that men make for one another, 
without which society could not hold to- 
gether.’ The main idea of humanitas, 
then, is ‘ considerateness,’ but it must be 
translated by different words in different 
contexts. 

dignitas| as daughter of Cicero and 
wife of Dolabella. 

Nobis erat inanimo]| Prof. Conway has 
shown good reason to suppose that when 
Cicero uses mos to mean himself only there 
is a note of superiority or patronising in 


| the plural. He says (p. 61): ‘‘Inthenext 


four letters (to Terentia) [viz. Fam. xiv. 
19, 9,17, 16 = 417, 419, 421, 424] we hear 


of Terentia’s illness and Tullia’s, and 


in these Cicero has not the heart to call 
himself nos : in the second of them he adds 


: plurimam to the salutem of the heading. 


But five months later (June 15), just 


_ after he had been joined by Tullia, Cicero 


cannot overcome his grief and vexation 


- at what he has heard of her mother’s 


proceedings [431. 5], and the plural 
reappears (nobis erat in animo: though 
it is not so formal as if Terentia 


_ herself were mentioned in the sentence). 


In the remaining letters to Terentia 


Itaque nec mitto, ut constitueram, 


(from June 20 to October 1), which grow 
shorter and shorter, there are at least 
thirteen (possibly seventeen) examples of 
the pronoun, and only two of the letters 
(439, 448) are certainly without it, and 
both of these are written when ‘Terentia’s 
health required ‘careful attention ’ 
(diligenter). In the last two letters 
(447, 449) there are no less than nine 
examples in eleven lines.’? One cannot 
be sure, however, that in many of these 
letters 20s may not refer to himself and 
Tullia, who appears to have been with 
him up to the end of August at all 
events (445.2): and in 435 we have 
many apparently patronising plurals, yet 
Terentia’s health required attention. 
Still it seems fairly well established that 
the plural is less cordial than the singular. 

erat] pistolary imperfect. For the 
mission here referred to cp. 482. 1. 
Sicero afterwards gave up the plan: see 
following letters. 


1. contraque| This is one of those 
cases before commented on at 427. 2, in 
which the Latin writers used a copulative 
where we should use an adversative 
conjunction: ‘ of Caesar's departure from 
Alexandria there is not yet a hint, but, 
on the contrary, the impression is that he 
is seriously hampered.’ It is not likely 


326 


Ciceronem et te rogo ut me hine expedias. 


EP. 435 (FAM. XIV. 14). 


Quodvis enim — 


supplicium levius est hac permansione. Hac dere et ad Antonium ~ 


scripsi et ad Balbum et ad Oppium. 


Sive enim bellum in Italia — 


futurum est sive classibus utetur, hic esse me minime convenit: 


quorum fortasse utrumque erit, alterum  certe. 


2. Intellexi 


omnino ex Oppi sermone, quem tu mihi scripsisti, quae istorum 


ira esset, sed ut eam flectas te rogo. 


nisi miserum. 
potest. 


Nihil omnino iam exspecto - 


Sed hoe perditius in quo nune sum fieri nihil 
Qua re et cum Antonio loquare velim et cum istis et rem, 


ut poteris, expedias et mihi quam primum de omnibus rebus 


Vale. 


rescribas. 


435. 


x11 Kal. Quinctilis. 


CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. x1v. 15). 


BRUNDISIUM 5; JUNE 19; A. U. Οὐ 707; B. C. 475 AET. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero significat Terentiae se filium iam nolle ad Caesarem mittere. 


TULLIUS 5. D. TERENTIAE. 


Si vales, bene est. Constitueramus, ut ad te antea scripseram, 
obviam Ciceronem Caesari mittere, sed mutavimus consilium, 
quia de illius adventu nihil audiebamus. De ceteris rebus, etsi 
nihil erat novi, tamen quid velimus et quid hoc tempore putemus 


opus esse ex Sicca poteris cognoscere. Tulliam adhuc mecum teneo. 


Valetudinem tuam cura diligenter. 


that here Cicero gave to contra an adjec- 
tival force, ‘the contrary opinion does 
exist.’ For a use of contra like the 
present, cp. te rogo ne demittas animum 

. contraque erigas ac resistas, Q. Fr. i. 
1. (9); 

Ciceronem| see 432. 1. 

hinc] Se. ex Brundisio. 

hac permansione] ‘my stay here’ at 
Brundisium: cp. 418. 2. 

alterum| The two alternatives, one of 
which may be certainly expected, is an 
invasion of Italy by the Pompeians from 


Vale. xit. Quinctilis. 


Africa, or the carrying of the war,into 
foreign parts by Caesar. 
2. ira] SoC. F. Hermann for;via on 
account of flectas. It is not quite certain 
to whom istorwm refers. Editors usually 
suppose that they are the Caesareans in 
the city ; but we think that the reference 
is more specific, and that they are Balbus 
and Oppius (cp. 432. 2), and that istis 
below also refers to Balbus and Oppius. 


mutavimus consilium... 
Cp. 434. 1. 


audiebamus |, 


EP. 436 (ATT. XI. 25). 327 


436. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x1. 25). 


BRUNDISIUM ; JULY 5 (§ 8); A. U. ὦ 7073 B.C. 473 AET. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero in summam desperationem omnium rerum adductus Attici litteras 
‘desiderat, Caesarem dici Alexandrea discessisse nuntiat, de rebus domesticis et re 
familiari exponit et quid fieri velit significat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Facile adsentior tuis litteris quibus exponis pluribus verbis 
nullum consistere consilium quo a te possim iuvari. Consolatio 
certe nulla est quae levare possit dolorem meum. Nihil est enim 
contractum casu—-nam id esset ferendum—sed omnia fecimus iis 
erroribus et miserils et animi et corporis quibus proximi utinam 
mederi maluissent! Quam ob rem, quoniam neque consili tui 
neque consolationis culusquam spes ulla mihi ostenditur, non 
quaeram haec a te posthac. Tantum velim ne intermittas, scribas 
ad me quidquid veniet tibi in mentem cum habebis cui des et dum 
erit ad quem des, quod longum non erit. 2. Lllum discessisse 
Alexandrea rumor est non firmus, ortus ex Sulpici litteris, quas 
euncti postea. nuntil confirmarunt: quod verum an falsum sit 
quoniam mea nihil interest, utrum malim nescio. ὃ. Quod ad te 
lam pridem de testamento scripsi, apud fTepistolas velim ut possim 


1. Consistere| ‘This word is inserted 
by Lehmann (p. 8), who compares 342. 1, 
where see note. Other editors add esse 
after either verbis (Boot) or nullum 
(Wes.). Miller adds constare. 

utinam medert| ‘would that my nearest 
and dearest had chosen to relieve my suf- 
ferings, rather than to aggravate them’; 
he reters to his brother Quintus, young 
Quintus, and ‘Terentia. Cicero at times 
makes peevish complaints like this: ep. 
423. 1. 

consolationis cuiusquain spes| Madvig 
(4. C. li. 288-239) would read usguam 
for cuiusquam ; for he considers that it is 
an adjective here, and in its adjectival 
use it is nearly always, at least in Cicero, 
used with the names of persons or collec- 
tive persons. But it is not necessarily an 
adjective here: it is a substantive, ‘ hope 


of consolation from anyone,’ opposed to 
‘counsel from you.’ 

ne intermittas} used absolutely, ‘ that 
you allow no break’ (in writing), the 
additional idea being derived from the 
context. Note the asyndeton. 

dum erit ad quem des| He seems to hint 
that he may not long survive his present 
misery. We cannot say for certain that 
he refers to suicide, but it may be so. 
The expression is too strong to admit of 
our supposing that he refers merely to 
departure to some distant retreat. 

2. Ilium] Caesar, as usual: cp. note 
to 423. 1. 

3. apud tepistolas] ‘That the reference 
is to the safe-keeping of Terentia’s will 
seems almost certain: hence Wesenberg 
conjectured adservari for adversas, which 
may have been corrupted when epistodas 


328 


EP. ‘486 (ATT. XI. 25). 


adversast. Ego huius miserrimae facilitate confectus conflictor. 


Nihil umquam simile natum puto, quoi si qua re consulere aliquid — 
Video eandem esse difficultatem 


possum, cupio a te admoneri. 


quam in consilio dando ante, tamen hoc me magis sollicitat quam 


omnia. 


In pensione secunda caeci fuimus. 


Aliud mallem: sed 


praeteriit. Te oro, ut in perditis rebus, si quid cogi, confici potest, 
quod sit in tuto, ex argento atque s¢ satis multa ex supellectile, 


was developed out of whatever may be 
the reading it conceals. Bosius thought 
of a Greek word, apud εὔπιστον illas 
velim ; ut possint advertas (‘I should like 
to see them with a trustworthy person : 
I beg you to see that they can beso’), and 
this εὔπιστον has met with much favour. 
But in the letters, both from Brundisium 
and previously from exile, when Cicero 
was in deep depression, he does not use 
Greek words at all. This εὔπιστον, as 
Miller says, is δυσπιστότατον. O. HK. 
Schmidt (N. Jahrb. fiir das klass. Alt., 
1898, p. 183) proposes to add several 
words, apud aliquem <cuius fortuna extra 
periculum sit> velim ut possit adservari ; 
eomparing 441.2: Sed. . . poteris eam 
monere ut aliquoi committat cuius extra 
perrculum huius belli fortuna sit. Equidem 
tibi potissemum velim. This passage should 
certainly be compared: and it leads one 
to think that wt possim should not be 
altered to wt possit or ut possint, but is a 
corruption of potissimum. We would 
suggest apud te tabulas (so Wesenberg 
conjectured ) velim potissimum adservari. 
JSacilitate| So we read, as Dr. Reid has 
suggested, for facultate. Itis a word which 
Cicero often uses: cp. Thesaurus, vol. v., 
74, 1. 74 ff. It means ‘ easiness of disposi- 
tion,’ ‘patience,’ εὐκολία. It distracted 
Cicero, who was always full of complain- 
ing and indignation, that ullia took all 
her misfortunes so calmly and gently. 
He marvelled that she did not exclaim 
with him against their enemies. For this 
use of facilitas cp. Off. i. 88, in liberis 
vero populis et in turis aequabilitate exer- 
cenda etiam est facilitas et altitudo animi 
quae dicitur, ne, si irascamur aut intem- 
pestive accedentibus aut impudenter rogan- 
tibus, in morositatem inutilem et odiosam 
incidamus. [The altitudo animi in this 
passage is the βαθύτης of the Epistles, 
Att. iv. 6. 3 (110); v. 10. 3 (198); vi. 
1. 2 (252), ‘self-restraint’: cp. Part. 
Orat. 77, altitudo animi in capiendis in- 
\ 


commodis et maxime iniuriis.|  Tullia 
appears to have been a calm, loving, 
gentle creature, trained in the school of 
misfortune, which she bore with quiet 
courage: cp. 392. 9, cuius quidem virtus 
mirifica : quomodo ilia fert publicam cla- 
dem ! quomodo domesticas tricas ! quantus 
autem animus in discessu nostro! Est 
στοργή, est summa σύντηξις. Tamen 
nos recte facere et bene audire vuli (cp. 
360.4). Cicero could not but think that 
her like had never been found: cp. what 
he says about Porcia, ad Brut. 1. 9. 2 
(902), id entm amisiste cur simile in terris 
nihil fuit. The usual reading 15 /atuitate 
(ed. Rom.), a rare word, which seems to 
mean ‘dulness’ (Inv. Rhet. 11. 99), ‘want 
of energy,’ ‘stupid folly,’ rather than ‘in- 
fatuation.’ Orelli suggested infelicitate ; 
Klotz reads vaeuwitate; see Adn. Crit. 
O. KE. Scnmidt (‘Tullia und Dolabella,’ 
Jahrb., 1897, p. 598) would read facul- 
tate confecta, ‘I am sore troubled at the 
ruin of the poor girl’s property.’ 

In pensione secunda| “1 acted blindly 
in paying the second instalment; I wish 
I had not done so. But that is over.’ He 
refers to the third instalment in 437. 3. 

Te oro... des operam] Shuckburgh 
translates, ‘if any money can be collec- 
ted and got together and put in safe 
hands from sale of plate and the fairly 
abundant furniture.” We doubt if satis 
multa is ablative with spellectile; the 
order of words is against it. Rather 
Cicero means: ‘if a fairly large sum of 
money can be got from the sale of the 
furniture.’ The furniture should not be 
sold unless a good price could be got for 
it. But it would be better to supply st 
before satis than to carry on the si from 
δὲ quid. 

quod sit in tuto] lit. ‘that can be put 
in a safe place.’ The sale of his silver 
plate appears to have suggested itself to 
Cicero previously : cp. 338. 3, where see 
note. 


2 
i 


457. 


EP. 487 (ATT. XI. 28). 


329 


_ des operam. Jam enim mihi videtur adesse extremum nec ulla 
_ fore condicio pacis eaque quae sunt etiam sine adversario peritura.. 


- Haec etiam, si videbitur, cum Terentia loquere tu opportune. 
᾿ς Non queo omnia scribere. Vale. 


ut Non. Quinetil. 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x1. 23). 


BRUNDISIUM 3 JULY 9? 24. U. Ὁ 7073 B.C. 17: ABT. CLO. 69. 


M. Cicero Attico de rebus domesticis et privatis plura significat, maxime de iuvanda 


Tullia. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Quod ad te scripseram ut cum Camillo communicares, de eo 
Camillus mihi scripsit fe secum locutum. Tuas litteras exspecta- 
bam; nisi illud quidem mutari, si aliter est et oportet, non video 


posse. 


Sed cum ab illo accepissem litteras, desideravi tuas, etsi 


putabam te certiorem factum non esse; modo valeres! scripseras 


enim te quodam valetudinis genere temptari. 
Rhodo venerat vi11 Id. Quinct. 


2. Agusius quidam 
Is nuntiabat Quintum filium 


ad Caesarem profectum 111 Kal. Jun. Philotimum Rhodum 


pridie eum diem venisse, habere ad me litteras. 


adesse extremum] Cp. 429. 8, Lam 
extremum concluditur. 

eaque quae sunt| ‘ the present condition 
of things.’ Cicero is thinking especially 
of the government of Italy, owing to the 
dissensions of Dolabella, Trebellius, and 
Antony ; but the whole Caesarean party 
seemed to him at this time to be on the 
verge of dissolution: cp. 430.1; 431. 1. 

loquere tu opportune} So Or., Btr., and 
Boot tor loqueretur oportuna of M (teste 
Baitero). O. E. Schmidt (in his article 
on ‘Cicero und Terentia’ in WN. Jahrb., 
1898, p. 183, note 2) says M reads 
loquere tu opportune. He himself thinks 
tu is a corruption of wtinam. The Balliol- 
ensis and others read loguere, omitting tu. 
Malaspina’s Antonianus is said (see 
Graevius, vol. ii, p. 278) to read 
loquetor, which would point to loguitor ; 
but it is very unlikely that Cicero used 
this rare imperative form. Miiller would 
read loguere tempore oportuno. 


Ipsum Agusium 


This letter was plainly written on the 
same day as 438, which bears date July 
Oth. 

1. Quod ad te seripseram| 431. 3. 

nisi illud quidem] ‘the only thing is 
this—I see it (the will) cannot be changed, 
even if it is not as it should be.’ This 
elliptico-adversative use of nist has already 
been commented on (418. 6) : cp, malum ; 
nist hoe peius est, Fam. iv. 5. 3 (5655) ; 
and Fam. xiii. 73. 2 (165). 

certiorem factum non esse} ‘that you 
were not informed’ that there was an 
opportunity of communicating with me 
through the letter-carriers of Camillus. 

quodam ...temptari| ‘got an attack 
of some ailment.’ Temptare is the regular 
word. Cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 3. 163. 

2. pridie eum diem] pridie often takes 
accusative, as pridie Idus, Att. xiii. 
25. 2 (642): pridie Quinquatrus, 369. 2; 
sometimes also a genitive, as pridie eius 
diet, Fam. i. 4. 1 (98). 


330 EP. 487 (ATT. XI. 23). 


audies. Sed tardius iter faciebat ; eo feci ut [eo] celeriter eunti 
darem. Quid sit in iis litteris nescio, sed mihi valde Quintus 
frater gratulatur. Equidem in meo tanto peccato nihil ne 
cogitatione quidem adsequi possum quod mihi tolerabile possit 
esse. 3. Te oro ut de hac misera cogites, et illud de quo ad te 
proxime scripsi, ut aliquid conficiatur adin opiam propulsandam, 
et etiam de ipso testamento. LTllud quoque vellem antea, sed 
omnia timuimus. Melius quidem in pessimis nihil fuit discidio. 
Aliquid fecissemus ut viri, vel tabularum novarum nomine vel 
nocturnarum expugnationum vel Metellae vel omnium malorum : 
nec res perisset et videremur aliquid doloris virilis habuisse. 
Memini omnino tuas litteras, sed et tempus illud: etsi quidvis. 


ων 


praestitit. 
de statua Clodi. 


gratulatur| This shows that Quintus 
had returned to a kindly feeling towards 
his brother; but it did not last long: 
cp. 44d. 1. 

3. de hae misera] sc. Tullia. 

Lilud quoque| This refers to the divorce 
of Tullia from Dolabeila; he wishes he 
had proposed it before Dolabella had 
spoken of it. So this Zdlud differs from 
the il/ud in the previous sentence, which 
refers to raising money on his plate and 
furniture. Or possibly it might refer to 
his financial straits, and mean that he 
wishes he had not paid Dolabella the 
second instalment (486. 3). 

Melius... discidio| '‘Yhe marriage of 
Dolabella and Tuilia was a quite unsuit- 
able one, not only owing to their utterly 
different characters, but also in respect 
of age. Dolabella was only twenty-two, 
while Tullia was thirty-one. 

A liquid fecissemus | “ then I should have 
had one manly step to look back on; I 
could have alleged as my reason either 
his proposal to abolish debts, or his raids 
on houses by night, or his relations with 
Metella, or any of his outrages : I should 
not then have lost the money (the instal- 
ment of Tullia’s portion already paid to 
Dolabella), and I should have shown some 
sign of a manly indignation.’ 

nocturnarum expugnationum] Cp. Ov. 
A.A. ili. 71, Nee tua frangetur nocturna 
canua rixa: Ter. Kun. 773, Primum aedis 
expugnabo . . . virginem eripiam: also 
Hor. Carm. iii. 26. 6. 


Nune quidem ipse videtur denuntiare: audimus enim 
Generumne nostrum potissimum, vel hoc, vel 


Meteliae| Cp. note to 450. 3. 

Memini] “1 wellremember your letters, 
but 1 also remember what the juncture 
seemed to demand ; though, indeed, any- 
thing would have been better than what. 
I did. Now it appears that he is himself 
threatening a divorce.’ 

de statua Clodi| In our former edition 
(1894) we suggested this correction of the 
corrupt de staturi elodi, altering wt before 
hoe to vel: and Ziehen two years later 
(Rh. Mus., 1896, p. 592) arrived inde- 
pendently at the same correction. It has 
been approved by O. E. Schmidt (Jahro., 
1897, p. 600) and is read by Miller. So: 
it has won a considerable amount of 
approval, though there is no direct and 
certain evidence that 
actually erect a statue of Clodius. Any- 
one acquainted with manuscripts will at 
once acknowledge the probability that. 
elodi stands for Clodi: and the emen- 
dation of the other words is, from 
a paleographical point of view, not 
greater than the serious nature of the 
corruption must require. We saw that a. 
year before this Caelius had advocated 
most revolutionary measures (vol. III’, 
p. lvii); and now Dolabella, the ‘ second 
fool,’ was in a similar manner playing 
the ultra-democrat (cp. Mommsen, R. H. 
iv. 460). It is not at all impossible 
that in his mad career Dolabella set 
up a statue in honour of Clodius, who 
had been the idol of the extreme demo- 
cracy, and whose memory was still warmly 


Dolabella did 


Tape ean pop antepen pth tay mpeg προ λρε ποτ ιτευποτα στρ τ 


EP. 438 (FAM. XIV. 10). 331 


tabulas novas? Placet mihi igitur et item tibi nuntium remitti. 
Petet fortasse tertiam pensionem. Considera igitur tumne cum 
ab ipso nascetur an prius. Ego, si ullo modo potuero, vel nocturnis 
itineribus experiar ut te videam. Tu et haec et si quid erit quod 
intersit mea scire scribas velim. Vale. 


CICERO TO TERENTTA (Fam. xiv. 10). 


BRUNDISIUM 5; JULY 9; A.U.C. 7075 B.C. 475 ALT. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero iubet uxorem de rebus suis cum Attico loqui. 


TULLIUS 5. Ὁ. TERENTIAE SUALE. 


Quid fieri placeret scripsi ad Pomponium serius quam oportuit. 


Cum eo si locuta eris, intelleges quid fieri velim, 


cherished both for other reasons, and 
especially because he had passed the law 
which legalized anew the collegia (vol 1113, 
p. 376). This erection of statues of a 
former favourite was a far from unusual 
demonstration on the part of the demo- 
cracy ; thus Caesar himself, when a young 
man, won great glory by erecting again 
the statues and trophies of Marius, after 
their removal in the Sullan times 
(Mommsen, R. H. iv. 161). The meaning 
would then be as follows:—‘ We have 
news, too, about Dolabella’s erection of 
the statue to Clodius. To think that my 
son-in-law of all people in the world 
should be the author of either this or of 
abolition of debts!’ That a connexion of 
Cicero’s should honour the memory of his 
bitterest opponent, and propose an aboli- 
tion of debts, while one of the chief 
glories of Cicero was that he had pro- 
tected the interests of creditors—cp. vin- 
dicem aeris alieni, Att. ii. 1. 11 (27)— 
was a sore blow to the conservative 
statesman. On the raising of a statue in 
honour of another member of the Clodian 
family at Ancona, cp. Fragment of a 
letter of Cicero’s to Octavian in Nonius, 


288. 25, and note on it in vol. vi, 
p. 298. 
Generumne novas| For this 


exclamatory infinitive cp. Verg. Aen. i. 
37, mene incepto desistere victam; Att. 
v. 20. 7 (228), at te non Romae fore 


Apertius seribi, 


quoted by Roby 1358. Add Ter. Andr. 
253, tantamne rem tam neglegenter agere ; 
Verr. v. 100. The same construction is 
found in Greek, Demosth. Meid. 582. 2, 


τοῦτον δ᾽ ὑβρίζειν, ἀναπνεῖν δέ: Soph. 
Aj. 410, ὦ δυστάλαινα, τοιάδ᾽ ἄνδρα 


χρήσιμον φωνεῖν. Schmidt (Jahrd., 1897, 
Ῥ. 600) reads potius, and explains ‘ Are 
we to wait rather for my son-in-law to 
carry through (understanding efficiat, and 
retaining wt hoc of the mss.) this, or 
abolition of debts?’ But this makes the 
sentence too elliptical. 

vel hoc} So Miiller conjectures for wt 
hoc, as we had already suggested. 

nuntium remitti | This is the regular 
a for sending a notice of divorce : 


. Top. 19. The message was tuas res 
tii ἘΠ (agito); cp. Gaius in Dig. 
xxii. 2. 2. 1. See commentators on 


Phil. ii. 69 ; Plaut. Amph. 928; cp. Roby, 
Roman Private Law, i. 1384. ‘1 agree 
with you, therefore, that he should be 
divorced by Tullia. Perhaps he will ask 
for the third instalment of Tullia’s 
portion. Do you turn over the question, 
whether we should send the notice of 
divorce when he takes the initiative (cp. 
439), or before he does so.’ It is about ° 
the divorce, not about the payment of the 
third instalment of Tullia’s dowry, that 
Cicero asks Atticus to consider. 


Quid fiert placeret| i.e. concerning the 


ae 


332 EP, 440 (ATT. s\X4, 19%. 


De ea re et de 
Valetu- 


quoniam ad illum scripseram, necesse non fuit. 
ceteris rebus quam primum velim nobis litteras mittas. 
dinem tuam cura diligenter. Vale. v1 IduS Quinctilis. 


439, CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. xiv, 13). 


BRUNDISIUM 3; JULY 105 A. U.C. 7073 B.C. 475 AKT, CIC. 59. 
M. Cicero permittit uxori ut de nuntio remittendo consilium capiat ex tempore. 


TULLIUS 8. Ὁ. TERENTIALK SUAE, 


Quod scripsi ad te proximis ltteris de nuntio remittendo, quae — 
sit istius vis hoe tempore et quae concitatio multitudinis ignoro. 
Si metuendus iratus est, quiesces: tamen ab illo fortasse nascetur, 
Totum iudicabis quale sit, et quod in miserrimis rebus minime 


Vale. vi Id. Quinctil. 


miserum putabis id facies. 


440. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x1. 19). 
BRUNDISIUM 5 JULY 22 (§2)3 A. U. Ὁ ΤΟΥΣ B.C. 47; Amr. τ 
M. Cicero Atticum vult sibi scribere, maxime si quid de pace agatur, de Philotimo. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Cum tuis dare possem litteras, non praetermisi, etsi quid 
scriberem non habebam. ‘Tu ad nos et rarius scribis quam solebas 


divorce of Tullia from Dolabella, who at 
this time had begun his wild agitation 
about abolishing debts, and had also been 
recently living a life of more than usual 
profligacy : see preceding letter (ᾧ 3). 


de nuntio remittendo| ep. note to 
437. 3 
quae sit istius vis . . . tgnoro) ‘Ido 


not know what isthe nature of his appeal 
to force and what the excitement of the 
people.’ For Dolabella’s ‘demagogic war’ 
cp. note to 437. ὃ. Cicero must have heard 
in the meantime something about the rising 
influence of Dolabella, which induced 
him to write this letter the day after 438. 


Similarly between writing 442 (August 
11) and 448 (August 12) Caesar’s letter 
arrived. 

Si metuendus iratus est] εἰ φοβερὸς dv 
ὀργίζεται, ‘If he should be angry and at 
the same time formidable, keep quiet.’ 

quiesces: tamen| See Adn. Crit.: gui- 
esces is polite future, ‘ pray keep quiet.’ 

ab illo fortasse nascetur| ‘the initiative 
will be taken by him’; mascetur would 
appear to be quasi-impersonal. Cp. 487. ὃ. 


1. quid seriberem non habebam| “1 did 
not know what to write’; quod seriberem 
non habebam would mean ‘1 had nothing 
to write about.’ 


EP. 441 (ATT. XI. 24). 333 
et brevius: credo, quia nihil habes quod me putes libenter legere 
aut audire posse. Verum tamen velim, guidquid erit, qualecum- 
que erit, scribas. KHst autem unum quod mihi sit optandum, si 
quid agi de pace possit, quod nulla equidem habeo in spe; sed 
quia tu leviter interdum significas, cogis me sperare quod optan- 
dum vix est. 2. Philotimus dicitur Id. Sextil. Nihil habeo 
de illo amplius. ‘T'u velim ad ea mihi rescribas quae ad te antea 
scripsi. Mihi tantum temporis satis est dum, ut in pessimis rebus, 


aliquid caveam, qui nihil umquam cavi. 


441, 


Vale. x1 Kal. Sextil. 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. xt. 24). 


BRUNDISIUM 3 AUGUST 6 (ὃ 5); A. U. C. 707; B. 0. 473 AET. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero de misera Tullia condicione et de rebus suis domesticis, de Terentia, de: 
Philotimo, vehementer queritur et de salute sua paene desperat. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Quae dudum ad me et—quae etiam ad me vis—ad Tulliam 


de me scripsisti, ea sentio esse vera. 


leviter. .. significas|] ‘hint remotely’ ; 
ep. leviter eruditus, ‘a shallow scholar,’ De 
Or. ili. 24 ; levins miser, ‘more slightly 
afflicted,’ Hor. Sat. 11. 7,19; wt levissime 
dicam, ‘to use the mildest term,’ Catil. 
1 517. 

2. fd. Sextil.| sc. adfore: cp. Att. 
xvi. 4. 1 (771) Quintus enim altero die 
se aiebat sc. adfore ‘Philotimus is an- 
nounced for the thirteenth of August’ 
(Shuckburgh). Philotimus was not ex- 
pected till August 13, with his despatch 
from Caesar for Cicero. We know, from 
437. 2, that he had got as far as Rhodes, 
on his journey from Asia, by July 9; 
we know, further, from 442, 443, that he 
did not actually deliver the packet till 
August 14. 

tantum temporis satis est, dum] ‘I require 
no longer delay at Brundisium than what 
will admit of my taking some precautions 
—I who have hitherto never taken any 
precautions—so far as my wretched posi- 
tion will allow.’ He refers, perhaps, to 
his want of caution, shown in his dealings 


Ko sum miserior—etsi nihil 


with Clodius, and afterwards in his atti-. 
tude towards Pompey and Caesar, and his. 
recent return to Italy. 


1. quae etiam ad me vis] ‘what you 
have written to me, and about me to 
Tullia, with a request that she should let 
me know it.’ Thus Lehmann (p. 101) 
explains the passage, correcting dis of the 
Ms. to vis, and comparing for the elliptical 
mode of expression illam alteram .. . puto 
(sc. ad te missam), Att. xiii. 30. 1 (605) 
and other passages; see I, p. 80. He 
supposes that Atticus may have said in 
writing to Tullia ‘you will show this to. 
your father.’ Sternkopf (p. 40) reads δέ 
quae eadem bis ad Tulliam. Miiller sug- 
gests ad meos, id est ad Tulliam. Possibly 
ad me bis arose from a note of a copyist 
drawing attention to the fact that ad me 
had been written twice over by an error 
on the part of some former copyist. 
Dudum often means ‘ some time ago,’ not. 
merely ‘just now.’ 


334 EP. 441 (ATT. XI. 24). 


videbatur addi posse — quod mihi non modo irasci gravissima 
iniuria accepta sed ne dolere quidem impune licet. Qua re istue 
feramus. Quod cum tulerimus, tamen eadem erunt perpetienda 
quae tu ne accidaut ut caveamus mones. Ka enim est a nobis 
contracta culpa μέ omni statu omnique populo eundem exitum 
habitura videatur. 2. Sed ad meam manum redeo: erunt enim 
haec occultius agenda. Vide, quaeso, etiam nunc de testamento, 
quod tum factum cum illa tquerere coeperat. Non, credo, te 
commovit : neque enim rogavit, ne me quidem. Sed quasi ita sit, 
quoniam in sermonem iam venisti, poteris eam monere ut aliquoi 
committat culus extra periculum huius belli fortuna sit. Equidem 
tibi potissimum velim, si idem Tullia vellet: quam quidem celo 


iniuria accepta| from Dolabella, which 
he could not resent without danger of 
incurring Caesar’s anger. 

omni statu omnique populo| ‘whatever 
the state of affairs or the feeling of the 
people may be’; for this kind of ablative 
of attendant circumstances cp. De Leg. 
111. 87 and note to 429. 2. 

2. ad meam manum] ‘I resume the 
letter in my own handwriting,’ no longer 
employing an amanuensis, on account of 
the private nature of the topics treated. 

redeo: erunt| So Wesenberg for red- 
diderint of the mss. We might also read 
redii : erunt with Klotz. In redeo here 
the idea of ‘coming’ predominates and 
that of ‘returning’ (7e-) falls into abey- 
ance, as in our expression ‘having recourse 
to’: ep. such phrases as Caesar B. C. iti. 
93. 2 pilisque missis ad gladios redierunt 
(it was with pila, not with gludii, that the 
first attack was made, § 1). 

tquerere| The usual correction of 
querere is that of Pius, haerere, ‘to get 
into difficulties.’ Terentia had got into 
money difficulties, and apparently had to 
make provision in her wili for her credi- 
tors. This is very ingenious. Somewhat 
the same idea might perhaps be obtained 
by reading qguaerere. ‘That word has the 
meaning of endeavouring to make money, 
cp. Hor. Epp. i. 7. 57 ; et properare loco 
et cessare et quaerere et uti; A. P. 170; 
quaerit (senex), et inventis miser abstinet, 
somewhat as we should say ‘to go into 
business’ or ‘to speculate.’ If Terentia 
borrowed money to speculate with, she 
may have been required to secure her 
creditors by making a will in their favour. 
But perhaps this is not the meaning at 


all, and there is no allusion to her finan- 
cial difficulties, but only to her disagree- 
ments with her husband: and we should 
alter to queri de me, as has been suggested 
by an anonymous scholar, a suggestion 
which Muller, however, considers hardly 
worthy of mention; but when relations 
between Terentia and her husband became 
strained, she may well have in an angry 
mood made a testamentum inofficiosum. 
Then we could take non te commovit in 
quite a usual sense, ‘I do not believe that 
her complaints influenced you.’ We 
cannot suggest anything better. 

commovit] ‘she did not trouble you 
about the matter, or put any question to 
you, or even to me; but just as if it were 
so (as if she had consulted you), now 
that you have got an opportunity of 
talking to her, you could advise her to 
entrust it to some one whose position ex- 
poses him to no danger from either side.’ 
This is a somewhat unusual sense of 
commovere, and we cannot quote any exact 
parallel: and there is something of a 
tautology in adding neque enim rogavit. 
But the reading is very doubtful; see 
Adn. Crit. 

Tullia| The mss. give il/a; but it is 
hard to take i/a as referring to anyone 
except Terentia, who is meant in eam. 
Yet Cicero’s feelings towards his wife 
were more than cold at this time, § 3, so 
that he would hardly show towards her 
the tender solicitude indicated by the next 
clause. So ῥέα should probably be cor- 
rected to Tuillia, as initial letters of 
words are often lost: ep. note to 423. 1, 
446. 2, gari for rogari. Tullia was with 
Cicero at this time (cp. 445. 2): but he 


EP. 441 (ATT. XI. 24). 335 


< 


miseram me hoc timere. De illo altero, scio equidem venire nunc 
nil posse, sed seponi et occultari possunt, ut extra ruinam sint eam 
quae impendet. 3. Nam quod scribis nobis nostra et tua Tulliae 
fore parata: tua credo; nostra quae poterunt esse? De Terentia 
autem—mitto cetera, quae sunt innumerabilia,—quid ad hoc addi 
potest ? Scripseras ut HS xii permutaret, tantum esse reliquum 
de argento. Misit illa ccioo mihi et ascripsit tantum esse reli- 
quum. Oum hoc tam parvum de parvo detraxerit, perspicis quid 
in maxima re fecerit. 4. Philotimus non modo naullus venit sed 
ne per litteras Guidem aut per nuntium certiorem facit me quid 
egerit. Hpheso qui veniunt ibi se eum de suis controversiis in 
ius adeuntem vidisse nuntiant, quae qnuidem—ita enim veri simile 


est—in adventum Caesaris fortasse reiciuntur. 


did not wish to mention the matter to her 
until he had obtained a promise from 
Atticus to take charge of the will; thus 
too he would stave off for a time the dis— 
tress it would cause him to add yet 
another anxiety to Tullia’s load of trouble 
by telling her of the danger which was 
involved if the will were not in the cus- 
tody of one whose property was not liable 
to confiscation, as Cicero feared Terentia’s 
was (cp. 428. 3). If we take ila as 
‘Terentia (cp. 445. 1), it might be possible 
to get out of the difficulty suggested in the 
preceding note by reading misere me hoc 
timere. If m had been written twice 
miserem me, the corruption to miseram me 
would have readily followed. 

quam quidem celo miseram| ‘I am 
keeping the poor girl (Tullia) in the dark 
about my fears of what you know’; hoc 
refers to the possibility that her property 
might be confiscated. 

De illo aitero| ‘the possibility of rais- 
ing money on the plate and furniture.’ 

scio equidem] ‘I know the plate and 
furniture would not be sold now, but it 
could be stowed away and hidden, to save 
it from the impending cataclysm’: cp. 
436. 3. 

3. quod scribis nobis} Many editors 
strike out nobis as superfluous, but Cicero 
means ‘in your letter to me’ as distinct 
from Atticus’s letter to Tullia; so it is 
quite necessary. 

Scripseras ut| ‘you had written to 
Terentia, telling her to remit to me by 
bill of exchange 12,000 sesterces (about 


Ita aut nihil puto 


£100), that being the balance; she sent 
10,000 (about £85), and said that was the 
whole balance. When she makes such a 
petty theft from so small a sum, you can 
see what she has done in very large mat- 
ters.’ Sceribere ut is ‘to give an order,’ 
and must be carefully distinguished from 
seribere with accusative and infinitive. 
We have preserved the reading of the 
Mss. permutaret, which editors usually 
change to permutarem. But either the 
person who receives the money, Att. v. 
15. 2 (207), or the person who supplies 
the money, Att. xvi. 1. ὅ (769) is said 
permutare; and though Atticus and Te- 
rentia were both at Rome, he might have 
preferred writing to ber on a matter of 
business. ‘lhe money was_ probably 
Terentia’s, or at any rate standing to her 
credit at the bank, so that she had to give 
her authorization for its withdrawal. 
We read of her before supplying her 
husband with money for necessary ex- 
penses: 426. 2 id quoque velim cum illa 
videas ut sit qui utamur. 

4. nullus venit] see 15, p. 80, ‘not a 
bit of him came.’ Cp. Att. xiv. 3. 1 (705) ; 
xv. 22. 1 (755) ; xv. 29. 1 (768). It often 
occurs in Plautus and Terence: cp. Mr. 
J. H. Gray’s note on Plaut. Trin. 606. 

in ius adeuntem| “ going to law,’ a 
phrase which would not seem good Latin 
if we had not Ciceronian authority for it. 
(Verr. iii. 55: Red. in Sen. 22.) 

reiciuntur| ‘are put off’: cp. Q. Fr. 
ii. 3. 1 (102) Kal. Febr. legationes in Idus 
Febr. reiciebantur, 


336 EP. 442 (FAM. XIV. 24). 


- 


eum habere quod putet ad me celerius perferendum aut adeo me 


Ss ica 


in malis esse despectum ut, etiam si quid habet, id nisi omnibus— 


suis negotiis confectis ad me referre non curet. Ex quo magnum 
equidem capio dolorem, sed non tantum quantum videor debere. 
Nihil enim mea minus interesse puto quam quid illine adferatur. 
Id quam ob rem, te intellegere certe scio. 5. Quod me mones de 
vultu et oratione ad tempus accommodanda, etsi difficile est, tamen 
imperarem mihi, si mea quidquam interesse putarem. Quod 
seribis litteris putare Africanum negotium confici posse, vellem 
scriberes cur ita putares: mihi quidem nihil in mentem venit qua 
reid putem fierl posse. Tu tamen velim, si quid erit quod con- 
solationis aliquid habeat, scribas ad me; sin, ut perspicio, nihil 
erit, scribas id ipsum. Ego ad te si quid audiero citius scribam. 
Vale. vit Idus Sextil. 


442. CICERO TO TERKENTIA (Fam. xiv. 24). 


BRUNDISIUM; AUGUST 11; A. U. CG. 7073 B.C. 473 AET. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero se de Caesaris ex Aegypto et Asia adventu nihil certi scire nuntiat. 


TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE S. Ὁ. 


S. V. B. i. V. Nos neque de Caesaris adventu neque de 
litteris quas Philotimus habere dicitur quidquam adhue certi 
habemus. Si quid erit certi, faciam te statim certiorem. Valetu- 


dinem tuam fac ut cures. 


ut adeo| See Adn. Crit. 

5. litteris] ‘by an interchange of 
letters between the contending parties.’ 
We do not, however, feel at all sure of 
this explanation; and rather think some 
word has been lost indicating the exact 
letter in which Att. expressed an opinion 
that the matter might be settled, like 
prozimis: or perhaps a date has been lost. 
In 440. 1 Cicero had asked about the 
prospects of peace, and Atticus may have 
been answering that question. 

putare| Lambinus and other editors 
have added ¢e with this word. But the 


Vale. 


111 [dus Sextilis. 


subject to the inf. is often omitted: cp. 
Lebreton, p. 377; Dr. Reid on Acad. 1. 
18; and our note on Att. xiv. 17. 3 
(724), ed. 2. ! 
scribas . .. seribas| both depend on 
velim. ee 

S. V. 8. Ε. 7. = si vales benetest, 
valeo. 

Si quid erit certi] ‘ If any reliable in- 
formation arrives, 1 shall let you have 
full details about it at once.” News 
did arrive on the following day (448) ; 
Caesar was to return to Italy next month. 


nile epee τῆς chee er at pee et 


’ 


EP. 4hh (ATT. XI. 20). 


443, 


337 


CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. xiv. 93). 


BRUNDISIUM 3; AUGUST 12; A. U. 6, 707; B.C. 473 AET. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero uxori se a Cuesare litteras accepisse nuntiat. 


TULLIUS TERENTIAE SUAE 5. Ὁ. 


S. V. B. E. V. Redditae mihi tandem sunt a Caesare litterae 


satis liberales, et ipse opinione celerius venturus esse dicitur. 


Cui 


utrum ob viam procedam an hic eum exspectem cum constituero, 


faciam te certiorem. 
remittas. 


Id. Sext. 


Tabellarios mihi velim quam primum 
Valetudinem tuam cura diligenter. 


Vale, Di. pn 


444. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. xt. 20). 


BRUNDISIUM ; AUGUST 15 (§2); A.U.C. 707; B.C. 473 AET. CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero Attico scribit quae C. Trebonius sibi dixerit de Q. fratre, Sallustio, 


Caesaris cursu. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. xvu1 Kal. Sept. venerat die xxvii Seleucea Pieria C. 
Trebonius, qui se Antiocheae diceret apud Caesarem vidisse Quin- 


5. V. B. Ε. V.] See 442. 
satis liberales] ‘ generous enough.’ 
The receipt of Caesar’s letter, just after 


_ Ep. 442 had been written, necessitated 
this letter to Terentia: cp. 439. 


Cicero 
doubtless informed Atticus of the receipt 


of this epistle from Caesar; but the 
~ letter in which he did so is lost, for there 
- is no allusion to it in 20 (444), written a 
_ few days later. 
᾿ς epistle from Caesar again in Ligar. 7 qui 
(sc. Caesar) ad me ex Aegypto litteras 


Cicero alludes to this 


misit ut essem idem qui fuissem, The 
letter appears to have been couched in 
such vagne and general terms (cp. Deiot. 
38) that Cicero did not venture on the 
strength of it to return at once to Rome. 


VOL. IV. 


And even if Caesar decided not to come 
to Brundisium, he would only venture to 
go aliguo propius (444, 2). Sternkopf 
(p.'42) thinks that Caesar notified to Cicero 
that he would soon be in Brundisium, and 
hence it was that Cicero felt he could not 
leave the town (445. 2). 


1. Seleucea Pieria] acity of Syria, not. 
far from the mouth of the Orontes. 

C. Trebonius] This must be a different 
man from the well-known C. Trebonius 
who was in Spain at this time: cp. 
Introd. τι, No. 1. Schmidt (p. 231) 
supposes that TZreboni u of M (see Adn. 
Crit.) stands for Zreboni 1. (= libertus). 
This is quite possible. 


Z 


338 EP. 444 (ATT. XI. 20). 


tum filium cum Hirtio; eos de Quinto quae voluissent impetrasse 
nullo quidem negotio. Quod ego magis gauderem, si ista nobis 
impetrata quidquam ad spem explorati haberent. Sed et alia 
timenda sunt ab aliis Quintisque, et ab hoc ipso quae dantur, ut 
a domino, rursus in eiusdem sunt potestate. 2. Etiam Sallustio 
ignovit. Omnino dictur nemini negare: quod ipsum est suspec- 
tum, notionem eius differri. M. Gallius Q. F. mancipia Sallustio 
reddidit. Is venit, ut legiones in Siciliam traduceret: eo protinus 


iturum Caesarem Patris. 
aliquo propius accedam. 


proxime consilium petivi, vehementer exspecto. 


Septembris. 


eos de Quinto | ‘ He said thatthese (Quin- 
tus junior and Hirtius) without difficulty 
got what they wanted from Caesar about 
my brother Quintus.’ What they wanted 
was that Caesar should take back Quintus 
into favour. 

nobis ... haberent] ‘if the granting of 
such petitions afforded in my opinion any 
sure basis for hope’; nobis goes with 
haberent. Schmidt, however (p. 229), 
argues that the order of words necessitates 
our taking obis with tnpetrata: cp. 
446. 1, illud molestius istas impetrationes 
nostras (‘these concessions to myself’) 
nihil valere; and refers it to Caesar’s 
letter which Cicero had received a few 
days previously: cp. 443. This letter 
was reassuring. It bade Cicero ‘ entertain 
good hopes’ (Deiot. 38, cp. Lig. 7), but 
did not implicitly guarantee a complete 
pardon. Now Cicero must have informed 
Atticus in some detail of the receipt and 
tenor of that letter: so that Schmidt 
acutely supposes that an epistle to Atticus 
of August 12 has been lost. This is 
confirmed by a fact noted by Sternkopf 
that the concluding words of the present 
letter ad eas quibus a te proxime consilium 
petivi, i.e. about his meeting with Caesar, 
do not suit the contents of 441 of 
August 6. 

ab aliis Quintisque| The reading of M 
is ab altisque, and the course uniformly 
followed by edd. was to strike out the 
que. But this is unscientific criticism, as 
was at once perceived by Lehmann, who 
judiciously remarks, ‘probarem si per- 
spicuum esset istud gue quo errore natum 
esset.”? He shows (p. 102) by a multitude 
of examples (cp., for example, 360. 6; 


Quod si faciet, ego, quod ante mallem, 
Tuas litteras ad eas, quibus a te 


Vale. xvi Kal. 


386. 2; 401. 4) that Quintus is very 
frequently corrupted into gue, and this 
curious phenomenon cannot fail to have 
struck every reader of Baiter’s critical 
notes. We consider the correction certain. 

2. Sallustio|] not the historian ; he was 
faithful to Caesar’s side all along, and 
would not otherwise have been governor 
of Africa with proconsular authority, as 
he was this year. This may have been the 
Cn. Sallustius to whom is written Fam. 
ie 17 (272), 

quod ipsum est suspectum | ‘and this very 
fact gives rise to a surmise that his full 
consideration of each case is but post- 
poned’ (by the present indiscriminate 
amnesty). For this sense of notio Gro- 
novius compares De Domo 34: Leg. Agr. 
li. 57. Schone, quoted by Boot, would 
take notio ‘in the sense which it bears in 
notio censoria,’ but there, too, no¢tio means 
‘consideration,’ ‘investigation.’ Dr. Reid, 
with great probability, suggests mentionem 
met for notionem eius (619), comparing 
445. 3, eum statim Quinto filio omnia 
tribuisse, nostri nullam mentionem. 

mancipia Sallustio reddidit} We may 
infer that Gallius had taken possession of 
the slaves of Sallustius in the belief that 
Sallustius as a Pompeian would be unable 
to assert his rights. Now that Sallustius 
has been pardoned by Caesar, he feels 
compelled to make restitution. This 
Gallius was a tribune in the army of 
Caesar, and may have been the Gallius 
mentioned in 401. 4: see note there, and 
cp. Phil. xiii. 26. 

co protinus . .. Patris| ‘he states 
that Caesar will go there straight on from 
Patrae.’ For a similar omission of a 


EP. 445 (ATT. XI. 91). 339 


4456. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. σι. 21), 


BRUNDISIUM; AUGUST 25 (ὃ 1); A. U. C. 7073 B.C. 473 ABT. CIC. 59. 


De epistula Q. fratris ab Attico ad se missa, de re familiari, de rebus Asiaticis, de 
Caesaris cursu protinus Patris in Siciliam constituto, de commoratione sua Brundisina, 


de rebus praesentibus, de Q. fratre. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Accepi νι Kal. Sept. litteras a te datas x1 Kal. doloremque, 
quem ex Quinti scelere iam pridem acceptum iam abieceram, 


lecta eius epistula gravissimum cepi. 


Tu etsi non potuisti ullo 


modo facere ut mihi illam epistulam non mitteres, tamen mallem 


non esse missam. 
videbis quid et quo modo. 


Ad ea autem quae scribis de testamento 
De nummis et illa sic scripsit ut ego 


ad te antea, et nos, si quid opus erit, utemur ex eo de quo scribis. 


2. Ille ad Kal. Sept. Athenis non videtur fore. 
Asia dicuntur morari, maxime Pharnaces. 
primam Sulla venit, lapidibus egisse hominem dicitur. 


verb (which is to be supplied from the 
context) to govern the infinitival clause 
cp. Fam. 1. 7. 6 (114), eam esse naturam 
provineiae tuae (sc. videmus, taken out of 
plucebat). 


1. etsi non potuisti] One hardly sees 
why Atticus was obliged to send on this 
disagreeable letter. Cicero points out in 
the next letter (446. 1) that he would have 
been glad had it never reached him, as it 
would have saved him distress, and could 
not have done any harm if it had fallen 


- into the hands of anyone else; for it told 


nothing that was not well known already, 
the bitter hostility of his brother Quintus. 
The letter was one written to Caesar by 
Quintus, full of invective against his 
brother Marcus. Caesar probably showed 
it to Balbus and Oppius, and they gave 
it to Atticus, perhaps to put Cicero on his 
guard against Quintus. In a letter men- 
tioned in 487. 2 we find Quintus spoken 
of as adopting an amicable tone to his 
brother. Sternkopf (p..44) ingeniously 
explains the difficulty. The letter of 
the elder Quintus, which Caesar sent to 


Multa eum in 
Legio XII, ad quam 
Nullam 


Rome, was probably one that was written 
in May and brought to Caesar by young 
Quintus, who on May 29 had got as far 
as Rhodes on his journey from Patrae to 
where Caesar was (437. 2). The letter of 
congratulation, which the elder Quintus 
sent from Patrae tohis brother was written 
when he heard from Philotimus (who 
was in Rhodes at the end of May on his 
journey westwards (437. 2), and probably 
reached Patrae during the first half of 
June) that Caesar was well-disposed to 
Cicero. 

de testamento| sc. Terentiae. 

quid et quo modo] sc. agi possit, ‘the 
proper course and manner (to be adopted). 

illa| Terentia. 

utemur ex 601 ‘draw on’ Boot, quoting 
Varro R. R. i. 11. 2, shows that wti ex is 
used of cattle ‘drawing on’ a public 


‘cistern for their daily water. 


2. Ille} Caesar. 

Pharnaces| who had occupied Pontus. 

Sulla] This was the P. Sulla whom 
Cicero had defended in 62, and who 
fought on Caesar’s side at Pharsalia. 
There is a note of contempt for this man 


Z2 


340 EP. 445 (ATT. ΧΙ. 21). 


putant se commoturam. Illum arbitrabantur protinus Patris in 
Siciliam. Sed, si hoc ita est, hue veniat necesse est. Ac mallem 
illim: aliquo enim modo hine evasissem! Nunc metuo ne sit 
exspectandum et cum reliquis etiam loci gravitas huic miserrimae 
perferenda. 3. Quod me mones, ut ea quae tad tempus accom- 
modem, facerem, si res pateretur et si ullo modo fieri posset. 
Sed in tantis nostris peccatis tantisque nostrorum iniuriis nihil est 
quod aut facere dignum nobis aut simulare possim. Sullana con- 
fers: in quibus omnia genere ipso praeclarissima fuerunt, modera- 
tione paullo minus temperata. Haec autem eius modi sunt ut 
obliviscar mei multoque malim quod omnibus sit melius quam 


ale ee 


Tquorum utilitatem meam iunxi. 


in the passages in Cicero’s correspondence 
in which he is subsequently mentioned : 
op. S37. 3; O41. 2; 642. ὃ. He had 
come to take over the legions to Sicily, 
whither Caesar intended to proceed from 
Patrae; it is a question whether we 
should change primum to primam with 
Gronovius. It is more natural to write 
‘the first legion to which he came’ 
(which he met first) than ‘the legion 
which he met for the tirst time’; and 
defenders of primum must show, as Miller 
says, that Sulla came to the legion on 
other occasions, and we have no evidence 
that he did so. 

Nuilam putant| ‘the impression is 
that not a legion will stir a step.” The 
construction is the same as nudlus venit, 
‘not a bit of him came’: cp. 441. 4. 
The soldiers refused to move until they 
had received the bounties which Caesar 
had promised them: see 446. 2, se negant 
usquam nisi acceperint. 

st hoc ita est] ‘This means, we think, 
that if the story about the disaffection of 
the legions is true, Caesar would come to 
Italy to meet that difficulty. Prior to 
this outbreak of the soldiers people 
thought that Caesar intended to go 
straight (protinus) from Patrae to Sicily ; 
and if so he would not come to Brun- 
disium. 

maliem illim| ‘And I should have 
preferred that he should go straight on by 
sea from there’ (from Patrae to Sicily) ; 
‘for I should have made my escape from 
here somehow or other’; and there would 
be no necessity to wait here to receive 
him on hisreturn. See Adn. Crit. Possibly 
we should read 4¢ for Ac. 


Tu ad me tamen velim quam 


Nunc metuo| ‘now I fear I shall have 
to await events here, and, in addition to 
all my other afflictions, my poor Tullia 
will have to endure this unhealthy 
climate.” For the unhealthiness of the 
climate at Brundisium cp. 446. 2, and 
Caes. B. C. 11. 2. 8, gravis autumnus in 
Apulia circumque Brundisium. Tullia 
stayed for a long time with her father, 
notwithstanding that he says (422. 1) that 
he intended to send her back to Rome 
aJmost as soon as she arrived. 

3. ea quae t ad tempus] It is plain that. 
something has been lost. Klotz has sug- 
gested agam, which we accepted in our 
previous edition, and it is read by Miiller. 
We think Lehmann’s conjecture (p. 131), 
ut ea quae ad tempus <accommodari pos- 
sint> or <accommodanda sint> accommodemn, 
the one that explains the correction best. 
He compares Att. i. 17. 10 (28), cavebo 
quae sunt cavenda; Fam. ii. 3.2 (169), 
exspectari quae a summa virtute summoque 
ingenio exspectanda sunt; 470.2, ferre st 
quid ferendum est et probare si quid non 
probandum est; 409. 8, quaecunque ... 
erunt impetranda ... facillimum erit ab 
co tibi ipsi impetrare; 420.5, agas quae 
erunt agenda. For other suggestions see 
Adn. Crit. Compare for accommodem 441. 
5, Quod me mones de vultu et oratione ad 
tempus accommodanda. 

nostrorum| His brother Quintus, the 
son of Quintus, and Terentia. 

genere ipso| ‘essentially,’ ‘in prin- 
ciple,’ because all the nobility were on 
Sulla’s side. 

quorum utilitatem] In our former edition 
we attempted to defend the ms. reading, 
which does not add guam between melius 


_ 
TAD oae ps eben ἐν ape 


EP. 446 (ATT. XI. 22). 341 


saepissime scribas eoque magis quod praeterea nemo scribit, ac si 
omnis, tuas tamen maxime exspectarem. Quod scribis illum per 
me Quinto fore placatiorem, scripsi ad te antea eum statim Quinto 
filio omnia tribuisse, nostri nullam mentionem. Vale. 


446. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr, x1. 22). 


BRUNDISIUM ; AUGUST (END); A. U. ©. 707; B.C. 473 ALT. CIC. 59. 


De fasciculo litterarum a Balbi tabellario accepto in quo Q. fratris litterae fuerunt, 
de Caesare, de Sulla quem ait postero die Brundisii fore cum Messalla, de Pharnace, 
de commoratione Brundisina 5101 molestissima. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Diligenter mihi fasciculum reddidit Balbi tabellarius. Ac- 
cepi enim a te litteras, quibus videris vereri ut epistulas illas acce- 
perim quas quidem vellem mihi numquam redditas. Auxerunt 
enim mihi dolorem nec, si in aliquem incidissent, quidquam novi 
attulissent. Quid enim tam pervulgatum quam illius in me odium 


and quorum, on the ground that Cicero 
was afraid for his personal safety if the 
Pompeians conquered (cp. 470. 3), and 
that it is to the Pompeians that he must 
refer in omnibus, quorum, ‘I think not of 
my own safety, and much prefer a victory 
for the whole of the party to whose 
interest I attached my own.’ But Cicero 
was a Pompeian on principle: it was 
considerations of expediency and the 
idea that no other course was open to 
him that led to his desertion of that cause 
and attempted attachment to Caesar’s ; 
and there seems to be a contrast of 
expediency and principle in this passage. 
The word omnibus, too, is strange according 
to this interpretation. We accordingly 
think now that quam must be added, as 
Madvig suggested (A.C. ii. 238). Cicero 
prefers the general good that he considers 
would ensue from the victory of the 
Pompeians to the advantage he might 
gain himself from the victory of the 
Caesareans. But what other words should 
be added are naturally uncertain. Possibly 
we should read something like ¢quam 
quod iis sit utilius> quorum <ad> util- 


tatemmeam iunxi. If ad before utilitatem 
had been written σέ, it might have dropped 
out. Madvig alters to utilitati, a con- 
struction which is rare, but possible, in 
Cicero: cp. De Invent. ii. 386 indignatio 
iuncta conquestioni. For other suggested 
additions to the ms. reading of this 
passage see Adn. Crit. 
antea| 441.1. 


The similarity of topics (Quintus’s letter 
§ 1: Sulla, Pharnaces, § 2) shows that 
this letter was written shortly after 445. 
Schmidt supposes that it was written on 
the same day as 447, viz. Sept. 1. 

1. enim] [‘this I tell you] because. 

epistulas illas| the letter of Quintus to 
Caesar, and perhaps others from Oppius 
and Balbus. Even the letter of Atticus 
was an unwelcome one; cp. 445. 1. 

si in aliquem incidissent] ‘if they fell 
into the hands of anyone’: cp. Rose. 
Am. 141 milites collocent in quos si qui ex 
acie fugerint de improviso incidant. But 
Cic. also uses in manus alicuius incidere. 
Clu. 21. 


342 EP. 446 (ATT. XI. 22). 


et genus hoc litterarum? quod ne Caesar quidem ad istos videtur 
misisse quasi quo illius improbitate offenderetur sed, credo, uti 
notiora nostra mala essent. Nam quod te vereri scribis ne illi 
obsint eique rei mederi, ne rogari quidem se passus est de illo: 
quod quidem mihi molestum non est, illud molestius, istas impe- 
trationes nostras nihil valere. 2. Sulla, ut opinor, cras erit hic 
cum Messalla. Currunt ad illum pulsi a militibus, qui se negant 
usquam, nisi acceperint. Ergo 1116 hue veniet, quod non putabant, 


tarde quidem. 
ponat. 
Quid mihi igitur censes ? 


quod] sc. genus hoc litterarum ; it would 
have been more normal if Cicero had 
written guas, but we must not change 
quod. 

quast quo] ‘under any pretence that’: 
cp. Planc. 65 tum quidam quasi qui omnia 
sciret, ‘who pretended to know every- 
thing,’ Plaut. Trin. 1142 meo adilegatu 
venit, quasi qui aurum mihi ferret abs te, 
‘pretending to bring money to me from 
you.’ We need not suppose with Wesenberg 
that gwast is a gloss. Cicero implies by 
adding quasi that Caesar would not have 
been sincere if he had intimated that he 
was offended at the conduct of Quintus. 
For non quo... sed ut cp. Att. ii. 25.1 
(62). Miuiller reads guasi qui, perhaps 
rightly, as the examples quoted above 
(which he has supplied) would point to 
the personal usage of guasi with the 
relative. But as guasi only adds the idea 
of pretence, it seems quite natural that it 
might be used with the impersonal non 
quo. 

eique ret mederi| If these words are 
right, the meaning must be ‘and (you 
write) that you are attempting to remedy 
the mischief.’ But it would appear, as 
Madvig says (A.C. iii. 188), that it was 
not Atticus who was trying to remedy the 
mischief, but that he was urging Cicero to 
do so; as indeed Cicero did: ep. 427. 2. 
Madvig accordingly reads ecigue rei <me 
vis (or tubes) > mederi. Perhaps the cor- 
ruption would be better explained by 
supposing that me debere was lost either 
before or after mederi, 

ne rogari quidem| So Vict. for negari 
quidem. Initial letters are occasionally 
omitted. ‘Caesar did not even wait to be 
asked,’ but granted at once a complete 


Itinera enim ita facit ut multos dies tin oppidum 
Pharnaces autem, quoquo modo aget, adferet moram. 
Iam enim corpore vix sustineo gravi- 


pardon to Quintus when his son came to 
him to ask for it. 

istas inpetrationes nostras| ‘that these 
concessions granted to us by Caesar are 
valueless,’ that he can revoke them as 
easily ashe gave them: cp. 444. 1, si ista 
nobis impetrata quidquam ad spem explorati 
haberent. Sed et alia timenda sunt ab aliis 
Quintisque, et ab hoc ipso quae dantur, ut 
a domino, rursus in eiusdem sunt potestate. 
Impetratio is ‘the gaining’ of a request, 
and so ‘a granted petition’ or ‘ favour.’ 

2. Sulla] 448. 2. 

Messalia| consul in 53: cp. note to 
534.2. Sulla and Messalla were entrusted 
by Caesar with the duty of taking the 
legions to Sicily. ‘ They are running to 
Caesar, beaten back by the legions who 
decline to stir a foot till they receive their 
bounty.’ Accipere is used absolutely: cp. 
Att. v. 21. 5 (250), where see note. 

in oppidum] No possible explanation 
of these words can be given: the rendering 
‘in each town’ would require guodque. 
Lambinus cuts the knot by altering to in 
oppidis: cp. Bell. Alex. 65. 4. Peerl- 
kamp and Schmidt read in oppido uno 
‘he spends a number of days in a single 
town.’ Prof. Goligher advocates in oppido 
quogue. No certain correction has yet 
been made. 

Pharnaces autem] ‘ But in any case, no 
matter what he (Pharnaces) does, it will 
cause delay.” Whether Pharnaces is at 
once defeated (as he was) or makes some 
resistance, he will cause Caesar delay. 
Possibly we should read item for autem. 
Pharnaces will be an additional cause of 
delay besides that caused by the settle- 
ment of affairs in the several towns on 
Caesar’s route. 


EP. 44? (FAM. XIV. 22). 343 


; tatem huius 68.611, quae mili laborem adfert in dolore. An his 
illue euntibus mandem ut me excusent, ipse accedam propius ? 
- Quaeso, attende et me, quod adhue saepe rogatus non fecisti, con- 


_ silio inva; scio rem difficilem esse, sed, ut 7m malis, etiam illud mea 
_ Magni interest te ut videam: profecto aliquid profecero si id 
ἢ acciderit. De testamento, ut scribis, animadvertes. 

ἫΝ 

] ἷ my AA Pe ry 

ἢ 447. CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. χιν. 22). 

t BRUNDISIUM ; SEPTEMBER 1; A. U. C. 7073 B. C. 473 AET. CIC. 59. 
| M. Cicero tabellarios suos se exspectare scribit. 


TULLIUS S. D. TERENTIAE SUAE. 


S. V. B. E. V. Nos cotidie tabellarios nostros exspectamus : 
qui si venerint, fortasse erimus certiores quid nobis faciendum 
sit faciemusque te statim certiorem. Valetudinem tuam cura 


diligenter. Vale. K. Septemb. 


gravitatem huius caeh| Cp. 448. 2. which leaves no doubt as to the reading 
laborem| ‘physical suffering.” The ἴο adopt. 
meaning is, ‘which causes me physical tabellarios nostros| Probably those he 
suffering in the midst of all my grief.’ had sent to Rome, who would bring back 
quod adhuc saepe rogatus non fecisti] letters from Atticus and Balbus. Cicero 
For similar peevish remarks cp. 436.1, uses what Prof. Conway (§ 26, cp. p. 61) 
and note to 423. 1. calls the Plural of Patronage five times 
in these few lines: cp. notes to 433 and 
cotidie} M has nostodie; H D nostota 449. But possibly the plural may refer 
die; but the Index to M has nos cotidiae, to himself and Tullia. 


III EIEIO I ee eee ee ne 
SSR ae τ Se ee ee ETCH SE 2:5 us et Ξ 3; 4 ee 


Aicet ὧν 


hte wed Ses epee 14 τοτὲ aa EST 


344 


EP. 448 (FAM. XV. 15). 


448, CICERO TO CASSIUS (Fam. xv. 15). 


BRUNDISIUM ; AUGUST (LAST HALF); A. U. C. 707; B.C. 473 
AET. CIC. 59. 


t 


M. Cicero consilium suum a bello discedendi demonstrat, Caesaris clementiam 
laudat, quid C. Cassio agendum videatur interrogat. 


M. CICERO 5. Ὁ. C. CASSIO. 


1. Etsi uterque nostrum spe pacis et odio civilis sanguinis 
abesse a belli [necessaria| pertinacia voluit, tamen, quoniam elus 
consili princeps ego fuisse videor, plus fortasse tibi praestare ipse 


debeo quam a te exspectare. 


Htsi, ut saepe soleo mecum re- 


cordari, sermo familiaris meus tecum et item mecum tuus adduxit 
utrumque nostrum ad id consilium, ut uno proelio putaremus si 
non totam causam, at certe nostrum iudicium definiri convenire. 


This letter is to be assigned to the latter 
half of August. Caesar appears to have left 
Antioch early in July (Judeich, Caesar im 
Orient, p. 111): cp. 444. 1. Shortly 
after he met Cassius at the mouth of the 
Cydnus (Cic. Phil. 11. 26), and took him 
into his service in his campaign against 
Pharnaces. That campaign culminated 
in the Battle of Zela on August 2. The 
news of that victory would reach Italy 
early in September. But at the time of 
writing this letter the news plainly had 
not arrived. 

1. [ecessaria] ] This word is found 
in M by the first hand, and in two in- 
ferior mss., but is omitted by FHD. 
See Adn. Crit. Editors generally omit it. 
Possibly it stands for non necessaria, or 
non necessarii, as Madvig suggested: ep. 
Wes. Hm., p. 14. Madvig says, ‘ tum 
demum enim fuit pertinacia quum post 
proelium Pharsalicum desisset bellum esse 
necessarium.’ 

belli pertinacia| With the genit. we 
may perhaps compare Justin. iii. 4. 3, 
veritt ne hae perseverantia belli gravius 
sibi quam Messeniis nocerent. 

pertinacia| ‘ obstinate prosecution.’ 

plus ... praestare| “1 am, perhaps, 
more bound to give you satisfaction on 


the point than to expect it from you.’ 
Plus probably goes with debeo. It has 
also been proposed to understand consili. 
‘I, perhaps, am bound to give you advice 
rather than to expect it from you.’ On 
the whole, we think the latter view is 
preferable. In ἐὺ 3, 4, however, Cicero 
notices the altered position of himself and 
Cassius, and asks Cassius for advice and 
information. 

Etsi| ‘and yet,’ “ however,’ ‘ but,’ 
καίτοι. On 392. 9 Hofmann notices 
some cases in Cicero’s epistles where esi 
has that meaning: 362. 5, Htsi quid te 
horum fugit? 377. 1, Htst omnis... 
maestos adflictosque vidi; 365. 2, do, do 
poenas temeritatis meae. tsi quae fuit 
alla temeritas ὁ Add Att. xvi. 7. 2 (783), 
etsi quamvis non fueris impulsor profec- 
tionis meae, approbator certe fuisti. On 
Plaut.:Capt. 744, Vale atque salve, etst 
aliter ut dicam meres, Prof. Lindsay 
compares Trin. 593, Pers. 601. 

ad id consilium . . . convenire] “ ἴο this 
conclusion, namely, the opinion that the 
right course to take was that our own 
judgment at least, if not the whole cause, 
should be determined by the result of a 
single battle.’ This recalls to one’s mind 
a celebrated passage in Clarendon about 


EP. 448 (FAM XV. 15). 845 


Neque quisquam hance nostram sententiam vere umquam repre- 
hendit praeter eos qui arbitrantur melius esse deleri omnino rem 
publicam quam imminutam et debilitatam manere. Ego autem 
ex interitu eius nullam spem scilicet mihi proponebam, ex reliqulis 
magnam. 2. Sed ea sunt consecuta ut magis mirum sit accidere 
illa potuisse quam nos non vidisse ea futura nec, homines cum 
essemus, divinare potuisse. Hquidem fateor meam coniecturam 
hane fuisse ut illo quasi quodam fatali proelio facto et victores 
communi saluti consuli vellent et victi suae, utrumque autem 
positum esse arbitrabar in celeritate victoris. Quae si fuisset, 
eandem clementiam experta esset Africa quam cognovit Asia, 
quam etiam Achaia, te, ut opinor, ipso legato ac deprecatore. 


Lord Falkland (vii, § 231) :—‘ From his 
entrance into this unnatural war, his 
natural cheerfulness and vivacity grew 
clouded, and a kind of sadness and dejec- 
tion of spirit stole upon him which he had 
mever been used to. Yet, being one of 
those who believed that one battle would 
end all differences, and that there would 
be so great a victory on one side that the 
other would be compelled to submit to 
any conditions from the victor (which 
supposition and conclusion generally sank 
into the minds of most men, and pre- 
vented the looking after many advantages 
that might have been laid hold of), he 
resisted those indispositions, et in luctu 
belium inter remedia erat [Tac. Agr. 29. 1]. 
But after the king’s return from Brent- 
ford, and the furious resolution of the two 
Houses not to admit any treaty for peace, 
these indispositions, which had before 
touched him, grew into a perfect habit of 
uncheerfulness. And he who had been so 
exactly easy and affable to all men that his 
face and countenance was always present 
and vacant to his company, and held any 
cloudiness and less pleasantness of the 
visage a kind of rudeness or incivility, 
became, on a sudden, less communicable, 
and thence very sad, pale, and exceedingly 
affected with the spleen.’ 

ut putaremus| Cicero and Cassius 
were both at Formiae during the first 
half of February, 49; and doubtless it 
was then that they arrived at the decision 
to which Cicero here refers. We can 
hardly suppose that they were together 
in Pompey’s camp in Epirus, for Cassius 
was in command of the Syrian fleet 
(Caes. B. C. iii. 5: 101). 


imminutam et debilitatam| ‘in an im- 
paired and weakened state.’ Cicero uses 
this collovation elsewhere in Phil. xii. 7, 
An vos acerrimam illam et fortissimam 
popult Romani lidertatis reciperandae 
cupiditatem non imminutam ac debilitatam 
putatis legatione pacis audita ? 

Ego... magnam| ‘But if it were 
destroyed, I could cherish no hope for 
myself, though much if some remains 
were left.’ 

2. quam nos non vidisse . . . potuisse | 
‘than that we failed to see their coming, 
and were unable, being but men, to have 
supernatural prescience of it.’ 

Equidem fateor| “ For my part I con- 
fess that I thought this, that after the 
battle had been fought, which seemed like 
one decreed by fate, the conquerors would 
take measures for the safety of society, 
and the conquered for their own lives.’ 
As frequently after animus, mens, con- 
silium, and such like words signifying 
‘opinion,’ so here after coniectura we have 
an explanatory clause introduced by μέ 
(Drager ii. 249). Strictly the explana- 
tory clause should not be wut vellent, but 
ut velle putarem: cp. above, ᾧ 1, id con- 
sihum ut... putaremus, and note to non 
adducor, 431.2. Fatalis means what was 
specially decreed by fate in her ordering 
of human destinies, generally with the 
additional idea that it was disastrous : 
cp. Verg. Aen. vi. 515, cum fatalis equus 
saltu. super ardua venit. Mr. Jeans 
translates, ‘on which, one may say, 
hung the issues of fate.’ 

ipso legato ac deprecatore| ‘you your- 
self being the emissary sent to entreat 
indulgence.’ Cassius appears to have 


946 EP. 448 (FAM. XV. 15). 


Amissis autem temporibus, quae plurimum valent, praesertim in 
bellis civilibus, interpositus annus alios induxit ut victoriam 
sperarent, alios ut ipsum vinci contemnerent. Atque horum 
malorum omnium culpam fortuna sustinet. Quis enim aut 
Alexandrini .belli tantam moram huic bello adiunctum iri aut 
nescio quem istum Pharnacem Asiae terrorem inlaturum putaret ? 
3. Nos tamen in consilio pari casu dissimili usi sumus. Tu enim 
eam partem petisti ut et consiliis interesses et, quod maxime 
curam levat, futura animo prospicere posses. Hgo, qui festinavi 
ut Caesarem in Italia viderem—sic enim arbitrabamur—eumque 
multis honestissimis viris conservatis redeuntem ad pacem cur- 
rentem, ut alunt, incitarem, ab illo longissime et absum et αἰαὶ. 
Versor autem in gemitu Italiae et in urbis miserrimis querelis, 
quibus aliquid opis fortasse ego pro mea, tu pro tua, pro sua quis- 


que parte ferre potuisset, si auctor adfuisset. 


met Caesar in Cilicia, at the mouth of 
the Cydnus (Phil. ii. 26), and was 
pardoned by him at the intercession of 
Brutus (Plut. Brut. 6), as is pointed out 
by Schmidt (p. 227). If the full story 
told by Cicero, that Cassius had intended 
to kill Caesar there, and that his intention 
was frustrated by Caesar’s landing on the 
opposite side of the river, is not a mere 
baseless rumour, it was a dishonourable 
act of Cassius to take service under 
Caesar immediately after. After Phar- 
salia Cassius appears to have gone with 
Cato to the Cyrenaica, but, on the news 
of the death of Pompey, to have parted 
from him, perhaps with the intention of 
going to Caesar (Dio Cass. xlii. 13.4, δ). 
He may have gone to Achaia first. He 
was at Rhodes in the early part of 47 
(428. 1), and bad intended to go to 
Alexandria, but changed his mind (430. 
2), and went to Tarsus instead. Caesar 
made him one of his legati (488. 10), 
perhaps for the campaign against 
Pharnaces, as Cassius was experienced in 
war in Asia. 

wsum vinci] ‘defeat itself.’ For this 
substantival inf. Watson compares 304. 
2, hoe ipsum velle. Wolfflin (Archiv 
111, 74) adds Att. xiii. 28. 2 (604) cum 
vivere ipsum turpe sit nobis. It is very 
frequent in Cicero’s philosophical writ- 
ings, e.g. Tusc. iv. 46; v. 88. 

nescio quem istum Pharnacem| ‘ Phar- 
naces or whatever they call him’ (Jeans). 
From the early days of October, 48, to 
June 20, 47, Caesar was at Alexandria. 


4, Qua re velim 


He defeated Pharnaces at Zela on August 
2nd, and returned to Italy late in Sep- 
tember, about the 24th. 

putaret| ‘could suppose.’ In absolute 
strictness this should be putasset, just as. 
in English it should be ‘ could have sup- 
posed’: cp. Phil, viii. 14, Mem igitur 


eum, st tum esses, temerarium ctvem 
putares. 
3. Tu enim. . posses} ‘For you have 


joined a party which admits you to its 
councils, and (what chiefly frees you from 
anxiety) enables you to look forward into 
what will take place in the future.’ 

consiliis interesses| Cp. 488, 10 Cassiwm 
sibi legavit (sc. Caesar). ᾿ 

currentem, ut aiunt, incitarem] ‘spur 
on the willing horse, as the proverb has 
it, towards the goal of peace’ : cp. Hom. 
11. viii. 298 τί με σπεύδοντα καὶ αὐτὸν 
᾿Οτρύνεις, and note to Q. Fr. i. 1. 45 (90). 
Cp. for the phrase Phil. iii. 19: De Orat. 
11.186. We have also hortari currentem 
Q. Fr. ii. 13. 2 (141); Att. xiii, 45. 2 
(662). Cp. Otto, p. 102, who quotes 
Pliny, Ep. i. 8. 1 addidisti ergo calcaria 
sponte currentt. 

in gemitu Italiae] ‘The mutiny of the ᾿ 
legions (446. 2; 444. 2) may have caused 
alarm; and the turmoil that had been 
raised in the city by Dolabella broke out 
anew when the news of the campaign 
against Pharnaces reached Rome (Dio 
Cass. xlii. 30 fin.). 

δὲ auctor adfuisset| ‘if the master 
himself were here’: an auctor is one who 
can authorize actions to be done. 


ραν 


EP. 449 (FAM. XIV. 20). 


347 


pro tua perpetua erga me benevolentia scribas ad me quid videas, 
quid sentias, quid exspectandum, quid agendum nobis existimes. 
Magni erunt mihi tuae litterae, atque utinam primis illis quas 
Luceria miseras paruissem! sine ulla enim molestia dignitatem 


meam retinuissem. 


449. CICERO TO TERENTIA (Fam. xiv. 20). 


VENUSIA 5 OCTOBER 1 : Ἂς U. C. 7075 Be Ὁ: 47 5 ART, CIC. 59. 


M. Cicero in Tusculano res ad adventum suum necessarias parari iubet. 


TULLIUS S. D. TERENTIAE SUAE. 


In Tusculanum nos venturos putamus aut Nonis aut postridie. 


Ibi ut sint omnia parata. 


et, ut arbitror, diutius 101 commorabimur. 


Plures enim fortasse nobiscum erunt 


Labrum si 1n balineo 


non est, ut sit: item cetera quae sunt ad victum et ad valetudi- 


Vale. 


4. primis illis quas Luceria miseras | 
These letters were probably written from 
the headquarters of Pompey at Luceria 
before the departure of the latter for 
Greece, and advised Cicero not to leave 
Italy. 


nem necessaria. 


In Tusculanum] About Sept. 24 Caesar 
landed at Tarentum and met Cicero next 
day at Brundisium. Plutarch (Cic. 39) 
says (Long’s translation), ‘ Cicero went to 
meet him, not being altogether without 
hope, but feeling shame in the presence 
of so many persons to make trial of aman 
who was his enemy and _ victorious. 
However, there was no need for him to 
do or say anything unworthy of himself ; 
for when Caesar saw Cicero coming to 
meet him at a great distance before all 
the rest, he got down and embraced him, 
and talking with him alone walked 
several stadia. From this time he con- 
tinued to show respect for Cicero and 
friendly behaviour (τιμῶν καὶ φιλοφρονού- 
Mevos).” Cicero at once left Brundisium 
on his way to Rome, and reached Venusia 
by October 1. 

nos| See note to 438. 

ut sint] It is not very usual to leave 
out fac or cura, yet sometimes the omission 
is found in Early Latin and in the Comic 
Drama. Drager (i. 314) quotes Cato R. 


Κ΄. Oct. de Venusino. 


R. 2. 6, reliqua quae sient ut compareant : 
st quid desit in annum utr paretur : quae 
supersint ut veneant ; Plaut. Capt. 114, 
794 and Prof. Lindsay’s notes. 

Labrum]| In the Caldarium of the Old 
Baths at Pompeii there is an apse at one 
end, and in it a labrum (Aovrnp). This 
was a large round basin raised about 3 
feet from the floor: and standing round 
this, the bathers used to wash themselves. 
It was different from the piscina into 
which they descended. For a picture of 
the /abrum see Smith’s Dict. of Antiq. 1.8 
p- 277. The Thesaurus says that Cicero 
uses the form dalinewm four times, the 
form balneuwm twenty-one times. 

quae sunt ad victum necessaria| “ which 
are necessary for any place where one is 
to live and enjoy health.’ This is the 
last letter written to Terentia. All Cicero’s 
letters to his wife at this time are very 
business-like; this one is the most so, 
being almost brusque in tone. ‘ A gentle- 
man, says Long (Plutarch’s Lives, iv. 
195 n.) ‘would write a more civil letter 
to his housekeeper.’ Shortly after this, 
Cicero, when in want of money, divorced 


Terentia. 


de Venusino] possibly a deversorium : 
but more probably it means de Venusino 
agro. Sternkopf (p. 47) compares de 
Tarentino, Att. 111. 6 (61). 


348 EP. 450 (FAM. XV. 21). 


450. CICERO TO TREBONIUS (Fam. xv. 21). 


ROME; TOWARDS THE END OF THE NEXT YEAR, VIZ, A. U. 6. 708; 
B. c. 46; AET. cic. 60. 


M. Cicero C. Trebonium rogat ut sui absentis desiderium epistulis crebris et longis 
leniat: de Calvo oratore iam mortuo quid sentiat exponit. 


M. CICERO 5. Ὁ. C. TREBONIO. 


1. Et epistulam tuam legi libenter et librum libentissime, sed 
tamen in ea voluptate hune accepi dolorem, quod cum incendisses 
cupiditatem meam consuetudinis augendae nostrae—nam ad 
amorem quidem nihil poterat accedere—tum discedis a nobis 
meque tanto desiderio adficis ut unam mihi consolationem 
relinquas, fore ut utriusque nostrum absentis desiderium crebris 
et longis epistulis leniatur. Quod ego non modo de me tibi 
spondere possum sed de te etiam mihi, Nullam enim apud me 
reliquisti dubitationem quantum me amares ὦ. Nam ut illa 
omittam quae civitate teste fecisti, cum mecum inimicitias com- 
municavisti, cum me contionibus tuis defendisti, cum quaestor in 
mea atque in publica causa consulum partis suscepisti, cum 
tribuno pl. quaestor non paruisti cui tuus praesertim conlega 


For Trebonius see Introduction. We 
were in error in attributing this letter to 
the end of the year 47. Τί belongs to the 
end of 46. Trebonius was praetor in 48 
and would naturally vacate the office on 
Dec. 29, 48. He was sent by Caesar to 
Spain early in 47. It must have been 47, 
because Lepidus was still there when he 
arrived (B. Alex. 64). But Lepidus was 
in Rome on Jan. 1, 46, as consul. Tre- 
bonius governed Spain until June, 46, 
when he was driven out (Dio Cass. xliil. 
29. 3). He was at Rome until towards 
the end of 46, when he made a second 
journey towards Spain. It was on this 
journey that he had the famous meeting 
at Narbo with Antony (Phil. ii. 34), who 
was then out of favour with Caesar. A 
little later than this letter, probably early 
in 45, Cicero wrote Fam. xv. 20 (702) to 
Trebonius when he was already on his 


journey (cp. note to that letter in ed. 2). 
The accurate fixing of the dates of these 
two letters to Trebonius is due to the 
learning and insight of Sternkopf (Jahrb. 
1893, pp. 424ff). 

1. ut... leniatur] ‘that the loss of 
each other’s society may be compensated 
by frequent and long letters.’ 

2. inimicitias| We gather from this 
passage that in the year 60 ‘Trebonius 
was quaestor, and vigorously supported 
the consuls Afranius and Metellus Celer, 
cp. Att. ii. 1. 4 (27), in opposing thetribune 
C. Herennius, who brought forward a law 
on the subject of the transference of Clo- 
dius to the plebeians: see Att. i. 18. 
4 (26)..Drumann (il. 56 = p. 46 ed. 
Groebe) conjectures that the colleague of 
Trebonius in the quaestorship was a son 
of Metellus Creticus, comparing Att. iv. 
7.2(111). But this is very doubtful. 


P 


EP, 450 (FAM. XV. 21). 349 


pareret, ut haec recentia, quae meminero semper, obliviscar, quae 
tua sollicitudo de me in armis, quae laetitia in reditu, quae cura, 
qui dolor, quom ad te curae et dolores mei perferrentur, Brundisium 
denique te ad me venturum fuisse nisi subito in Hispaniam 
missus esses,—ut haec igitur omittam quae mihi tanti aestimanda 
sunt quanti vitam aestimo et salutem meam, liber iste quem 
mihi misisti quantam habet declarationem amoris tui! primum 
quod tibi facetum videtur quidquid ego dixi, quod alii fortasse 
non item: deinde quod illa, sive faceta sunt sive sic, fiunt 
narrante te venustissima. Quin etiam ante quam ad me veniatur 
risus omnis paene consumitur. 38. Quod si in 118 scribendis nihil 
aliud nisi, quod necesse fuit, de uno me tam diu cogitavisses, 
ferreus essem si te non amarem. Cum vero ea quae scriptura 
persecutus es sine summo amore cogitare non potueris, non 
possum existimare plus quemquam a se ipso quam me a te amari. 
Cui quidem ego amori utinam ceteris rebus possem! amore certe: 
respondebo: quo tamen ipso tibi confido futurum satis. 4. Nune 
ad epistulam venio cui copiose et suaviter scriptae nihil est quod 
multa respondeam. Primum enim ego illas Calvo litteras misi, 


non plus quam has quas nunc legis existimans exituras. 


Brundisium . 1... 
governed by obliviscor. 

igitur| resumptive as often: cp. on 
Att. i. 10. 1 (6). 

liber iste] 'Trebonius appears to have 
made a collection of Cicero’s bons mots 
(ἀποφθέγματα): cp. 472. 4 note. For 
Cicero’s witticisms see Macrob. Sat. 
ii 


venturum fuisse| 


alii] So the mss. Cratander altered to 
aliis, which we formerly read; but we no 
longer think that οὐδὲ must necessarily 
refer to a definite person: cp. Plaut. Mil. 
1357 tidi servire mavelim multo quam alii 
libertus esse. Cicero is probably thinking 


_of the offence which his sharp sayings 


had caused when he was in the camp of 
Pompey (Plut. Cic. 38; Cic. Phil. ii. 39, 
and Mayor’s note). Pompey had been 
justly annoyed at Cicero, and had ex- 
pressed a wish that he would go over to 
the enemy, Macrob. l. c. § 8. 

sic] ‘so, so’; ‘as they may be’: cp. 
Ter. Heaut. 457 Nam ut alia omittam, 
pytisando (‘in tasting’) modo mihi quid 
vini absumpsit, ‘sic hoe’ dicens ; ‘ aspe- 
rum, pater, hoc est; aliud lenius sodes 


Aliter: 


vide.’ Corradus suggested secus for sic, 
of which Wes. approves. 

Quin etiam] ‘why, even before you 
come to me, the laugh is almost over.’ 
Trebonius had related, in such an amusing: 
manner, the circumstances under which 
each of Cicero’s dons mots were made, that 
the reader had laughed as much as he 
could before he came to the joke itself. 

3. ferreus| Q. Fr. i. 3.3 (66) ferus- 
et ferreus (cp. Tibull. i. 10, 2): Att. xiii. 
30. 1 (605); Lael. 48 ; 87; Verr. v. 121. 

quae scriptura persecutus es| ‘which 
you took the trouble to commit to- 
writing.” Cp. Plaut. Merc. 554 hoe ut 
dico dictis persequar. 

ceteris rvebus| So HDF; M reads. 
certis, which might mean ‘ definite: 
actions’: cp. Lehmann, p. 41. 

quo... futurum satis) ‘and in that. 
special respect at all events I feel sure 
you will be satisfied’: ¢tamen means. 
although in other respects I cannot repay 
you, yet I can in affection. Futurum 
satis is the passive of satis facere, For 
the abl. cp. Seneca Benef. ii. 35. 1 volun- 
tate voluntati satis fecimus. 


350 EP. 450 (FAM. XV. 21). 


enim scribimus quod eos solos quibus mittimus, aliter quod 
multos lecturos putamus. Deinde ingenium eius maioribus extuli 
laudibus quam tu id vere potuisse fierl putas. Primum, quod ita 
iudicabam: acute movebatur, genus quoddam sequebatur in quo, 
iudicio lapsus quo valebat, tamen adsequebatur quod probarat. 
Multae erant et reconditae litterae: vis non erat. Ad eam igitur 
adhortabar. In excitando autem et in acuendo plurimum valet 
si laudes eum quem cohortere. Habes de Calvo iudicium et con- 
silium meum: consilium, quod hortandi causa laudavi, iudicium, 
quod de ingenio eius valde existimavi bene. 5. Reliquum est 
tuam profectionem amore prosequar, reditum spe exspectem, 
absentem memoria colam, omne desiderium litteris mittendis 
accipiendisque leniam. ‘Tu velim tua in me studia et officia 
multum tecum recordere: quae cum tibi liceat, mihi nefas sit 
oblivisci, non modo virum bonum me existimabis verum etiam 


te a me amari plurimum iudicabis. 


4. maioribus] The Mss. give melioribus, 
which is retained by Baiter, Mendelssohn, 
and Miller. This may be right; but we 
can find no example of bona (melior, 
optima) applied to laws. Orelli conjec- 
tures amplioribus. Ernesti, followed by 
Klotz and Wesenberg, reads maioribus. 

acute moveoatur| sc. ingenio, ‘he was 
aman of keen mental activity.’ ‘This is 
Dr. Reid’s translation: ep. his note on 
Acad. i. 35. 

genus quoddam sequebatur] ‘he followed 
a certain style,’ i.e. the so-called Attic. 
Cp. Brut. 283 adeuratius quoddam dicendi 
et exquisitius adferebat (sc. Calvus) genus ; 
quod quamquam scienter eleganterque trac- 
tabat, numium tamen inguirens in se atque 
ipse 86 observans metuensque ne vitiosum 
colligeret etiam verum sanguinem (cp. Tac. 
Dial. 18) deperdebat. TItaque eius oratio 
nimia religione attenuata doctis et attente 
audientibus erat iliustris ; a multitudine 
autem et a foro, cur nata eloquentia est, 
devorabatur (‘was gulped down,’ ‘ bolted’ 
without tasting 10). Zum Brutus 9 Atticum 
se” inquit ‘Calvus noster oratorem volebat ; 
inde erat ista exilitas quam ille de industria 
consequebatur ’: cp. Quintil. x. 1. 115. 
He was very violent in delivery (Seneca 
Contr. 7. 4. 6: cp. Fronto, p. 114, 
Calvus rixatur) and precise in phraseology, 
cp. Tac. Dial. 25 adstrictior; Apuleius 
Apol. 95 argutiae. Calvus had no great 
opinion of Cicero: cp. Tac. Dial. 18 


Vale. 


Ciceronem a Calvo quidem male audisse 
tamquam solutwm et enervem. For Calvus 
see Teuffel, § 218, 5-7: Schanz, § 139. 
ὡς 

in quo... vis non erat] ‘in which 
he failed where he was especially strong, 
namely in judgment; but for all that he 
succeeded in acquiring the style which 
commended itself to him. He was a man 
of wide and deep reading, but wanted 
vigour.’ 

In excitando ... cohortere] ‘In rous- 
ing and stimulating a man the best way is 
to praise him if you wish to encourage 
him.’ 

Habes ... bene| ‘You understand now 
the judgment I expressed of Calvus and 
my reasons for it; my reasons were that 
I praised him in order to encourage him ; 
my judgment was that I held his natural 
gifts in very high estimation.’ 

5. Reliqguum 666] Some editors add ut ; 
but it is not necessary : cp. 409. 3 (Dola- 
bella) Redicwm est ubi nune est respublica 
ἐδὲ simus. ‘It only remains for me to send 
mv love with you on your departure, to 
hope for your return, to remember you in 
your absence, and to lessen our mutual 
regret by a frequent interchange of 
letters.’ For absentem Lambinus proposed 
absentiam, and Boot adds ἐξ before ab- 
sentem (Obs. Crit. 26). But no change is 
necessary ; te can be easily supplied from 
tuam. 


LETTERS OF THE TWENTY-THIRD YEAR OF CICERO’S 
CORRESPONDENCE. 


EPP. 451-530. 


A. U. C. 7083 B.C. 46: AET. CIC. 60. 


COSS C. JULIUS CAESAR III. AND M. AEMILIUS LEPIDUS. 


THoveu his relations with Terentia were rather strained and finally issued in 
divorce, yet during this year Cicero appears to have been fairly happy, at 
least after the time of the defeat of the Pompeians at Thapsus. Some time 
towards the end of the year, or beginning of the next, in order to extricate 
himself from money difficulties, he married his rich ward Publilia; but the 
marriage was not happy, and he soon divorced her. During the whole of this 
year he was on friendly terms with many of the principal Caesareans, though 
he had little intercourse with Caesar himself, and he was able and willing to 
use a certain amount of influence in favour of exiled Pompeians. To those 
whom he could not help he addressed letters of sympathy. His sportive letters 
to Paetus are a sign of his recovery from the dark despair of his sojourn at 
Brundisium. He also spoke once or twice in public. He thanked Caesar in 
the senate for granting the restoration of Marcellus, and defended Q. Ligarius 
before him in an able speech. He also began again to write literary treatises, 
and composed during this year the Puradoxa, Brutus, Orator, a panegyric on 
Cato, and perhaps the Partiteones Oratoriae. 


952 


4581]. 


EP, 451 (FAM. XIII. 10). 


CICERO TO M. JUNIUS BRUTUS (Fam. xu. 10). 


ROME; EARLY IN YEAR; A. U. Ὁ. 708; B. C. 465 AKT. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero M. Bruto, quem Caesar in Africanum bellum profecturus Galliae 
Cisalpinae praefecerat, M. Varronem quaestorem sorte datum commendat. 


CICERO BRUTO SAL. 


1. Cum ad te tuus quaestor, Μ, Varro, proficisceretur, com- 


mendatione egere eum non putabam. 


Satis enim commendatum 


τ νῦν 


tibi eum arbitrabar ab ipso more maiorum, qui, ut te non fugit, 
hane quaesturae coniunctionem liberorum necessitudini proximam 
voluit esse. Sed cum sibi ita persuasisset ipse, meas de se accurate 
scriptas litteras maximum apud te pondus habituras, a meque 
contenderet ut quam diligentissime scriberem, malui facere quod 
meus familiaris tanti sua interesse arbitraretur. 2. Ut igitur 
debere me facere hoc intellegas, cum primum M. Terentius in 
forum venit, ad amicitiam se meam contulit. Deinde, ut se 
corroboravit, duae causae accesserunt quae meam in illum bene- 
volentiam augerent: una, quod versabatur in hoe studio nostro 
quo etiam nunc maxime delectamur, et cum ingenio, ut nosti, nec 


These letters to Brutus when he was 
governor of Cisalpine Gaul were probably 
written in the early part of 46. Caesar 
gave him this governorship when he him- 
self set out for the African campaign 
(Plut. Brut. 6). 

1. M. Varro] Of course not the great 
scholar; for after having held command of 
an army he was not likely to be a mere 
quaestor, and besides he was at this time 
living in retirement and study. The M. 
Varro here referred to is sometimes called 
M.'Terentius Varro Gibba. In conjunction 
with Cicero he defended Saufeius when 
accused of vis in 52 (Ascon. in Mil. p. 55, 
ed. Clark). In 48 he was trib. plebis; 
and when he found that the great Varro 
was proscrived he published a notice, 
says Dio Cassius (xlvii. 11. 3), to assure 
the people that he was not the Marcus 
Varro referred to, and for this he incurred 
much ridicule. 


proficisceretur | As the quaestorof Brutus - 
is only leaving Rome now, we may sup- 
pose that this letter was written early in 
the year. The other letters written to 
Brutus during this year we place in im- 
mediate connexion with this letter, though 
it is uncertain in what months they were 
written. 

ab tpso more maiorum] For this use of 
ab cp. note to 354. ὃ. 

quaesturae coniunctionem] Cp.§ 4 and 
note to 302. 1: also Mayor on Phil. ii. 71, 
who quotes Pliny Ep. iy. 15. 9 and 12. 

2. in forum venit] ‘entered on public 
life’: cp. Fam. v. 8. 3 (181) ut primum 
forum attigerim. 

ut se corroboravit] ‘when he took a 
firm position in the world’: ep. Cael. 11, 
cum ts 1am se corroboravisset ac vir inter 
viros esset. 

in hoe studio nostro] .i.e. public ora- 
tory. 


EP. 451 (FAM. XIII. 10). 3538 


sine industria, deinde, quod mature se contulit in societates publi- 
corum, quod quidem nollem; maximis enim damnis adfectus 
est. Sed tamen causa communis ordinis mihi commendatissimi 
fecit amicitiam nostram firmiorem. Deinde versatus in utrisque 
subselliis optima et fide et fama iam ante hance commutationem rei 
publicae petitioni sese dedit honoremque honestissimum existimavit 
fructum laboris sui. 3. His autem temporibus a me Brundisio 
cum litteris et mandatis profectus ad Caesarem est: qua in re et 
amorem eius in suscipiendo negotio perspexi et in conficiendo ac 
renuntiando fidem. Videor mihi, cum separatim de probitate eius 
et moribus dicturus fuissem, si prius causam cur eum tanto opere 
diligerem tibi exposuissem, in ipsa causa exponenda satis etiam de 
probitate dixisse. Sed tamen separatim promitto in meque recipio 
fore eum tibi et voluptati et usui; nam et modestum hominem 
cognosces et pudentem et a cupiditate omni remotissimum, prae- 
terea magni laboris summaeque industriae. 4. Neque ego haec 
polliceri debeo quae tibi ipsi cum bene cognoris iudicanda sunt : 


se contulit in societates publicorum] “ αἵ 
an early age he betook himself to (took 
up with) the companies which manage 
state-contracts’: ordinis refers to the 
equites. These companies were mostly 
engaged in collecting the taxes of the 
provinces, and are called societates vecti- 
galium in Cic. Sest. 32 and in the Digest 
(xvii. 2. 5), and societates provinciarum in 
Caesar, B. C. iii. 3. 2. The members are 
called socit publicorum vectigalium in the 
Digest (iii. 4. 1 pr.). But the societates 
also took ordinary state-contracts for sup- 
plying the armies and fleets, for buildings, 
roads, supplying corn, &c. Foran account 
of these companies cp. Mr.' Warde Fowler, 
Social Life in the Age of Cicero, pp. 70 ff. 
M and H give publicorum, unnecessarily 
altered by D to publicanorum. For publica 
= ‘state contracts’ cp. Q. Fr. 1. 1. 33 
(80), publicis male redemptis; Hor. Epp. 
Bt. 77. 

in utrisque subselliis| as barrister and 
juryman : for subsellia iudicum cp. Vat. 
34, and Greenidge, Legal Procedure in 
Cicero’s Time, pp. 1384 and 458. Others 
suppose that the expression means only 
‘ barrister,’ sometimes as accuser and 
sometimes as defender, There were 
special seats in the court both for ac- 


cusers (Rosc. Am. 17) and for accused 


(Fam. viii. 8. 1, Ep. 223). 
VOL. IV. 


4 


3. ad Caesarem| We do not know the 
purpose for which Cicero sent Varro to 
Caesar; but it may have been to get his 
authorization to remain in Italy, which 
Antony was not very ready to allow; 
or it may have been to refute the calum- 
nies which his brother Quintus and young 
Quintus were pouring into Caesar’s ears: 
cp. 425. 1. We hear of an intention of 
Cicero during his stay at Brundisium to 
send Cn. Sallustius and young Marcus to 
Caesar (432. 1), but he afterwards gave 
up the idea (435. 1). For another com- 
munication with Caesar at that time cp. 
427. 2. ' 

separatim| ‘I had intended to speak 
specifically.’ The word has a curious 
meaning in De Orat. ii. 118, separa- 
tim (‘in the abstract’), . de genere 
universo opposed to definite (‘in concrete 
instances’) de singulis temporibus. The 
usual word for separatim in this sense is 
infinite. 

pudentem| So Corradus rightly for 
prudentem of the Mss., which could not 
well come in between two negative 
characteristics, as they may be called. 
‘For you will find him -to be a quiet and 
modest man, altogether incapable of any 
kind of self-seeking; moreover, extremely 
hard-working and very diligent.’ 


2A 


354 EP. 452 (FAM. XIII. 11). 


sed tamen in omnibus novis coniunctionibus interest qualis primus 
aditus sit et qua commendatione quasi amicitiae fores aperiantur. 
Quod ego his litteris efficere volui: etsi id ipsa per se necessitudo 
quaesturae effecisse debet ; sed tamen nihilo infirmius illud hoe 
addito. Cura igitur, si me tanti facis quanti et Varro existimat 
et ipse sentio, ut quam primum intellegam hance meam commen- 
dationem tantum illi utilitatis attulisse quantum et ipse sperarit 
nec ego dubitarim. 


452. CICERO TO THE SAME BRUTUS 


(Fam. xuil. 11). 


ROME ; MONTH UNCERTAIN ; A. τὶ. C. 7085 B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero commendat Bruto vectigalia quae Arpinates in Gallia habebant, et 
legatos qui ad ea exigenda proficiscebantur. 


CICERO BRUTO 5. 


1. Quia semper animadverti studiose te operam dare ut ne 
quid meorum tibi esset ignotum, propterea non dubito quin scias 
non solum cuius municipi sim sed etiam quam diligenter soleam 
meos municipes Arpinatis tueri. Quorum quidem omnia com- 
moda omnesque facultates, quibus et sacra conficere et sarta tecta 
aedium sacrarum locorumque communium tueri possint, consistunt 


in his vectigalibus quae habent in provincia Gallia. Ad ea 


4. necessitudo quaesturae] Cp. notes it is not unfrequently used by itself in 


to ὁ 1 and to 802. 1. 

Sed tamen| ‘But in any case that 
will be none the weaker by this being 
added.’ 


1. Quorum... Gallia] ‘ Now ail their 
income and means whereby they can per- 
form their religious rites and keep up the 
repairs of their temples and public build- 
ings consist in rents from the property 
they own in Gaul.’ Sarta tectais a techni- 
cal expression for ‘ repairs’ : the phrase is 
usually found agreeing with a substantive 
expressed, not, as here, understood, e.g. 
2 Verr. 1.131, guaesivit quis aedem Cas- 
toris sartam tectam deberet tradere; but 


the sense of ‘repairs,’ ib. 127, In sartis 
tectis vero quem ad modum sé gesserit quid 
ego dicam, cp. Liv. xxix. 37.2: rarely with 
a genitive as here. The lands belonging 
to townships were usually in their im- 
mediate vicinity, but not always: e.g. 
Capua owned land in Crete, Vell. ii. 81, 
and Atella land in Gaul, Fam. xiii. 7. 1 
(674). The word communium is used, as 
the places belonged to a municipality ; if 
they were State property, we should have 
had publicorum: cp. C. 1. L. xi. 5271 
[euratores aedium| sacrarum locorumque 
publicorum, and Mommsen St. R. 1123 443. 
5. For sacra conjicere cp. Balb. 55; Verr. 
xv. 99. 


EP. 452 (FAM. XIII. 11). 8355 


visenda pecuniasque quae a colonis debentur exigendas totamque 
rem et cognoscendam et administrandam legatos equites Romanos 
misimus, Q. Fufidium Q. f., M. Faucium M. f., ὦ. Mamercium 
Q.f. 2. Peto a tein maiorem modum pro nostra necessitudine 
ut tibi ea res curae sit operamque des ut per te quam commo- 
dissime negotium municipi administretur quam primumque 
conficiatur, ipsosque quorum nomina scripsi ut quam honorifi- 
centissime pro tua natura et quam liberalissime tractes. 3. Bonos 
viros ad tuam necessitudinem adiunxeris municipiumque gratissi- 
mum beneficio tuo devinxeris, mihi vero etiam gratius feceris, 
quod cum semper tuerli Municipes meos consuevi, tum hic annus 
praecipue ad meam curam officiumque pertinet. Nam _ con- 
stituendi municipi causa hoe anno aedilem filium meum fieri volui 
et fratris filium et M. Caesium, hominem mihi maxime uneces- 
sarium: is enim magistratus in nostro municipio nec alius ullus 


creari solet. 


municipi tuo studio, diligentia bene administrata erit. 


Quos cohonestaris in primisque me, si res publica 


Quod ut 


facias te vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo. 


colonis| ‘tenants.’ This is the inter- 
mediate meaning of ‘ colonus’ bet ween its 
original sense of ‘ farmer’ and later sense 
of ‘serf.’ It is the regular meaning which 
the word bears in the writings of the Early 
Empire: see Fustel de Coulanges (Recher- 
ches, p. 9 ff.). 

Q. Fufidium| See ὃ ὃ and next letter. 

Mamercium] {his is the true reading, 
not Mamercum :. cp. Adn. Crit. 

3. ad meam curam officiumgque pertinet | 
‘has especial claims on my interest and 


_gervice in their behalf.’ 


Nam... volwi| ‘for to ensure the 
proper settlement of the affairs of the 
township, I have expressed a wish that 
my son be elected aedile for this year.’ 
When the affairs of a municipality became 
embarrassed, it was customary to appoint 
to the chief magistracy some person of 
considerable influence, in order to over- 
awe the local peculators. For constitwere 
municipium cp. Att. xv. 14. 3 (758) 
Buthrotiam et causam et civitatem, quam- 
quam ate constituta est. The chief magis- 
trates of country townships were called 
duumviri or quattuorviri (for the difference 
see vol. 13. p. 423); but occasionally we 
find a Dictator, as at Lanuvium and Tus- 
eulum; Praetors, as at Laviniumand Prae- 
neste; Consuls, as (in old times) at Tus- 


culum and Beneventum: cp. Marquardt, 
i?. 148 ff. Two aediles appear in all 
provincial townships, but sometimes they 
were the only magistrates (having been 
the original ones), and were three in 
number: cp. C. I. L. x. 5679 (found at 
Arpinum) ; A. AIGIVS C. F, | L. RVNTIVS C. 
F. SISIPVS | M. FVFIDIVSM. F. | AID DES. 8. 
(= senatus sententia ?) | ad colligendas | 
aquas cCaAElestes | CLOVACAS FACIVNdas | 
COER (= curaverunt) EIDEMQVE | PRO- 
BARVNT: cp. 5682. ‘The inscription 
which is found in Or. 571, and would 
appear to have special reference to this 
letter, ὦ ET M TVLLIs Q. ET M. FF | CICE- 
RONIBVS | III VIREIS AED. POT. MVNICIPI 
| ARPINATIVM D.D., is unfortunately 
spurious: cp. C. I. L. x. p. 32* (No. 
702). 

M. Caesium] cp. 453. 1. 

Quos cohonestaris administrata 
erit] ‘and you will have done great 
honour to them, and especially to my- 
self, if the public affairs of the township 
are well executed owing to your kind 
assistance and attention.’ For respublica 
municipt οὗ. De Leg. ili. 36 Utinam, M. 
Cicero, isto animo atque virtute in summa 
republica nobiscum versart quam in muni- 
cipalti maluisses. For the asyndeton 
studio, diligentia cp. 486. 6. 

2A 2 


356 EP. 453 (FAM. XIII. 12). 


453. CICERO TO THE SAME BRUTUS (Fam. xu. 12). 
ROME $ MONTH UNCERTAIN ; A. U. C. 708; B. C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Bruto Q. Fufidium, legatum municipii gas eas qui ipsius tribunus 
militum fuerat in Cilicia, commendat. 


CICERO BRUTO SAL. 


1. Alia epistula communiter commendavi tibi legatos Arpina- 
tium ut potui diligentissime: hac separatim Q. Fufidium quocum 
mihi omnes necessitudines sunt diligentius commendo, non ut 
aliquid de illa commendatione deminuam sed ut hane addam. 
Nam et privignus est M. Caesi, mei maxime et familiaris et 
necessari, et fuit in Cilicia mecum tribunus militum: quo in 
munere ita se tractavit ut accepisse ab eo beneficium viderer, non 
dedisse. 2. Est praeterea, quod apud te valet plurimum, a nostris 
studiis non abhorrens. Qua re velim eum quam liberalissime 
complectare operamque des ut in ea legatione, quam suscepit 
contra suum commodum secutus auctoritatem meam, quam 
maxime eius excellat industria. Vult enim, id quod optimo 
cuique natura tributum est, quam maximam laudem cum a nobis 
qui eum impulimus tum a municipio consequi: quod ei continget. 
si hac mea commendatione tuum erga se studium erit consecutus. 


1. ut hane addam| SowereadwithH: Fufidius vappae famam timet ae nebulonis 
MD have ad hanc, and Baiter reads ad Dives agris, dives positis in faenore num- 
<tllam> hune. mis. 

tribunus militum| We have no reference 2. complectare| ‘admit him to your 


to him in the letters written from Cilicia. friendship’ ; ‘attach yourself to him.” 
He is probably a relative of the Fufidius For this sense cp. Att. vii. 1. 2 (284) 
who is mentioned in Q. Fr. iii. 1. 3 (148) Videsne ut te auctore sim utrumgue com- 
as having sold an estate to Cicero for plexus 2... . Sed aliquando tamen per- 
Quintus, and who left Cicero a legacy swasisti ut alterum complecterer, and often. 


(428. 3). If he is the same man as the secutus auctoritatem meam] ‘influenced 
Fufidius who had money dealings with by me.’ 
᾿: town of Apollonia in Illyria (Pis. quam maxime.. . industria) ‘his 


86), he may well be the rich banker efforts may attain signal success.’ 
Fufidius mentioned in Hor. Sat. i. 2. 18 


EP. 455 (FAM. XIII, 14). 357 


454. CICERO TO THE SAME BRUTUS (Fam. xu. 13). 


ROME ; MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U. GC, 7083 B. C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Bruto commencat L. Castronium Paetum. 


CICELO BRUTO SAL. 


L. Castronius Paetus, longe princeps municipi Lucensis, est 
honestus, gravis, plenus offici, bonus}{plane vir et cum virtutibus 
tum etiam fortuna, si quid hoc ad rem pertinet, ornatus: meus 
autem est familiarissimus, sic prorsus ut nostri ordinis observet 
neminem diligentius. Qua re ut et meum amicum et tua dignum 
amicitia tibi commendo. Cui quibuscumque rebus commodaveris, 
(101 profecto iucundum, mihi certe erit gratum. Vale. 


455. CICERO TO THE SAME BRUTUS (Fam. xu. 14). 


ROME; MONTH UNCERTAIN ; A. U. C. 708; B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero a Bruto petit ut quam L. Titio Straboni P. Cornelius debeat pecuniam 


diligenter exigat. 


CICERO BRUTO SAL. 


1. L. Titio Strabone, equite Romano in primis honesto et 


ornato, familiarissime utor. 
summae necessitudinis. 
P. Cornelius. 


Lucensis|] of Luca in Etruria. 

plenus offici| ‘ serviceable.’ 

tum... ornatus| ‘endowed besides 
with considerable fortune, if this is of 
any importance’: cp. ad Brut. i. 8. 2 
(887) Fortem virum, Brute, tibi commendo, 


_ frugi hominem, et, si quid ad rem pertinet, 


etiam locupletem. 

sic prorsus ut] For this collocation 
Wolfflin (Archiv iv. 619) quotes, besides 
this passage, also Q. Fr. ii. 4. 3 (105), 
= li. 5. 1 ed. Sjogren, ᾿Αμφιλαφίαν autem 
illam, quam tu soles dicere, bono modo 
desidero, sic prorsus ut advenientem exci- 


Omnia mihi cum eo intercedunt iura 
Huic in tua provincia pecuniam debet 
Ea res a Voleatio qui Romae ius dicit reiecta 


piam libenter, latentem etiam nune non 
excitem: Fam. xiii. 33 (685) Nasone wtor 
Samiliarissime, ita prorsus ut nullo fami- 
liarius. 

nostri ordinis] i.e. senatorial. 

1. Omnia mihi . . necessitudinis | 
‘there have passed between us all the 
mutual services which the closest friend- 
ship demands.’ 

Voleatio| L. Volcatius Tullus was 
praetor at Rome this year. In 33 B.c. 
he became consul. 


reiecta in Galliam est] ‘The praetor 


358 EP. 456 (FAM. IX. 1). 


in Galliam est. 2. Peto a te hoc diligentius quam si mea res 
esset, quo est honestius de amicorum pecunia laborare quam de - 
sua, ut negotium conficiendum cures: ipse suscipias, transigas 
operamque des, quoad tibi aequum et rectum videbitur, ut quam 
commodissima condicione libertus Strabonis qui eius rei causa 
missus est negotium conficiat ad nummosque perveniat. Id et 
mihi gratissimum erit et tu ipse L. Titium cognosces amicitia tua 
dignissimum. Quod ut tibi curae sit, ut omnia solent esse quae 
me velle scis, te vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo. 


456. CICERO TO M. TERENTIUS VARRKO (Fam. rx. 1.) 


ROME; EARLY IN YEAR; A. U. C. 708; B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero M. Terentii Varronis adventum exspectat, ut adflicta re publica non 
minus ex consuetudine eius quam ex studiis ac libris, cum quibus iam in gratiam 
redierit, solacium doloris petat. 


CICERO M. VARRONI SAL. 


1. Ex us litteris quas Atticus a te missas mihi legit quid 
ageres et ubi esses cognovl; quando autem te visuri essemus 
nihil sane ex lisdem litteris potui suspicari. In spem tamen venio 


urbanus, Volcatius, has changed the Cicero had been apparently a good 
venue in this case to Gaul.’ Reicere is while in the city when he wrote this 
the regular word for ‘referring’ or ‘re- letter, and had got tired of it: cp. § 2 
mitting’ any public matter to some — sive, quod minime velim, Romae. So we 
authorized body for settlement, Liv. ii. may with Schmidt (p. 234) place it early 
27. 5, senatus rem a se ad populum reiecit. inthe year after he had returned, i.e. 
It is rare to find it used, as here, with early in 46. Cicero had returned to 
the name of a place; but it is found with Rome or its vicinity in October, 47. 
huc, Fam. x. 16. 2 (881) μέ nihil hue On Varro’s character see Introduction II 
(=ad Romam) reicias. When used with No. 2. Dr. Reid says (Academ. p. 49) 
a word expressing time, it means ‘to put that Cicero’s letters to Varro ‘ are all cold, 
off,’ to ‘ postpone,’ Q. Fr. ii. 1. 3 (93), forced, and artificial: very different from 
reliqua in mensem Ianuarium reicientur. the letters Cicero addressed to his real 
It is also used in the quite general sense jntimates, such as Sulpicius, Caelius, 
of ‘referring to’ in 371. 8, ad ipsam te Paetus, Plancus, and Trebatius. They 
epistulam reicio. Another common tech- 21] show a fear of giving offence to the 
nical sense which the word has is ‘to harsh temper of Varro, anda humility in 
challenge a juryman,’ Att. i. 16. 3 (22). presence of his vast learning, which is by 
2. ad mummosque perveniat]) ‘may no means natural to Cicero.’ 
come by his money.’ Cp. Varro RK. R. 1. 1. nihil sane... suspicari] 41 could 
4. 3 contra quod in pestilenti calamitas ot indeed form an idea.’ 
quamvis in feraci agro colonum ad fructus 
pervenire non patitur. 


7 


EP. 456 (FAM. IX. 1). 359 


adpropinquare tuum adventum: qui mihi utinam solacio sit ! 
Ktsi tot tantisque rebus urgemur ut nullam adlevationem quis- 
quam non stultissimus sperare debeat; sed tamen aut tu potes me 
aut ego te fortasse aliqua re iuvare, 2. Scito enim me _ postea — 
quam in urbem venerim redisse cum veteribus amicis, id est cum 
libris nostris, in gratiam: etsi non idcirco eorum usum dimiseram 
quod iis suscenserem sed quod eorum me suppudebat. Videbar 
enim mihi cum me in res turbulentissimas infidelissimis sociis 
demisissem praeceptis illorum non satis paruisse. Ignoscunt mihi, 
revocant in consuetudinem pristinam teque quod in ea permanseris 
Sapientiorem quam me dicunt fuisse. Quam ob rem, quoniam 
placatis iis utor, videor sperare debere si te viderim et ea quae 
premant et ea quae impendeant me facile laturum. Quam ob rem 
sive in Tusculano sive in Cumano ad te placebit sive, quod minime 
velim, Romae, dum modo simul simus, perficiam profecto ut id 


utrique nostrum commodissimum esse diiudicetur. 


nullam ....debeat| We should rather 
have expected some such sentence as ut 
nemo nisi stultissimus ullam adlevationem 
sperare debeat. The form adlevationem, 
which is attested by H, is quite sound : 
cp. Fin. i. 40; also adlevato, Att. vii..1. 1 
(284). Lehmann (p. 52) would insert iam 
after sullam, which d®ubtless would 
make better sense, but is not absolutely 
necessary. 

2. cum veteribus amicis, id est, cum libris 
nostris|] Cp. Southey, Lhe Scholar :— 


‘My days among the dead are past; 
Around me I behold, 
Where’er these casual eyes are Cast, 
‘The mighty minds of ola— 
My never-failing friends are they, 
With whom I converse day by day.’ 


corum usum dimiseram] “ abandoned 
intimacy with them’: cp. Lael. 76, in 
amiettiis dimittendis. 

suscenserem]| supposed but erroneous 
reason, hence subjunctive: suppudebat 
actual reason, hence indicative: cep. Roby 
1744, 1745. For suppudebat cp. sup- 
paenitet 310. 1 : and see Vol. I.%, p. 89. 

cum me. . .demisissen] * When [ flung 
myself into the rushing vortex of politics 
with most untrustworthy companions.’ 
For demittere se in cp. 305. 3; 383. 5. 
Infidelissimis sociis is the abl. of attendant 


circumstances: cp. Roby, ὃ 1240 ff. For 
the various readings of this passage see 
Adn. Crit. 

in 641 So Lambinus for in eo of the Mss. 
The antecedent is plainly consuetudinem. 
It is not possible to suppose any verbal 
notion as may be found in such passages 
as Caes. B. 6.1, 44. 5, amicitiam populi 
Romani sibi ornamento ... esse oportere, 
idque 86 ea spe petisse, where id = ut amicus 
esset. 

laturum| So D, which Baiter had 
already conjectured. M! has turwm; M’, 
transiturum. H has sciturum, a poor 
conjecture. The reading of D appears 
the best, da- lost after -/e ot facile. 

ad te| = apud te. -Ad often signifies 
presence after motion, Roby, § 1820. 
For esse ad uliquem see ‘Thesaurus 1. 
p- 521, 1. 48; and cp. above, 382. 8; 
402. 1, where Boot wrongly reads apud. 

diiudicetur| So H; diuidiatur D; 
diuidetur M3; iudicetur Benedict; uidea- 


_tur Cratander, which last is the ordinary 


reading. But the reading of the text 
seems the most probable source from 
which all the variants have arisen: ‘So 
that both of us shall adjudge that to be the 
most suitable place’ (a graceful way of 
saying that Cicero will consult Varro’s 
convenience in every way possible). 


360 EP. 457 (FAM. XIII. 29). 


457. CICERO TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS 
(FAM. χιτι. 29). 


ROME}; EARLY IN THE YEAR; A, U. 6. 708; B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero L. Planco C. Ateium 
diligentissime commendat. 


Capitonem propter hereditatem T. Antistii 


M. CICERO L. PLANCO ΕΣ: 


1. Non dubito quin scias in lis necessariis qui tibi a patre 
relicti sint me tibi esse vel coniunctissimum non iis modo causis 
quae speciem habent magnae coniunctionis sed iis etiam quae 
familiaritate et consuetudine tenentur, quam scis mihi iucun- 
dissimam cum patre tuo et summam fuisse. Ab iis initiis noster 
in te amor profectus auxit paternam necessitudinem et eo magis 
quod intellexi, ut primum per aetatem iudicium facere potueris 
quanti quisque tibi faciendus esset, me a te in primis coeptum 
esse observari, coli, diligi. Accedebat non mediocre vinculum 
cum studiorum, quod ipsum est per se grave, tum eorum studiorum 
earumque artium quae per se ipsae eos qui voluntate eadem sunt 


etiam familiaritate devinciunt. 


This Plancus, to whom Horace’s Ode 
i. 7 is addressed, was. Caesar’s lieutenant 
among the Belgae in 54 B.c. (Caes. B. G. 
v. 24. 3) In47 he appears in command 
of Caesar’s forces at L[lerda (B. C. i. 
40.5). Next year, 46, we hear of him in 
Africa as trying to induce Q. Considius 
to surrender Hadrumetum (Bell. Afr. 4.1), 
and also later on he was Praefectus Urbi 
at Rome (Cie. Phil. 11. 78). But his 
history does not really begin until after 
Caesar’s death. We have sketched his 
character in Vol. VI, p. Ixviti ff. The 
date of this letter can be approximately 
fixed by the fact that, as we have seen, 
Plancus was serving with Caesar in Africa 
in the beginning of 46. 

1. coniunctissimum] ‘closely attached.’ 

habent . . . tenentur| ‘The mss. give 
habeant, a mere slip, rightly altered by 
Cratander to habent ; for there cannot be 
any such marked difference in the mean- 


2. Exspectage te arbitror haec 
tam longe repetita principia quo spectent. 


Id primum ergo 


ings of the two clauses as would justify 
a difference of mood. ‘Translate ‘not 
only in those cases which give an appear- 
ance of close attachment [such as, say, 
identity of studies or tastes], but also in 
those which are maintained by friendli- 
ness and intimacy; and you know thatthe 
intimacy which existed between me and 
your father was of the most agreeable 
and close nature.’ 

paternam necessitudinem | 
nexion with your father.’ 

observari, coli, diligi| 
esteemed, loved.’ 

tum eorum... devinciunt] ‘and more- 
over, of those studies and branches of 
culture which bind together men of the 
same feelings with the additional bond of 
friendship.’ 

2. haec...quo spectent| ‘the purpose 
of this long-drawn (lit. ‘ far-fetched ἢ) 
preamble.’ ~ 


‘this con- 


‘ respected, 


| 


EP, 457 (FAM. XIII. 29). 361 
habeto non sine magna iustaque causa hance a me commemora- 
tionem esse factam. C. Ateio Capitone utor familiarissime. Notae 
tibi sunt varietates meorum temporum. In omni genere et 
honorum et laborum meorum et animus et opera et auctoritas et 
gratia, etiam res familiaris C. Capitonis praesto fuit et paruit 
et temporibus et fortunae meae. 3. Huius propinquus fuit 
T. Antistius: qui cum sorte quaestor Macedoniam obtineret neque 6] 
successum esset, Pompeius in eam provinciam cum exercitu venit. 
Facere Antistius nihil potuit. Nam si potuisset, nihil ei fuisset 
antiquius quam ad Capitonem, quem ut parentem diligebat, 
reverti, praesertim cum sciret quanti is Caesarem faceret semperque 
fecisset. Sed oppressus tantum attigit negoti quantum recusare 
non potuit. 4. Cum signaretur argentum Apolloniae, non possum 
dicere eum praefuisse neque possum negare adfuisse, sed non plus 
duobus an tribus mensibus. Deinde afuit a castris: fugit omne 
negotium. Hoc mihi ut testi velim credas: meam enim ille 
maestitiam in illo bello videbat, mecum omnia communicabat. 


commemorationem| ‘mention,’ ‘ narra- 
tion’: cp. young Marcus in Fam. xvi. 
21. 2 (786), ut non solum animus a fuctis 
sed aures quogue a commemoratione αὐλοῦ - 
reant. 

C. Ateio Capitone| This was the man 
who made himself notorious by declaring 
prodigies of dread ill-omen (probably 
invented, cp. De Div. i. 29) when 
Crassus was setting out for Syria, and 
by ordering him to be taken off to prison, 
cp. Dio Cass. xxxix. 39. 5-7. He had 
always opposed the Triumvirs. He may 
in later years have wished well to Caesar, 
but he cannot have been a very vigorous 
supporter of his, or Cicero would have 
made more of it and would probably have 
applied to Caesar direct, and not through 
a third person. 

varietates meorum temporum | 
vicissitudes of my fortunes.’ 

In omni genere.. . fortunue meae| ‘In 
every kind of circumstances, in my dis- 
tinctions and in my trouble, Capito’s 
good-will, exertions, influence, favour, 
even his property, were at my disposal and 
were always ready to serve every crisis 
of my fortune.’ For parere in this sense 
cp. Deiot. 13, wtilitatibus tuis paruit, also 
Caec. 9. 

3. ZT. Antistius| We do not know any- 


; the 


thing about this man except what is 
related in this letter. 

sorte] The provincial quaestors were 
regularly appointed by lot: cep. Ὁ. Fr. 
i. 1.11 (30). It was noted as unusual 
that Pompey and Caesar chose their 
quaestors: cp. Att. vi. 6. 4 (277). 

antiquius| ‘preferable,’ ‘ of more 
importance’: cp. the Greek πρεσβύτερον, 
and Att. ii. 22. 2 (49); Fam. xi. 6. 1 
(809), and often. It is also used in the 
superlative in the sense of ‘ most special,’ 
‘most important’: cp. Ὁ. Fr. ui. 1. 3 
(98) ; 392.4; 467. 4. 

ut parentem diligebat| Cp. 802. 1, and 
note to 461]. 1, 4. 

oppressus| ‘ surprised,’ cp. Ter. Andr. 
227, me de hac re pater iwprudentem 
opprimat ; Bell. Alex. 75.1, Caesar... 
neque opinans imparatusque oppressus. 

4. Cum signaretur argentum Apol- 
loniae| For the military coins struck 
during the Civil War, see Mommsen, 
La monnaie romaine ii. 57-63, ed. 1870. 
No coin with the name of Antistius seems 
to have been found. Apollonia was 
probably the coast town in the south of 
Illyria, which belonged to Macedonia. 

an| SoM, ‘or was it three months’ ; 
cp. Madv. on Fin. ii. 104. H reads aut, 
perhaps rightly. 


362 EP. 457 (FAM. XIII. 29). 


Itaque abdidit se in intimam Macedoniam quo potuit longissime 
a castris, non modo ut non praeesset ulli negotio sed etiam ut ne 
interesset quidem. Is post proelium se ad hominem necessarium, 
A. Plautium, in Bithyniam contulit. Ibi eum Caesar cum 
vidisset, nihil aspere, nihil acerbe dixit: Romam iussit venire. 
Ille in morbum continuo incidit: ex quo non convaluit. Aeger 
Coreyram venit: ibi est mortuus. ‘Testamento, quod Romae 
Paullo et Marcello consulibus fecerat, heres ex parte dimidia et 
tertia est Capito: in sextante sunt 11 quorum pars sine ulla cuius- 
quam querela publica potest esse: ea est ad HS |xxxj. Sed de 
hoe Caesar viderit. 5. Te, mi Plance, pro paterna necessitudine, 
pro nostro amore, pro studiis et omni cursu nostro totius vitae 
simillimo rogo et a te ita peto ut maiore cura, maiore studio 
nullam vem possim, ut hane rem suscipias, meam putes esse, 
enitare, contendas, efficias ut mea commendatione, tuo studio, 
Caesaris beneficio, hereditatem propinqui sui C. Capito obtineat. 
Omnia, quae potui in hac summa tua gratia ac potentia a te 
impetrare si petissem, ultro te ad me detulisse putabo si hane 
rem impetravero. 6. Illud fore tibi adiumento spero cuius ipse 
Caesar optimus esse iudex potest: semper Caesarem Capito coluit 
et dilexit. Sed ipse huius rei testis est : novi hominis memoriam. 


Paullo et Marcello consulibus| 50 5.0. 

heres ex parte dimidia et tertia] “ tive- 
sixths’: in sextante ‘one-sixth.’ Note 
the different prepositions used. For in 
= ‘in possession of,’ cp. the legal ex- 
pression esse in bonis (Gaius 1. 167). 
It possibly means the same in Cat. 
li. 20 qui se in imsperatis ac repentinis 
pecuniis sumptuosius insolentiusque iacta- 
runt, though se iactare in, ‘to boast 
themselves in’ (a thing), is an allowable 
construction, Att. ii. 1. 5 (27). 

quorum pars 6886] doubtless because 
the property had been left to men who 
showed themselves uncompromising op- 
ponents of Caesar in the war. 

| xxx | ] 1.6. three million sesterces, 
about £24,000. The estate was evidently 
of a size to warrant considerable efforts 


to secure it. For esse ad = ‘amounts 
to’ cp. Att. v. 20. 5 (228). 
5. paterna necessitudine| cp. § 1. 


matore cura, maiore studio | 
strenuously or urgently.’ 

nullam rem possim| We have added rem 
with Wesenberg (Hm. Alt. 44), who points 


‘more 


out that a few letters are often lost in tran- 
scription, as, for example, in this epistle 
cum after praesertim in § ὁ, and -sse after 
fectin § 7. It would be hardly possible 
to supply the word vem in the sense of 
‘thing,’ from vem in the next clause, 
which has the sense of ‘affair,’ ‘ busi- 
ness.’ See Adn. Crit. 

enitare, contendas, efficias| ‘endeavour, 
strive, bring to pass.’ 

quae potui ... impetrare| 
petravissem. 

in hac... potentia] ‘in this your hour 
of highest favour and influence’ (Shuck- 
burgh). 

6. Lllud] This refers to what follows, 
viz., semper Caesarem Capito coluat et 
dilexit: cp. Att. vi. 6. 4 (276) <Adde 
illud ; Pompeius ... Q. Cassium sine 
sorte delegii. 

novi hominis memoriam] For Caesar’s 
great memory, see Phil. ii. 116, Deiot. 
42, memoriam twam implorat qua vales 
plurimum ; and especially the fine praise 
of Caesar in Lig. 35, qui oblivisct nihil 
soles nisi iniurias. 


= quae ime 


EP. 457 (FAM, XIII. 29). 909 


Itaque nihil te doceo: tantum tibi sumito pro Capitone apud 
Caesarem quantum ipsum meminisse senties. 7 Ego, quod in 
me ipso experiri potui, ad te deferam: in eo quantum sit ponderis 
tu videbis. Quam partem in re publica causamque defenderim, 
per quos homines ordinesque steterim quibusque munitus fuerim 
non ignoras. Hoc mihi velim credas: si quid fecerim hoc ipso 
in bello minus ex Caesaris voluntate, quod intellexi scire ipsum 
Caesarem me invitissimum fecisse, id fecisse aliorum consilio, 
hortatu, auctoritate: quod fuerim moderatior temperaticrque quam 
in ea parte quisquam, id me fecisse maxime auctoritate Capitonis : 
cuius similes si reliquos necessarios habuissem, rei publicae fortasse 
non nihil, mihi certe plurimum profuissem. 8. Hane rem, mi 
Plance, si effeceris, meam de tua erga me benevolentia spem 
confirmaveris, ipsum Capitonem, gratissimum, officiosissimum, 
optimum virum, ad tuam necessitudinem tuo summo beneficio 
adiunxeris, 


fuerim, which attracted the copyist into 


tantum ... senties| ‘donot undertake 
error. We can hardly suppose that the 


on Capito’s behalf when talking to Caesar 


any more than you will perceive that his 
memory reaches to.’ 

7. Ego... deferam| ‘For my part, I 
shall submit to you what I have been 
able to put to the test in my own case’ 
(Shuckburgh). Cicero goes on to show 
the faithfulness in friendship which 
Capito displayed. 

Quam... non ignoras| ‘ You are not 
unaware of the party and the principles 
I defended in politics, the men and the 
orders in the State whereby I maintained 
my position and was protected.’ 

intellexi| So we read with most editors 
for intellexerim. ‘The corruption was pro- 
bably due to the adjacent fecerim and 


attraction acted on Cicero in such a very 

carefully composed letter as this is. 
hortatu\ ‘This word occurs in Cicero 

only in one other passage, Arch. 1. In 

classical prose it is only used in the abl. 

sing. (nom. plur. in ‘Tac. Ann. i. 70. 5). 
auctoritate| “ influence.’ 

cuius similes si reliquos necessarios habu- 
issem] cp. 456. 2 infidelissimis sociis. 

8. apsum Capitonem . . . adiunxerts | 
‘and Capito himself, a grateful, ser- 
viceable, and excellent man, you will 
attach to your friendship by your great 
kindness.’ Manutius refers to Att. xvi. 
16 Ὁ. 12 (778) to show that Capito and 
Plancus appear afterwards as good friends. 


364 EP. 458 (FAM. V. 91). : 


458. CICERO TO L. MESCINIUS RUFUS 
(Fam. v. 21). 


ROME 3 APRIL (FIRST HALF); A. U.C. 708; B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


L. Mescinio Rufo, qui se summa cupiditate adfectum esse scripserat videndi 
‘Ciceronis, se quoque eius videndi cupiditate teneri significat eumque hortatur ut 
temporum acerbitatem cum litterarum studiis tum vitae ante actae recordatione 
eonsoletur. 


M. CICERO S. D. L. MESCINIO. 


1. Gratae mihi tuae litterae fuerunt, ex quibus intellexi, quod 
etiam sine litteris arbitrabar, te summa cupiditate adfectum esse 
videndi mei. Quod ego ita libenter accipio ut tamen tibi non 
concedam : nam tecum esse mihi communia omnia, ita quae opto 
contingant, ut vehementer velim! tenim, cum esset maior et 
virorum et civium bonorum et iucundorum hominum et amantium 
mei copia, tamen erat nemo quicum essem libentius quam tecum 
et pauci quibuscum essem aeque libenter: hoc vero tempore, cum 
alii interierint, alii absint, alii mutati voluntate sint, unum medius 
fidius tecum diem libentius posuerim quam hoc omne tempus cum 
plerisque eorum quibuscum vivo necessario. Noli enim existimare 
mihi non solitudinem iucundiorem esse, qua tamen ipsa uti non 


For this Rufus cf. Fam. v. 20 (302). 
This letter shows that Cicero and his 
eX-quaestor were once more on the most 
cordial relations of friendship: cp. Ep. 
390. The date of the letter is fixed 
approximately by the expectation of news 
of the African campaign (ᾧ 3). ‘The news 
of the battle of Thapsus (fought on 
April 6) reached Rome about April 20. 

1. Quod ego| ‘and Iam right glad to 
hear this, without, however, being behind 
you in that wish: for, so may I gain all 
my prayers, I earnestly desire to be 
wholly with you,’ ‘ to share my life with 
you.’ 

nam tecum .. . contingant| We have 
given the reading of Graevius. The mss. 
have nam tecum esse ita mihi communia 
omnia quae opto contingant. For communia 
the old editors read commoda. Ern. omitted 
the word. See Adn. Crit. Lehmann 


(p. 28), after noticing that Cicero often 
contrasts communis and proprius, e.g. 
Sest. 30, Att. iv. 6. 1 (110), vii. 1 (284), 
conjectures ita mihi communia <et propria 
commoda> omnia quae opta contingant, 
which is very ingenious, but a little too 
daring. 

Etenim| So Lambinus for μέ enim M ; 
tu enin G; ut tuenim R. This is better 
than Tum, which we read in our former 
edition. Cicero was glad at this time to 
enjoy the company of any real friends of 
former days. He didnot feel comfortable 
with the new Caesarean party (quibuscum 
vivo necessario). 

mutati voluntate] ‘estranged.’ 

posuerim] ‘spend,’ lit. ‘invest’ : ep. 
Att. vi. 2. 6 (256), Quintilem in reditu 
ponere; Brut. 87, quem totum (diem) 
Galbam in consideranda causa componen= 
daque posuisse. 


aR 


EP, 458 (FAM. V. 21). 365 


licet, quam sermones eorum qui frequentant domum meam 
excepto uno aut summum altero. 2. Itaque utor eodem perfugio 


quo tibi utendum censeo, litterulis nostris, praeterea conscientia 


etiam consiliorum meorum. Ego enim is sum, quem ad modum 
tu facillime potes existimare, qui nihil umquam mea potius quam 
meorum civium causa fecerim, cul nisi invidisset is quem tu num- 
quam amasti—me enim amabas—et ipse beatus esset et omnes 
boni. Ego sum qui nullius vim plus valere volui quam honestum 
otium, idemque, cum illa ipsa arma quae semper timueram plus 
posse sensi quam illum consensum bonorum quem ego idem 
effeceram, quavis tuta condicione pacem accipere malui quam 
viribus cum valentiore pugnare. Sed et haec et multa alia coram 
brevi tempore licebit. 3. Neque me tamen ulla res alia Romae- 
tenet nisi exspectatio rerum Africanarum: videtur enim mili res. 
in propinquum adducta discrimen: puto autem mea non nihil 
interesse, quamquam id ipsum quid intersit non sane intellego, 
verum tamen, quidquid illine nuntiatum sit, non longe abesse a 
consillis amicorum. Est enim res iam in eum locum adducta ut, 
quamquam multum intersit inter eorum causas qui dimicant, 
tamen inter victorias non multum interfuturum putem. Sed 
plane animus meus, qui dubiis rebus forsitan fuerit infirmior, 
desperatis confirmatus est multum: quem etiam tuae superiores 


2. litterulis nostris| ‘my writings, of peace, cp. Vol. 1113, p. xciii note. To 


such as they are,’ a word apparently con- 
fined to Cicero's epistles: cp. Att. vii. 
2. 8 (293), and one passage of Horace, 
Epp, ii. 2. 7. For the sentiment, cp. 
456. 2. 

is quem] Pompey, as Manutius says. 

quavis tuta condicione] ‘on any terms 
which would guarantee our security.’ 
Koch and Mendelssohn think that one 
would expect guamvis iniqua for quavis 
tuta, comparing 540. 4, and Phil. 11. 37, 
quamvis iniqua condictone pacis —mihi enim 
omnis pax cum civibus bello civili utilior 
videbatur — remp. hodie teneremus; but 
guavis expresses virtually the same idea 
as guamvis iniqua. Miller reads quavis 
tolerabili (for tota) condicione, comparing 
Pro Quinct. 97, ut secum aliquid integra 
sua fama qualibet, dummodo tolerabili, 
condicione transigeret. M. Georges Ramain 
(Rev. de Philologie, xxxii (1908), p. 305) 
proposes guavis statuta condicione: see 
Adn. Crit. For Cicero’s efforts on behalf 


the passage quoted there from Nissen add 
Phil. ii. 24; Brut. 266; Mare. 14; Lig. 
28; Epistles, 310. 3; 312.1; 326. 2; 
550. 12340. 1: 240. 7s 343. 1,6) 7, Ὁ: 
360. 7; 362.3; 364.2; 367.2; 464.3; 
472.5; Appian B.C. 11. 86 fin. 

multa alia coram] sc. disserere or loqut, 
cp. 464. 6, and the common phrase sed 
haec coram, ‘ but this when I see you.’ 

8. puto... amicorum| ‘but I think 
that it is of some importance to me— 
though the exact importance I do not, 
indeed, quite see: yet whatever: the 
news is from Africa (I do think it of 
importance) not to be far away from the 
advice of my friends.’ 

quamquam mulium .. . putem| This 
is a weighty judgment. No matter which 
the victor, Cicero sees no hope of the re- 
establishment of the free State: cp. 
540. 1. : ͵ 

animus meus] - Wesenberg rightly sup- 
plies meus. 


366 EP. 458 (FAM. V. 21). 


litterae confirmarunt quibus intellexi quam fortiter iniuriam 
ferres, iuvitque me tibi cum summam humanitatem tum etiam 
tuas litteras profuisse. Verum enim scribam: teneriore mihi 
-animo videbare, sicut omnes fere qui vitam ingenuam in beata 
civitate et [in] libera viximus. 4. Sed ut illa secunda moderate 
tulimus, sic hane non solum adversam sed funditus eversam 
fortunam fortiter ferre debemus, ut hoc saltem in maximis malis 
boni consequamur ut mortem, quam etiam beati contemnere 
debebamus propterea quod nullum sensum esset habitura, nune 
sic adfecti non modo contemnere debeamus sed etiam optare. 
5. Tu st me diligis, fruere isto otio tibique persuade praeter 
culpam ac peccatum, qua semper caruisti et carebis, homini 
accidere nihil posse quod sit inhonorabile aut pertimescendum. 
Ego, si videbitur recte fierl posse, ad te veniam brevi: si quid 
acciderit ut mutandum consilium sit, te certiorem faciam statim. 
Tu ita fac cupidus mei videndi sis ut istinc te ne moveas tam 
infirma valetudine nisi ex me prius quaesieris per litteras quid te 


velim facere. 
tranquillitati animi servias. 


iniuriam] Manutius suggests that Mes- 
cinius was probably forbidden to enter 
the city. He was certainly in Italy, 
for Cicero says, § 5, ad te veniam brevi. 

iuvitque me] ‘and it delighted me that 
both your wide culture and your writings 
have stood you in good stead. For 1 will 
tell you the truth: I thought you had 
rather too sensitive a disposition, as 
almost all of us have who lived the life of 
gentlemen in a happy and free state.’ The 
Mss. read vita ingenua, corrected to the 
text by Orelli. They also add in before 
libera; but in probably crept into the text 
from in immediately preceding. Wesen- 
berg proposed in dibera rep. 

4. ut hoc saltem, ...optare| ‘so that, 
in the midst of our grievous misfortunes, 
we secure this much good, that while 
even in our prosperity it was incumbent on 
us to hold death in little account, as it is 
likely to be destitute of all sensation, now 
in our present plight it becomes our duty 
not merely to hold it in little account, but 
even to pray for it.’ 

5. tibigque persuade... pertimescendum | 
‘and hold this conviction that, save wrong- 
doing and crime, in which you never had 


Me velim, ut facis, diligas valetudinique tuae et 


or will have part, nothing can happen to 
«man which is dishonourable or dreadful.’ 
We have adopted inhonorabile of GR. 
M has honorabile,’ which was in early 
times altered to horridile. But this latter 
may beright: ep. Sull. 59, hominum genus 
horribile et pertimescendum, quoted’ by 
Mendelssohn. In Ep. 390 also Cicero 
preaches the high doctrines of Stoicism 
to Mescinius. 

qua| agreeing with the more remote 
substantive ew/pa. Lebreton (p. 23) quotes 
several examples, e.g. Fam. x. 25. 1 (880), 
istam operam tuam, navitatem, animum in 
remp. celeritatt praeturae anteponendam 
censeo. Fin. v. 71, qui omnis motus for- 
tunae mutationesque rerum et temporum 
levis et imbecilios fore intellegant. Cp. also 
Plancus ap. Fam. x. 21. 5 (861), mortuo 
non modo honorem sed misericordiam quoque 
defuturum (where, however, HD have 
defuturam), and x. 24. 1 (916), amor enim 
tuus ac tudicium utrum... sit adlaturus 
(where see note). 

tam infirma valetudine}| abl. of atten- 
dant circumstances, ‘as you are in such 
poor health.’ valetudo by itself generally 
means ‘ bad health’: ep. 387. 1; 4387.1. 


EP. 459 (ATT. XII. 2). 


367 


459, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. xt. 2). 


roME; MAY 4 OR 5; A. U. Ὁ. 708; B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


De rumore urbano, de Statio Murco et de Asinio Pollione et de Sex. Pompeio, de 
ludis Praenestinis, de Balbo aedificante, de Attico, quem iam visurus sit. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Hic rumores tamen Murctim perisse naufragio, Asinium 


This letter is generally dated in the 
first half of April before the arrival 
(about April 20) of the news of the 
battle of Thapsus (fought April 6). 
But Schiche (Berlin Programm, 1908, 
p. 8) has shown that this view is not 
necessary, as it is based on the words § 2, 
Res interea fortasse transacta est, But 
these words only mean ‘the whole affair 
is finally settled now,’ just as in 461. 4, 
which was undoubtedly written after the 
news of the battle had arrived, latendum 
tantisper ibidem dum effervescit haee gra- 
tulatio et simul dum audiamus quem ad 
modum negotium confectum sit: confectum 
enim esse existimo. ‘The word confectum 
implies the decisive settlement of the 
whole campaign, net merely the success 
in the battle. If we allow, then, that 
this letter, Att. xii. 2 (459), was written 
after the news of the battle had arrived, 
and put it in connexion with Att. xii. 3 
and 4 (468, 469), we can see the whole 
state of affairs, which Schiche has ex- 
pounded with great insight, and whom we 
follow, except in a few slight details. At 
the approach of some festival (469. 1 
festus dies, where see note) towards the 
end of April—it was probably the Flo- 
ralia, from April 28th to May 2nd— 
about the 27th, Cicero went to Tusculum 
for the period of the feast, expecting a 
visit there from Atticus, and intending to 
return to Rome on May 3rd. Atticus, 
however, became indisposed (469. 1), and 
decided, about the 28th, to go for a day 
or two somewhere else, probably to his 
estate at Ficulea, in the territory of 
Nomentum, and told Cicero that he would 
come to him at Tusculum in about three 
days (April 28th, 29th, May Ist); but he 
said nothing about his illness. Atticus 


probably did go to Ficulea on the 28th. 


In reply, onthe 29th (Ip. 468), Cicero said 
he would endure the three days Atticus 
spoke of, and asked him whether it was 
on that day he was leaving Rome, and 
also asked him what day he was coming to 
Tusculum. Some hours later on the 
29th ‘Tiro arrived. He had seen Atticus 
after Cicero had left Rome, and reported 
that Atticus looked flushed and unwell. 
This news distressed Cicero, until he re- 
ceived a letter from Atticus, written on 
the 29th, saying he was much better, and 
suggesting to Cicero to stay a day longer 
than he had intended at ‘Tusculum. 
(This seems as if Atticus had not yet 
given up his idea of visiting Cicero at 
Tusculum.) Cicero replied on May Ist, 
in Ep. 469, saying that he could now 
enjoy the holiday, and that he would stay 
the extra day at Tusculum, that is, not 
return to Rome until the 4th. On that 
day he did return to Rome; and as Atticus 
was stil] absent, though lkely to return 
immediately, wrote to him, on May 5th, a 
letter (Ep. 459) with the news he had 
heard on his return, and asked him what 
line of action he intended to pursue in 
the present state of public affairs. As 
Cicero in Ep. 459 makes no reference to 
the prolonged stay of Atticus in the 
country, it is possible that a letter has 
been lost written by Cicero on May 2nd 
or 3rd, in which he replied to a letter of 
Atticus (written on May Ist or 2nd), 
which stated that he proposed to stay at 
Ficulea a little longer than he had in- 
tended, and could not fulfil his engage- 
ment to visit Cicero at Tusculum. It is 
right to notice that Wesenberg dates Ep. 
459 as ‘exeunte mense Aprili an ineunte 
Maio’: but he dates 468 and 469 in 
July. 


1. tamen| ‘all the same there are 


368 


delatum vivum in manus militum, 1, navis delatas 
comparere nec 


reflatu. hoc, Pompeium non 


omnino fuisse, ut Paciaecus. adfirmat. 
quisquam. Habes quae, dum tu abes, locuti sint. 
Ibi Hirtius et isti omnes. 
res interea fortasse transacta est. 


At Balbus 


Verum si quaeris, homini non 


Praeneste. 
(uae cenae, quae deliciae ! 
O miros homines! 


rumours.’ Most editors strike out tamen, 
but this is rash, inasmuch as we have 
not Atticus’s letters to which these are 
replies. For another case of tamen re- 
ferring to something in the letter which 
Cicero is answering, cp. 478. 1 (to 
Paetus), Zamen a malitia non discedis ? 
Atticus may have said, ‘I am sure there 
is no truth in the stories of Caesarean 
disasters.” Statius Murcus was an officer 
of Caesar’s, B. C. ili. 15.2. ‘This rumour 
was false, for we read of him afterwards 
as commanding an army in Syria. See 
on Fam. xii. 11. 1 (822). He was mur- 
dered by Sex. Pompeius in 39 (Appian 
Be. ¥. 70), 

Asinium] This is the celebrated C. 
Asinius Pollio, who served ably on the 
Caesarean side in Sicily and Africa, and 
was governor of Baetica in 43. We have 
letters from him to Cicero in that year, 
Fam. x. 31, 32, 33 (824, 896, 890). For 
Asinius Pollio cp. Vol. VI, pp. lxxx- 
]xxxviii. 

militum] of the Pompeian soldiers. 

1, navis delatas| ‘that fifty ships have 
been carried out of their course by this 
contrary wind to Utica.’ This rumour 
may perhaps have been based on fact, 
though inaccurate in details: cp. Bell. 
Afr 96, Scipio interim cum Damasippo 
et Torquato et Plaetorio navibus longis diu 
multumque tactatt, cum Hispaniam pete- 
rent, ad Hipponem Regium deferuntur ubi 
classis P. Sitti per id tempus erat. A qua 
pauciora ab amplioribus cireumventa navi- 
gia deprimuntur ibique Scipio cum quibus 
paulo ante nominavi interiit. Yet our 
passage seems to refer to rumours of 
disasters to the Caesarean party, and not 
to the Pompeian. ‘The idea of Victorius 
that Z. means L. Scipionis is an error : for 
Scipio’s prenomen was Quintus. The 
rumour about Asinius was also false. 


EP. 459 (ATT. XII. 9). 


Uticam 
in Balearibus 
Sed auctor nullius rei 
2. Ludi interea 
Et quidem ludi dies octo. 


aedificat: τί yap αὐτῷ μέλει; 
recta sed voluptaria quaerenti 


Pompeium non comparere| ‘has dis- 
appeared’: i.e. Gnaeus Pompeius; the 
suggestion perhaps being that he was re- 
organizing somewhere the Pompeian 
forces. For non comparere cp. Rep. ii. 
17, cum sole obscurato non comparuisset 
(sc. Romulus): Clu. 180, servi qui non 
comparebant. 

Paciaecus| 534. 2. L. Vibius Paciaecus, 
a native of Baetica, who, like Balbus of 
Gades, had obtained Roman citizenship, 
carried on the war against the sons of 
Pompey in Spain: ep. Bell. Hisp. 3. 4. 

2. Ludi . . . Praeneste} Probably in 
honour of Fortune, who was worshipped 
there: De Div. 11. 85. There may have 
been some connexion between these 
games in honour of Fortune, and the 
watchword of Felicitas which Caesar 
gave at the battle of Thapsus (Bell. Afr. 
83), as Schiche (p. 9) suggests. For the 
abl. Praeneste cp. Plane. 63, Praeneste 
fecisse ludos; Hor. Ep. i. 2, 2 [Homer- 
um | Praeneste relegi. 

kt quidem ludi octo dies] ‘and games, 
too, lasting eight days’: cp. Caes. B. G. 
li. 35.4, dies quindecim supplicatio decreta 
est; Liv. xxxix. 22.4, unum diem sup- 
plicatio est ex decreto. ‘The more usual 
construction is with a preposition in, Liv, 
iii. 63. 5, or per, Cat. ili. 20. These 
games at Praeneste, as the large number 
of days are mentioned, were probably 
given in honour of the victory at Thap- 
sus, which would also account for their 
being attended by the Caesareans, Hirtius 
et istt omnes: cp. Schiche, p. 9. 

Res .. . transacta est| ‘ Perhaps in the 
meantime the issue of the war has been 
finally settled’ (while they have been 
feasting and carousing). 

Verum si quaeris| For this order of 
words cp. Tusce. i. 83 and 118, 


ea a. 


ee Τ ΤΥ a ee es 


EP. 459 (ATT. XII. 2). 


369 


nonne βεβίωται δὰ interea dormis. Jam explicandum est πρό- 


βλημα, si quid acturus es. 
puto. 
de via recta ad me. 
et si quid aliud. 


nonne βεβίωται Ὁ] ‘is not life all over 
for a man who makes pleasure, not duty, 
his only aim?’ For BeBiwra:cp. Att. xiv. 
21. 3 (728), where it is used in the literal 
sense. Bardt gives quite a different in- 
terpretation, ‘If you look to the truth, 
for a man who makes pleasure, not duty, 
his aim, is it not a case of Vizi 1.6. can 
he not say like a thankful and con- 
tented man, after each enjoyment that he 
has had, ‘ Well, I have had a (good) life,’ 
“1 have had my day’? expressing the 
same sentiment as in Horace Carm. iii. 
29. 41, tlle potens sur laetusque deget cur 
licet in diem dixisse Vixi. , For vivere in 
this sense of enjoying life cp. Q. Fr. iii. 1. 
12 (148), sed quando vivemus ὁ For BeBi- 
wtTat cp. also Seneca Epist. 1. 12. 8 of the 
rake Pacuvius, cum vino et illis funebribus 
epulis οὐδὲ parentaverat, sic in cubieulum 
Serebatur a cena ut hoe ad sym- 


phoniam caneretur βεβίωται, βεβίωται 


nullo non se die extulit. Hoe quod ille ex 
mala conscientia faciebat nos ex bona facia- 
mus... quisquis dixit ‘ Vixi’ cotidie ad 
lucrum surgit. On such amiable Epicu- 
reans as Atticus and Balbus Dr. Arnold 
(Later Roman Commonwealth ii. 77) said 
wisely : ‘Men of coarser and viler natures 
abused this philosophy [Epicureanism ], 
as was natural, far more grossly : but its 
evil tendency was most shown in its best 
disciples: for they who believed virtue 
to be indeed the truest road to pleasure 
were yet misled by perceiving that the 
virtues most agreeable to their natures 
led them to pleasure most readily; and, 
content with the practice of these, they 
failed altogether in assigning to each 
virtue its proper comparative rank, and 
in disciplining their natures to choose 
the highest duty, when the gratification 
of their intellect or their feelings was to 
be the necessary sacrifice.”’ 
_ dormis| ‘you meanwhile remain 
usleep,’ 1.e., Inactive. Cicero here re- 
turns to the practical affairs of the 
moment. 


VOL, IV. 


Si quaeris quid putem, ego tfructum 
Sed quid multa? Jam te videbo, et quidem, ut spero, 
Simul enim et diem Tyrannioni constituemus 


Iam explicandum est πρό βλη μα] ‘the 
question must be solved at once, if you 
are going to do anything,’ i.e. you must 
make up your mind what action you are 
going to take, if you propose to take any 
action at all. We cannot think that on 
account of the word πρόβλημα (cp. 469. 2) 
Cicero is asking for advice as to his under - 
taking the work on Cato, as Schiche 
(p. 11) holds. 

t fructum puto| Two opinions are ad- 
vanced in support of fructum. One that 
the reference is to the general conduct of 
life, ‘I am for enjoyment’ (not duty), 
and that Cicero is speaking with a note of 
bitter cynicism. But the passage quoted 
in support of this view, 480. 2 fruor (sc. 
Tusculano), dum licet is plainly not paral- 
lel. Ziehen (Philologus, 1897, p. 725) 
thinks the πρόβλημα is some business 
affair, and that puto is used in the same 
sense as rationes putare, the meaning then 
being ‘I make out a profit’ from the 
transaction. ‘The idea which is ordinarily 
supposed to underlie the word is ‘ I think 
that all is ruined’: hence Moser con- 
jectured peractum, Orelli transactum, 
Schutz confectum, Ellis eluctum (‘is 
mourned as lost,’ cp. 475. ὃ, patriam 
eluxt), ourselves πεπρᾶχθαι (‘it is done 
for’). If, as seems possible, a Greek 


word is lost, we might suggest devxréoy, 


‘we should flee away’: and Cicero did 
entertain some such thoughts: cp. 461. 3, 
Ac mihi quidem iam pridem venit in 
mentem bellum esse aliquo exire, and what 
follows. 

de via recta ad me| “ You will come 
straight to me from the road’: cp. Att. 
iv.5. ὃ (108), Tu ‘de via recta in hortos.’ 
Videtur commodius ad te. We have 
altered recte of M to recta (sc. via) with 
most edd. Mss. give both recta and recte 
in Hor. Sat. i. 5. 713; but veeta is much 
the more usual form: see Dictionaries. 

Tyrannioni constituemus|] ‘we will 
arrange a day for Tyrannio’ to read for 
us his book on accents; see on 499. 2. 


2B 


370 


EP, 460 (FAM. IX. 8). 


460. CICERO TO M. TERENTIUS VARRO (Fam. Ix. 8). 


ROME ; SHORTLY BEFORE APRIL 20 ; A. U.C. 708 ; B.C. 465 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Tullius iturum se ad M. Varronem scribit, sed fore qui iam reprehendant hac 
civitatis calamitate quod Baias se conferant: se vero contemptis barbarorum vocibus 


litterarum studia persequl. 


CICERO VARRONI. 


1. Etsi quid scriberem non habebam, tamen Caninio ad te 


eunti non potui nihil dare. 


Quid ergo potissimum scribam P 
Quod velle te puto, cito me ad te esse venturum. 


Etsi vide, 


quaeso, satisne rectum sit nos hoc tanto incendio civitatis in istis 


locis esse. 


This was the letter which Caninius 
did not call for till some few days 
(paucis post diebus 461. 1) after he had 
promised. When Caninius did call, news 
of the battle of Thapsus had recently 
arrived (461.1), some time about April 
20th. So this letter is to be placed 
shortly before the 20th, and 461 shortly 
after that date. 

1. Caninio| 461.1; 470. 1. This 
probably is the same Caninius Gallus 
who in 56 was a tribune of the plebs: cp. 
Fam. i. 2, 1, 4 (96), and proposed that 
Pompey without an army should restore 
Ptolemy (Plut. Pomp. 49). He was de- 
fended by Cicero in 55: cp. Fam. vii. 1. 
4 (127), and died in 44, Att. xvi. 14. 4 
(805). Cp. also Fam. ii. 8. 3 (201), 
where Cic. speaks of seeing a good deal 
of him at Athens. 

ad te| Varro was at Tusculum (460. 1). 

hoe tanto incendio civitatis] ‘ while this 
terrible political conflagration is still 
raging,’ abl. of attendant circumstances. 
Kayser wishes to add im before incendio. 

istis] the place you suggest, i.e. Baie. 
eundem cultum, eundem victum esse] 
‘adhere to the same plain surroundings 
and the same plain living’: cudtus refers 
mostly to the externals of a respectable 
life, such as dress, house, servants, en- 


Dabimus sermonem iis qui nesciunt nobis, quocum- 
que in loco simus, eundem cultum, eundem victum esse. 
re fert ? tamen in sermonem incidemus. 


Quid 
Valde id, credo, laboran- 


tourage generally; victus to the eating 
and drinking: cp. Fin. i. 90. 

Quid re fert?. . . vituperetur] “ What. 
difference doesit make ? (you say); no mat- 
ter what we do (tamen), we shall be talked 
about. Your argument, then (Cicero re- 
joins), is, I presume, that we must take 
vast pains (i.e. divested of ironical 
language, that we are not to trouble 
ourselves at all in the matter) lest, when 
everyone else is wallowing in every kind 
of crime and wickedness, our common 
or rather mutuai relaxation should be 
blamed.’ ‘I'his is Wesenberg’s (Am. Alt. 
25) interpretation of the drift of this 
difficult passage. But there is a certain 
obscurity and abruptness in supposing 
Varro to make an objection at all; one 
would certainly expect some word like 
inquies to have been added with quid re 
fert? We accordingly think it possible 
that sed dropped out after esse, and that 
we should read sed quid refert ?, and 
suppose those and the following words 
down to the end of the section to be a 
sudden outburst of indignation on Cicero’s 
part. This seems to be the view that 
Shuckburgh takes. Or, again, we might 
suppose that Varro’s objection extends 
down to vituperetur, and would virtually 
mean, ‘Come and meet me at Baiae. We 


EP. 460 (FAM. LX. 8). 


911 


dum est ne, cum omnes in omni genere et scelerum et flagitiorum 
volutentur, nostra nobiscum auf inter nos cessatio vituperetur. 
2. Ego vero neglecta barbarorum inscitia persequar: quamvis 
enim sint haec misera, quae sunt miserrima, tamen artes nostrae 
nescio quo modo nune uberiores fructus ferre videntur quam olim 
ferebant, sive quia nulla nune in re alia acquiescimus sive quod 
gravitas morbi facit ut medicinae egeamus, eaque nunc appareat 


culus vim non sentiebamus cum valebamus. 
haec ad te cuius domi nascuntur, γλαῦκ᾽ εἰς ᾿Αθήνας ἢ 
scilicet, nisi ut rescriberes aliquid, me exspevtares. 


facies. 


cannot possibly avoid censure, no matter 
what we do’; and Cicero says, ‘ Yes, 
I will meet you,’ the idiomatic meaning 
of Ego vero. See Index s.v. vero. Or, on 
the other hand, perhaps credo is not ironi- 
cal (cp. 461. 2), and to Varro’s objection 
Cicero replies, ‘We ought to take great 
pains, I really do think, to escave this 
censure. However, I will scorn the 
vulgarity of these Philistines, and repair 
to you.’ As to nostra nobiscum aut inter 
mos cessatio, it means that Cicero and 
Varro enjoyed their relaxation from public 
business, not only living together, each 
pursuing his own tastes, but that they 
joined in the same pursuits, and had 
mutual and reciprocal enjoyment therein 
(inter nos). Note that the verbal sense 
in cessatio is not lost, but operates with 
nobiscum and inter nos. Béckel compares 
434. 1, de tllius Alexandrea discessu. 
The Latin clearly and prettily points the 
distinction between common and mutual, 
which is often forgotten, as in the title of 
Dickens’s novel Our Mutual Friend. 

2. Egovero...persequar| ‘ However, 
I, despising those Philistines, as they 
know no better, will repair to you.’ As 
Wesenberg (Hm. Alt. 26) has pointed out, 
persequar = persequar te: cp. 463. ὃ, so 
there is no need to insert ¢e with Baiter: 
and though M has perseguare, H has 
persequar. Bardt understands institutam 
vitam after persequar. But they are not 
represented as likely to censure Cicero’s 
general mode of life, but only his repairing 
to Baiae. 


Sed quid ego nune 
Nihil 
Sie igitur 


medicinae] So MH. Lambinus and 
many editors alter to medicina, which is 
certainly the usual Ciceronian construc- 
tion after egeo; but in 329. 2 we have 
egeo consili. It has been noticed that 
quod ... egeamus is a kind of hexameter. 

appareat| ‘is recognized at its true 
worth’: cp. Hor. Epp. ii. 1. 224, Cum 
lamentamur non apparere labores. 

sed quid ... nascuntur| “ But why do 
I send these reflections to you who have 
an abundant store of them yourself?’ 
ep. Att. 1. 19. 3 (27), Quid enim ego 
aliorum in me ἐπιφωνήματα exspectem 
cum haec domi nascantur? Plaut. Mil. 
191, domi habet (mulier) animum falsi- 
loquom, falsificum, falsiiurium, | domi 
dolos, domi delenifica facta, domi fallacias. 
nam mulier holitori nunquam supplicat si 
quast mala; | domi habet hortum et condi- 
menta ad omnis mores malificos ; and, just 
possibly, Catullus 31. 14, ridete guicquid 
est domi cachinnorum. 

yAatn eis "AOhvas|] ‘coals to 
Newcastle’: cp. Q. Fr. ii. 15. 4 (147), 
tibi versus quos rogas, hoc est Athenas 
noctuam, mittam. Cicero there adds, but 
here and in 539. 4 omits, the verb, as the 
Greek proverb does. The earliest place 
where the proverb occurs seems to be 
Aristoph. Ay. 301, τίς γλαῦκ᾽ ᾿Αθηνάς 
ἤγαγε. 

Nihil scilicet} answering to guid ? 
‘ For no reason of course.’ 

Sic igitur facies] ‘Please, then, do this,’ 
the future expressing a polite imperative, 
as often. 


2B2 


372 EP. 461 (FAM, IX. 2). 


461. CICERO TO M. TERENTIUS VARRO (Fam. 1x. 2). 


ROME; SOON AFTER APRIL 20; A. U. C. 708: B.C. 465 AET. CIC. 60. 


Retentae epistulae causam exponit: deinde suadet ut, id quod ipse faciat, oculos 
hominum vitet donec gratulatio Africanae victoriae effervescat: postremo suum 
iuvandae rei publicae desiderium declarat. 


CICERO VARRONI. 


1. Caninius ¢twus et idem noster cum ad me pervesperl venisset 
et se postridie mane ad te iturum esse dixisset, dixi ei me daturum 
litterarum aliquid: mane ut peteret rogavi. Conscripsi epistulam 
noctu, nec ille ad me rediit: oblitum credidi. Ac tamen eam 
ipsam tibi epistulam misissem per meos, nisi audissem ex eodem 
postridie te mane 6 T'usculano exiturum. At tibi repente paucis 
post diebus, cum minime exspectarem, venit ad me Caninius mane: 
proficisci ad te statim dixit. Htsi erat ἕωλος illa epistula prae- 
sertim tantis postea novis rebus adlatis, tamen perire lucubra- 
tionem meam nolui et eam ipsam Caninio dedi: sed cum eo ut 
cum homine docto et fue amantissimo locutus ea sum quae per- 
tulisse illum ad te existimo. 2. Tibi autem idem consili do 
quod mihimet ipsi, ut vitemus oculos hominum si lnguas minus 


facile possimus. 


This letter was written shortly after 
the news arrived of the battle of Thapsus: 
cp. $1, tantis postea novis rebus adlatis. 
Cp. introd. note to Ep. 460. 

1. Caninius| Cp. 460. 1, note. 

tuus idem et idem noster] Cp. 338. 
1, twus potius quam noster. See <Adn. 
Crit. 

pervespert| ‘very late in the evening,’ 
a strange form, so much so that some 
editors have altered to muper vesperi. 
However, compounds of per occur very 
frequently in the letters ; they belong to 
ordinary language, which is often need- 
lessly emphatic. For examples cp. Fam. 
xv. 4. 3 (238), pertumultwose; Fam. vii. 
8. 1 (140), perhumaniter; 475. 3, per- 
officiose et peramanter ; Q. Fr. ii. 18. ὃ 
(141), persalse; Att. 111. 22. 4 (81), per- 
diu, quoted by Stiuner, p. 18. But stiil 


Qui enim victoria se efferunt quasi victos nos 


the form remains strange; and we think 
it possible that the reading was either 
vespert pervenisset or heri vesperi venisset. 
For the latter cf. D. Brutus ap. Fam. xi. 
1. 1 (700). 

Ac tamen| Cp. note on § ὃ and on 
314. 1. 

At tibi repente| ‘But, look you, sud- 
denly,’ ἐὐδὲ, ethical dat.: cp. Att. i. 14. 
5 (20), hic tibi in rostra Cato advolat. 

tantis postea novis rebus adlatis| i.e. the 
news of the battle of Thapsus, which was 
fought on April 6th. The news would 
take about a fortnight to reach Rome. 

perire lucubrationem meam| ‘my mid- 
night labour should go for nought.’ 
Lucubratio in classical Latin does not 
mean ‘the work done at night,’ but 
‘working at night.’ The letter referred 
to is Ep. 460. 


EP. 461 (FAM. 1X. 2). 878 


intuentur: qui autem victos nostros moleste ferunt nos dolent 
vivere. Quaeres fortasse cur, cum haec in urbe ‘sint, non absim 
quem ad modum tu. ‘Tu enim ipse, qui et me et alios prudentia 
vincis, omnia, credo, vidisti, nihil te omnino fefeilit; quis est 
tam Lynceus qui in tantis tenebris nihil offendat, nusquam 
incurrat? 8, Ac mihi quidem iam pridem venit in mentem 
bellum esse aliquo exire, ut ea quae agebantur hic quaeque dice- 
bantur nec viderem nec audirem. Sed calumniabar ipse: putabam 
qui ob viam mihi venisset, ut cuique commodum esset, suspicatu- 
rum aut dicturum, etiam si non suspicaretur, ‘Hic aut metuit et 
ea re fugit aut aliquid cogitat et habet navem paratam.’ Denique 
levissime qui suspicaretur et qui fortasse me optime novisset 
putaret me idcirco discedere quod quosdam homines oculi mei 
ferre non possent. Haec ego suspicans adhuc Romae maneo, et 
tamen λεληθότως consuetudo diurna callum iam obduxit  sto- 


macho meo. 


2. gut autem... vivere] Cp. 463. 2 
fin., guibus non satisfacimus guod vivimus. 

eredo| used with a friendly irony. 
Credo when used parenthetically gene- 
rally has a touch of irony, but not 
always; it sometimes marks a genuine 
expression of opinion like ‘I presume,’ 
e.g. Caes. Bell. Civ. 111. 70: ep. Dr. Reid 
on Sull. 11, Acad. ii. 2and 77. See also 
note to 460. 1. 

Lynceus| the Argonaut, famous for his 
sharp sight. For tum with predicative 
substantive, see 15, Ὁ. 78. 

nihil offendat, nusquam incurrat | «stum- 
bles over nothing, runs nowhere against 
anything.’ We have been unable to find 
any other example from classical writers 
of incurrere used absolutely. It is gene- 
rally followed by im and the acc. ; some- 
times in Sallust and Tacitus, by the simple 
acc.; accordingly, we incline to think 
that possibly the right reading may be 
nusquam <in guicquam> incurrat. 

3. calumniabar| ‘I was over-anxious,’ 
lit. ‘raised false accusations (in the 
matter)’: cp. Caecina in 532. 4 in hae 
igitur calumnia timoris, ‘over-anxious 
fear,’ lit. ‘false accusation made by fear.’ 
The word has also the sense of an exceed- 
ingly minute and morbid self-criticism : 
ep. Quintil. x. 1. 115, Caloum nimia con- 
tra se caluinnia verum sanguinem perdidisse, 
and Sir W. Peterson’s note; also x. 3. 10. 


4, Habes rationem mei consili. 


Tibi igitur hoe 


Pliny H. N. xxxiv. 92 speaks of the 
Over-anxious sculptor Callimachus as 
calumniator sui, which supports the view 
that the epithet applied to him in Pausa- 
nias i. 26. 7 was κακιζότεχνος, and not 
κατατηξίτεχνος. 

ut cuique commodum esset| ‘according 
as it suited the purpose of each.’ 

habet navem paratam| 327.1; 333.6; 
335. ὃ. Note Cicero’s dread of what 
people will say: cp. 460. 1. 

levissime qui suspicaretur] ‘who took 
the most lenient view.’ Cp. Tusc. i. 98 
contemnamus enim omnis ineptias: quod 
enim levius huie levitati nomen imponam 2 
Fam. ili. 6. 3 (2138) wt levissime dicam. 

possent| MSs. possunt; but as it ex- 
presses the thoughts of his critics, it must 
be altered to the virtual oblique subjunc- 
tive. 

et tamen...meo| ‘and in any case 
daily habituation to it has insensibly taken 
the edge off my indignation,’ lit. ‘has 
drawn a thick skin over my indignation’; 
Tuse. ii.53, quorum animis diuturna cogi- 
tatio calium vetustatis obduxerat. For et 
tamen, meaning ‘putting all other con- 
siderations aside,’ see Madvig on Fin. ii. 
84, 85, andesp. Munro on Lucr. i. 1050; 
v. 1177. 

λεληθότως] Like εἰωθότως, Soph. 
El. 14563 καταπεφρονηκότως [Demosth. ] 
XVil, 29'= 219: 26. 


974 EP, 461 (FAM. IX. 9 


censeo: latendum tantisper ibidem dum effervescit haec gratu- 
latio et simul dum audiamus quem ad modum negotium confectum 
sit: confectum enim esse existimo; magni autem intererit qui 
fuerit victoris animus, qui exitus rerum: quamquam quo me con- 
iectura ducat habeo, sed exspecto tamen. 5. Te vero nolo, nisi 
ipse rumor iam raucus erit factus, ad Baias venire. Erit enim 
nobis honestius, etiam cum hine discesserimus, viderl venisse in 
illa loca ploratum potius quam natatum. Sed haec tu melius ; 
modo nobis stet illud, una vivere in studiis nostris, a quibus antea 
delectationem modo petebamus, nune vero etiam salutem: non 
deesse, si quis adhibere volet, non modo ut architectos verum 
etiam ut fabros ad aedificandam rem publicam, et potius libenter 
accurrere : si nemo utetur opera, tamen et scribere et legere πολι- 
τείας, et 51 minus in curia atque in foro at in litteris et libris, ut 
doctissimi veteres fecerunt, gnavare rem publicam et de moribus 


Rete. 


4. tantisper dum audiamus | 
‘meanwhile as long as this rejoicing 
continues at its present boiling-point, and 
until we hear.’ The difference of the 
mood is clearly marked, and there is no 
need to alter the Mss. reading to deferves- 
cat. 

quamquam ... . tamen| ‘though I 
have my conjecture, yet for all that I 
wait for the result,’ 

5. resucus| lit. ‘hoarse,’ and therefore 
not able to cry aloud its news. Some- 
what similar is Hor. Epp.i. 17. 62, vicinia 
rauca reclamat, ¢ till it is hoarse,’ accord- 

‘ing to Porphyrio. 

natatum| ‘to swim,’ ‘to ti ke a bath,’ 
which would be the chief occupation of 
visitors to Baiae. If we go now, in the 
time of all this jubilation, it will be 
thought that we are sharing in it, or at 
least indifferent to the ills of the state, 
and just amusing ourselves: especially 
as this was the time of the ‘season’ at 
Baiae (cp. Schol. Bob. p. 334 Or.) 

haec] ‘these considerations,’ sc. aesti- 

mabis or scitis; cp. 483. 7; Att. vii. 
ὃ. 5 (294); xiii. 7. 1 (619); Fam. xii. 
23. 4 (792). Wesenberg (Hm. Ait. 25) 
alters haec of the Mss. to hoc, on the ground 
that there is only one question at issue, 
viz. whether to stay in retirement or go 
to Baiae, but this is perhaps requiring 
too minute accuracy of expression. 

stet] ‘let this be fixed’: cp. Att. iii. 
14. 2 (70); Verg. Aen. ii. 750 stat casus 
renovare omnis, and note to 379. 1. 


delectationem.... salutem| Hofmann 
compares 490. 5, sed est unum perfugium 
doctrina ae litterae... quae secundis rebus 
delectationem modo habere videbantur, nune 
etiam salutem. Also cp. 460. 2. 

non deesse... accurrere| ‘not to stand 
aloof . . . but rather to speed thither.’ 
Cicero seems to have thought that Caesar 
might ask for his co-operation in reorgan- 
izing the State. Caesar did not do so, 
though we may perhaps infer that he 
gave some indications that he would do 
so from 474. 2 Mihi enim tudicatum est, 
st modo hoc Caesar aut patietur aut volet, 
deponere illam iam personam in qua me saepe 
alli ipst probavi ac me totum in litteras 
abdere. 

architectos| ‘master-builders’ : fabros, 
‘ workmen.’ 

et potius] ‘indeed rather’: rare for vel 
potius or aut potius: cp. Off. i. 68, Nee 
vero imperia expetenda ac potius non acect- 
pienda interdum ; also Fam. i. 1. 1 (95). 

de moribus ac legibus quaerere| ‘to 
pursue inquiries on morals and laws’ 
(1.6... ethical and political inquiries). 
Victorius suggested gubernare for gravare 
of the mss., and this has been adopted by 
most editors. Manutius notices that two 
mss. have navare (=gnavare) remp., which 
may mean ‘to serve the State strenu- 
ously’: cp. Tac. Hist. iv. 59, flayitium 
navaverat; v. 25, navaverint bellum; 
Fam. iii. 10.3 (261), denevolentiam navare. 
It is almost certain that this is what 
Cicero wrote. Cicero may possibly at 


ον πο et 


EP. 4694 (FAM. IX. 7). 


ac legibus quaerere. 


Mihi haee videntur. 


375 


Tu quid sis facturus 


et quid tibi placeat pergratum erit si ad me scripseris. 


462. CICERO TO M. TERENTIUS VARRO (Fam. rx. 7). 


ROME$ END OF MAY; A. U. C. 7083 B. C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


Jam tempus esse ait M. Cicero ut ab urbe discedat, et de Caesaris ex Africano 
bello redeuntis itinere diversos rumores nuntiat. 


CICERO VARRONI. 


1. Cenabam apud Seium ; cum utrique nostrum redditae sunt 
a te litterae. Mihi vero iam maturum videtur. Nam quod ante [a 


te] calumniatus sum, indicabo malitiam meam. 
alicubi esse, si quid bonae salutis, σύν re δύ᾽ ἐρχομένω. 


this time have again taken up work 
on the Le Legibus, which he appears to 


chave begun in 52, after the publication of 


the De Republica: cp. doctissimi here with 
De Leg. 111. 13 ut a doctissimis Gracciae 
guaesitum et disputatum est; and the 
mention of the historian Vennonius in 
468. 1 and De Leg. i. 6: cp. Schiche 
(1905), p. 3. But the work does not seem 
to have been published until after his 
death: cp. Teuffel-Schwabe, § 184. 2. 


This letter was written about the same 
time as the next: cp. 463. 1 mihi vero ad 
Nonas bene maturum videtur (cp. 462. 1), 
sc. to go to Tusculum. As the return 
of Caesar is represented as imminent 
(462. 2), Schmidt (p. 236) justly supposes 
that the Nones mentioned in 463. 1 are 


those of June, and that these letters were. 


written in the second half of May. The 
actual season of the year on the Nones of 
June would in 46.8.0. be about April 7, 
which would be a pleasant time for a 
visit to the country (propter anni tempus 
463. 1). } 

1, Seiwm] This M. Seius appears to 
have been quaestor along with Hortensius 
in 80 8.0., and to have been elected 
curule aedile in 74, defeating M. Pupius 
Piso (Planc. 12). In that year there was 
a famine, during which he sold corn and 
oil at a merely nominal price (Off. ii. 58, 


Volebam prope 
Nunc, 


Plin. H. N. xv. 1), thereby recovering 
his reputation, which he had somehow 
lost previously. In 52 be accused M. 
Saufeius de vi (Ascon. p. 55, ed. Clark 
= 49 KS). Next year hé again suffered 
loss of reputation in the trial of one 
Plaetorius: cp. Att. v. 20. 8 (228). He 
had a large farm at Ostia (Varro, R. R. 
ili. 2.7; 10. 1). He was a friend of both 
Cicero and Atticus: cp. Att. v. 18. 2 
(203). He died at the end of this year 
(Ep. 502). The M. Seius who was friend 
and legatus of D. Brutus was probably 
his son (Fam. xi. 7. 1, Ep. 811). 

tam maturum| ‘that it is now high 
time,’ to take the decisive step, and go 
to join Caesar: cp. Fam. ix. 5, 1 (463), 
Mihi vero ad Nonas bene maturum videtur 
Sore. 

Nam quod ... meam] ‘As tomy former 
double-dealing, I shall tell you what my 
shrewd trick was.’ We have bracketed 
[@ te] with Graevius and Boot (Obs. Crit. 


19. 20). It probably arose from ditto- 
graphy of ante. For mailitia cp. note to 
478. 1. 


si quid bonae salutis| sc. eveniret, i.e. if 
there was any hope of escape. Note the 
strong ellipses in this letter, quin equis 
viris, sc. festinemus; mecum ipse, sc. 
loquebar ; ridicula missa, sc. sint. 

σύν τε δύ᾽ ἐρχομένω) καί τε πρὸ ὃ 
τοῦ ἐνόησεν, Hom. I]. x. 224, “ἴτο heads 
are better than one’: cp. 360. 6. 


376 


EP. 462 (FAM. IX. 7). 


quoniam confecta sunt omnia, dubitandum non est quin equis viris. 
Nam ut audivi de L. Caesare f., mecum ipse, 


Quid hie mihi faciet patri ? 


Itaque non desino apud istos qui nune dominantur cenitare. 
Quid faciam? tempori serviendum est. 2. Sed ridicula missa, 
praesertim cum sit nilil quod rideamus ; 


Africa terribili tremit horrida terra tumultu. 


Itaque nullum est ἀποπροηγμένον quod non verear. 
quaeris quando, qua, quo, nihil adhue scimus. 


equis viris] ‘with all our might and 
main’; lit. ‘ with horses and men’ (i.e. 
horses and foot-soldiers). In Phil. viii. 
21, the literal meaning is found. The 
phrase also occurs in the form viris eguis- 
que, Off. ii. 116. Similar expressions are 
velis remisque, Tusc. 11. 253 remigio 
veloque, Plaut. Asin. 157; manibus pedi- 
busque, Ter. Andr. 161. 

L. Caesare f.| = filio. He was a re- 
solute partisan of the Senate. At the 
outbreak of the Civil War he carried 
negotiations backwards and_ forwards 
between Pompey and Caesar. See Addenda 
to the Comm. ii. Cicero thought meanly 
of him, styling him non hominem sed scopas 
solutas: cp. 308. 2; 310.1; 3513. ὡς 
In 46 he was proquaestor of Cato at Utica, 
and was appointed by the latter guardian 
of his children. He persuaded the citizens 
to surrender to Caesar after Cato’s death. 
He was pardoned by Caesar (Bell. Afr. 
88, 89: Plut. Cat. Min. 66), but after- 
wards was murdered, probably by the 
soldiers, because, as Suetonius (Iul. 75. 3) 
says, he had massacred certain freedmen 
and slaves of the dictator, and killed a 
number of beasts that had been collected 
for the games at Rome. If Caesar actually 
sanctioned the execution, as Dio said he 
did (xliii. 12. 3), it was under this 
grievous provocation. Cicero regards 
Caesar as actually having ordered the 
execution of this relative of his, and 
considers it as the beginning of something 
like a proscription of Caesar's enemies, in 
which Cicero will be the more likely to be 
put to death as having been a much more 
marked enemy than young Caesar. 

Quid hie mihi faciet patri?] Ter. 


Sed quod 


istue ipsum de 


Andr. 112. Simo says if his son Pamphi- 
lus showed such grief at the death of 
Chrysis, ἃ mere acquaintance, he will 
show much more grief at Simo’s own 
death. 

2. missa| sc. sint. For this sense of 
mittere = ‘give over’ cp. Plaut. Most. 
572, Quin tu istas mittis tricas ? 

Africa| ‘Atrica, terrible land, shakes 
trembling with tumult tremendous ’—a 
line of Ennius, quoted elsewhere by Cic. 
De Orat. 111. 167, Orat. 93. The reference 
probably is to the events resulting in the 
deaths of Petreius and Juba, L. Afranius, 
Faustus Sulla, and Metellus Scipio (B. 
Afr. 94-6). ; 

ἀποπροηγμένον) ‘to be eschewed.’ 
mponyueva and amomponyueva were the 
Stoical terms for those things which from 
a moral point of view are neither good 
nor bad, but which nevertheless, either in 
themselves or in relation to higher aims, 
are to be sought after or avoided, things 
which have an appreciable positive or 
negative value: cp. Zeller, Stoics, p. 283. 
To them belonged the whole sphere of 
what are usually called the goods and ills 
of life, exclusive of morality. 

quando, qua, quo| sc. Caesarem simus 
conventurr. 

scimus| So the older editors corrected 
the corrupt Ms. reading sosmus. Mendels- 
sohn thinks that a Greek word underlies 
the corruption. 

Istue ipsum de Baiis| ‘ As to that pro- 
posal of yours that we should go to meet 
him at Baiae, some seem to think that he 
may come by Sardinia,’ and accordingly 
may not land near Baiae.. Caesar did re- 
turn through Sardinia (Bell. Afr. 98). 


oe 


EP, 463 (FAM. IX. δ). 


Baiis, non nulli dubitant an per Sardiniam veniat. 


Old 
Illud enim 


adhuc praedium suum non inspexit, nec ullum habet deterius, sed 


tamen non contemnit. 


Ego omnino magis arbitror per Siciliam 


Veliam: sed iam seiemus: adventat enim Dolabella: eum puto 


magistrum fore. 


Πολλοὶ μαθηταὶ κρείσσονες διδασκάλων. 


Sed tamen, si sciam quid tu constitueris, meum consilium accom- 
modabo potissimum ad tuum. Qua re exspecto tuas litteras. 


463. CICERO TO M. TERENTIUS VARRO (Fam. rx. 5). 


ROME; END OF MAY, A. U. Ὁ. 


708; Bs Ὁ: 46; AKT. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero probat et diem quo conventuri sint et suum Varronisque consilium 
quod semel a Caesare victi ab armis discesserint. 


CICERO VARRONT. 


1. Mihi vero ad Nonas bene maturum videtur fore, neque 


solum propter rei publicae sed etiam propter anni tempus. 


praedium| The provinces were looked 
on as the praedia populi Romani: cp. Verr. 
li. 7, et quoniam quasi quaedam praedia 
popult Romani sunt vectigalia nostra ac 
provinciae: now as Caesar owns every- 
thing, they are his estates. 

deterius| Sardinia was proverbial for 
its unhealthiness (Mart. iv. 60.6; Tac. 
Ann. ii. 85). 

omnino] virtually = quidem, ‘indeed’ ; 
and sed generally follows: cp. Fam. iv. 
8. 2 (494), x. 25. 3 (880), xii. 9. 2 (904), 
ΧΙ, 42. 7 (54), 60. 1 (164), quoted by 
Wesenberg (Em. 96), who accordingly 
reads Veliam, sed iam sciemus, which 
seems a most probable addition. 

magistrum fore| ‘will serve as my 
master,’ i.e. will instruct us how -we 
should conduct ourselves as_ regards 
Caesar. My pupil Dolabella is now a 
greater man than myself. For a similar 
sentiment cp. next year Att. xiii. 47a 2 
(664) Dolabelia seribit se ad me postridie 
Idus. O magistrum molestum ! and note 


Qua 


there. For Dolabella asa pupil of Cicero’s 
ep. Quintil. xii. 11. 6, ste ad se Caelium 
deductum a patre Cicero profitetur, sie 
Pansam, Hirtium, Dolabellam in morem 
praeceptoris exercuit cotidie dicens audiens- 
que; also 472. 7; 473. 1; 474. 2, below. 

Πολλοὶ... διδασκάλων) It is not 
known who wrote this line : cp. Anth. Pal. 
ΧΙ. 176, and Nauck Frag. Trag., p. 861 
(ed. 2). 


This letter was written shortly after 
Ep. 462; see introd. note to that letter. 

1. ad Nonas| ‘on the Nones’ (of 
June): cp. Att. xiii. 9 fin. (623) ad quos 
dies rediturus sim scribam ad te; Verr. 
11. ὃ ad diem dedit. 

bene maturum ... tempus] 462. 1 
‘high time’ (for our meeting with Caesar), 
not only on account of the crisis in the 
State, but also on account of the season 
of the year (i.e. the beginning of April: 
cp. 462, introd. note). Note the double 
sense of tempus. 


378 EP. 463 (FAM. IX. δ). 


re istum diem probo: itaque eundem ipse sequar. 2. Consili 
nostri, ne si eos quidem qui id secuti non sunt non paeniteret, 
‘nobis paenitendum putarem. Secuti enim sumus non spem sed 
officium: reliquimus autem non officium sed desperationem. Ita 
verecundiores fuimus quam qui se domo non commoverunt, 
saniores quam qui amissis opibus domum non reverterunt. Sed 
nihil minus fero quam severitatem otiosorum et, quoquo modo se 
res habet, magis illos vereor qui in bello occiderunt quam hos 
curo quibus non satis facimus quia vivimus. 3. Mihi si spatium 
fuerit in ‘l’usculanum ante Nonas veniendi, istic te videbo: si 
minus, persequar in Cumanum et ante te certiorem faciam, ut 


lavatio parata sit. 


sequar| ‘adopt,’ ‘keep in view,’ 
‘make for.’ This strange use of sequi 
is akin to such usages as Att. iv. 2. 4 
(91), qeaestvit guid essent in decernendo 
secuti: Phil. 11. 38. 

2. Consili nostri] “ as to the course we 
took, even if they who did not follow it 
did not repent of the course they took 
(which they do), I should not think that 
we ought to repent of it.’ For the posi- 
tion of ne... quidem in such a hypo- 
thetical sentence cp. Off. iii. 48, At neque 
contra rempublicam neque contra ius iuran- 
dum ac fidem amici causa vir bonus faciet, 
ne si iudex quidem erit de ipso amico, and 
Madvig, § 457. 

Ita verecundiores| ‘so we acted with 
more feeling of honour than those who did 
not stir from home, and with more good 
sense than those who did not return home 
when all was lost.’ As an example of 
the first class, Watson mentions Servius 
Sulpicius. 


severitatem otiosorum]| ‘the hard judg- 
ment of those who did nothing them- 
selves’: cp. 470. 3, Crudeliter enim 
otiosissimi minabantur. The judgment of 
these ‘inglorious neuters,? as Melmoth 
calls them, annoyed and vexed Cicero, 
because it was so scandalously unfair 3. 
but it did not make him feel the pang of 
shame which arose at the thought of the 
Pompeians who fell nobly in the conflict. 

vereor| ‘respect,’ ‘venerate’: ep. 
Q. Fr. i. 8. 8 (66) amabat ut fratrem et 
iam ut maiorem fratrem verebatur. 

non satis facimus quia vivimus| 461. 2 
nos dolent vivere; 464. 6 criminis loco 
putent esse quod vivimus. 

3. persequar | sc. te: cp. note to 460. 2. 

ut lavatio parata sit] cp. 472. 9 
balneum calfacias oporiebit. For lavatio 
= ‘a bath’ (i.e. a bathing-place) the dic- 
tionaries refer to Phaedrus, Vitruvius, and 
the Digest. 


EP. 464 (FAM. VII: 8). 379 


464. CICERO TO M. MARIUS (Fam. vu. 3). 


ROME; END OF MAY (P); A. U. Ὁ. 708; B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero amico M. Mario exponit quibus rationibus ductus post pugnam 
Pharsalicam ab armis recesserit et bello sese abstinuerit. 


M. CICERO 5. Ὁ. M. MARIO. 


1. Persaepe mihi cogitanti de communibus miseriis in quibus 
tot annos versamur et, ut video, versabimur, solet in mentem 
venire illius temporis quo proxime fuimus una: quin etiam ipsum 
diem memoria teneo. Nam ἃ. ἃ. 11 Idus Maias Lentulo et 
Marcello consulibus cum in Pompeianum vesperi venissem, tu 
mihi sollicito animo praesto fuisti. Sollicitum autem te habebat 
cogitatio cum offici tum etiam periculi mei. Si manerem in Italia, 
verebare ne officio deessem: si proficiscerer ad bellum, periculum 


te meum commovebat. 


Quo tempore vidisti profecto me quoque 


ita conturbatum ut non explicarem quid esset optimum factu. 


Stipfle-Boeckel notice that this letter 
is a political apology, something like 
Fam. i. 9 (153), addressed to Lentulus. 
For Marius cp. Fam. vii. 1 (127), and 
Q. Fr. ii. 8. 2 (123). 

As regards the date of this letter, the 
similarity of the ideas (§ 6) to those of 
463. 2, and the depressed tone of both 
these letters, seem to point to its having 
been written at the same time as 463. 
Schmidt (p. 250), owing to the mention 
of Rhodes and Mytilene in ὁ 5 and in 
486. 4, would place 464 in the same 
month as 486, viz., September. But 
Rhodes and Mytilene were regular foreign 
resorts of Romans (Hor. Carm. i. 7. 1), so 
that we must not lay undue stress on this 
coincidence. The tone in which Cicero 
speaks of a journey to Campania (§ 6) 
would seem as if he did not intend to 
make it at once. He definitely gave up 
the project in August (475. 1). 

1. solet ...temporis| ‘I am wont to 
call to mind that time’: the genit. is used 
after this phrase, as it signifies ‘to re- 
member’: cp. Rosc. Am. 95, venit enim 
im mentem oris tui; 2 Verr. i. 47, non 


dubito quin ... tuorum tibi sceleruimn 
veniat in mentem. Cp. note to 307. 2. 

proxime| ‘when we were last together.” 
We cannot translate ‘recently,’ as it was 
three years since their meeting. 

1111 Jd Maias| So we read with Wesen- 
berg, who compares 402. 4. The ss. 
give 111 Jd. 

Lentulo et Marcello consulibus| 49 B.c. 

Pompeianum| Marius had a villa near 
Pompeii: cp. Fam. vii. 1. 1 (127); Ep. 
503. 

praesto fuisti] ‘you were there to 
meet me in great anxiety of mind.’ 

Sollicitum ... te habebat] Cp. note to 
405. 1; also 394. 1. 

Si manerem . . . commovebat| ‘The 
explanation of the different moods in the 
protasis and apodosis is that the apparent 
apodosis (verebare) is not the real one 
(deessem). ‘If I had remained in Italy, I 
should have been wanting in my duty, and 
you were afraid of that; if I had set out 
to Pompey, I should have incurred danger, 
and that rendered you anxious.’ 

explicarem| lit. ‘unravel’; i.e. ‘solve 
the knotty problem,’ ‘settle clearly’: 


380 EP. 464 (FAM. VII. 8). 


Pudori tamen malui famaeque cedere quam salutis meae rationem 
ducere. 2. Cuius me mei facti paenituit non tam propter peri- 
culum meum quam propter vitia multa quae ibi offendi quo 
veneram: primum neque magnas copias neque bellicosas: deinde 
extra ducem paucosque praeterea—de principibus loquor—reliqui 
primum in ipso bello rapaces, deinde in oratione ita crudeles ut 
ipsam victoriam horrerem: maximum autem aes alienum am- 
plissimorum virorum. Quid quaeris? Nihii boni praeter causam. 
Quae cum vidissem, desperans victoriam primum coepi suadere 
pacem, culus fueram semper auctor, deinde cum ab ea sententia 
Pompeius valde abhorreret, suadere institui ut bellum duceret. 
Hoe interdum probabat et in ea sententia videbatur fore, et fuisset 
fortasse nisi quadam ex pugna coepisset suis militibus confidere. 
Ex eo tempore vir ille summus nullus imperator fuit. Signa 
tirone et collecticio exercitu cum legionibus robustissimis contuht : 
victus turpissime amissis etiam castris solus fugit. 3. Hune ego 
mihi belli finem feci nec putavi, cum integri pares non fuissemus, 
fractos superiores fore. Discessi ab eo bello in quo aut in acie 
eadendum fuit aut in aliquas insidias incidendum aut devenien- 
dum in victoris manus aut ad Iubam confugiendum aut capiendus 
tamquam exsilio locus aut consciscenda mors voluntaria. Certe 
nihil fuit praeterea, si te victor nolles aut non auderes committere. 
Ex omnibus autem iis quae dixi incommodis nihil tolerabilius 


cp. Caes. B. C. i. 78. 3, ἐδὲ se reliquum 


turpissime] ‘shamefully.’ 
consilium explicaturos confidebant. 


3. aut ad Iubam confugiendum] Cicero 


Pudori| ‘feelings of shame.’ looked on it as a disgrace that Romans 
2. vapaces . . . crudeles| 367. 3; should fly for support to the half-savage 
418. 6; 470. 3; 535. 2; and often. King Juba, who, unlike the Romans, 
Wesenberg (Hm. p. 89) would read used elephants in war: cp. 470.3, etiam 


reliqguos (sc. offendt) . . . rapacis ... 
erudelis, which may be right. 

ex pugna| viz. the actions round 
Dyrrhachium : cp. Caes. B. C. iii. 72, 1, 
his rebus tantum fiduciae ae spiritus 
Pompeianis accessit ut non de ratione belli 
cogitarent sed vicisse 1am sibi viderentur. 

nullus tmperator] ‘was nothing of a 
general’: cp. ἀστρατήγητος, 307. 1; 
352. 1: cp. Petit. Cons. 25 (12), mist id 
agis et cum multis et diligenter nullus 
petitor esse videare. 

Signa... . contulit] ‘having only 
an undisciplined and hastily collected 
army, he joined battle with the hardiest 
troops.’ 


ad bestiarum auxilium confugere: also 
note to 418. 2. 

tamquam exsilio| ‘for what would be 
virtually exile,’ cp. § 4: for exsilium 
proper involved, 1° absence from the 
city, 2° loss of goods—the former alone 
would have befallen Cicero. It would 
not have been legal exsiliwm. 

nolles aut non auderes] ‘had not the 
will or the courage’ (moral as well as 
physical: for audere can mean either) : 
cp. the fine expression, Verg. Aen. vill. 
364, aude, hospes, contemnere opes; and 
Hor. Ep. i. 2. 40, sapere aude; ii. 2. 148, 
quod quanto plura parasti Tanto plura 
cupis, nulline faterier audes ? 


EP. 464 (FAM. VII. 3). 381 


exsilio, praesertim innocenti, ubi nulla adiuncta est turpitudo: 
-addo etiam, cum ea urbe careas in qua nihil sit quod videre 
possis sine dolore. Ego cum meis, si quidquam nunc cuiusquam 
est, etiam in meis esse malui. Quae acciderunt omnia dixi futura. 
4, Veni domum, non quo optima vivendi condicio esset, sed 
tamen, si esset aliqua forma rei publicae, tamquam in patria ut 
essem, sin nulla, tamquam in exsilio. Mortem mihi cur conscis- 
cerem causa non visa est: cur optarem multae causae. Vetus est 
enim, ‘Ubi non sis qui fueris, non esse cur velis vivere. Sed 
tamen vacare culpa magnum est solacium, praesertim cum habeam 
duas res quibus me sustentem, optimarum artium scientiam et 
maximarum rerum gloriam: quarum altera mihi vivo numquam. 
eripietur, altera ne mortuo quidem. 5. Haec ad te scripsi ver- 
bosius et tibi molestus fui quod te cum mei tum rei publicae 
cognovi amantissimum. Notum tibi omne meum consilium esse. 
volui, ut primum scires me numquam voluisse plus quemquam 
posse quam universam rem publicam: postea autem quam alicuius. 
culpa tantum valeret unus ut obsisti non posset, me voluisse 
pacem: amisso exercitu et eo duce in quo spes fuerat uno, me 
voluisse etiam reliquis omnibus, postquam non potuerim, mihi 


cum meis...est| ‘with my family— supposes this saying to bea trochaic tetra- 


if in these days one can call anything 
his,’ a petulant expression which Cicero 
did not mean to be literally understood : 
for Caesar never molested the relations 
of any of his declared opponents. 

in meis| ‘in my property’: cp. 306. 1. 
We should have expected the positions 
of cum meis and in meis to have been 
reversed. There does not seem to be any 
allusion to the Spartan saying, Senec. 
Suas. 2, 8, aut in his aut cum his. 

4. sin nulla] So R: see Adn. Crit. 
We do not find si . . . si used of two 
mutually exclusive alternatives: cp. Dr. 
Reid, Acad. i. 7. 

tamquam in patria... in exsilio| ‘that 
I might live in what would virtually be 
my country: if there was nothing (of the 
free-state), in what would be practically 
exile.’ 

Vetus est| Hofmann quotes Pro Quinct. 
55, Vetus est: de scurra multo facilius 
divitem quam patrem familias fiert posse. 
Boeckel points out that the full phrase is 
Vetus verbum hoc quidem est, Ter. Adelph. 
803. Schneidewin (Philologus 111. 132) 


meter, viz. Ubi iam non es qui fuisti non 
est vivere cur velis. Buecheler’s arrange- 
ment, which is perhaps better, is adopted 
by Ribbeck (Frag. Com. p. 127), Udi non 
es qui fueris non est cur.velis ibt vivere: 
cp. note to 333.2, non futurus <sit qui 


Suerit.> The phrase esse cur = esse causam 


cur 1s like esse quod (cp. 415, in viam quod 
te des hoe tempore nihil est) : cp. Madvig, 
§ 372. 6, obs. 6. 

5. alicuius| ‘some one.’ We should 
expect cuiusdam, as the reference is cer- 
tainly to Pompey. Unus is Caesar. 

obsisti] ‘that no resistance could be 
made.’ Wesenberg added ¢, which is 
hardly necessary. For odsistere without 
a dat. cp. Verr. iv. 94, cum obsistere ac 
defendere conarentur. 

me voluisse pacem] 458. 2, note. 

non potuerim] ‘failing in this attempt, 
I adopted for myself the policy of no 
more war’ (Jeans). We think that potu- 
assem would have been more regular. 
The alteration may be due to a desire 
for variety: cp. Lebreton, pp. 273- 
277. 


382 EP. 464 (FAM. VII. 3). 


ipsi finem fecisse belli: nune autem, si haec civitas est, civem 
esse me, si non, exsulem esse non incommodiore loco quam si 
Rhodum aut Mytilenas me contulissem. 6. Haec tecum coram 
malueram ; sed quia longius fiebat, volui per litteras eadem, ut 
haberes quid diceres si quando in vituperatores meos incidisses. 
Sunt enim qui, cum meus interitus nihil fuerit rei publicae 
profuturus, criminis loco putent esse quod vivam, quibus ego certo 
scio non videri satis multos perisse: qui si me audissent, quamvis 
iniqua pace, honeste tamen viverent: armis enim inferiores, non 
causa fuissent. Habes epistulam verbosiorem fortasse quam velles : 


quod tibi ita videri putabo, nisi mihi longiorem remiseris. 


Ego 


si quae volo expediero, brevi tempore te, ut spero, videbo. 


Rhodum aut Mytilenas| Rhodes was a 
civitas foederata: Mytilene was a ¢civitas 
immunis et libera. l3oth classes of towns 
had the right of receiving exiles (Mar- 
quardt 15. 75, 80, note 1). They were 
lovely spots and much frequented by the 
Romans (Hor. Carm. i. 7. 1). Marcellus 
had gone to Mytilene (486. 4). 

6. tecum coram]| sc. disserere or loqui: 
cp. 458. 2. 

quia longius fiebat] ‘because it was 
dragging on’ (and there did not seem 
much prospect of our meeting). The 
nom. to fiebat is not definitely conceived 
by Cicero. 

eadem| 86. seribere. For this ellipse 
Supfle-Boeckel compare 340. 2, sed aper- 
tius quam proposueram; 401. 4, verum 
alias; 485.2, sed plura quam statueram ; 
and many more. 

ut haberes quid diceres | 
might know what to say.’. 

quod vivam| For the sentiment cp. 
463. 2 and note. 


‘that you 


quibus. . . perisse| an awkward clause, 
‘and I am quite certain they think that 
enough have not met their death; and 
these latter, if they had listened to me, 
would be now alive, though on unfair 
terms of peace, yet with honour: for (if 
they were not now dead and gone) they 
would have been superior in the justice 
of their cause, though inferior in force 
of arms.’ 

verbosiorem| he letter certainly is so: 
cp. § 6, verbosius, ‘his paragraph is to 
some extent a repetition of § 5, and § 5 
fin. 18 a repetition of § 4 init. 

quod tibi ita videri putabo| ‘and I 
shall suppose you to be of the same 
Opinion (that my letter is very diffuse) 
unless you send me a longer one.’ 

St... expediero] cp. 478.2. Watson 
suggests that this may have reference to 
the divorce of Tullia. It may, how- 
ever, refer to his intended divorce from 
Terentia, or to his money difficulties 


(467. 4). 


EP. 465 (FAM. VI. 22). 383 


465. CICERO TO CN. DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS 


(FAM. VI. 22). 
ROME 3} MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U. 6. 708; B.C. 463 AET, CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Cn. Domitium Ahenobarbum L. f. post pugnam Pharsalicam spe veniae 


impetrandae in Italiam reversum rogat ut iam saluti suae incolumitatique consulat, et 


amicorum interitu maerentem consolatur. 
CICERO DOMITIO. 


1. Non ea res me deterruit quo minus, postea quam in Italiam 
venisti, litteras ad te mitterem quod tu ad me nullas miseras, sed 


} guia nec quid tibi pollicerer ipse egens rebus omnibus nec quid 


suaderem, cum mihimet ipsi consilium deesset, nee quid consola- 
tionis adferrem in tantis malis reperiebam. Haec quamquam nihilo 
meliora sunt nune [etiam] atque etiam multo desperatiora, tamen 
inanis esse meas litteras quam nullas malui. 2. Ego si te intelle- 
gerem plus conatum esse suscipere rei publicae causa muneris 


No. 3. 


For this Domitius see Introduction II, 
As we have not been able to find 
anything to help us to fix the date of 
this letter, we have left it where it has 
been placed by Schiitz. It belongs pro- 
bably to the time shortly after the battle 
of Thapsus, when Caesar’s supremacy 
seemed established. Possibly this letter 
was written by Cicero at the suggestion 
of the relatives of Domitius, especially 
Porcia, as Wieland suggested. 

1. pollicerer ... suwaderem .. .consola- 
tionis| Here Cicero specifies the three 
different kinds of letters which he thinks 
might be written tothe republican exiles. 

nune atque etiam] The mss. add another 
etiam after nunc, which Orelli retains, 
punctuating after swnt. But Wesenberg 
(Em. 89), after Lambinus, rightly ejects 
thatetiam, because etiam atque etiam means 
‘repeatedly,’ or ‘urgently,’ butis not used 
with comparatives in the sense of ‘ conti- 
nually.’ He also points out that we must 
not separate nunc from sunt. Translate, 
* Although these circumstances (i.e. those 
which you found on your arrival in Italy) 
are no whit better now, and have even 
become much more hopeless, I thought it 


better ta send a letter, even though it had 
nothing init, than to send no letter at all.’ 

2. Ego, si te intellegerem] ‘For my 
own part, if I perceived that you had 
formed a project on behalf of the State 
greater than you could have performed 
(i.e. had followed your uncle Cato to 
Africa, and joined in the war there), yet 
even in that case (heroic, as it would 
have been, and worthy of the highest 
commendation), in every way I could I 
should have exhorted you to accept life 
on those terms that were offered to you, 
and were available (for the death of 
Domitius would cause great distress to 
very many relations and friends). But 
now that, though your plans were wise 
and courageous in their inception, you 
have determined to put such a conclusion 
to them as Fortune herself willed to be 
the issue of our struggle, I pray and 
beseech you,’ &c. As Domitius con- 
sidered that the war was virtually 
concluded at Pharsalia, be forbore to 
engage in it any further; but he seems 
not to have been willing to yield entirely 
to Caesar, and ask to be allowed to return 
to Rome. Indeed, in grief and shame he 


384 EP. 465 (FAM. VI. 22). 


quam quantum praestare potuisses, tamen quibuscumque rebus 
possem ad eam condicionem te vivendi quae daretur quaeque 
esset hortarer. Sed cum consili tui bene fortiterque suscepti 
eum tibifinem statueris quem ipsa fortuna terminum nostrarum 
contentionum esse voluisset, oro obtestorque te pro vetere nostra 
coniunctione ac necessitudine proque summa mea in te benevo- 
lentia et tua in me pari, te ut nobis, parenti, coniugi tuisque— 
omnibus quibus es fuistique semper carissimus salvum conserves : 
incolumitati tuae tuorumque qui ex te pendent consulas: quae 
didicisti quaeque ab adulescentia pulcherrime a sapientissimis viris 
tradita memoria et scientia comprehendisti, iis hoe tempore utare: 
quos coniunctos summa benevolentia plurimisque officiis amisisti, 
eorum desiderium si non aequo animo at forti feras, 3. Kgo 
quid possim nescio vel potius me parum posse sentio: illud tamen 
tibi polliceor, me quaecumque saluti dignitatique tuae conducere 
arbitrabor tanto studio esse facturum quanto semper tu et studio 
et officio in meis rebus fuisti. Hane meam voluntatem ad matrem 
tuam, optimam feminam tuique amantissimam, detuli, Si quid 
ad me scripseris, ita faciam ut te velle intellexero. Sin autem tu 
minus scripseris, ego tamen omnia quae tibi utilia esse arbitrabor 
summo studio diligenterque curabo. Vale. 


ws er 


may have thought οὗ throwing himself in 
with the remnants of the Pompeian 
party in Spain—feeling, as Shakespeare 
makes him say on another occasion (Ant. 
and Cleop. iti. 13. 43): 


Yet he that can endure 
To follow with allegiance a fallen lord 
Does conquer him that did his master conquer, 
And earns a place in the story. 


This course is probably that which 
Cicero deprecates, not any idea of suicide. 
parenti| Porcia, sister of Cato of Utica. 
It is to the latter that allusion is chiefly 
made in guos coniunctos . . . amisisti. 


qui ex te pendent| So most editors for 
qui e pendent M, or qui expendent H. See 
Adn. Crit., ‘who depend on you,’ ‘to 
whom you are a source of support and 
protection.’ Streicher (p. 182) reads 
with R, gui de te pendent, ‘who are 
anxious about you.’ In this sense we 
usually find animi added, as in 836. 2; 
427.1; Att. xvi. 12 (800). 

si mon aequo... feras| ‘that you 
should bear it, if not with equanimity, at 
least with fortitude.’ 

3. tanto... fuisti] ‘with as much 
interest as was theinterest in my fortunes 
which you always felt bound to feel.’ 


EP. 466 (FAM. 1X. 4). 


466. 


385 


CICERO TO M. TERENTIUS VARRO 


(FAM. Ix. 4). 


TUSCULUM ; JUNE (TOWARDS BEGINNING); A. U. C. 708; B. C. 463 
AET. CIC. 60. 


Possitne Varro venire necne iocose quaerit. 


CICERO VARRONI. 


Περὶ δυνατῶν me scito κατὰ Διόδωρον κρίνειν. 


Quapropter, 


si venturus es, scito necesse esse te venire: sin autem non es, 


ἀδύνατον est te venire. 


Chrysippi an haec quam noster Diodotus non concoquebat. 


Nune vide utra/te κρίσις magis delectet, 


Sed 


de his etiam rebus otiosi cum erimus loquemur: hoc etiam κατὰ 


Cicero probably left Rome for Tusculum 
on June 5, as arranged (463. 1). This 
letter seems to have been written some 
days later, after Cicero had had some 
philosophical conversations with Varro, 
who was also at Tusculum. It is cheerful 
in tone, and he later (470. 4) reverts with 
regret to those‘ Tusculan days’ and the 
full joy of life that they afforded. ‘T'o 
return to literature and philosophy after 
the period of depression which resulted 
from Caesar’s successful campaign in 
Africa must have seemed like coming to 
life again. 

l. κατὰ Διόδωρον Cp. Cic. De Fato 
18. At hoc, Chrysippe, minime vis ; maxi- 
meque tibi de hoc ipso cum Diodoro certamen 
est. Iile enim id solum fiert posse dicit quod 
aut sit verum aut futurum sit verum: et 
quidquid futurum sit id dicit fiert necesse 
6856, et, quidquid non sit futurum, id negat 
fiert posse: cp. § 17. Diodorus was a 
Megarian philosopher, and is said to have 
taught Zeno of Citium. He died in 307, 
in consequence, we are told, of having 
sustained a defeat in dialectics at the 
table of Ptolemy Soter. His theory of 


- the Possible is that set forth in the above 


passage, and it was defended by an 
argument called the Master-Argument 
(κυριεύων) : cp. Epictet. Diss. ii. 19. 
Chrysippus defined the Possible as what 
is capable of being true (τὸ ἐπιδεκτικὸν 
τοῦ ἀληθὲς εἶναι) if circumstances do 


VOL. IV. 


not prevent it: cp. Zeller, Stoics, pp. 38, 
115 (Eng. Trans.), and also Socrates and 
the Socratics, quoted as an appendix to 
the notes on this letter. 

ἀδύνατον) M gives ἀδυνάτων, so that 
τῶν ἀδυνάτων is generally read. Wesen- 
berg (Em. Alt. 26) argues vigorously 
against it: 1°. δυνατὸν occurs below, not 
τῶν δυνάτων. 2°. necesse esse before points 
to aduvaroy as the exactly corresponding 
term. 3°. Diodorus himself used οὐδὲ 
δυνατὸν, not τῶν ἀδυνάτων, as may be seen 
from Alexander Aphrodisiensis (iv. 163 ὁ, 
30), quoted by Vict. (whose note is given in 
Graevius). 4°. Cicero also in the De Fato 
says jiert posse, which plainly points to 
δυνατόν. We read ἀδύνατον with Crat., 
not only on account of the reasons adduced 
by Wesenberg, but also because it is 
more likely that o would be erroneously 
altered to w than that τῶν would have 
been omitted. 

Diodotus non concoguebat| “ which Dio- 
dotus could not stomach.’ Diodotus taught 
Cicero dialectic, and ‘the friendship be- 
tween the two lasted till the death of Dio-~ 
dotus, who, according to a fashion set 
by the Roman Stoic circle of the time of 
Cicero and Laelius, became an inmate of 
Cicero’s house, where he died in 59 B.c., 
leaving his pupil heir to a considerable 
property : cp. Att. ii. 20. 6 (47) ’ (Dr. Reid, 
Acad., p. 2). 


2C 


386 


Χρύσιππον δυνατὸν est. 


EP, 467 (ATT. XII. 5, § 4). 


De tCoctio mihi gratum est: nam id 


etiam Attico mandaram. ‘Tu si minus ad nos, nos accurremus ad 


te. 


Si hortum in bibliotheca habes, deerit nihil. 


467, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. xt. 5, § 4). 


TUSCULUM ; JUNE 123 A. U. C. 708; B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


De Tirone Dolabellae obviam misso, de Tullia, de sua cupiditate videndi Attici. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


4. Ego misi Tironem Dolabellae ob viam. Is ad me Idibus 


revertetur. 


tCoctio} Corradus suggests Cocceio. 
There is no evidence to help us in this 
difficulty. We hear ofa lex Coctia in Att. 
iv. 16. 8 (144); but the name is corrupt 
there also. The name Coctius is not found 
in Latin. 

nos accurremus| It is quite necessary 
to add a second nos, in order to make the 
chiasmus which is required in such a 
sentence. 

Si hortum in bibliotheca habes| This is 
very obscure. It is possible that here and 
inQ. Fr. 11. 8 (9), 4 (128) Hortus domi est, 
the word hortws means the produce of a 
hortus, i.e. vegetables. It will then mean 
‘if you have some vegetable fare in your 
library, we shall have all we can want for 
hody and mind, and can enjoy plain living 
and high thinking.’ For hortus = ‘ vege- 
tables’ the Dictionaries quote Cato R. R. 
8. 2, sub urbe hortum omne genus, corona- 
menta omne genus, bulbos megaricos... 
haec facito uti serantur; Hor. Sat. ii. 
4.16, Cole suburbano qui siccis crevit in 
agris Dulcior : irriguo nihil est elutius 
horto, ‘ nothing is more insipid than soaked 
vegetables.’ Shuckburgh says that our 
passage ‘ probably means (though it is a 
strange way of expressing it) a garden to 
sit and converse in, like philosophers in 
the Academy, the library being, like 
Cicero’s Tusculan gymnasium, round a 
court containing shrubs, &c.’ 


APPENDIX. 


Zeller in Socrates and the Socratics, 
pp. 273, 274 (Eng. Trans.), writes: ‘The 
older Megarians allowed as possible only 


Te exspectabo postridie. 


De Tullia mea tibi anti- 


what actually is, understanding by actual 
what is before them in the present. ΤῸ 
this Diodorus added what might be in the 
future by saying: Possible is either what 
is actual or what will be actual, ὅπερ ἤ 
ἔστι ἀληθὲς ἢ ἔσται (Cic. Fat. 12. 13.17. 
Fam. ix. 4. Plut. Stoic. Repugn. 46 = 
p- 1055). In proof of this statement he 
used an argument which goes by the 
name of κυριεύων, and is still admired 
after centuries as « masterpiece of subtle 
ingenuity. 10 is in the main as follows. 
From anything possible nothing impossible 
can result (so ἀκολουθεῖν is rendered, thus 
keeping up the ambiguity of the original, 
where ἀκολουθεῖν means not only sequence 
in time, but causal sequence) ; but it is 
impossible that the past can be different 
from what it is : for had this been possible 
at a past moment, something impossible 
would have resulted from something pos- 
sible. It was, therefore, never possible. 
And, speaking generally, it is impossible 
that anything should happen differently 
from what has happened. Chrysippus 
could only meet this argument, according 
to Alexander on Analyt. Priora, 57 ὦ 
(Schol. on Aristotle, iv. 163 a, 8), by 
asserting that possibly the impossible 
might result from the possible.’ 


4. Idibus| of June, not of July, as 
Gruber thought. Dolabella’s arrival was 
expected at the end of May (462. 2). It 
had occurred long before July (472. 7), 
cp. Schiche (Berlin Programm, 1883), 
pp. 7, 8. 

antiguissimum] ‘most important’: like 


ae χάτ 
hipaa 


POT eS ee ee ee ee 


κω es 44 


EP. 468 (ATT. XII. 3). 387 
quissimum esse video, idque ita ut sit te vehementer rogo. Ergo 
ei in integro omnia: sic enim scribis. Mihi etsi Kalendae vitandae 
fuerunt Nicasionumque ἀρχέτυπα fugienda conficiendaeque ta- 
bulae, nihil tamen tanti ut a te abessem fuit. Cum Romae 
essem et te iam iamque visurum me putarem, cotidie tamen horae 
quibus exspectabam longae videbantur. Scis me minime esse 
blandum, itaque minus aliquanto dico quam sentio. 


468. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x11. 3). 


ruscuLumM; APRIL 29; a. vu. c. 708; B. 6. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


De summa cupiditate sua cum Attico vivendi, de Vennonii historia, de re familiari 
transigenda. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Unum te puto minus blandum esse quam me et, si uterque 
nostrum est aliquando adversus aliquem, inter nos certe num- 
quam sumus. Audi igitur me hoc ἀγοητεύτως dicentem : ne vivam, 
mi Attice, si mihi non modo Tusculanum, ubi ceteroqui sum 


Gk. πρεσβύτατον, προὐργιαίτατον. Cp. 
Q. Fr. i. 1. 24 (30), quod tidi et esse anti- 
quissimum et abinitio fuisse; 11. 1. 3 (93); 
292. 4, navalis apparatus ev semper anti- 
quissima cura fuit ; and note to 457. 3. 

ei in integro omnia} ‘she is quite un- 
committed’: cp. Verr. ii. 98, cwm tidi in 
integro tota res esset. We do not feel 
certain what is referred to. Possibly 
the question as to whether she would 
resume marital relations with Dolabella. 
She did so, and in January, 45, bore a 
son, but died soon afterwards in February. 
This son lived for a year or so, but we do 
not hear of him for long. 

Mihi etsi...fuit] ‘although for me 
the Kalends was a day to be avoided, and 
the codices (= ledgers) of the Nicasiones 
(money-lenders) were things to be fled 
from, and I had to make up my accounts, 
yet nothing deterred me from missing 
your company.’ The past tenses show 
that Cicero is referring to the previous 
Kalends, those of June. For ἀρχέτυπον 
used of the original manuscript of a 


literary work, the ‘copy,’ 
xvi. ὃ. 1.773). 

Kalendae| on which debts were called 
in, hence called ¢ristes by Hor. Sat. i. 8. 
87: cp. Ov. Rem. Am. 561, 

Qui puteal Ianumque timet celeresque Ka- 

lendas. 

quibus| For the abl. of duration of 
time in Cic. cp. Roby § 1185. 

blandum]| ‘a flatterer’: cp. 468. 1. 


ep. “Att, 


For the date of this letter, see Introd. 
note to 489. 

1. adversus aliquem] sc. blandus. This 
is the only example quoted in the 
Thesaurus of blandus used with adversus. 
It is used twice with ud, but apparently 
with no other preposition. For Cicero’s 
use of this word cp. sed amabo te mi Attice 
—videsne quam blande? Att. xvi. 2. 2 
(772). 

ayontevtTws]| ‘sans phrase.’ 

ne vivam| ne vivam si or ni, and ita 
vivam ut are common forms of strong 
asseveration in the letters. 


202 


388 


EP. 468 (ATT, XII. 8). 


libenter, sed μακάρων νῆσοι tanti sunt ut sine te sim tot dies. 
Qua re obduretur hoc triduum, ut te quoque ponam in eodem 


πάθει: quod ita est profecto. 
auctione, et quo die venias. 


Sed velim scire hodiene statim de 
Ego me interea cum libellis: ac 
moleste fero Vennoni me historiam non habere. 


2. Sed tamen, 


ne nihil de re, nomen illud, quod a Caesare, tris habet condi- 
ciones, aut emptionem ab hasta (perdere malo, esti praeter ipsam 
turpitudinem hoe ipsum puto esse perdere), aut delegationem a 


tot] See Adn. Crit. In the copy of 
this letter in M, which is found after 
Att. xvi. 5, we have fot. In the copy 
which is found in its proper place M has 
totos. ‘Che former seems preferable. 

ut te quoque... profecto| ‘ toascribe to 
you the same empressement as my own, 
and surely I am right in doing so.’ In 
using the term obduretur, ‘let it be en- 
dured,’ he has taken it for granted that 
Atticus feels their separation as keenly as 
he does himself. 

hodiene .. . venias| Schiche (1905, p. 7) 
interprets ‘ whether it is to-day after the 
auction (that you are going to Ficulea), 
and on what day you are coming to 
Rome.’ But for that interpretation we 
should expect reventas. More probably 
in the letter which Cicero was answering 
Atticus said he would pay Cicero his 
visit in a few days, and Cicero asks on 
what day: ‘whether it is to-day im- 
mediately after the auction (that you are 
leaving Rome), and on what day you are 
coming here.’ It is a kind of zeugma. 

cum libellis| sc. sum: ep. Fam. xv. 
10. 1 (239), δὲ mihi teceum minus esset 
quam est cum tuis omnibus. 

Vennoni| ‘This historian is only men- 
tioned once by Cicero (Legg. i. 6) among 
ancient annalists, and once by Dionysius 
of Halicarnassus iv. 15. Cicero appears 
at this time to have been engaged with 
the composition of the De Legibus: cp. 
Schiche (1905, p. 3), and see note to 
461. 5. 

2. nomen illud quod a Caesare] It 
seems we must understand something 
like datum est; or possibly we should 
add tribuitur. The explanation of this 
transaction given by Popma is perhaps 
the best, and probably goes nearest the 
actual facts of the case referred to. A 
proscribed Pompeian owed Cicero money, 
and Caesar wished to facilitate Cicero’s 
recovery of the debt. There were three 
ways in which Cicero might recover it: 


(1) He might bid for property at the public 
sale of the proscript’s goods up to the 
amount of the debt, and take that pro- 
perty in lieu of the money. Cicero says: 
he would rather Jose the money than 
recover it in this way, both on account 
of the disgracefulness of such a proceed - 
ing in the case of a former political 
associate, and because it would be in 
effect equivalent to losing the money, 
probably because the property to be dis- 
posed of was really useless to Cicero, and 
he might not be able to realize it without 
sustaining loss; or possibly, as Dr. Reid 
suggests (Hermathena, x (1898) 133), he 
thinks the proposal will never be carried 
out (cp. below, me iste iam auctionem 
nullam faciat). (2) He might transfer the 
debt to the purchaser to be paid to Cicero 
a year hence: cp. note to Att. xii, 21. 1 
(556). (For such a phrase as a mancipe, 
‘to be paid by the purchaser,’ cp. 316. 4, 
ab Egnatio solvat; Hor. Sat. 11. ὃ. 69, 
Scribe decem a Nerio). But Cicero thinks 
he could not in that case count on pay- 
ment at all. ‘When will that Metonic 
year arrive?’ (Meto, the Athenian 
mathematician, gave the name of ‘ year” 
to his cycle of nineteen years.) For the 
proverb cp. Auson. Epist. 11. 11, non 
annus lonyior ille est, Attica quem doctt 
collegit cura Metonis ; Append. Proverb. 
3. 88 (quoted by Otto, p 221), Μέτωνος 
ἐνιαυτός. .. τοὺς οὖν μακρὰς ὕπερ- 
θέσεις ποιουμένους ἐπισκώπτοντες ἔλεγον, 
ἀναβάλλεσθαι εἰς τὸν Μέτωνος ἐνι- 
αυτόν. Some infer from Att. xii. 51.3 
(598) that Meto was the name of the 
debtor, but this is not probable. (3) He 
could accept the proposal of Vettienus 
(for Vettienus cp. 384. 3), and make over 
the debt to him, on condition that 
Vettienus should now pay down half 
the amount. All these methods were 
possible; ‘so perpend,’ writes he to his 
friend. 


EP, 469 (ATT. XII. 4). 389 


mancipe annua die (quis erit cui credam, aut quando iste Metonis 
annus veniet ἢ), aut Vettieni condicione semissem. Σκέψαι igitur. 
Ac vereor ne iste iam auctionem nullam faciat, sed ludis factis 
atypo subsidio currat, ne talis vir ἀλογηθῇ. Sed μελήσει. Tu 
Atticam, quaeso, cura, et ei salutem et Piliae, Tulliae quoque 


verbis,' plurimam. 


469. 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. xn. 4). 


tuscuLuM; MAY 1; A. U. c. 708; B.C. 463 ART. CIC. 606. 


M. Cicero gratias agit Attico de litteris ad se datis et de Catonis morte litteris 


praedisanda exponit. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. O gratas tuas mihi iucundasque litteras! 
dies festus. 


Restitutus est mihi 


isteZiam| This is usually referred to 
Caesar; but he did not superintend or 
give these games. He was still in Africa. 
Nor did he conduct the sale of proscribed 
goods. It was the quaestor urbanus who 
conducted the latter, and it was quaestors 
who held games at Praeneste (Planc. 63), 
and it isto these games that reference is 
made. Accordingly, iste, ‘your friend,’ 
was a quaestor urbanus; and by a learned 
reference Schiche (1905, p. 11) gives his 
name. It was Cornelius (Sulla?); ep. 
Off. ii. 29, nec vero umquam bellorum civi- 
lium semen et causa deerit dum homines 
perditi hastam illam cruentam et memt- 
nerint et sperabunt. Quam P. Sulla cum 
vibrasset dictatore [82 B.c.] propinguo suo, 
idem sexto tricensimo anno post [46 B.c.] a 
sceleratiore hasta non recessit. Alter autem 
(sc. dictatoris Sullae propinguus) qui in illa 
dictatura scriba fuerat, in hac fuit quaes- 
tor urbanus. Ex quo debet intellegi talibus 
praemiis propositis nunquam defutura 
bella civilia. Compare the speech of 
Lepidus against Sulla in Sallust’s His- 
tories, i. 45.17, p. 50, ed. Kritz, scilicet 
quia non aliter salvi satisque tutti in 
aimperiis eritis, nisi Vettius Picens et scriba 
Cornelius aliena bene parta prodegerint. 

atypo| The word in the mss. is clypo. 
The Bosian κτύπῳ, resting only on the 
supposed authority of his fictitious codices, 


Quid quaeris ὃ 
Angebar enim quod ‘iro 


may be dismissed at once; nor could 
κτύπῳ mean plausui, nor would it have 
any relevance to the passage if it could. 
Popma read ἀτύπῳ, a word used by 
Gellius iv. 2. 5, balbus (‘ stammerer ’) 
autem et atypus (‘mumbler’) vitiost magis 
quam morbosi sunt. (One with a lisp is 
called blaesus.) Popma saw that the 
allusion is to Balbus, whose name is 
frequently thus played upon. We read 
in 459.2 that Balbus was engaged in 
building, and the meaning, of the pas- 
sage would thus be ‘I fear your friend 
Cornelius will hold no auction, but after 
his games (held at Praeneste) are over 
will go to the assistance of his mumbling 
friend, lest such a personage should feel 
at all méprisé.’ This reading, originally 
suggested by Popma, derives great weight 
from the fact that atypus is the technical 


term used in legal phraseology for a 


stammerer, and so appears in the Digest 
(xxi. 1. 10. 5). We have, therefore, 
adopted it. Wesenberg reads Olympo, 
and supposes this to have been the name 
of some actor who took part in the games. 
Baiter prints ἡ e/ypo. 


For the date of this letter cp. Introd. 
note to 459. 

1. dies festus} ‘the holiday’; i.e. the 
Floralia (April 28 to May 3). The term 


390 EP. 469 (ATT. XI. 4). 


ἐνερευθέστερον te sibi esse visum dixerat. Addam igitur, ut 
censes, unum diem. 2. Sed de Catone πρόβλημα ᾿Αρχιμήδειον est. 
Non adsequor ut scribam quod tui convivae non modo libenter 
sed etiam aequo animo legere possint. (Quin etiam, si a sententiis. 
eius dictis, si ab omni voluntate consiliisque quae de re publica 
habuit recedam wirweque velim gravitatem constantiamque- 
eius laudare, hoc ipsum tamen istis odiosum ἄκουσμα sit. Sed 
vere laudari ille vir non potest nisi haec ornata sint: quod ille ea 


quae nunc sunt et futura viderit et ne fierent contenderit et facta. 


ne viderit vitam reliquerit. Horum quid est quod Aledio probare 
possimus? Sed cura, obsecro, ut valeas, eamque quam ad omnis. 


res adhibes in primis ad. convalescendum adhibe prudentiam. 


Jestus dies can hardly mean merely ‘a day 
of joy,’ ‘a red-letter day’ (Shuckburgh) 
for an individual: cp. Schiche (1905, p.4). 
“1 have had the holiday restored to me’; 
i.e. I have the holiday and its pleasure no 
longer clouded by the distress about your 
illness. 

évepevbéorepor] ‘a little flushed’: 
Lucian Imagines 7, παρειῶν τὸ ἐνερευθές. 

Addam igitur, ut censes, unum diem] 
‘As you suggest I shall add a day’ (to 
my visit to ‘lusculum) ; i.e. stay a day 
longer. He had probably intended to 
stay only till May 2; but as Atticus, in 
his altered plans, did not intend to return 
to Rome until the third or fourth, he 
advised Cicero to prolong his holiday till 
that day. See Introd. note to 459. 

2. πρόβλημα ᾿Αρχιμήδειον) ‘The 
question about the ‘ Cato’ is of Archime- 
dean difficulty,’ only to be solved by the 
acutest intellect. The problem was to 
write an éloge on Cato after his suicide in 
Utica which would satisfy the Pompeians 
and not offend the Caesareans. 

tut convivae| Hirtius, Balbus, and other 
Caesareans. 

sententiis eius dictis] sc. in senatu. It 
might also mean judgments delivered in 
court: Off. ili. 66. 

ψιλῶς] Not exactly our ‘baldly,’ 
but ‘in general terms,’ ‘merely,’ speak 


of his firmness and weight of character, 


without giving concrete examples of these: 


and other characteristics, and describing 
his general political opinions and actions. 
In the Phaedrus of Plato (262 C) Socrates 
proposes to illustrate a principle by refer-. 
ence to a discourse of Lysias, and to his. 


own two discourses ; and to this Phaedrus. 


agrees ὡς νῦν ye WAGs πως (‘too ab- 
stractedly’) λέγομεν : cp. Theaet. 165 A. 
The principles should be illustrated by 
examples. 

hoc ipsum tamen... sit] ‘even so, 
this in itself would be no pleasant thing 
for your friends to hear.’ 
ep. Xen. Mem. ii. 1. 31, τοῦ δὲ πάντων 
ἡδίστου ἀκούσματος, ἐπαίνου €EauT7sy. 
ἀνήκοος et. 

nisi haec ornata sint] ‘unless I em- 
bellish the following topics: his having 
foreseen the present state of things while 
still future, his having struggled to pre- 
vent it, his having laid down his life so 
that he might not have to look on it.’ 
No better summary could be given of the 
proper treatment of a Life of Cato than 
this. 

Aledio| Some Caesarean mentioned in 
other passages of the letters, which, how- 
ever, do not throw any light on his life =: 
viz., Att. xii. 23. 1 (559); 24. 1 (560) ; 
27. 2 (563); 28. 3 (564). 


For ἄκουσμα. 


EP. 470 (FAM. IX. 6). 391 


470. CICERO TO M. TERENTIUS VARRO. 
(Fam. 1x. 6). 


ROME; JUNE (LATTER HALF); A. U. C. 7083 B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero M. Varroni C. Caesaris ex Africano bello adventum nuntiat et belli civilis 
causam in Pompeium potius quam in Caesarem confert. Laudat Varronem quod in 
litteris vivere quam armis experiri maluerit. 


CICERO VARRONI. 


1, Caninius noster me tuis verbis admonuit ut scriberem ad 
te si quid esset quod putarem te scire oportere. Est igitur 
adventus, Caesaris scilicet, in exspectatione, neque tu id ignoras. 
Sed tamen, cum ille scripsisset, ut opinor, se in Alsiense ventu- 
rum, scripserunt ad eum sui ne id faceret: multos ei molestos 
fore ipsumque multis: Ostiae videri commodius eum exire posse. 


Cicero returned to Rome about the 
middle of June. Caesar was expected 
shortly, and he was in Sardinia on June 
15 or 16. He did not leave Sardinia 
until June 27; but as he took a coasting 
voyage and met with contrary winds 
(Bell. Afr. 98. 2), he did not arrive in 
Rome until July 25. ‘This letter was 
written to Varro from Rome before Cicero 
returned to Tusculum early in July. 

1. Caninius| Cp. noteto 461. 1. 

me tuis verbis admonuit| ‘ gave me your 
message (which charged me) to write to 


you,’ &c. 
ες agitur| ‘well then, Caesar’s arrival’ 
(Shuckburgh). 


Caesaris scilicet| This may be thought 
a gloss; but as itis in all the mss., and 
glosses are rare, we have kept it un- 
bracketed. When Cicero got as far as 
adventus, he may have added ‘ Caesar’s I 
mean,’ as he might have felt for a 
moment, as would have been the fact, 
that, strictly speaking, adventus with- 
out a genitive would have referred to 
Caninius. Lehmann, however (p. 12), 
rejects the words, and compares for their 
omission, 473. 1 discipulos obviam (80. 
Caesari) miseram. He thinks that Cicero 
in both cases omitted the name of Caesar, 
‘ex animi sui doloribus’ : cp. his use of 
hune instead of Caesarem in ὃ 3. 


in exspectatione| ‘is expected’: ep. 
Fam. ii. 3. 2 (169), and note viii. 14, 1 
(280). The phrase can also be used 
actively, Fam. x. 4. 4 (808), sem in 
exspectatione omnium rerum... ut sciam, 
where see note. 

Sed tamen, cum ille] ‘ However (though 
that fact is not news, I have this con- 
jecture to add)’. 

Alsiense| Alsium was a colony in 
Etruria on the sea coast near Caere, 
where many Roman nobles had villas, 
e.g. Pompey (Mil. 54). Caesar landed 
there on his return from Spain in 45: 
cp. Att. xiii. 50. 4 (667). 

multos ei molestos fore] Possibly there 
were many people with Pompeian 
sympathies at Alsium who would not 
show any cordiality in receiving Caesar ; 
and to compel his well-wishers at Rome 
to go to Alsium would be troublesome to 
them. Ostia on both grounds was 
deemed a better place for him to land 
at. 

Ostiae] Hofmann quotes Liv. xlv. 13, 
12, Masgabae . . . Puteolis nave egresso 
praesto fuit. In Att. vi. 9. 1 (282), 
Cicero says, in Piraea cum exissem 
(‘landed’). 

exive] In Att. 11. 7.4 (34) and Fam. 
xiv. 5. 1 (283) de navi is added. 


392 EP. 470 (FAM. 1X. 6). 


Id ego non intellegebam quid interesset. Sed tamen Hirtius mihi 
dixit et se ad eum et Balbum et Oppium scripsisse ut ita faceret, 
homines, ut cognovi, amantis tui. 2. Hoe ego idcirco nosse te 
volui, ut scires hospitium tibi ubi parares vel potius μέ utrubique: 
quid enim ille facturus sit incertum est: et simul ostentavi tibi 
me istis esse familiarem et consillis eorum interesse. Quod ego 
cur nolim nihil video. Non enim est idem ferre si quid ferendum 
est et probare si. quid non probandum est. Etsi quid non probem 
equidem iam nescio praeter initia rerum: nam haec in voluntate 
fuerunt. Vidi enim—nam tu aberas—nostros amicos cupere 
bellum, hune autem non tam cupere quam non timere—ergo haec 
consili fuerunt, reliqua necessaria—vincere autem aut hos aut 
illos necesse esse. 3. Scio te semper mecum in luctu fuisse, cum 
videremus quom illud ingens malum, alterius utrius exercitus et 
ducum interitum, tum vero extremum malorum omnium esse 
civilis belli victoriam : quam quidem ego etiam illorum timebam 


ad quos veneramus. 


Sed tamen] However (although I cannot 
see what matter it makes). ; 

Hirtius| This is the first instance, as 
far as we know, in which we hear of 
intercourse between Hirtius and Cicero. 

et Balbum et Oppium] See Introd. 11, 
Nos. 4 and 5. Hirtius and Balbus and 
Oppius all wrote to Caesar, advising him 
to land at Ostia. 

» 2. utrubique] ‘in both places.’ 

Non enim est . . - probandum est] For 
the sentiment Hofmann compares Fam. x. 
3, 3 (789), Scis profecto fuisse quoddam 
tempus cum homines existimarent te nimis 
servire temporibus : quod ego quoque éxisti- 
marem, te st ea quae patiebare probare 
etiam arbitrarer. 

Etsi|] ‘though, indeed’: cp. 362. 5; 
392.9; Att. xiv. 14.1 (719) and note 
there. The Greek would be καίτοι. 

initia rerum| We cannot feel quite 
certain to what events Cicero is referring : 
probably in a general way to all the 
events which happened from June, 51, 
when the question about the succession to 
the Gallic provinces definitely arose, but 
more especially to the crisis in December, 
50, and January, 49. From about 55 
to 49 Varro was one of Pompey’s lieu- 
tenants in Spain. 


Crudeliter enim otiosissimi minabantur, 
eratque lis et tua invisa voluntas et mea oratio. 
essent nostri potiti, valde intemperantes 


Nune vero, si 
fuissent: erant enim 


haec consili fuerunt| Cp. Caes. B. G. 
vii. 38. 7, quasi vero consili sit res et non 
necesse sit nobis Gergoviam tendere. 

necessaria| ‘consequential’ (Shuck- 
burgh). 

3. cum videremus quom] For this repe- 
tition of cum, which must not be hastily 
set down as inelegant, cp. Dr. Reid on 
Sull. 16, whoquotes many similar examples 
from Cicero. 

alterius utrius exercitus et ducum] alter 
uter can be used either with the singular, 
378. 2 si qui in seditione non alterius 
utrius partis fuisset: Caelius in Fam. 
viii. 8. 9 (223); or the plural, 331. 3 
alter uter vestrum: Fam. xii. 14. 4 (883) 
dum ipsorum alter uter venit. As well as 
with the genitive alter uter can also be 
used with de: cp. Caelius in Fam. viii. 
6. 3 (242), alterum utrum de filtis ad te 
missurum. 

victoriam] Cp. 487.3; 495. 2. 

otiosissimi] ‘though they did abso- 
lutely nothing themselves.’ So HD, con- 
firming a conjecture of Baiter: cp. 463. 2, 
severitatem otiosorum. Most editors read 
otiosis: see Adn. Crit. 

potiti] ‘won the victory,’ used abso- 
lutely : cp. 305. 3. 


EP. 470 (FAM. IX. 6). 393 
nobis perirati quasi quidquam de nostra salute decrevissemus 
quod non idem illis censuissemus, aut quasi utilius rei publicae 
fuerit eos etiam ad bestiarum auxilium confugere quam vel emori 
vel cum spe si non optima at aliqua tamen vivere. 4. At in 
perturbata re publica vivimus. Quis negat? Sed hoc viderint ii 
qui nulla sibi subsidia ad omnis vitae status paraverunt. Hue 
enim ut venirem superior longius quam volui fluxit oratio. Cum 
enim te semper magnum hominem duxerim quod his tempesta- 
tibus es prope solus in portu fructusque doctrinae percipis eos qui 
maximi sunt, ut ea consideres eaque tractes quorum et usus et 
delectatio est omnibus istorum et actis et voluptatibus ante- 


quasi . . . confugere| ‘as if we had 
taken a step in the interests of our own 
safety, which was not the same as we 
had approved of in their case; or as if it 
was more for the advantage of the State 
that they should have recourse to the aid 
of brute beasts’ (sc. the elephants of 
Juba). For these cp. Bell. Afr. 48. 5; 
70.7; 72.3. Cicero disapproved of the 
Pompeians having recourse to the assist- 
ance of Juba (420. 3: cp. 418. 2 note: 
cp. also Bell. Afr. 8. 5 interea ex perfugis 
et incolis cognitis condicionibus Scipionis... 
miserari—regium enim equitatum Scipio 
ex provincia Africa alebat—tanta homines 
esse dementia ut malint regis esse vectigales 
quam cum civibus in patria in suis fortunis 
esse incolumes: cp. 57. 3 ff.). Hofmann 
shows the force of the different tenses by 
transposing the clauses into the indicative 
—neque tamen aut quicquam decrevera- 
mus quod non censuissemus (? censuera- 
mus) aut utilius reip. fuit. For censere 
alicui cp. 461. 4. 

4. Hue... oratio| ‘the flow of my 
discourse has extended further than 1 
wished.’ 

Cum enim] The force of enim appears 
to be—This is the point at which I am 
aiming in my long argument, viz. that 
one ought to make provision for all con- 
tingencies: for youand I have made this 
provision. The apodosis begins at 
equidem. ‘ For whereas I always thought 
you a great man, because in these storms 
almost you alone are in the harbour, and 
you are gathering into your garner a 
harvest of learning, the noblest harvest 
that man can gather, in deliberating upon 
and treating of those subjects which have 
a use and acharm wherein all the sea-side 


lodges and pleasures of the others are far 
surpassed—so I should consider it a 
privilege as dear as life to spend the days 
you spend at Tusculum,’&c. For the 
subjunctive duxerim cp. Fam. ix. 14. 4 
(722) Nam cum te semper dilexerim. 
Graevius read dui, twm for the ss. read- 
ing duxerim; it is necessary then to 
supply nunc praecipue duco after tum, an 
ellipse which is far too strong for that 
word to bear, and which is not at all 
supported by 472. 3 (where arbitror esse 
meum is supplied after nihil logui), as we 
have muncin the second clause. It we had 
here tum nunc praecipue or even tum nune, 
we might be able to supply the verb, but 
we can hardly doso with the simple twm. 

Sructusque ... percipis 608] This is the 
regular expression for gathering in the 
harvest: Off. i. 59; De Sen. 24; 70. 

ut ea consideres| ‘ IT mean your delibe- 
rating upon,’ ‘which consists in your 
deliberating upon.’ The μέ is explanatory 
of eos fructus; cp. such passages as Plane. 
16 datque eam libertatem ut quod velint 
Saciant. 

actis| ‘sea-side lodgings.’ So we ven- 
ture to take this word, with Gulielmius 
and Graevius, as coming from acta, -ae: 
cp. Att. xiv. 8. 1 (710), where see note in 
ed.c2; Cael. 35; Verr. v. 63, 82, 94. 
Diehl in the Thesaurus takes it in the 
same way. KEditors, however, usually 
take acta as ‘business,’ and suppose 
that acta balances usus and voluptatibus 
balances delectatio. But we think acta 
is not as a rule used of business generally 
(that would be negotia), but of actual 
things done, the past as distinguished 
from the future, or facts as distinguished 
from opinions. 


394 EP. 470 (FAM. IX. 6). 


ponenda; equidem hos tuos Tusculanensis dies instar esse vitae 
puto libenterque omnibus omnis opes concesserim ut mihi liceat 
vi nulla interpellante isto modo vivere. 5. Quod nos quoque 
imitamur ut possumus et in nostris studiis libentissime con- 
quiescimus. Quis enim hoc non dederit nobis ut, cum opera. 
nostra patria sive non possit uti sive nolit, ad eam vitam rever- 
tamur quam multi docti homines, fortasse non recte, sed tamen 
multi etiam rei publicae praeponendam putaverunt? Quae igitur 
studia magnorum hominum sententia vacationem habent quan- 
dam publici muneris, iis concedente re publica cur non abutamur ? 
6. Sed plus facio quam Caninius mandavit ; tiure enim si quid ego 
scirem rogarat quod tu nescires: ego tibi ea narro quae tu 
melius scis quam ipse qui narro. Faciam ergo illud quod rogatus 
sum, ut eorum quae temporis huius sint, quae e ve tua audiero, ne 


quid ignores. 


instar... vitae] ‘equal toa whole life’ : 
cp. Fam. xv. 4. 8 (238), Hranam quae fuit 
non υἱοὶ instar sed urbis; 378. 4, Haecest 
ἄλη, im qua nune sumus, mortis instar 
(‘as bad as death,’ where see note: cp. 
Off. ἃ. 69; Fin. v. 55): or perhaps the 
meaning may be ‘come up to what true 
life is.’ For vita = life in the real sense 
of the word, not mere existence, Hofmann 
compares Clu. 170 adeone erat stultus ut 
illam quam tum ille vivebat vitam esse 
arbitraretur. We may add vivere in Q. 
Fr. ili. 1. 12 (148), sed quando vivemus 2 

ut mihi liceat] ‘if only it be allowed 
me.’ For this use of wt cp. Tusce. ii. 16, 
quam turpitudinem non pertulerit ut (‘if 
only ’) effugiat dolorem. Hor. Epp.i. 18. 
107, stt mihi guod nunc est etiam minus ut 
mihi vivam (‘if only I may live my own 
master’) quod superest aevi. 

5. quod nos quoqueimitamur| Professor 
Conway (p. 33) supposes the many plurals 
in this paragraph to be the Plural of 
Authorship. That may be so; but per- 
haps the plural merely indicates that 
Cicero and Varro had both done their 
duty to the State in defending the Pom- 
pelan cause, and now both have left 
public life and betaken themselves to 
literature. 

docti homines|] e.g. Plato (Theaet. 
73 C), Theophrastus Att. ii. 16. 3 (43). 
For Cicero’s opinion on the subject cp. 
Off. i. 153 f. 

_ quandam] This conjecture of Gebhard 
is adopted by most editors. Mss. eandam. 


It may have been written candem: cp.. 
Lachmann on Lucret. iv. 116, where 
many similar corruptions are given. 

abutamur}| ‘use to the full’: cp. 499.. 
2, and Index. 

6. iure enim] For this corrupt reading: 
many suggestions have been made, none 
of them very convincing: see Adn. Crit.. 
The old editors read is for ture, on which 
Klotz improves by reading i//e: and if,. 
as Boot (Obs. Crit., p. 19) suggests, we 
supply ut seriberem atter scirem (which 
might have fallen out ex homoeoteleuto), 
we get a fair sense; or we might suppose: 
rogarat meant ‘had asked for.’ Frederking 
(Philol. 1900, p. 157) suggests Zute for 
ire, and alters rogarat into rogaras. 
Krauss appears to read scriberem for ture, 
and Mendelssohn looks on this proposal 
with some favour. The omission of w¢ is. 
not only possible, but idiomatic: how- 
ever, the order of words would be rather 
exceptional for Cicero. Shuckburgh de- 
fends iwre. He says that it is in accord- 
ance with the law of letter-writing to- 
inform your correspondent of what he 
does not know, and he compares Fam. 
ii. 4. 1 (175) Epistularum genera multa 
esse non ignoras, sed unum illud certissimum 
cuius causa inventa res ipsa est ut certiores: 
faceremus absentis si quid esset quod eos 
scire aut nostra aut ipsorum interesset. 

quae tu melius scis] Cp. 460. 2, sed 
quid ego nunc haec ad te cuius domt nas- 
cuntur: γλαῦκ᾽ és ᾿Αθήνας. 

quae e re tua audiero] So we venture: 


EP. 471 (ATT. ΧΙ]. δ, §§ 1, 2). 


471. 


395 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. x11. 5, ἐξ 1, 2). 


TUSCULUM 5 EARLY IN JULY; A. U.C. 7085 B.C. 46; AET. CIC, 60. 


De Q. patris stultitia deque Catone suo. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. “Quintus pater quartum” vel potius millesimum nihil 
sapit, qui laetetur Luperco filio et Statio, ut cernat duplici dedecore 


cumulatam domum. 


Addo etiam Philotimum tertium. O stul- 
titiam, nisl mea maior esset, singularem ! 


Quod autem os, in 


hanc rem ἔρανον a te? Fac non ad διψῶσαν κρήνην sed ad 


to conjecture for guae tua of the Mss. : 6 re 
(= δ) is a collocation of letters which might 
verv readily fall out. Klotz reads vera 
for tua. Wesenberg and Kayser are too 
daring in reading quae <te scire interesse> 
tua videro, though it is true that the 
Neapolitan edition has interesse. Lehmann 
(p: 10) suggests that we should read guae 
tua <audire interest, simul ipse> audiero ne 
quid ignores, which is possible, but not so 
simple as the alteration suggested above. 
O. Hirschfeld suggests quantum audiero, 
a very clever conjecture. 


1. “ Quintus pater quartum’| A verse of 
Ennius, quoted by Gellius x. 1. 6, runs 
Quintus pater quartum fit consul. Cicero 
now jocularly quotes the first three words 
in reference to his brother ‘ For the fourth 
time Quintus the elder, or I should rather 
say for the thousandth time, shows his 
want of sense in the delight he takes at 
the appointment of his son as one of the 
Luperci (a disreputable body), in the 
delight he takes in his steward Statius, 
(apparently ) that he may enjoy the spec- 
_ tacle of the double-dyed disgrace of 
- his house. And with these I will add 
_ Philotimus. Oh, what folly (to make a 
᾿ς favourite of him) ; unparalleled, were not 
| my own greater’ (in trusting Philotimus, 
_ ‘Terentia’s dishonest steward, as much 
as he had done). 

Luperco| The festival called Luper- 
calia (its priests were called Luperci) 
was an old festival which had fallen 
into disrepute, but was brought into 


repute again by Caesar and given funds. 
These funds were taken away after his. 
death (Phil. xiii. 31); but the festival 
was restored by Augustus (Suet. Aug.. 
31). 

Quod autem os| “ Whatimpudence, too, 
to ask a contribution from you for such a 
purpose. Even supposing that in coming 
to you he had not come to a ‘thirsty 
runnel,’’? but to a veritable Pirene, or 
“holy vent of Alpheus,’’ to think that 
you should be the spring (as you say) 
in which he drinks, especially when he- 
is in such financial difficulties.” Hane 
rem seems to refer to his son’s expenses 
incurred as one of the Luperci. The 
meaning is, ‘ even if Atticus had been rich, 
Quintus should not have come to him for 
money for this purpose; still less when 
Quintus was in difficulties, and should 
have used any money he could get for 
more legitimate purposes.’ ΓΑμπνευμα 
σεμνὸν ᾽Αλφεου are the words applied by 
Pindar, Nem. i. 1, to Ortygia, a division 
of Syracuse, where Alpheus emerged, 
blended with the fountain Arethusa, 
having gone under land and sea from 
Greece (Pausanias v. 7. 2). Αμπνευμα. 
is not merely the ‘resting-place’ of the 
river-god after his wanderings, but the 
place where he emerged and breathed 
again the upper air: cp. the Vergilian 
(vii. 568) spiracula Ditis. Perhaps, how- 
ever, the word also delicately alludes to 
the rest enjoyed in Ortygia by the 


‘ Divine Alpheus, who by secret sluice 
Stole under seas to meet his Arethuse.’ 


396 


EP. 471 (ATT. XII. 5, §§ 1, 2). 


Πειρήνην eum venisse et a ἄμπνευμα σεμνὸν ᾿Αλφειοῦ, in te κρήνῃ» ute μὴ 
scribis, haurire, in tantis suis praesertim angustiis! Ποῖ ταῦτα ἄρα ‘ 


ἀποσκήψει; Sed ipse viderit. 2. 


sed etiam Bassum Lucilium sua. 


et} We cannot think with Lehmann 
that a conjunction e¢ (Mal.) or aut 
(Lamb.) can be omitted here; if it were, 
it would be supposed that the two terms 
Πειρήνην and ἄμπνευμα were in apposition 
to one another. 

in te κρήνῃ) See Adn. 
has INTEPHNHN. Z is said to have 
NETPHNHN. Wehave adopted with some 
hesitation the emendation of Lehmann 
(p. 110). He thinks that Atticus wrote 
something like this: ‘ Frater tuus me 
κρήνην putat ex qua hauriat quamquam 
ipse διψῶσα κρήνη sum.’ But the phrase 
in te (instead of de te) haurire is strange. 
Editors usually _ bracket [pnvnv], sup- 
posing it to have arisen from the adjacent 
κρήνη. The reading of Z would point 
to te or tene κρήνην, ut scribis, haurire; 
but whether one can say haurire fontem 
for haurire aquam e fonte is doubtful. 
Boot conjectures integrum, making 
Tot... ἀποσκήψει the apodosis. 

Ποῖ... ἀποσκήψει;7] ‘In what will 
such doings issue?’ ‘This use of ἀπο- 
σκήπτω is classical: cp. Herod. i. 120 fin. 
νῦν δὲ ἀποσκήψαντος τοῦ ἐνυπνίου és 
φλαῦρον. 

2. «“ Cato’| Cicero’s éloge of Cato (469. 
2) seemed to him a success, but, he re- 
flects, Bassus Lucilius, too, admires his 
own works no doubt. We do not know 
anything about this writer. 


Crit. M 


“Cato” me quidem delectat, 


me quidem delectat| Cicero seems to — 
have returned to Tusculum at the end οὗ 
June, when it was ascertained that Caesar’s” 
return was not imminent. He there 
properly revised and put the finishing 
touches to his‘ Cato.’ Shortly afterwards 
he began his instructions in rhetoric to 
Hirtius and Dolabella, which stimulated 
him to write on the subject of his lectures, 
and the result was the ‘ Orator,’ which he 
says (Orat. 35) he took in hands imme- 
diately after the ‘Cato’ was finished. 
We do not know when the ‘ Cato’ was 
actually published. Schmidt (p. 264) 
supposes about December, when Caesar 
had left Rome for Spain. Caesar’s reply 
was composed about the time of the Battle 
of Munda (Suet. Jul. 56. 5). Schmidt 
thinks that if Caesar had read Cicero’s 
‘Cato’ before he left Rome, he would on 
his journey not have composed an ‘Iter’ 
(Suet. l.¢.), but would have composed an 
answer to Cicero. But this is not a con- 
clusive argument: for he may have re- 
frained from writing, or ordering others 
to write, a reply until he ascertained that 
Cicero’s work had met with considerable 
recognition. The ‘ Orator’ was published 
about the second intercalary month, i.e. 
in November (Ep. 4994). Caecina, who 
was in Sicily, had read it probably in 
December or early in January (5382. 4)} 
cp. ὅ94. 4. 


ἰῇ 


EP. 472 (FAM. LX. 16). 397 


‘472. CICERO TO L. PAPIRIUS PAETUS (F'aM. IX. 16). 


TUSCULUM ; JULY (FIRST HALF) ; A. U. 6. 708; Β. 6. 463 AET. CIC. 60- 


M. Cicero L. Papirio Paeto scribit se nihil praetermisisse ut Caesarianorum sibi 
benevolentiam conciliaret, nec boni civis aut sapientis hominis officium in se posse 
desiderari. Denique Paeti iocis iocosa reddit. 


CICERO [PAPIRIO] PAETO SAL. 


1. Delectarunt me tuae litterae, in quibus primum amavi 
amorem tuum, qui te ad scribendum incitavit verentem ne Silius 
suo nuntio aliquid mihi sollicitudinis attulisset : de quo et tu mihi 
antea scripseras, bis quidem eodem exemplo, facile ut intellegerem 
te esse commotum, et ego tibi accurate rescripseram, ut quo modo: 
in tali re atque tempore aut liberarem te ista cura aut certe 
levarem. 2. Sed quoniam proximis quoque litteris ostendis 
quantae tibi curae sit ea res, sic, mi Paete, habeto: quidquid arte 
fieri potuerit—non enim iam satis est consilio pugnare: artificium 
quoddam excogitandum est—sed tamen quidquid elaborari aut 


We have twelve letters of Cicero ad- 
dressed to L. Papirius Paetus ; but beyond 
what we can gather from them, and from 


the statement that he made Cicero a pre- 


sent of some books left by his cousin 
Servius Clodius (ᾧ 4), we know nothing 
of him. This letter was probably written 
about the middle of July. Cicero began 
his instruction of Hirtius and Dolabella 
(ὃ 7) after he had finished his ‘ Cato’ in 


the first days of July (cp. 471. 2 note), 
- about the second week of the month. 


1. amavi amorem tuum] ‘I was de- 


_ lighted with your affection for me’: cp. 
_ Att. vii. 2. 3 (293), nam Alexidis manum 
| amabam quod tam prope accedebat ad 
᾿ς similitudinem litterae tuae, non amabam 


quod te indicabat non valere; also i. 3. 2 


Ἶ (8); ii. 10 (88); and for the form of the 
| expression Fam. viii. 2. 1 (196), ut suum 


gaudium gauderemus. There is no reason 
to adopt Kleyn’s conjecture, animadverti 


ΠΟΥ agnovt. 


Silius]| perhaps the propraetor of Bithy- 
nia in 51; cp. Fam. xiii. 61 (233). He 
doubtless brought some message which 


_ made Cicero uneasy with regard to the 


feelings which Caesar entertained towards 
him. 

bis quidem eodem exemplo| ‘ twice in- 
deed in exactly the same terms.’ In order 
to ensure that Cicero should get the letter, 
he wrote it twice, and gave each copy to a 
different letter-carrier. Such a precaution 
was sometimes adopted in cases of urgency, 
as letter-carriers were often careless and 
unprincipled : ep. 495. 1. 

quo modo in talt re atque tempore] 
‘considering the nature of the circum- 
stances and the time.’ We retain this: 
reading of the mss. with Hofmann. He 
compares 362. 3, mist etiam Caesaris ad 
608 sana mente scriptas (litteras) quo modo 
in tanta insania: add Balbus 346. 3, 
quo modo in eius modi re commodius 
cadere non potuit. Many editors read μέ 
qguoquo modo in tali re atgue tempore: for 
quoguo modo meaning ‘in whatever way 
I may,’ cp. Verr. v. 38, tu eum esses 
praetor renuntiatus quoguo modo. 

2. sed tamen| ‘ but however that may 
be, whatever can be wrought or effected 
so as to gain and lay up a fund of good 
will with those friends of yours (the 


398 EP. 472 (FAM. IX. 16). 


effici potuerit ad istorum benevolentiam conciliandam et conligen-— 
dam summo studio me consecutum esse, nec frustra, ut arbitror: 


sic enim color, sic observor ab omnibus lis qui a Caesare diliguntur 
ut ab 115 me amari putem. Nam etsi non facile diiudicatur amor 
verus et fictus nisi aliquod incidit eius modi tempus ut quasi 


aurum igni sic benevolentia fidelis periculo aliquo perspici possit, — 
cetera sunt signa communia, sed ego uno utor argumento quam 


ob rem me ex animo vereque arbitrer diligi, quia et nostra fortuna 
ea est et illorum ut simulandi causa non sit. 38. De illo autem 
quem penes est omnis potestas nihil video quod timeam: nisi 
quod omnia sunt incerta cum a iure discessum est, nec praestari 
quidquam potest quale futurum sit quod positum est in alterius 
voluntate, ne dicam libidine. Sed tamen eius ipsius nulla re a me 
offensus est animus. Est enim adhibita in ea re ipsa summa a 
nobis moderatio. Ut enim olim arbitrabar esse meum libere loqui, 
cuius opera esset in eivitate libertas, sic ea nunc amissa nihil loqui 
quod offendat aut illius aut eorum qui ab illo diliguntur volun- 
tatem. Hffugere autem si velim non nullorum acute aut facete 
dictorum opinionem, fama ingeni mihi est abicienda: quod, si id 


Caesareans), this I have sought to effect 
by most earnest efforts ; and successfully, 
too, as I think: for I am so esteemed 
and respected by all those who are inti- 
mates of Caesar that I think I am loved 
by them.’ For sed tamen resumptive see 
Dr. Reid on Acad.i.41; ii. 17. Diligere 
is weaker than amare: cp. ad Brut. i, 
1. 1 (8738), Clodius valde me diligit vel, ut 
ἐμφατικώτερον dicam, valdemeamat. But 
the distinction is not always observed, 
for in the next sentence Cicero uses ex 
animo vereque diligi as equivalent to verus 
amor. 

Nam etsi] nam assigns the reason why 
Cicero uses the strong word amari. There 
does not appear to be any adequate reason 
for Cratander’s emendation tametsi. 

perspici| This passage, among others, 
shows that perspici is the regular word 
for friendship’s being tried like gold in 
the fire: cp. Off. ii. 38, maximeque ad- 
mirantur eum qui pecunia non movetur: 
quod in quo viro perspectum sit, hune igni 
spectatum arbitrantur : Post. red. in Sen. 
23, ut amicitias igne perspectas tuear: 
Catullus 100. 5. Quoi faveam potius ? 
Caeli tibi; nam tua nobis Perspecta est 
agni tum unica amicitia, according to 


Palmer’s very probable restoration of the 
poet’s text. 

sed ego| This sentence is somewhat 
irregularly expressed, as two sentences 
are compressed into one. He meant to 
say ‘although it is difficult to distinguish 
between sincere and pretended affection 
(yet there are signs by which the distinc- 
tion can be made) : the others are ordinary 
signs; but 1 use just one proof to con- 
vince me.’ 

et nostra fortuna ea est et illorum]| for 
we are all subjects of the one monarch, 
Caesar. 

3. cuius... libertas| ‘asit was by my 
action that liberty existed in the State.’ 

nihil logui| sc. arbitror esse meum 
from the preceding clause: cp. note to 
470. 4. 

opinionem| So HD: the word is 
omitted by M: cp. Adn. Crit. “ all repu- 
tation for (‘recognition of’ or ‘ credit 
for’) certain sharp and witty sayings.’ 
For this sense of opinio with a genitive 
(‘ men’s opinion about’) cp. Caes. B.G. 
vi. 24. 8, guae gens ... summam habet 
iustitiae et bellrcae laudis opinionem: vii. 
59. 5. 

ingeni| See Boissier’s (Cicéron et ses 


a Pe ne a, - 


EP, 472 (FAM. IX. 16). 


399 


possem, non recusarem. 4. Sed tamen ipse Caesar habet peracre 
judicium, et, ut Servius, frater tuus, quem litteratissimum fuisse 
ijudico, facile diceret, ‘ Hic versus Plauti non est, hic est,’ quod 
tritas auris haberet notandis generibus poetarum et consuetudine 
legendi, sic audio Caesarem, cum volumina iam confecerit ἀποφθεγ- 
μάτων, si quod adferatur ad eum pro meo quod meum non sit 
reicere solere : quod eo nunc magis facit quia vivunt mecum fere 


cotidie illius familiares. 


Incidunt autem in sermone vario multa 


quae fortasse illis cum dixi nec inlitterata nec insulsa esse videantur. 
Haec ad illum cum reliquis actis perferuntur: ita enim ipse 


amis, p. 277) remarks on Cicero’s esprit 
at this time in illustration of Madame de 
Sévigné’s remark ‘ L’esprit est une 
dignité.’ 

2. Servius] This Servius Claudius (or 
Clodius) was cousin of Paetus : and when 
he died in 60, Paetus gave Cicero his 
library : cp. Att. i. 20. 7 (26), 11. 1. 12 
(27). For the story of his death see Suet. 
Grammat. 3, who speaks highly of his 
learning. 

litteratissimum]| ‘an eminently liter- 
ary man’; for /itteratus contrasted with 
historicus cp. Muren. 16. 

facile diceret| ‘could easily have said’ 
(if he was alive). 

tritas] ‘well-practised,’ ‘trained,’ 
‘expert,’ lit. ‘rubbed,’ ‘ polished’: cp. 
Brut. 124, nondum tritis nostrorum homi- 
num auribus. 

notandis ... legendi| ‘by marking the 
different styles of poets and by his constant 
perusal of them.’ For notare, ‘to mark 
clearly,’ Hofmann compares Fam. vii. 32, 
1 (229), equidem sperabam ita notata me re- 
liquisse genera dictorum meorum ut cognoscr 
sua sponte possent, a passage which also 
shows that Cicero’s jokes used to be appro- 
priated by other causeurs: cp. also Planc. 
35, ego quia dico aliquid aliquando non 
studio adductus, sed aut contentione dicendt 
aut lacessitus, et quia, ut fitin multis, exit 
aliquando aliquid si non perfacetum, at 
tamen fortasse non rusticum, quod quisque 
dixit, id me dixisse dicunt: ego autem st 
quid est quod mihi scitum esse videatur et 
homine ingenuo dignum atque docto, non 
aspernor : stomachor cum aliorum non me 
digna in me conferuntur. Cp. what 
Cicero says to Volumnius Eutrapelus, 
Fam. vii. 32. 1 (229), ais enim, ut ego 
discesserim, omnia omnium dicta, in his 
etiam Sestiana, in me conferri. 


ἀποφθεγμάτων)] The Latin word is 
dicta: cp. Frag. Epist. II. 1 (vol. vi, 
p- 291). Ltague nostri, cum omnia quae 
dixissemus dicta essent, quae facete et 
breviter et acute locutt essemus, ea proprio 
nomine appellari “ dicta’ voluerunt: Fam. 
xi. 20. 1 (887), ipsum Caesarem (sc. 
Octavian) nihil sane de te questum nisi 
dictum quod diceret te dixisse “ laudandum 
adulescentem, ornandum, tollendum’: Fam. 
xii. 16. 3 (736), where see note: Suet. 
11]. 46. 7, feruntur et a puero et ab adu- 
lescentulo quaedam scripta ut Laudes 
Herculis, tragoedia Oedipus, item Dicta 
Collectanea : quos omnis libellos vetuit 
Augustus publicari. Collections οἵ 
Cicero’s jokes were made by C. Tre- 
bonius: cp. 448. 2, and by Tiro, though 
there is some doubt as to whether Cicero 
did not compose them himself (Macrob. 
Sat. 1. 1.12). 

pro meo quod meum non sit| Cicero was 
considered a famous wit: cp. Quintil. vi. 
3. ὃ, Noster vero non solum extra tudicia 
sed in tpsis etiam orationibus habitus est 
nimius risus adfectator: mihi quidem sive 
id recte iudico sive amore tmmodico praeci- 
pur in eloquentia viri labor, mira quaedam 
in 60 videtur fuisse urbanitas. Quintilian 
also says (xii. 10. 12) that Cicero was 
considered by some of his contemporaries 
as in salibus aliquando frigidus. 

nec inliterata nec insulsa| ‘not devoid 
either of culture or point.’ 

actis| ‘news of the day.’ The Acta 
Diurna was a gazette giving births and 
deaths, some account of edicts, testaments, 
reports of trials, proceedings in the senate, 
and general news of the day. It was 
first published in 59 B.c. The nature of 
it appears from Petron. 53: see Wilkins 
in Dict. Antiq. s. Vv. ACTA DIVRNA, and 
Boissier, Zacite, pp. 261 ff. This gazette 


400 EP, 472 (FAM. IX. 16). 
mandavit. Sic fit ut si quid praeterea de me audiat non audien- 
dum putet. Quam ob rem Oenomao tuo nihil utor: etsi posuisti 


loco versus Accianos. 5. Sed quae est invidia aut quid mihi nune 
invideri potest? Verum fac esse omnia. Sic video philosophis 
placuisse lis qui mihi soli videntur vim virtutis tenere nihil esse 
sapientis praestare nisi culpam : quajmihi videor dupliciter carere, 
et quod ea senserim quae rectissima fuerunt et quod, cum viderem 
praesidi non satis esse ad ea obtinenda, viribus certandum cum 
valentioribus non putarim. Ergo in officio boni civis certe non 
sum reprehendendus. Reliquum est ne quid stulte, ne quid 
temere dicam aut faciam contra potentis: id quoque puto esse 
sapientis. Cetera vero, quid quisqueyme dixisse dicat aut quo 
modo ille accipiat aut qua fide mecum vivant ii qui me adsidue 
colunt et observant, praestare non possum. 6. Ita fit ut et consilio- 
rum superiorum conscientia et praesentis temporis moderatione me 
consoler et illam Acci similitudinem non [modo] iam ad invidiam 
sed ad fortunam transferam, quam existimo levem et inbecillam 
ab animo firmo et gravi tamquam fluctum a saxo frangi oportere. 


used to be sent to Romans in the pro- 
vinces: cp. Fam. li. 15. 5 (273); xii. 
23. 2 (794); xii. 28. 3 (828). 

si quid praeterea| If anyone tries to 
calumniate me by saying anything which 
Caesar hus not heard from his own 
reporters, he will not listen to it: so that 
you need not fear that envy will destroy 
me. 

Oenomao| aplay by Accius. Its frag- 
ments in Ribbeck Frag. Trag. 200-202. 

loco] ‘appositely’: cp. Fam. xi. 16.1 
(888) Nam quem ad modum coram qui ad 
nos intempestive adeunt, molesti saepe sunt, 
sie epistulae offendunt non loco redditae : 
Tusc. ii. 26 (according to, Seyffert’s 
reading), Philo et proprio numero et lecta 
poemata et loco adiungebat (sc. versus 
orationt). 

5. esse] ‘that everything is as you 
say ’ (i.e. that I am exposed to enmity and 
jealousy in every respect). Wesenberg 
(Em. Alt., p. 29) reads posse, i.e. omnia 
mihi invideri posse. This would, no doubt, 
be more elegant. Wesenberg compares 
Phil. ii. 5, ewm tu oceideres. Fae potuisse 
(sc. te eum occidere). 

praestare| here means ‘to guarantee 
(the absence of) what is blameworthy’: 
see note on Att. i. 5. 3 (1). This is what 
grammarians call ‘ res pro rei defectu,’ as 


in Greek, Hom. 1]. v. 178, ἱρῶν unvicas, 
‘wrathful that sacrifices were not offered.” 
For the sentiment of the clause ep. 538. 
4; 540. 2. 

vwibus ... non putarim| Cp. 458. 2. 

in officio .. . reprehendendus| For this 
use of in = ‘in respect of,’ cp. Q. Fr. ii. 
2.1 (100), me ἐἰδὲ excuso in 60 ipso in quo 
te accuso. 

Reliquum est ne quid] Wesenberg (Em. 
Alt. 29) is very anxious to insert ut before 
ne quid : but Dr. Reid has shown on Lael. 
42, that we and wé ne are indiscriminately 
used by Cicero in such final sentences. 

6. non iam] The Mss.read non modo iam, 
but modo is now omitted by all editors. 
Possibly Cicero wrote nullo modo. 

tamquam fluctum a saxo frangi| Wesen- 
berg marks this as a quotation, wrongly 
we think. Oenomaus, it would appear, 
in the play of Accius, was alarmed at an 
oracle which told him to beware of Pelops. 
The latter tried to reassure him that he was 
going to act fairly, that his desire was to 
marry Hippodamia, and not to injure 
Oenomaus : but says the latter— 

Saxum id facit angustitatem et sub eo saxo 
exubesrans 
Scatebra fluviae radit rupem ; 


and as the waves by their perpetual action 


STF ne eS are are eee 


EP. 472 (FAM. IX. 16). 401 


Etenim cum plena sint monumenta Graecorum quem ad modum 
sapientissimi viri regna tulerint vel Athenis vel Syracusis, cum 
servientibus suis civitatibus fuerint ipsi quodam modo liberi, ego 
me non putem tueri meum statum sic posse ut neque offendam 
animum cuiusquam nec frangam dignitatem meam? 7. Nunc 
venio ad iveationes tuas, quoniam tu secundum Oenomaum <Acci, 
non, ut olim solebat, Atellanam sed, ut nunc fit, mimum intro- 
duxisti. Quem tu mihi pompilum, quem denarium narras? 
quam tyrotarichi patinam? Facilitate mea ista ferebantur antea : 
nunc mutata res est. Hirtium ego et Dolabellam dicendi disci- 
pulos habeo, cenandi magistros. Puto enim te audisse, si forte 
ad vos omnia perferuntur, illos apud me declamitare, me apud 


wear away a rock, so does this suspicion 
wear him away. Or perhaps Oenomaus 
may have used it of the ferce of jealousy. 
This image Paetus used with an applica- 
tion to the force of jealous hatred, which 
by its steady and persistent action would 
ruin Cicero. Cicero, in turn, explains at 
length how he cannot be exposed to 
jealous hatred; but finally accepts the 
simile, and refers it to fortune: let the 
waves of fortune beat as they please 
against the strong-minded man; they 
beat as idly as the waves of the sea 
against a cliff. This reference, which 
reminds one of the way in which a 
Roman so often turned a bad omen to a 
good one, was most probably Cicero’s 
own, and not in Accius at all. Ribbeck 
(Trag., p. 201) holds that it is to the 
passage in which this quotation occurs 
that Cicero is referring in these words: 
and it may be so, but we cannot be sure. 
Nonius (73. 24) quotes it only to illustrate 
the rare word angustitas. 

a saxo frangi| a is here used for 
symmetry as it had been used in the 
previous clause (ab animo). But it is 
often used of inanimate instruments, 
though perhaps with a slight nuance of 
personification: cp. Off. i. 68, Non est 
autem consentaneum qui metu non franga- 
tur eum frangi cupiditate nec qui invictum 
se a labore praestiterit vinci a voiuptate: 
Verr. iii. 98, ut ab omnibus ventis invidiae 
circumflari posse videatur. 

vel Athenis vel Syracusis| refers to 
Socrates under the Thirty: and Plato at 
Syracuse under Dionysius. 

Srangam dignitatem meam] ‘ shatter’ ; 
ep. Plane. 9, Tu continentiam, tu indus- 


VOL. IV. 


triam, tu animum in rempublicam, tu 
virtutem, tu imnocentiam, tu fidem, tu 
labores tuos, quod aedilis non sis factus, 
fractos esse et abiectos et repudiatos putas 2 

7. tocationes| ‘jokings.’ A word, as 
would appear, only found in Cicero here 
andin Att. 11. 8. 1 (85), and in Cornificius 
ad Herenn. 25. 

Atellanam| Since Sulla’s time the 
Mimi generally took the place of the 
Atellanae as light afterpieces. The former 
were of a much more loose and vulgar 
nature than the latter. See Dict. Antigq. 
S. V. MIMUS. 

Quem tu mihi pompilum] “ What is this 
pilot-fish you talk to me about? What 
this ninepence? What this salt-fish 
and cheese‘? It is hardly necessary 
to say that in a passage like this no 
certainty of reading can be obtained. We 
only offer what seems probable. Pom- 
pilum is the suggestion of Rutilius for 
popilliwm of the mss. ‘here is no abso- 
lute necessity to alter denarium, though it 
has been severely handled : see Adn. Crit. 
Paetus had said, ‘1’ll give you a nine- 
penny dinner.’ ‘ What is this ninepence 
you are talking about?’ asks Cicero. 
Tyrotarichus was proverbial for a cheap 
diet; Att. iv. 8a. 1 (112): cp. Att. xiv. 
16. 1 (721), «se autem eo die in Paeti 
nostra tyrotarichum imminebam. For this 
colloquial use of narras, cp. Plaut. Men. 
402, Quam tu miht nune navem narras ; 
Curc. 618; Truc. 284; Ter. Phorm. 401, 
Jjilium narras mihi: Cic. Fam. ix. 15. 3 
(481); Verr. iv. 85, Tum iste, ‘* Quam 
mihi religionem narras? quam poenam 2 
quem senatum 2᾽᾽ De Orat. i. 105. 

apud me declamitare 716] omitted in 


2D 


402 


illos cenitare. 


EP. 472 (FAM. IX. 16). 


Tu autem quod mihi bonam copiam eiures nihil 


est: tum enim, cum rem habebas, quaesticulis te faciebat atten- 
tiorem : nunc, cum tam aequo animo bona perdas, non est quod non 
eo sis consilio ut, cum me hospitio recipias, aestimationem te 


M, but found in HD. For Dolabella, 
Hirtius, and Pansa as Cicero’s pupils 
cp. 462.2; 474.2; Att. xiv. 12. 2 (715) ; 
Suet. Rhet. 1. Cicero ad praeturam usque 
etiam Graece declamitavit, Latine vero 
senior quoque et quidem cum consulibus 
Hirtio et Pansa quos ‘ discipulos et grandis 
praetextatos’ vocabat. 

cenitare| used by Cicero only in his 
letters : cp. Fam. vii. 16. 2 (167); 462.1; 
Fam. ix. 24. 3 (820). 

bonam copiam eiures| ‘declare your- 
self bankrupt’: ecwrare aliquid means to 
put away anything with an oath: hence 
its common use with magistratum, to re- 
sign a magistracy with the customary 
oath that it had been conscientiously 
administered : also eiwrare iudicem to 
challenge a juryman (De Orat. 11. 285: 
ep. Phil. xii. 18). In the phrase used 
here (which does not appear to be 
found elsewhere, though the opposite ἐν - 
rare bonam copiam isfound in Varro L. L. 
vii. 105), and in the Lex Iulia Municipa- 
lis, ὁ 25, line 113, where also abiurare 
bonam copiam [cp. Att. i. 8. 3 (4) abiu- 
rare (munusculum) certius est quam depen- 
dere: Plaut. Rud. 14, gut abiurant 
pecuniam]| is found in the same sense as 
eiurare bonam copiam, the literal meaning 
is to declare with an oath that solvency 
does not attach to you. Hiwrare some- 
times comes to have the meaning of ‘ for- 
swear,’ e.g. Tac. Hist. iv. 28 eiwrata 
patria, ‘having forsworn their country.’ 

quaesticulis| ‘petty profit’: cp. De 
Div. ii. 34. We may supply ves with 
faciebat, “ when you had property, it kept 
you too close to making petty profits.’ 
H and D (manu secunda) have faciebam, 
41 used to make you out (represent you) 
to be.’ Orelli reads guaesticulus ; but the 
MSS. prove that guwaesticulis is right. See 
Adn. Crit. 

attentiorem] “ close,’ ‘ frugal ’—a com- 
mon use in this sense: cp. ‘Ter. Ad. 834; 
Cic. Pro Quinct. 11; Hor. Sat. ii. 6, 
δὴ. Ep. 1: 7.91. 

non est quod non eo sis consilio| We 
have adopted the addition of Lehmann 
(p. 91). The meaning is—‘ When you 
were solvent you were thrifty ; but now 


that you are taking so quietly the loss of 
all your property, there is no reason why 
you should not with similar unconcern 
submit to the expense of receiving me 
splendidly [lit. ‘there is no reason that 
you should not be so advised as to deem that 
when you are entertaining me as a guest 
you are just receiving ‘‘a valuation ᾽᾽,᾽]: 
in fact, consider my company one of the 
many valuations to which you have to 
submit; besides (etiam) the loss will be 
more easily borne when coming from a 
friend than from a debtor.’ This is 
a clever addition, and accounts for the 
corruption; and perhaps the idea and 
expression are not too elaborate for a 
letter to Paetus. Wesenberg (ΕἸ. A. 29) 
adds only est guod; it would be a solecism 
(cp. Quintil. i. 5, 50) to take non sis for 
ne fueris. Muller proposed a violent 
remedy, on 60 sis censeo animo ; but in 
his edition he obelizes the mss. reading. 
Madv. (A. C. iii. 163) declares that esse 
aliguo consilio is not Latin, and reads non 
€0 possis consilio uti: see Adn. Crit. 
aestimutionem] ‘valuation,’ i.e. pro- 
perty made over to one on a valuation. 
Cp. 302. 9; 473. 4 ; Att. xii. 21. 4(557); 
Fam. xiil, 8. 2 (675). For a similar ab- 
stract for concrete Watson compares Att. 
i. 5. 7 (1), Epiroticam emptionem gaudeo 
tibi placere. According to one of Caesar’s 
laws about debt (passed in December, 49) 
creditors were compelled to take in pay- 
ment the lands of their debtors, the value 
of these lands being estimated by arbitra- 
tors at the price they would have fetched 
before the war; and allinterest paid since 
the depreciation began was to he deducted : 
cp. Caes. B. C.iii. 1.2; Suet. Τὰ]. 42. 2; 
Dio Cass. xli. 37. By this enactment 
creditors lost about a fourth of their debts. 
The apprehension of war had disordered 
the finances of Italy even in 50 B.c.; 
and Caesar went back to the period before 
that disorder arose (see Drumann-Groebe 
ili. 423, note 4). Aestimationes were these 
valued lands which were made over by 
debtors to their creditors. Shuckburgh 
translates ‘foreclosures.’ Paetus doubt- 
less sustained some loss, and probably 
jocularly declared that he was quite 


EP. 472 (FAM. IX. 16). 403 


aliquam putes accipere: etiam haec levior est plaga ab amico 
quam a debitore. 8. Nec tamen eas cenas quaero ut magnae 
reliquiae fiant: quod erit, magnificum sit et lautum. Memini te 
mihi Phameae cenam narrare: temperius fiat, cetera eodem modo. 
Quod si perseveras me ad matris tuae cenam revocare, feram id 


quoque. 


scribis apponere aut etiam polypum miniati [ovis similem. 
Ante meum adventum fama ad te de mea 
nova lautitia veniet: eam extimesces. 
mulside spei ponas aliquid, quam totam sustuli. 


erede, non audebis. 


Volo enim videre animum qui mihi audeat ista quae 


Mihi 


Neque est quod in pro- 
Solebam enim 


antea debilitari oleis et lucanicis tuis. 9. Sed quid haec loquimur ? 


liceat modo isto venire. 


bankrupt: but the facetious way in 
which Cicero writes to him prevents our 
thinking that the loss can have been very 
serious : cp. 473. 4. 

playa ab amico| ‘blow inflicted by a 
friend.” Hofmann compares Rep. vi. 14 
metus insidiarum a mets; Liv. xxxii. 
27. 1 legatti a rege; xxxvii. 45. 4 
caduceator ab Antiocho.  Siipfle-Béckel 
compare Fam. xv. 4. 13 (238) honoris a 
senatu, where see note. 

8. Phameae| Probably the freedman 
who was grandfather or uncle of Tigel- 
lius: cp. Att. xili. 49 (666). He died in 
49 B.c. (364. 4). 

temperius| ‘in better time,’ ‘ earlier.’ 
The grander the dinner party at Rome 
the earlier it began: hence tempestiva 
convivia for very luxurious feasts: cp. 
Palmer on Hor. Sat. 11. 8. 3 (de medio 
potare die). Dinner was usually about 
the ninth hour. Dr. Reid on De Sen. 46 
refers to 353. 3, where Cic. describes him- 
self as harshly criticized in tempestivis 
conviviis. The positive of this locative 
temperius in Old Latin was temperi; but 
in classical Latin tempore is the more 
usual form: cp. Neue-Wagener 11.5 649. 

matris tuae| No doubt a thrifty lady 
of the old school, like Cicero’s own 
mother: cp. Fam. xvi. 26. 2 (874). 

Volo... apponere| ‘I should like to 
see aman brave enough to venture to 
put before me what you say.’ 

polypum miniati Iovis similem] “ poly- 
pus cooked as red as the ruddled Jupiter.’ 
The polypus was not naturally red, and 
must have been cooked in some kind of 
coarse red sauce. As to the Jupiter 
miniatus, cp. Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 111, 112, 
enumerat auctores Verrius quibus credere 


Tu vero—volo enim abstergere animi 


necesse sit Iovis ipsius stmulacri faciem di- 
ebus festis minio inlini solitam triumphan- 
tiumque corpora ; sic Camillum triumphasse. 
Hae religione etiamnum addi in unguenta 
cene triumphailis et a censoribus in primis 
Lovem miniandum locari: cp. xxxv. 157, 
fictilem eum fuisse et ideo miniars solitum. 
The Mss. give miniani, which Lambinus 
altered to miniati. Mendelssohn retains 
the mss. reading by reference to such forms 
as Levana, Praestana, Tutanus, Voranus, 
names of gods of the indigitamenta, 
which are treated of in a discussion of the 
suffix -anus in ‘ Archiv’ i. 182. Her- 
mann Reich (Der Mimus i. p. 62, note 5) 
would read riciniati, referring to riciniatus 
Iuppiter atque barbatus in Arnobius vi. 
25; ricinium being a kind of cloak or 
shawl which was also worn by actors in 
the mimes. It is not easy to see much 
advantage gained by adopting this read- 
ing, which is a greater deviation from 
the text than miniati. 
promulside| Cp. 474. 1. Promulsis 
(also called gustatio) was the first part of 
the Roman dinner, consisting of eggs, 
~olives, salt fish, sausages (/weanica), and 
such like savoury hors d’euvre, taken to 
whet the appetite. The drink generally 
was mead (muisum), whence the name. 
quam totam sustuli| Cp. 475. 1, At 
quem virum ! non eum quem tu es_solitus 
promulside conficere. Integram famem ad 
ovum adfero, Itaque usque ad assum 
vitulinum opera perducitur. 
9. liceat ‘modo isto venire] 
only come to where you are.’ 
abstergere| For the metaphor Siipfle- 
Béckel compare Q. Fr. ii. 8. (9) 4 (123), 
omnem abstergebo dolorem: Tusc. iii. 48 
luctum absterseris. 


‘let me 


2D2 


404 


tui metum—ad tyrotarichum antiquum redi. 


EP. 472 (FAM. IX. 16). 


Ego tibi unum 


sumptum adferam, quod balneum calfacias oportebit : cetera more 


nostro: superiora illa lusimus. 


10. De villa Seliciana et curasti 
diligenter et scripsisti facetissime. 


Itaque puto me praeter- 


missurum. Salis enim satis est, saniorum parum. 


tyrotarichum]| See note on § 7. 

quod balneum calfacias oportebit] Cp. 
463. 3 (to Varro) ante te certiorem faciam 
ut lavatio parata sit; 449 (to Terentia) 
Labrum si in balineo non est, ut sit. 

10. De villa Seliciana| This was pro- 
bably a villa at Naples belonging to the 
banker Selicius: cp. Att. i. 12. 1 (17), 
and note to iv. 19. 2 (158). Paetus ad- 
vised Cicero not to buy it: cp. 481. 3 
purgas te non dissuasorem mihi emptronis 
Neapolitanae fuisse. 

Salis... parum] ‘For it (the villa) 
is tasteful enough, but lacks more sober 
advantages.’ This seems to be the view 
of Shuckburgh. For this sense of sal 
Hofmann-Andresen (ed. 3) compare 
Nepos Att. 13. 2 ipsam enim tectum anti- 
quitus constitutum plus salis quam sumptus 
habebat; Cic. Att. xili. 29. 2 (605) in 
villa cuius insulsitatem bene noram. ‘The 
reading is doubtful. M has sannonwm ; 
D sannionum, and H sanniorum. If we 
adopt the reading of D, the words can 
only mean ‘there is much material for 
jesting, but few jokers,’ i.e., few who 
have the heart or courage to jest. The 


! 


sentence with this reading would better 
follow dusimus. We do not profess to 
understand what its signification can be 
in the present position. But without the 
letters of Paetus we can seldom be sure 
of the point of Cicero’s jokes. Cicero 
draws a distinction between what is 
‘laughable’ (ridicudum) and what is 
‘ witty’ (facetwm) in De Orat. 11. 251: guid 
enim potest est tam ridiculum quam sannio 
(‘aclown’) est ? Sed ore, vultu, imitandis: 
moribus, voce, denique corpore ridetur ipso : 
salsum hune possum dicere atque ita, non 
ut evusmodr oratorem esse velim sed ut mi- 
mum. Hofmann-Andresen (ed. 2) suggest 
sanorum, showing that Cicero sometimes. 
uses the neuter plural as a substantive by 
De Orat. ii. 262 graviwm autem et iocorum 
unam esse materiam. Perhaps the com- 
parative is preferable, both as suiting the 
sense better and as being nearer to the 
reading of the mss. They interpret the 
passage ‘ We have had enough joking, 
too little sober sense,’ and regard it 
apparently as Cicero’s excuse for putting 
this definite decision on a point of 
business at the end of a series of jokes. 


᾿ 
" 


EP. 473 (FAM. IX, 18). 405 


473. CICERO TO L. PAPIRIUS PAETUS (Fam. 1x. 18). 


TUSCULUM ; ABOUT JULY 235; A. U. CG. 7085 B.C. 465 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero causas exponit L. Papirio cur alios declamando exercere coeperit. Tum 
iocatur de cenarum apparatu. 


CICERO S. D. [L. PAPIRIO] PAETO, 


1. Cum essem otiosus in Tusculano, propterea quod discipulos 
ob viam miseram ut eadem me quam maxime conciliarent fami- 
liari suo, accepi tuas litteras plenissimas suavitatis, ex quibus 
intellexi probari tibi meum consilium quod, ut Dionysius 
tyrannus, cum Syracusis pulsus esset, Corinthi dicitur ludum 
aperuisse, sic ego sublatis iudiciis, amisso regno forensi ludum 
quasi habere coeperim. 2. Quid quaeris? me quoque delectat 
consilium: multa enim consequor: primum, id quod maxime 


nune opus est, munio me ad haec tempora. 


If we suppose that 472 was written 
about July 12, and allow about ten days 
for a letter to go from Tusculum to 
Naples, and a reply to be received (in a 
case of no urgency), Cicero could have 
received the reply (§ 1) of Paetus to 472 
about July 22. This letter is an answer 
to that reply. | 

1. 0b viam] to meet Caesar. For 
Caesart omitted cp. note to 470. 1. 
Caesar returned to Rome on a.d. vii Kal. 
Sextil. (Bell. Afr. 98) = July 26 (old 
' style). For discipulos see note to 472. 7. 
Cicero’s ‘ sending’ such important people 
as Hirtius and Dolabella is probably 
a joke: he regards himself as a school- 
snaster: cp. 462. 2. 

eadem]| sc. vid or operd, i.e. Sat the 
same time,’ a common colloquialism : 
cp. Plaut. Bacch. 49, and Ussing’s note, 
which collects a number of other examples 
from the comic writers. See also Prof. 
Lindsay on Capt. 459. 

plenissimas suavitatis] 
ing.’ 

ludum aperuisse| Who would ever have 
said that /udum aperire was good Latin 
for opening a school unless we had this 
classical warrant for it? Cp. Liv. i. 8. 5, 
Zocum asylum aperit. 


‘most charm- 


Id cuius modi sit 


sublatis iudiciis] A Ciceronian exag- 
geration to express the fact that trials 
were not as regularly conducted as they 
used to be. For the irregularity in legal 
procedure during the Civil War, cp. 
Mommsen R.H. iv. 325, 485. Pompey, by 
a law of 52 B.c., tried to limit the abuse 
of legal procedure by limiting the number 
of advocates, by restricting the time of 
pleading to two hours for the prosecutor 
and three jor the defendant, and by for- 
bidding the production of witnesses to 
character (laudatores): ep. Dio Cass. xl. 
52. 1,2. By these means, according to 
Cicero, forensic oratory became dumb: 


~ Brut. 324, Fin. iv.j1, and Madvig ad loc. ; 


ep. Tac. Dial. 38; Dio Cass. xl. 52.2. It 
would appear that Caesar strictly enforced 
these restrictions. 

amisso regno forensi| Cp. Att.i. 1.1 
(10), ἐμά suum regnum iudiciale (of 
Aquilius), where see note, ‘ having lost 
my position as monarch of the bar.’ The 
word regno is suggested by the reference 
to Dionysius. Stipfle-Béckel compare 
1 Verr. i. 35, quoniam haec te (sc. Hor- 
tensium) omnis dominatio regnumque 
iudiciorum tanto opere delectat. 

2. Id cuius modi sit nescio| ‘the value 
of this protection I do not know.’ 


406 EP. 473 (FAM. IX, 18). 


nescio: tantum video, nullius adhuc consilium me huie ante- 
ponere, nisi forte mori melius fuit: in lectulo, fateor, sed non 
accidit: in acie non fui. Ceteri quidem, Pompeius, Lentulus 
tuus, Scipio, Afranius foede perierunt.— At Cato praeclare.— 
Iam istue quidem, cum volemus, licebit: demus modo operam ne 
tam necesse nobis sit quam illi fuit: id quod agimus. 
primum. 


Ergo hoe 
3. Sequitur illud: ipse melior fio: primum valetudine, 
quam intermissis exercitationibus amiseram: deinde ipsa illa, si 
qua fuit in me, facultas orationis, nisi me ad has exercitationes 
rettulissem, exaruisset. Extremum illud est, quod tu nescio an 
primum putes: pluris iam pavones confeci quam tu pullos colum- 


binos. 


huic] ‘I prefer no one’s line of con- 
duct to this’ which I have adopted. 

in lectulo| For in lectulo mori cp. 392.7; 
400. 2. Cicero may perhaps be alluding 
to the illness from which he was suffering 
while the battle of Pharsalia was being 
fought (Plut. Cic. 39). Livy (Epit. cxi) 
says Cicero in castris remansit, vir nihil 
minus quam ad bellum natus. There isa 
good deal to be said for the punctuation 
ot Guilielmus, i lectulo 5 fateor, sed non 
aceidit : in acie? non fui. If there had 
been any trace of sed before non fui, we 
should have adopted it. 

Lentulus tuus| It is uncertain whether 
this is L. Lentulus Crus, consul in 49, 
who was put to death in prison by 
Ptolemy (Caes. B.C. iii. 104); or P. Len- 
tulus Spinther, to whom Cicero addressed 
the letters of Fam. i. We do not know 
what was the end of the latter, but he 
was dead in 43 when Cicero delivered 
Phil. xiii. (§ 29). 

Scipio| Metellus Scipio, father-in-law 
of Pompey, endeavoured to escape to 
Sicily after the battle of Thapsus, but 
was overpowered by Sittius, and died 
by hisown hand (Dio Cass. xliii. 9. 5 and 
Reimar’s note). Afranius, too, met his 
death at the hands of the forces of Sittius 
(Bell. Afr. 95. 3). 

foede| ‘miserably,’ ‘ wretchedly.’ 

istuc quidem .. . licebit] sc. facere: ‘we 
can do that,’ 1.6. die when we please. 
Or take licebit personally, as Watson 
suggests, the personal construction being 
allowable with neut. pronouns in the 
singular (Madv. 218 a, Obs. 2). 

hoc| ‘this is my first advantage,’ viz. 
that 1 am striving to act in a conciliatory 


‘Lu istic te Hateriano iure delectas, ego me hic Hirtiano. 


manner towards the victors. ‘ There 
follows another,’ viz. that my health is 
improving. 

3. intermissis exercitationibus | sc. decla- 
mandi, For the Romaus at times practised 
declamation to supply the place of physi- 
cal exercise: cp. Phil. 11. 42, vini exha- 
landi, non ingeni acuendi causa declamas. 
Cicero had not spoken in the courts 
since he went to Cilicia in 51, and so 
had had no practice recently. 

facultas orationis ... exaruisset] ‘the 
founts of my inspiration would have dried. 
up. 
ae Cp. 475.2, Hirtio cenam dedi, 
sine pavone tamen. The fashion of serving 
up this insipid bird at feasts was set by 
Hortensius at the banquet given on the 
occasion of his installation as augur 
(Varro R. R. 11. 6. 6). M. Aufidius Lurco 
speculated as a peacock-fattener, and 
made HS 60,000 in that capacity: see 
Mayor’s note on Juv. i. 143 (Varro R. R. 
iii.6.1). Mr. Jeans refers to the amusing 
account of the ‘ peacock cooked according 
to the receipt of Apicius for cooking 
partridges,’ at the supper in the Rucellai 
Gardens in Romola, chap. xxxix. 

confeci| ‘I have demolished.’ 

Hateriano ture... Hirtiano] Haterius 
appears to have been a lawyer who was 
staying with Paetus at this time, but we 
do not hear of him elsewhere, unless he 
was the Haterius proscribed by the 
triumvirs (App. B. C. iv. 29). A descen- 
dant of his is mentioned in Tac. Ann. 
iv. 61. Cicero cannot refrain from his 
well-worn play on the double meaning 
of iws, ‘legal procedure’ and ‘sauce.’ 
He had made the same joke twenty-four 


; 
h 
Ε 
a 


EP. 473 (FAM. IX. 18). 


407 


Veni igitur, si vir es, et disce a me προλεγομένας quas quaeris: 


etsi sus Minervam. 


tSed quo modo video. 


4, Si aestimationes 


tuas vendere non potes neque ollam denariorum implere, Romam 


tibi remigrandum est. 


Satius est hic eruditate quam istic fame. 


Video te bona perdidisse: spero idem istuc familiaris tuos. Actum 
igitur de te est nisi provides. Potes mulo isto, quem tibi reliquum 


dicis esse, quoniam cantherium comedisti, Romam pervehi. 


Sella 


tibi erit in ludo tamquam hypodidascalo proxima: eam pulvinus 


sequetur. 


years before, 2 Verr. i. 121, tas Verrinum. 
For Hirtius’s sauce cp. 475. 2, in ea cena 
cocus meus praeter ius fervens nihil non 
potuit wmitare. 
προλεγομένας) sc. θέσεις, “ prin- 
ciples and axioms’ (of the art of cookery). 
The expression was also applicable to the 
principles of rhetoric and law. Perhaps 
we might translate ‘institutes.’ Boot 
(Obs. Crit. 20) reads disce a me προηγμένα 
quae quaeris, the Stoic expression for the 
ordinary good things of life, exclusive of 
absolute morality. 
etsi sus Minervam] sc. docebo, ‘though 
it’s a case of teaching one’s grandmother.’ 
For the proverb cp. De Orat. 11. 233, 
Acad. 1.18. Dr. Reid refers to a passage 
from Plutarch, Praecept. reip. ger. , 47 
(= 803 D), to show that this proverb isa 
Greek one, καὶ πρὸς Δημάδην βοῶντα 
. “ Δημοσθένης ἐμὲ βούλεται διορθοῦν, 7 ὕς 
τὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶν ᾿ “Αὕτη μέντοι πέρυσιν ἢ 
᾿Αθηνᾷ μοιχεύουσα ἐλήφθη : also Theo- 
crit. v. 23, ὗς ποτ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίαν ἔριν ἤρισεν. 
Sed quo modo video| “ but as to the 
ways and means (of your getting the in- 
struction), I am seeing to that.’ Bengel 
altered video to videro, perhaps rightly. 
Dr. Reid thinks that we should read sed 
quoquo modo videro: cp. note on 472. 1, 
‘There is of course no need for you to 
take lessons from me in what you know 
-so well already; but whatever be the 
pretext, I shall have the advantage of 
seeing you.” Wesenberg would seem by 
his punctuation, sed, guomodo, videro, to 
hold much the same view as to the 
meaning of the passage, ‘ but somehow 
or other I shall manage to see you.’ We 
should desire a parallel to this use of 
quomodo without some word like potuero. 


Mendelssohn (ΔΝ. Jatrd. 1891, p. 340) 
supposes st was corrupted into sed (s;): 
cp. Adn. Crit. He reads (and so does 
Bardt) Si, quomodo video, aestimationes, 
&c.; and for qgwomodo in this usage 


Schmalz quotes Rosc. Am. 7, ego brevem 


postulationem adfero et, quomodo mihi per- 
suadeo, aliquanto uequiorem. The passage 
is still doubtful. 

4. aestimationes| Cp. note on 472. 7. 

ollam denariorum implere| For implere 
with genitive cp. Plaut. Aul. 552, ga 
mihi omnis angulos Furum implevisti in 
aedibus misero mihi; Verg. Aen. i. 215 
implentur veteris Bacchi pinguisque 
ferinae: for complere with the genitive 
ep. Vert. v. 147; Luer. vy. 1162. 

idem istuc| The meaning is, ‘ I hope 
your friends at. Naples have lost their 
property as you have, so that they may 
not be able to entertain you well, and 
thus keep you there.” With idem istue 
understand passos esse. Orelli and 
Wesenberg would read item istic ‘I hope 
it is likewise with your friends where 
you are’ (at Naples). 

cantherium comedisti| ‘you have eaten 
your pack-horse,’ i.e. you have thrown 
away on dinners the money which you 
obtained by the sale of your pack-horse. 

hypodidascalo| ‘assistant master.’ 

proxima| ‘next to mine.’ 

eam pulvinus sequetur| ‘a cushion will 
come in due time,’ that is, he will get 
greater consideration if he proves himself 
an acceptable assistant. Bardt, however, 
takes sequetur in the juristic sense of 
‘will accompany,’ ‘will be attached 
thereto,’ as in Gaius iv. 77, omnes 
noxales actiones caput sequuntur; Livy 
XXVlli. 21. 5 ut victorem res sequeretur. 


408 EP. 5374. (FAM. VII. 88). 


474. CICERO TO P. VOLUMNIUS EUTRAPELUS. 


(FAM. VII. 33). 


JULY (MIDDLE) Σ Us C..708 28. Ὁ 16: ART: CIC, 60, 


M. Cicero P. Volumnio scribit se adflicta re publica cum Hirtio, Cassio, Dolabella 
declamare et Volumnium ad eadem studia invitat. Sibi enim sententiam esse in litteras 
se abdere permissu Caesaris. 


M. CICERO S. D. VOLUMNIO. 


1. Quod declamationibus nostris cares damni nihil facis. 
Quod Hirtio invideres nisi eum amares, non erat causa invidendi, 
nisi forte ipsius eloquentiae magis quam quod me audiret invideres. 
Nos enim plane, mi suavissime Volumni, aut nihil sumus aut 
nobis quidem ipsis displicemus, gregalibus illis quibus te plau- 
dente vigebamus amissis, ut etiam, si quando aliquid dignum 
nostro nomine emisimus, ingemescamus quod haee ‘ pinnigero, 
non armigero in corpore tela exerceantur,’ ut ait Philoctetes apud 
Accium, ‘abiecta gloria.’ 2. Sed tamen omnia mihi erunt, si tu 
veneris, hilariora: quamquam venies, ut ipse intellegis, in maxi- 
marum quasi concursum occupationum, quas si ut volumus exce- 


This letter, judging by its tone, was 
probably written from Tusculum during 
July, while Cicero was in a somewhat 
cheerful mood, giving lessons in rhetoric to 
Hirtius and Dolabella (§ 2). 

The next twenty-two letters were pro- 
babiy written during August and Septem- 
ber. It is very difficult to decide their 
exact order, and we fear we have not 
been always successful. Cicero appears 
to have been intimate with Caesar’s 
friends but not with Caesar himself. He 
is mainly concerned with exertions on 
behalf of exiled friends, and is constant 
in offering them consolation. There is 
no hint of a renewal of the war in Spain. 
For Volumnius, see Fam. vii. 32 (229). 

1. Quod... amares| ‘as to your 
saying you would envy Hirtius if you 
did not love him.’ 

gregalibus . . . amissis| ‘ now that all 
those comrades are lost to me by whose 
encouragement coupled with your ap- 
plause I was stimulated to action.’ For 


gregules, * his comrades,’ ‘ those of his set,’ 
cp. De Orat. ii. 253 and Hor. Epp. i. 9. 
13, Scribe tui gregis hune et fortem crede 
bonumque. 

pinnigero| from the Philoctetes οἵ 
Accius. Ribbeck (Frag. Trag. p. 206) 
arranges these lines as Iambic ‘Trimeters ; 


pinnigero non armigero in corpore 
lela exercentur haec abiecta gloria. 


2. m maximarum quasi concursum 
occupationum]| ‘into what I may call an 
onslaught of most important concerns ; 
and if we are able to meet them as we 
wish, I shall bid a long farewell to the 
forum and the senate-house.’ Elsewhere 
Cicero says he was much occupied at this 
time : cp. 478. 2 me cotidie aliud ex alioim- 
pedit. For excipere, in the sense of receiv- 
ing or withstanding an enemy’s attack, cp. 
Caes. B.G. i. 52.4. It keeps up ex- 
cellently the metaphor in concursum, for 
which cp. Fam. v. 13. 2 (572), concursu 
calamitatum, ‘the onslaught of a batta- 


EP. 474 (FAM. VII. 38). 


409 


perimus, ego vero multam salutem et foro dicam et curiae 
vivamque tecum multum et cum communibus nostris amatoribus. 
Nam et Cassius tuus et Dolabella noster vel potius uterque noster 
studiis iisdem tenentur et meis aequissimis utuntur auribus. Opus 
est huc limatulo et polito tuo iudicio et illis interioribus litteris in 


els quibus saepe verecundiorem me in loquendo facis. 


Mihi enim 


iudicatum est, si modo hoc Caesar aut patietur aut volet, deponere 
illam iam personam in qua me saepe illi ipsi probavi ac me totum 
in litteras abdere tecumque et cum ceteris earum studiosis hones- 


tissimo otio perfrui. 


lion of sorrows’; Acad. ii. 70. Madvig 
(A. C. iii. 159) reads expedierimus, 
‘despatch,’ ‘settle’; cp. 521. 2 ut eius 
negotia explices et expedias and often. It 
is not clear what are the very important 
businesses in which Cicero was engaged. 
It looks asif they were public concerns of 
minor importance, in which Caesar may 
have desired him to take part (see below, 
note On personam), or private business 
affairs—perhaps connected with his 
divorce of Terentia. He appears to have 
been occupied with some literary works 
477. 2, abdo me in bibliothecam ; 479. 1, 
Vivas, inguis, in litteris. 
me aliud agere censes ? aut possem vivere, 
nisi in litteris viverem ? 

vel potius uterque noster ] 
both of them are my friends.’ 

et meis aequissimis utuntur auribus | 
‘and find me a most indulgent critic.’ 

hue| = ad haec, cp. Fam. i. 7. 9 (114), 
huc te pares, and note. 

in eis] So we read for mets of the Mss., 
‘ and that more recondite literary know- 
ledge of yours in those points in which you 
often take the conceit out of me when 
speaking.’ Cicero means that Volumnius 
had a most delicate judgment of style 
derived from recondite reading, and often 
used to find fault in certain points with 
Cicero’s language. As regards these 
points it would be well for Cicero to 
_ have Volumnius at hand, so that he might 

quote valid authority for the criticisms 
he made, and thus save Cicero’s pupils 
from falling into those errors which 
Cicero’s less refined ear would not have 
noticed. Lambinus would read éis, 
punctuating thus: i/lis interioribus litteris, 
eis quibus. Wesenberg (Hm. Alt. 18) 
wishes to read tuis for meis, supposing 


‘or rather 


An quidquam. 


Tu vellem ne veritus esses ne tpluribus 


the latter to have crept into the text from 
meis, above. 

personam| ‘character’ [ep. note to 
Fam. vi. 6. 10 (488)], i.e. character of 
aman engaged in public life, in which 
Caesar may have desired that Cicero 
should still take part. For this use of 
persona see 488. 10 and note. 

in litteras abdere| Cp. Arch. 12 st qui 
ita se litteris abdiderunt where we should 
perhaps add in before litteris: see 
Dr. Reid’s note; though ‘Thielmann 
(‘ Archiv’ iii. 475) says that owing to 
his studiis deditum in the preceding clause 
the construction of abdo is there assimi- 
lated to that of dedo, and that accordingly 
litteris is dative. 

Tu vellem... litteras| Orelli suggests 
per librarios for the corrupt pluribus. “1 
wish you had not been afraid of my read- 
ing your letter by deputy.’ ‘his is 
possible and somewhat humorous, and so 
may have been addressed to the witty 
Volumnius. If we retain pluribus, we 
suppose it means that Volumnius said 
jokingly, ‘1 have not written a longer 
letter to you for fear that you would read 
such a great effort of literature to a 
number of your friends’ (pluribus being 
used as if it were compluribus). We may, 
perhaps, gather that elaborately written 
letters were sometimes read out to a select 
audience from Att. xv. 17. 2 (749), e 
mehercule ipsius (sc. Marci 71) sie et 
φιλοστόργως et evmivas scriptae ut eas 
vel in acroasi audeam legere. For this use 
of per cp. Top. 2 ut eos (libros) per te ipse 
legeres. Gebhard says that perinvitus, 
the conjecture of Victorius, is found in a 
Vatican codex, and it is approved of by 
Shuckburgh. Madvig (A. C. iii. 159) sug- 
gests pigrius. - For further see Adn. Crit. 


410 EP. 475 (FAM. IX. 20), 


legerem tuas litteras si mihi, quem ad modum scribis, longiores 
forte misisses, ac velim posthac sic statuas, tuas mihi litteras lon- 
gissimas quasque gratissimas fore, 


CICERO TO L. PAPIRIUS PAETUS 
(F'aM. Ix. 20). 


478, 


ROME ; AUGUST (EARLY); A. U. C. 708; B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


Iocatur M. Cicero cum L. Paeto Epicureum se factum abiecta rei publicae cura 


lautiusque quam antea excipiendum esse. 


perscribit. 


Dein vitae suae et studiorum rationes. 


CICERO PAETO. 


1. Dupliciter delectatus sum tuis litteris, et quod ipse risi et 


quod te intellexi iam posse ridere. 


litteras longissimas quasque| Dr. Reid 
on Lael. 34 points out that the best 
writers when they use the plural of quis- 
que almost always use it in the neuter 
and with a superlative. In the passage 
from the Laelius (pestem enim nullam 
matorem esse amicitiis quam in plerisque 
pecuniae cupiditatem, in optimis quibusque 
honoris certamen et gloriae) the anomalous 
use of the plural is due to the attraction 
of plerisque, cp. Bell. Afr. 78. 10, com- 
pluresque duces ac fortissimt quigue inter- 
fecti vulneratique sunt, and Wolfflin’s 
note. In our present passage it is due 
to the fact that litterae in the sense of 
an epistle has no singular. In Off. ii. 75 
leges, et proximae quaeque duriores Dr. 
Reid alters prozimae to proxima— laws, 
and harsher each of them than its prede- 
cessor.’ Cornificius, however, uses primos 
quosque locos (Rhet. ad Herenn. iii. 37). 
where it is hard to find any satisfactory 
explanation of the anomalous usage. The 
masculine and feminine plurals are not 
uncommon in post-classical authors (ep. 
Weissenborn on Livy i. 9.8; Tac. Agr. 
36; Ann. xiv. 31. 3), and the masculine 
plural occurs once in the ante-classical 
Plautus, Most. 155 (optumi quigue): cp. 
Schmalz Antibarb, ii. 421. , 


This letter is in answer to a reply to 
473. It was accordingly written early 
in August: cp. Introd. note to 473. 


Me autem a te, ut scurram 


Cicero had got into the regular course of 
city life. 

1. seurram veliten|] ‘like ἃ light- 
armed wit-slinger, have received a fusil- 
lade of raillery from you.’ There is a. 
perfect volley of jokes here. The parasite 


.or scurra, who was invited to dinner on 


account of his light and audacious jests 
(cp. Plin. Epp. ix. 17. 2, si quid petulans 
4 scurra profertur) at everybody and 
everything, is likened to a light-armed 
soldier, who could move quickly about 
and direct his sling or bow at any point 
while skirmishing with the enemy; we 
should more naturally take the metaphor 
from the prize-ring or from the race- 
course. ‘These parasites seem to have 
been made the butt of a good deal of 
coarse horse-play, such as having pots. 
and other utensils broken on their heads 
(Plaut. Capt. 88, nisi qui colaphos perpett 
Potes parasitus frangique aulas in caput: 
ib. Curc. 398, iliaee catapultae (sc. aulae 
quassae) ad me cerebro commeant). ‘They 
were often, no doubt, pelted not only 
with raillery (mdlis), but with material 
missiles such as apples (mdlis), since, as 
apples formed part of every cena, they 
would furnish convenient projectiles to- 
be used against the sewrra. It may be, 
too, as some of the commentators have 
suggested, that Paetus sent Cicero a 
present of apples or promised him apples. 
as second course when he came to dine 


EP. 475 (FAM. IX, 20). 411 


velitem, malis oneratum esse non moleste tuli. Jllud dcieo, in 
ista loca venire me ut constitueram non potuisse: habuisses enim 
non hospitem sed contubernalem. At quem virum! non eum 
quem tu es solitus promulside conficere. Integram famem ad 
ovum adfero: itaque usque ad assum vitulinum opera perducitur. 
Illa mea quae solebas antea laudare, ‘O hominem facilem! 
o hospitem non gravem!’ abierunt. Nam omnem nostram de 
re publica curam, cogitationem de dicenda in senatu sententia, 
commentationem causarum abiecimus: in Epicuri nos adversari 
nostri castra coniecimus, nec tamen ad hance insolentiam sed ad 
illam tuam lautitiam, veterem dico, cum in sumptum habebas: 
etsi nunquam plura praedia habuisti. 2. Proinde te para: cum 
homine et edaci tibi res est et qui iam aliquid intellegat ; ὀψυμαθεῖς 


with him. However, we are inclined to 
disregard this ad hoc assumption. Rather, 
Cicero says that Paetus had replied to all 
his raillery with right vigorous abuse, so 
that he feels like a light-weight parasite 
at a dinner party, quite loaded malis, 
which meant primarily, in Cicero’s case, 
‘abuse’ (mala) (cp. Plaut. Pseud. 360; 
Ter. Andr. 640), but its similarity in 
sound to mdla suggested the idea of the 
pelting with apples, to which the seurra 
was often compelled to submit. 

velitem| For the metaphor Supfle- 
Boeckel compare Plaut. Men. 778, Nescio 
quid vos velitati estis inter vos duo: Asin. 
307, Verbivelitationem fieri compendi volo: 
Cp. Aoyouaxia. 

contubernalem] originally and properly 
contubernalis meant ‘a tent-companion ’ 
when on military service (Lig. 21), and 
was sometimes applied to young nobles 
who served in campaigns on the staff of 
the general (Plane. 27, Cael. 73). These 
were generally called comites, or collec- 
tively cohors: cp. Marquardt 1.2 532. 
Afterwards the word came to be used of 
close connexion in civil life (Brut. 105, 
Sull. 34, and Dr. Reid’s note). Here it 
expresses a very close and familiar inti- 
macy, and we may almost translate it by 
‘chum.’ 

promulside| cp. 472. 8, ‘but what a 
gastronomic hero you will find me now! 
not the poor creature whom you used to 
put hors-de-combat with a mere appe- 
tiser.’ 

assum vitulinum] 
last course before dessert. 


‘roast veal’—the 
The com- 


mon phrase to express from the beginning 
to the end of dinner is ab ovo usque ad 
mala (Hor. Sat. i. 3.6). But we do not 
hear elsewhere of roast veal as the last 
course of the cena proper. At the cele- 
brated dinner given on the occasion of the 
inauguration of a Lentulus as Flamen 
of Mars, the menw of which is preserved 
by Macrobius (Sat. iii. 13. 11, ff.), roast 
fowl (altilia assa) appear to have been 
the last course before dessert. 

non gravem| cp. Att. xili. 52. 1 (679) 
of Caesar, O hospitem mihi gravem, tamen 
ἀμεταμέλητον. 

insolentiam]| ‘extravagance.’ In Rosc. 
Am. 28, insolens is opposite to egentisst- 
mus; and in Phil. ix. 13, Cicero contrasts 
maiorum continentiam with huius saeculs 
insolentiam. With ad hane insolenttam we 
must understand some verb like ventmnus 
or nos contulimus taken out of nos con- 
wecumus. 

lautitiam] ‘refinement,’ ‘ elegance,’ 
‘sumptuousness’: cp. 472. 8, quod ertt, 
magnificum sit et lautum. 

cum in sumptum habebas} ‘ when you 
had something to spend’ (or ‘for your 
expenses’): cp. 336. 2, Tironem Curio 
commendes et ut det et si quid opus erit in 
sumptum roges. 

praedia] ‘since you never had so much 
real property’ (on hand). The debtors of 
Paetus had paid their debts by handing 
over their lands at the reduced valuation 
(cp. note to 472. 7), and Paetus was 
unable to dispose of them. 

2. ὀψιμαθεῖ ς] ‘you know the extrava- 
gance of overgrown pupils.’ - Hor. Sat. 


412 EP. 475 (FAM, IX. 20). 


autem homines scis quam insolentes sint. Dediscendae tibi sunt 
sportellae et artolagani tui. Nos iam exquwisitae artis tantum 
habemus ut Verrium tuum et Camillum—qua munditia homines | 
qua elegantia !—vocare saepius audeamus. Sed vide audaciam : 
etiam Hirtio cenam dedi, sine pavone tamen: in ea cena cocus 
meus praeter ius fervens nihil xon potuit imitari. 3. Haec igitur 
est nune vita nostra. Mane salutamus domi et bonos viros multos 
sed tristis, et hos laetos victores qui me quidem perofficiose et 
peramaunter observant. Ubi salutatio defluxit, litteris me involvo, 
aut seribo aut lego. Veniunt etiam qui me audiunt quasi doctum 
hominem, quia paullo sum quam ipsi doctior. Inde corpori omne 
tempus datur. Patriam eluxiiam et gravius et diutius quam ulla 


i. 10. 21 translates this word by seri 
studiorum. Dr. Mahaffy (Greek World, 
p- 81) notices, in connexion with his re- 
marks on the high value the Greeks set 
upon education, that ‘a self-taught man 
(αὐτοδίδακτος), or even the man who 
learned late (ὀψιμαθής), was always con- 
sidered a man of imperfect breeding, 
and wanting in real refinement.’ 
sporteliae| ‘little fruit baskets.’ 
artolagani| “ omelettes,’ cakes made of 
meal, wine, pepper, milk, and oil or 
lard ¢ Athen; in..113 ds Pliny, ΣΝ: 
Xvili. 105. Cicero declares that he must 
have something much less homely and 
much more recherche than these. 
exquisitaeartis| Soweread with Wesen- 
berg (Em. Alt. 30) for ex artis of the Mss. : 
for the loss of a large portion of a word 
in ss. he compares den in M for benevo- 
lentia in Fam. x. 29 (911); and that 
exquisita is just the word required he 
shows by comparing De Orat. ii. 175, 
artis exquisitae ; Off. 1. 180, adhibenda 
munditia est non odiosa neque exquisita 
nimis, tantum quae fugiat agrestem et 
inhumanam neglegentiam; Pis. 67, nihil 
apud eum lautum, nihil elegans, nihil 
exquisitum. We must remember, how- 
ever, that ben for benevolentia in M occurs 
at the end of a line. It is possible that 
ex may be the remnant of a Greek word 
such as ἐξοχῆς, ‘a leading position,’ 
cp. Att. iv. 15. 6 (143): hardly ὀψαρτυ- 
τικῆς, as Mendelssohn suggests; but the 
scribes of M and H almost always. write 
Greek words in Greek characters. Pos- 
sibly, a word has been lost after artis, 
signifying ‘rules,’ ‘maxims,’ e.g. prae- 
ceptis: cp. Hor. Sat. 11. 4. 2; quaerere 
signa novis praeceplis applied to the 


principles of the philosophy of cooking. 
Orelli would read ex Artibus, i.e. τέχναις 
culinariis, ‘ Treatises on Cooking.’ For 
other suggestions see Adn. Crit. 

Verrium] Cp.479. 1. Camillus was 
the eminent lawyer (302. 3). 
munditia .. . elegantia) 

» « taste,’ 

nihil non potuit] We must add non 
with Orelli. Cicero plainly gave Hirtius 
almost as good a dinner as Hirtius gave 
him, except that he had not a peacock, 
and his cook could not make as good hot 
sauce as the cook of Hirtius could make. 
Cicero was becoming expert in giving 
elegant dinner-parties. 

3. Ubi salutatio defluxit| ‘when the 
stream of visitors has gone by.’ ‘For Jitteris 
me involvo cp. 474. 2, me totum in litteris 
abdere. Mendelssohn aptly adds St. 
Ambrose De Fide, i. 15. 99, sed non me 
involvo libris. For the metaphorical sense 
ot defluere cp. Sest. 69. 

qui me audiunt| This would seem to 
refer to a kind of ‘interview.’ The 
victorious Caesareans would come and 
‘interview’ the learned Cicero, and, like 
students attending lectures (cp. auditores, 
Off. i. 1. 1), hear what opinion he had to 
give on any subject in which they were 
interested, principally, no doubt, theo- 
retical questions on literature and phi- 
losophy. Cicero was not at all the man 
to be indifferent to that kind of flattery. 

quasi doctum hominem] ‘under the 
belief of my being a man of learning’ 
(Shuckburgh). 

eluxi| ‘I have deeply mourned.’ It 
is the regular word for ‘ being in mourn- 
ing’ for anyone. See also note to 
477. 3. 


‘ refinement 


EP. 476 (FAM. VII. 27). 


mater unicum filium. 


413 


Sed cura, si me amas, ut valeas, ne ego te 


iacente bona tua comedim. Statui enim tibi ne aegroto quidem 


parcere. 


476. CICERO TO TITUS FADIUS GALLUS 
(Fam. vit. 27). ; 


ROME ; MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U. C. 708; B. C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


Litterae altercationem inter Ciceronem et Gallum continent. 


M. CICERO S. Ὁ. T. FADIO GALLO. 


1. Miror cur me accuses, cum tibi id facere non liceat. Quod 
si liceret, tamen non debebas. ‘Ego enim te in consulatu obser- 


te iacente| ‘while you are prostrate’ 
(i.e. with illness); for iacere, ‘ to be ill,’ 
cp. Seneca, Epist. 101. 3, sine spe iacere. 
Watson compares 423. 2, ut postea 
vacuerim. 

comedim| The archaic subjunctive, an 
optative form: cp. Plaut. Trin. 102, 
comedis. Cicero hus (Fin. ii. 22) Atgua 
reperiemus asotos primum ita non religiosos 
ut edint de patella (on which the offerings 
to the Lares and Penates were made) ; 
Hor. Sat. ii. 8. 90, quam si cum lumbis 
quisedit; Epod. ὃ. ὃ, edit cicutis alium no- 
centius; Verg. Aen. xii. 801, ne te tantus 
edit tacitum dolor. Nonius (p. 83. 23) 
quotes this passage sed cura ... parcere 
tor comedim = comedam, as well as Plaut. 
Bacch. 748, quod dem scortis quodque in 
lustris comedim, congraecem, pater. It is 
to be noticed that Nonius in quoting this 
passage of Cicero says ‘Cicero ad 
Varronem epistola Paeti,’ the expression 
ad YVarronem meaning the ninth book, 
as the first letter of that book is addressed 
to Varro. pistola Paeti means ‘letter 
to Paetus’: cp. Nonius, p. 259. 22, who 
(in illustration of contendere = extorquere) 
quotes in epistula Cassi, i.e. to Cassius, 
viz. Fam. xv. 14. 5 (241), hoc a te ita 
contendo ut in eo fortunas meas positas 
putem, where Quicherat altered to ad 
Cassium, because in 278. 5 Nonius has ad 
Cassium lib. IT; but in 278. 5 he does not 
add epistola. 


Titus Fadius Gallus, to be distinguished 
from Marcus Fadius Gallus of Fam. vii. 


24. 25 (665. 668), had been in 52 con- 
demned, apparently by a majority of one, 
and that not an impartial vote, on some 
unknown charge under Pompey’s legis- 
lation, and was now living in exile near 
Rome. In 52 Cicero wrote to console 
him: cp. Fam. v. 18 (180). Besides, 
Fadius had as trib. pleb. in 57 helped 
Cicero to return from exile: Post Red. 
21. CoP tod, te 8 172) 5 Ate. Bi. 22; 
4 (83). It is not easy to say why 
Cicero did not now use his influence to 
procure the restoration of Fadius when it 
was so distinctly his duty to do so: ep. 
Fam. v. 18. 2 (180), nos ceterosque neces- 
situdine et benevolentia tecum coniunctis- 
simos ; possibly he demanded Cicero’s aid 
in such an offensive manner that the latter 
was compelled not only to refuse the 
request, but to reply with considerable 
asperity. 

1. cum tibi id facere non liceat| *‘ when 
you had no right to do so.’ The com- 
mentators say that the reference here is 
to the fact that Titus Fadius Gallus had 
been Cicero’s quaestor in 63, cp. Post 
Red. in Sen. 21, and as such ought 
always to have looked on him in the light 
of a father: cp. note to 302.1; 457. 3; 
Div. in Caecil. 61. But more probably 


_ Cicero’s meaning is rather more general, 


that Fadius had no right to expect him to 
take any greater interest in his case than 
he did take. 

debebas| sc. dicere. 

Ego enum 6] Wesenberg adds inguis 
after te. This makes the sense a little 


414 EP, 476 (FAM. VII. 27). 


varam,’ et ais fore ut te Caesar restituat. Multa tu quidem dicis, 
sed tibi nemo credit. -Tribunatum plebei dicis te mea causa 
petisse. Utinam semper esses tribunus! intercessorem non quae- 
reres. Negas me audere quod sentiam dicere, quasi tibi cum 
impudenter me rogares parum fortiter responderim. 2. Haec 
tibi scripsi ut isto ipso in genere, in quo aliquid posse vis, te 
nihil esse cognosceres. Quod si humaniter mecum questus esses, 
libenter tibi me et facile purgassem: non enim ingrata mihi sunt 
quae fecisti, sed quae scripsisti molesta. Me autem, propter 
quem ceteri liberi sunt, tibi liberum non visum demiror: nam si 
falsa fuerunt quae tu ad me, ut ais, detulisti, quid tibi ego debeo ? 
si vera, tu es optimus testis quid mihi populus Romanus debeat. 


more explicit; but there can be no doubt 
that ego . . . observaram is a quotation 
from the letter of Gallus. Fadius Gallus 
had never been consul. 

restituat| The full legal expression is 
restituere in integrum (Dig. iv. 1). 

intercessorem| ‘to intervene for you.’ 
This is a play on the word, for Gallus 
had apparently asked Cicero to intercede 
for him with Caesar, and tribunes had the 
ius intercedendi. The use of intercedere in 
the sense of ‘ to intercede for’ appears not 
to be usual till post-classical times (Suet. 
Caes. 30), and can only be excused here, 
as it is brought in to make a rather forced 
play on words. It is very far-fetched 
to suppose, as Billerbeck does, that Gallus 
had asked Cicero to go surety for him, as 
he was negotiating a loan of money, and to 
suppose that intercessorem has this signifi- 
cation here, which it undoubtedly has 
elsewhere: cp. Att. vi. 1. 5 (252), Phil. 
li. 45; though not so far-fetched as the 
idea that credit in § 1 means ‘gives you 
credit’ as well as ‘ believes you,’ though 
Cicero elsewhere jokes excellently on the 
double sense of that word: cp. Att. 
i. 16. 10 (22). 

2. isto ipso in genere| sc. scribendt, 
‘that even in your own virulent style (of 


writing) you may understand your utter 
worthlessness.’ 

humaniter| ‘reasonably,’ ‘ rationally.’ 

non... molesta] ‘Iam not ungrate- 
ful for what you have done, but am 
annoyed at what you have written.’ 

propter quem liberi] as being saved from 
the Catilinarian conspiracy. 

liberum non visum| ‘that you think 
me no better than a slave’ (whom you 
may treat any way): cp. Att. 1. 18. 3 (24). 

si vera] Fadius Gallus must have given 
Cicero some important information as 
regards the Catilinarian conspiracy, and 
urged this fact to show Cicero’s ingrati- 
tude. ‘If your information was false, 
what do I owe you? Iftrue, you yourself 
are the best judge of the danger which the 
State incurred at that time, and the debt 
the people owe me, their deliverer.’ ‘This 
reply might have passed in the heat of a 
debate, where no great accuracy of reason- 
ing is required ; but it does not touch the 
claim of Gallus that it was he who made 
the discovery and laid the information, 
while Cicero got all the credit. Indeed, 
from experience of his argumentation in 
the Pro Cluentio and the Pro Milone we 
are always suspicious when we find 
Cicero making use of a logical dilemma. 


EP, 477 (FAM. VIT. 28). 415 


477. CICERO TO MANIUS CURIUS (Fam. vit. 28). 


ROME; AUGUST (P); A. U. Ὁ, 7083 B.C. 463 AET. CIC. δύ. 


M. Cicero desperata re publica, M’ Curium in Graeciam, se in bibliothecam recte 
confugisse sibi videri scribit. 


M. CICERO 5. Ὁ. CURIO. 


1. Memini cum mihi desipere videbare quod cum istis potius 
viveres quam nobiscum; erat enim multo domicilium huius urbis, 
cum quidem haec urbs /wit, aptius humanitati et suavitati tuae 
quam tota Peloponnesus, nedum Patrae: nune contra et vidisse 
mihi multum videris, cum prope desperatis his rebus te in Grae- 
ciam contulisti, et hoc tempore non solum sapiens qui hine absis 
sed etiam beatus. Quamquam quis qui aliquid sapiat nunc esse 
beatus potest? 2. Sed quod tu, cui licebat, pedibus es conse- 
cutus ut ibi esses ‘ubi nec Pelopidarum’—nosti cetera—nos 
idem propemodum consequimur alia ratione. Cum enim salu- 
tationi nos dedimus amicorum, quae fit hoe etiam frequentius 
quam solebat quod quasi avem aibam videntur bene sentientem 


Manius Curius was a negotiator at 
Patrae, and one of Cicero’s hosts in that 
town: cp. note to Fam. xiil. 17. 1 
(512). As holding that relation to Cicero 
he obtained from him introductions to 
Sulpicius and Acilius, governors of 
Achaia, Fam. xiii. 17 (512); 50 (671). 
He was very attentive to Tiro when the 
latter fell ill there in 50. Cicero speaks 
of himas a most charming man, attractive 
and cultured: cp. Fam. xvi. 4. 2 (288), 
and as un vrai esprit spirituel ; Att. vil. 
2. 3 (293), αὐτόχθων est in homine ur- 
banitas: cp. Att. xvi. 3. 3 (773) etst per 
se est amabilis a meque diligitur. We 
should hardly think so from the letter 
of his which is extant, Fam. vii. 29 (677) ; 
the wit seems rather forced. But Cicero 
saw nothing but virtues in his friends. 
Curius nominated Atticus and Cicero 
among his heirs, Att. vii. 2. 3 (293). 

1. cum quidem haec urbs fuit| The 
addition of fuit is due to Wesenberg (Hm. 
Alt. 18). 

humanitati et suavitati tuae] 
cultivated and gentle nature.’ 


‘ your 


2. cui licebat| you could leave Rome: 
1 could not do so without displeasing 
Caesar. 

pedibus| ‘by marching off.’ 

‘ubi nec Pelopidarum’ | ‘ where neither 
Pelops’ sons—you know the rest.’ This 
is a favourite quotation of Cicero’s: cp. 
Aft. mv. 12. 2 (716) 3 ay 11. 8 {744}: 
Fam. vii. 30. 1 (694). In Phil. xiii. 49 
he thus modifies it—in alias terras demig- 
rare unde <Antoniorum nec facta nec 
Jamam audiat. It is not known for 
certain either the author, or the play in 
which it occurs. It has been suggested 
that it may be the Atreus or the Pelopidae 
of Accius. Ribbeck (‘Trag., p. 252) writes 
it thus— 


Ubi nec Pelopidarum nomen nec facta aut 
famam audiam. 


nosti eetera| Cp. Planc. 59 ; Fam. xvi. 
22. 2 (650) ; De Sen. 16 and 61. 

avem albam| White was an emblem 
of good fortune: cp. Pers. i. 110, and 
Mayor’s note on Juv. xiii. 141, gadlinae 
Jilius albae. It was also a sign of 


416 EP, 477 (FAM. VIL. 28). 


civem videre, abdo me in bibliothecam. Itaque opera efficio tanta 
quanta fortasse tu senties : intellexi enim ex tuo sermone quodam, 
cum meam maestitiam et desperationem accusares domi tuae, 
dicere te ex meis libris animum meum desiderare. ὃ. Sed me- 
hercule et tum rem publicam lugebam, quae non solum suis erga 
me sed etiam meis erga se beneficiis erat mihi vita mea carior, et 
hoc tempore, quamquam me non ratio solum consolatur, quae 
plurimum debet valere, sed etiam dies, quae stultis quoque mederi 
-solet, tamen doleo ita rem communem esse dilapsam ut ne spes 
quidem melius aliquando fore relinquatur. Nec vero nunc quidem 
culpa in eo est in cuius potestate omnia sunt—nisi forte id ipsum 
esse non debuit—sed alia casu, alia etiam nostra culpa sic acci- 
derunt ut de praeteritis non sit querendum. Reliquam spem 
nullam video. (Quare ad prima redeo: sapienter haec reliquisti, si 


> 


intone Cpanel 


consilio ; feliciter, si casu. 


excellence in the case of horses: cp. Hor. 
Sat. 1. 7. 8, equis albis praecurrere, and 
Palmer’s note. ‘There is besides a refer- 
ence to the ‘ white crow’ (Juv. vii. 202, 
Feliz tlle tamen, corvo quoque rarior albo), 
which was a rara avis, like the ‘black 
swan’ (Juv. vi. 165, Rara avis in terris 
nigroque sumillima cygno). 

Itaque ... senties| ‘ Accordingly, I 
compose works, important or not as you 
will judge.’ This year Cicero composed 
the Brutus, Paradoxa, and Orator; and 
perhaps the Partitiones Oratoriae. 

domi tuae| Cicero not unfrequently 
notices the place at which a remark was 
made : cp. note on Att. i. 19. 10 (25). 

dicere}| We previously accepted 
Madvig’s emendation discere. ‘From a 
conversation with you I remember learn- 
ing that you regretted the absence of my 
old spirit from my writings.’ But we 
now think Shuckburgh is right in retain- 


ing dicere. ‘From a conversation with 
you I understood you to say that,’ &c. 
Graevius wishes to omit dicere. 

3. rem publicam lugebam| In 475. ὃ 
also Cicero speaks of his having fulfilled 
the duty of mourning for his country, 
when he has just related the course of his 
daily life at this time. 

suis erga me] an old addition, omitted 
wholly in M, while swis erg- is omitted 
in G, erga mein R. 

vita mea] added by Wesenberg (Em. 
Alt. 18), who compares Fam. x. 12. 5 
(838) ; xi. 5. 3 (809); Phil. xiii. 7; see 
also 405. 1; Att. xvi. 15.5 (807); Catil. 
1.27; Sul]. 88; Sest. 45 and often. 

dies... solet| Cp. 529. 6 note, and Att. 
xii. 10 (651), Consolationum autem multae 
viae, sed illa rectissima: impetret ratio 
quod dies impetratura est. 

id ipsum] sc. that all power is concen- 
trated in one hand. 


EP. 478 (FAM. IX. 19). 417 


478. CICERO TO L. PAPIRIUS PAETUS 
(I'am. 1x. 19). 


ROME; AUGUST (LATTER HALF); A. Ὁ. Ὁ. 708; B.C. 46: 
- AET. CIC. 60. 


Quod scripserat L. Paetus tenui apparatu Balbum fuisse contentum, M. Cicero ita 
iocatur quasi ille accusationem incontinentiae suae intenderit. 


CICEKO S. Ὁ. [L. PAPIRIO] PAETO. 


1. Tamen a malitia non discedis? ‘Tenuiculo apparatu sig- 
nificas Balbum fuisse contentum. Hoe videris dicere, cum reges 
tam sint continentes, multo magis consularis esse oportere. Nescis 
me ab illo omnia expiscatum; recta eum a porta domum meam 


1. Tamen ... discedis] ‘So are you 
still at your tricks?’ : tamen ‘no matter 
what I say’; for its use in questions cp. 
Div. in Caecil. 21, Tamen his invitissimis 
te offeres 2 tamen in aliena causa loquere ? 
tamen eos defendes qui... ? tamen his 
operam tuam poliicebare qui... ‘Terence 
Andr. 231 TYamen eam adducam? It 
would be quite possible to put no ques- 
tion sign, ‘So you are still at your 
tricks.’ For tamen referring to something 
in the letter which Cicero is answering 
cp. note to 459. 1. For maditia in the sense 
of esprit malin, and so generally ‘ shrewd- 
ness,’ cp. Att. xv. 26.4 (763) Ego autem, 
si mihi timposuisset aliquid, quod paene fecit 
nist tua malitia adfuisset, animno iniquo 
tulissem: also Plancus ap. Fam. x. 21. 3 
(861) ego non malus homo. The word mali- 
tia ought in this sense to be brought to the 
aid of a corrupt passage in Att. ΧΙ]. 22. 4 
(635), where for a quibus sine te opprimi 
militia est. Alteris should be read a 
quibus sine tua opprimt malitia! Est 
alteris, ‘to think of my being pounced 
upon by them without your shrewdness 
to help me! There is in the other letter, 
ζο.᾽ Nisi tua malitia adfuisset in Att. xv. 
26. 4 (763) is exactly parallel to sine tua 
malitia here. 

Tenuiculo apparatu| ‘a very poor 
spread.’ ‘There was a sumptuary law of 
Caesar’s in operation at this time: cp. 
479. 4 note. Similar diminutive adjec- 
tives used by Cicero are dulciculus, forti- 


VOL. IV. 


culus, leviculus, 
subturpiculus. 

Balbum] Cp. 480. 1. 

veges] A sneer at the Caesareans who 
have abolished the free state: 

recta eum .. . venisse—neque ... 
suam ;—ego| We read ewm for enim with 
the ‘ vetus codex’ of Lambinus. ‘ Don’t 
you know that I have fished everything 


tristiculus, turpiculus, 


‘out of him; that he came straight from 


the gate to my door—and I don’t wonder 
at his not going to his own door, but at 
his not going to his own dear.’ Cicero is 
not careful to abstain from insinuations 
against Balbus, in a letter to the festive 
Paetus: cp. 480. 1, ex quo (sc Balbo) vel 
ex sobrio vel certe ex ebrio scire posses. 
Most edd. alter venisse to venit. The 
play of fancy which Cicero expressed by 
the omission of a preposition, we have 
reproduced by a play on words. Mendels- 
sohn (IV. Jahrb. fiir Phil., 1891, p. 340) 
reads sed illud quod non vv (for ad) suam. 
‘I do not wonder at his not going to his 
own house, but at his not treating my 
house as his own,’ and making himself 
quite at home there. It is a bitter 
sarcasm directed against the insolenee 
which Cicero represents the Caesareans 
as displaying towards their opponents. 
Mendelssohn compares 508. 1 ; Off. iii. 58 ; 
Plaut. Most. 809, which passages, how- 
ever, have no sarcastic reference. But that 
sort of conduct, especially towards Cicero, 
was not at all characteristic of Balbus. 


2E 


418 EP. 478 (FAM. IX. 19). 


venisse. Neque hoc admiror, quod non suam potius, sed illud, quod 
non ad suam. Ego autem tribus primis verbis, ‘Quid noster 
Paetus?’ At ille adiurans, nusquam se umquam libentius. 
2. Hoe si verbis adsecutus es, auris ad te adferam non minus 
elegantis; sin autem opsonio, peto a te ne pluris esse balbos quam 
disertos putes. Me cotidie aliud ex alio impedit. Sed si me 
expediero ut in ista loca venire possim, non committam ut te sero 


ame certiorem factum putes. 


ego autem tribus primis verbis| sc. 
wnterrogavi. * Well, the tirst three words 
I said were the question ‘‘what of 
Paetus ?’’ and he in reply swore he had 
never enjoyed himself more.’ For inter- 
rogare understood, Heidemann compares 
Att. il, 12. 2 (37); lle ex me nihtine 
audissem novi; v. 18. 1 (203) aut 
audisse te puto aut [sc. interrogaturum]. 
‘Quid ad me attinet?’ The expression 
tribus verbis is here used literally : ep. 
Cluent. 50, accusabat autem ille quidem 
Scamandrum verbis tribus “ Venenum esse 
deprehensum’: but it is often used where 
we should say ‘a word or two’: cp. 
Plaut. Mil. 1020; Trin. 963, Heus, Paz, 
te tribus verbis volo: cp. Pind. Nem. vii. 
48, τρία ἔπεα διαρκέσει. Tertio quoque 
verbo means as we would say ‘at every 
second word.’ 

At ille adiurans| sc. dixit, as often. 

libentius] sc. fuisse. 

2. non minus elegantis | 
fined.’ 


‘no less re- 
Balbus does not appear to have 


é 


been a very bright, or cultivated, com- 


panion. 

verbis ... opsonio] ‘conversation... 
catering.’ 

balbos . disertos| Cicero. cannot 


resist a play on a name: cp. for example 
Bulbus and Gutta in Cluent. 71; on Rex 
in Att. i. 16, 10 (22). We do not know 
how to reproduce this play in English. 

Me cotidie . . . wmpedit| Cp. 474. 2 
in maximarum quasi concursum occupa- 
tionum. Cicero appears to be again 
thinking of his journey to Naples, which 
he had on his return to Rome apparently 
abandoned (475. 1): cp. Schmidt, p. 250. 

Sed si me expediero| Cp. Att. 111. 20. 
2 (78), Quod te in tanta hereditate ab 
omni occupatione expedisti valde mihi 
gratum est. Also above 464. 6 fin., yo 
si quae volo expediero brevi tempore te, ut 
spero, videbo. 

non committam| ‘I shall take good 
care not to let you consider that I have 
given you insufficient notice.’ 


pO Oe ae ee 


EP. 479 (FAM. IX. 26). 


479. 


419 


CICERO TO L. PAPIRIUS PAETUS 


(Fam, IX. 26). 


ROME}; NOVEMBER (?); A. U. 6. 7083; B. C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero describit et excusat cenam Volumnii liberiorem habitam accumbente 


Cytheride. 


CICERO S. Ὁ. PAETO. 


1. Accubueram hora nona, cum ad te harum exemplum in 


ecodicillis exaravi. Dices, ubi? 


quidem supra me Atticus, infra Verrius, familiares tui. 


apud Volumnium EKutrapelvm ; et 


Miraris 


tam exhilaratam esse servitutem nostram ? Quid ergo faciam? te 


consulo qui philosophum audis. 
adsequar? Deinde quem ad finem ? 


Angar? excruciem me? quid 
Vivas, inquis, in litteris. 


An quidquam me aliud agere censes? aut possem vivere, nisi in 


litteris viverem? Sed est 


modus. 


This letter was written after Caesar’s 
sumptuarv law (cp. 481. 5; Att. xiii. 7. 
1 (619); Suet. 11]. 43) was passed. We 
do not know when it was passed; but what 
with Caesar’s triumphs and games and 
other occupations (such as land assigna- 
tions, cp. 480. 1), we can hardly suppose 
it earlier than October. As Cicero speaks 
with some bitterness of Caesar’s increas- 
ing unconstitutionalism (ᾧ 4, si ula nune 
lex), we may, perhaps, place this letter a 
good while after September—possibly 
early in November. 

1. Accubueram] ‘I have just taken my 
place at table at three o’clock, and am 
jotting down a copy of this letter in my 
note-book.’ Cicero would afterwards copy 
the letter into chartae. These are episto- 
lary tenses. For exaravi cp. Fam. xii. 20 
(930), haec cum essem in senatu exaravi, 
For codicilli cp. 500. 1, and note to Q. Fr. 
ii. 9. 1 (132); also Ellis on Catull. 42.11. 
The ninth hour was the regular hour for 
dinner: cp. note to 472. 8, and Martial 
iv. 8. 6. 

harum| Klotz inserts litterarwm, but 
it is not necessary: cp. Fam. xi. 14. 3 
(886), Scripsist? autem ad me its quas 
14. Maiis dedisti ; Att. ii. 10 (38); Fam. 


earum etiam non satietas sed quidam 
A quibus cum discessi, etsi minimum mihi est in cena— 


vil. 16.1 (157); and Fam. xi. 14. 3 (886). 
Possibly we should omit /z¢¢éerzs in Att. vi. 
2. 7 (256), as it is not found in M, though 
F has it. 

supra... .infra] Cicero occupied the 
middle seat on one of the dinner couches: 
cp. Hor. Sat. 11. 8. 20, and Palmer’s note 
and diagram. For Verrius cp. 475. 2. 
Manutius supposes that he was Verrius 
Flaccus, who was skilled in pontifical law, 
and whose freedman was Verrius Flaccus 
the grammarian. 

exhilaratam esse| ‘ had become so gay.’ 

philosophum audis] * are having lessons 
from a philosopher,’ viz. Dion the Epicu- 
rean. 

Angar ? excruciem me 3] ‘AmTI to dis- 
tress, to torture myself?’ M? reads exeru- 
ciemne me, though it is unusual, as Wesen- 
berg (Em. Alt. 32) points out, to find the 
interrogative with the second question, 
and not with the first. He _proposed to 
omit -ve with Μ', and this is confirmed 
by the reading of HD. 

quem ad finem| ‘how long?’ 

minimum mihi est in cena] “1 set very 
little store by my dinner—the ‘one sub- 
ject of inquiry you laid before ree me 
Dion.’ This is explained below (ὁ 8). 


2E2 


420 


EP. 479 (FAM. 1X. 26). 


quod tu unum ζήτημα Dioni philosopho posuisti—tamen quid 
potius faciam prius quam me dormitum conferam non reperio. 


2. Audi reliqua. 


Infra Kutrapelum Cytheris accubuit. 


In eo 


igitur, inquis, convivio Cicero ille, 


quem aspectabant, cuius ob os Graii ora obvertebant sua ? 


Non, mehercule, suspicatus sum illam adfore: 


sed tamen ne Aris- 


tippus quidem ille Socraticus erubuit, cum esset obiectum habere 


eum Laida: ‘ Habeo,’ inquit, ‘non habeor [a Laide].’ 
hoc melius; tu, si voles, interpretabere. 
iuvenem quidem movit umquam, ne nunc senem. 


2. Cytheris| an actress, mistress of 
Volumnius, and afterwards of Mark An- 
tony (Mayor on Phil. ii. 20 and 58): ep. 
395. 5. From the present letter it would 
appear that she remained on friendly 
terms with Volumnius. Some commen- 
tators see an allusion to her in Fam. vii. 
32. 2 (229), ἀκύθηρον, but this is not pro- 
bable, though there is a play there on 
ἀκύθηρον = *‘ without Cytherea’ (Venus) 
and venustwm, as Shuckburgh pointed 
out. 

aceubuit| ‘ quia meretrix : nam honestae 
mulieres sedebant,’ Manutius; cp. Becker- 
Goll ‘Gallus,’ 111. 8377, who quote Val. 
Max. ii. 1. 2, Feminae cum viris cubantibus 
sedentes cenitabant. Quod genus severitatis 
aetas nostra (time of Tiberius) diligentius 
in Capitolio quam in suis domibus servat. 

quem aspectabant| Ribbeck (Frag. 
Trag., p. 248) places this troch. tetr. cat. 
among the fragments (No. 80) of uncer- 
tain authorship, though he thinks that it 
may belong to the ‘ Eurysaces’ of Accius ; 
others (e.g. Kihner) refer it to the 
‘Telamo’ of Ennius: cp. Tusc. ili. 39. 
The line before it was Hiccine est tlle 
Telamo modo quem gloria ad caelum 
extulit. 

Aristippus| The head of the Cyrenaic 
school. He held that the bodily pleasure 
of the moment (μονόχρονος ἡδονή) was the 
summum bonum, and that εὐδαιμονία was 
the sum of such pleasurable moments. 
Another definition of the τέλος which he 
gave was τὴν λείαν κίνησιν eis αἴσθησιν 
ἀναδιδομένην : cp. Diog. Laert. ii. 85. 
This is the way the saying is reported 
by Athen. xii. 544d, ᾿Αρίστιππος ἐπὶ τῆς 
Λαίδος εἶπε ἔχω καὶ οὐκ ἔχομαι, and Acron 
on Hor. Epp. i. 17. 36, habeo [sed] non 


Graece 
Me vero nihil istorum ne 
Convivio 


habeor. In Hesychius Milesius (FHG iv. 
156), if it is he, the form is ἔχω Aalda. 
ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔχομαι. 

‘ Habeo’ ... ‘nonhabeor’| €xw... ovk 
ἔχομαι. Cicero says it is better in Greek, 
because hadbeor has not the force which éxo- 
μαι has of being closely attached to, cling- 
ing to (inhaerere). The Greek expression is 
something like our ‘among them, but not 
of them.’ The Latin is quite «different, 
habeor being distinctly passive. All rela- 
tions sat lightly on Aristippus: cp. Diog. 
Laert. ii. 66, ἣν ἱκανὸς ἁρμόσασθαι καὶ 
τόπῳ καὶ χρόνῳ καὶ προσώπῳ καὶ πᾶσαν 
περίστασιν ἁρμοδίως ὑποκρίνασθαι ; Hor. 
Epp. 1. 17. 28, Omnis Aristippum decuit 
color et status et res Temptantem maiora 
Sere praesentibus aequum. He was not a 
slave to anything, not even to the love of 
the beautiful Lais. The point may, per- 
haps, be represented in English by some 
such turn as ‘ Lais is my mistress, but I 
am her master’ (no slave to her). 

a Laide| We have bracketed these 
words with Muretus and Wesenberg 
(1. c.). If Cicero had expressed the name- 
at all, he would have said habeo, inguit, 
Laida, non habeor ab ilia: and this is,. 
perhaps, the correct rendering of the say- 
ing, for in Clem. Alexandrinus, Strom. ii. 
411 C. (= vol. i, p. 490, ed. Potter), it is 
ἔχω Λαίδα καὶ οὐκ ἔχομαι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς. Lais. 
was the celebrated courtesan of Corinth, 
so often spoken of by the writers of the 
Anthology. Diog. Laertius (ii. 84) tells 
us that Aristippus dedicated two books 
to her. 

interpretabere| ‘give a rendering of 
it.” Cicero is not at all satisfied with the 
rough and ready version habeo, non habeor. 

ne| = nedum, ‘not to say now that I 


Snopes 


EP. 479 (FAM. IX. 26). 


421 


delector: ibi loquor quod in solum, ut dicitur, et gemitum in 


risus maximos transfero. 


3. An tu id melius, qui etiam [in] 


philosophum irriseris, gud cum ille, si quis quid quaereret, dixisset 
cenam te quaerere a mane dixeris? Ille baro te putabat quae- 


siturum, unum caelum esset an innumerabilia. 


Quid ad te? 


At hercule cena num quid ad te, 101 praesertim? 4. Sic igitur 


am old,’ nedicam. The use of ne = nedum 
is rare. For explanation of the origin of 
the usage cp. Riemann-Gdélzer § 708, 
note. 

quod in solum| ‘whatever crops up.’ 
On N. D. i. 65, Professor J. B. Mayor 
translates ‘turns up” ‘is brought on the 
tapis,’ adding that the origin of the phrase 
is doubtful. Manutius thinks it refers to 
chance-grown weeds (solum = ground): 
but Professor Mayor, suggesting that 
solum would refer rather to what comes 
from above than from below, would con- 
nect it with the legal ves soli. Dr. Reid 
thinks the phrase may mean what meets 
the foot (solum), comparing τὰ ἐν ποσί 
and like expressions: cp. note to Ep. 303. 
He compares phrases like quidquid in 
buccam wenerit : see also Otto, p. 328. 

3. gui cum ille] So we read after a 
suggestion of Wesenberg (l.c.). He also 
proposed cum, cum ille : but Cicero avoids 
this ill-sounding collocation (see Leh- 
mann, p. 107). 

si quis quid quaereret]| So H, while M 
has guidquid. But we do not think that 
Cicero would use quidquid indefinitely, 
though it is found in legal expressions, 
e. g. Liv. ΧΙ. 8, 10; Ulpian Dig. xlvii. 5, 
1, pr: cp. Roby 2289. 

ΤΠ baro| ‘Mr. Dryasdust thought that 
you wanted to make the subject of your 
inquiry whether there was one heaven or 
countless heavens.” We cannot profess 
any certainty as to what the joke was. 
It is barely possible that Mr. Dryasdust 
did not quite catch what Paetus said, and 
thought that instead of EHyomet cenam a 
mane quaero, ‘ Ihave been inquiring after 
a dinner from early morning,’ he had 
said, Egomet caelumne immane quaero, 
‘My question is, are the heavens of 
enormous magnitude?’ That there were 
€ountless worlds in infinite space was an 
Epicurean doctrine: cp. N. D. i. 53 ; 67; 
96, &c. Barones appears to have been a 
contemptuous name given to the Epicu- 
rean philosophers: cp. Att. v. 11. 6 (200), 
Apud Patronem et religuss barones te 


maxima in gratia posur. It is possibly from 
the same rootas βαρύς (Vanicek, p. 217) in 
spite of the difference of quantity: cp. 
Brutus : for other derivations see Coning- 
ton on Pers. v. 138. Cicero uses the word 
elsewhere: Fin. ii. 76; De Div. ii. 144. 
Wolfflin (‘ Archiv’ ix. 13) sees in daro 
the idea of a one-sided culture, not an 
absolute lack of culture ; and specially of 
a development of bodily over mental capa- 
cities ; something like our ‘ blockhead.’ 

Quid ad te?) ‘What is that to you?’ 
There is no need to add id: cp. Phil. ii. 
72; Rose. Am. 92; Rosc. Com. 34; 
2 Verr. i. 116 (according to Priscian ii. 
262.2, ed. Keil) ; Hor. Ep. i. 6.12. See 
also Att. xii. 17 (550) and note; xv. 13 a. 
7 (795); Catull. 10.31. Butin Pro Quinct. 
79 we have quid id ad rem. See also 
Lehmann, p. 66. 

At hercule? ... praesertim] We give 
the ordinary reading (which is that of 
M, with the exception of num for non, 
and 707 for ἐδ), though it can hardly be 
right. ‘ What is that question to you 
(sc. about the infinity of worlds)? But, 
good gracious, the question of dinner— 
surely ἐέ cannot concern you? at Naples, 
too?’ Cicero means that in that luxuri- 
ous and fashionable region, where Paetus 
has so many friends, he must have plenty 
of invitations. Wesenberg (1. ὁ.) objects 
to this reading that there is no opposition 
in At, and that ἐδὲ ought to be istic; but 
Cicero may be thinking of Naples as 
fashionable Naples, and not as the place 
where Paetus is living. These objections 
are obviated by Shuckburgh’s interpreta- 
tion, which supposes that At hercule... 
praeser tim is an objection made by Paetus. 
‘¢ Well, in heaven’s name,”’ you will say 
to me, ‘‘ was a dinner a great matter to 
you, and there of all places,’ 1.6. at the 
table of Volumnius, where Cytheris was 
a guest? Wesenberg supposes that guid 
ad te has been repeated and has ejected the 
right reading, which was cena non negli- 
genda, or something of the kind. H 
reads Quid ad te hercule cena ? Num quid 


422 


EP. 480 (FAM. IX. 17). 


vivitur. Cotidie aliquid legitur aut scribitur : dein, ne amicis nihil 
tribuamus, epulamur una, non modo non contra legem, si ulla 


nune lex est, sed etiam intra legem et quidem aliquanto. 
nihil est quod adventum nostrum extimescas. 


hospitem accipies, multi ioci. 


480. 


Quare 
Non multi cibi 


CICERO TO L. PAPIRIUS PAETUS (Fam. rx. 17). 


ROME; AUGUST (END) OR SEPTEMBER (BEGINNING); A. U. C. 708 ; 
B. C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


Cum C. Caesar militibus agros adsignaturus esse diceretur, verebatur J.. Papirius 
Paetus ne ad suos quoque agros res spectaret. 


CICERO [L. PAPIRIO] PAETO. 


1. Non tu homo ridiculus es qui, cum Balbus noster apud te 


ad te praesertim ? which would appear to 
mean (if it has any meaning), ‘ What is 
a dinner to you? Surely it cannot be 
anything to you of all men in the world.’ 
Mendelssohn (N. Jahrb. fiir Phil., 1891, 
p- 341) thinks that some Greek words are 
lost, and suggests ‘Quid ad te?’ <At 
hercule γύναιον προσκοπή, {ἰδὲ praesertin ! 
‘ You laugh at the philosopher and want 
to know what he and his opinions can 
have to say to me; but you think my 
dining with a woman like Cytheris a 
stone of stumbling, and are offended at 
it, you of all men in the world, who are 
so pleasure-loving yourself.” We cannot 
think that this is probable. The passage, 
we fear, still needs correction and ex- 
planation. Mendelssohn himself says, 
‘ipsum illud vocabulum Graecum non 
posui nisi exempli causa.’ 
4, Sic igitur vivitur] 
the way my life goes.’ 
intra legem| ‘within the law, and, 
indeed, well within it.’ The reference is 
to the sumptuary law of Julius Caesar 
passed in this year, 46 (cp. 481. 5), which, 
among other provisions [possibly a re- 
striction was also put on monuments to 
the dead; yet cp. note to Att. xii. 35. 2 
(577)], ‘restricted the liberty of buying 
certain dainties. A strict watch was kept 
on the markets, and sometimes dishes 
which had been already set on the table 
were forcibly removed by Caesar’s orders’ 
(Watson, p. 494, who refers to Suet. Iul. 
43). The Lex Sumptuaria of Fam. vii. 26. 


‘ This, then, is 


2 (94) appears to have been the Aemilian 
law of 115; but see note on that letter. 
Some critics place Ep. 94 in 46 8.0.5 
and suppose the law there mentioned to 
be this law of Caesar’s. We are not 
surprised to hear that Caesar’s sumptuary 
law was little heeded: cp. Att. xiii. 7. 1 
(619). We cannot argue that because 
Cicero says, § 4, nihil est quod adventum 
nostrum extimescas, he was meditating a 
visit to Paetus; for, in 475.1, he says 
his visit is put off, yet, in 475. 2, he says 
Proinde para te. He only means that, 
when he does visit Paetus, he will find 
that he is a cheerful but not greedy 
guest. 

Non multi cibi, multi toct] For this 
genitive of quality cp. Rosc. Am. 17, 
plurimarum palmarum gladiator, where 
Landgraf has a learned note: cp. also 
Roby 1308 ; Fam. vii. 1. 2 (127), dudi... 
non tut stomachi; also note to iustissime 
triumphi res in Fam. v. 10. 3 (696). 
For the asyndeton after non see Wesen- 
berg (Em. Alt. 32), who compares Fam. 
vill. 8. 3 (223), in tabulas absolutum non 
retulit, ordinum iudicia perscripsit ; 
iv. 18. 4 (483), non attingam, tibi totam 
relinquam. 


1. Non tu] Watson defends non by 
Rose. Com. 5, adversaria proferre non 
amentia est? Gronovius, followed by 
Wesenberg, alters to Ne, ‘in truth,’ 
putting a comma at putem. 

Balbus| Cp. 478. 1. 


EP. 480 (HAM. LX. 17). 423 


fuerit, ex me quaeras quid de istis municipiis et agris futurum | 
putem ἢ quasi aut ego quidquam sciam quod iste nesciat aut, si 
quid aliquando scio, non ex isto soleam scire. Immo vero, si me 
amas, tu fac ut sciam quid de nobis futurum sit: habuisti enim in 
tua potestate, ex quo vel ex sobrio vel certe ex ebrio scire posses. 
Sed ego ista, mi Paete, non quaero: primum quia de lucro prope 
lam quadriennium vivimus, si aut hoe lucrum est aut haec vita, 
superstitem rei publicae vivere, deinde quod scire ego quoque mihi 
videor quid futurum sit. Fiet enim quodcumque volent qui 
valeount; valebunt autem semper arma. Satis igitur nobis esse 
debet quidquid conceditur: hoe si qui pati non potuit mori 
debuit. 2. Veientem quidem agrum et Capenatem metiuntur: 
hoe non longe abest a Tusculano. Nihil tamen timeo: fruor 
dum licet: opto ut semper liceat. Si id minus contigerit, tamen, 
quoniam ego vir fortis idemque philosophus vivere pulcherrimum 
duxi, non possum eum non diligere cuius beneficio id consecutus 
sum. Qui si cupiat esse rem publicam qualem fortasse et ille 
vult et omnes optare debemus, quid faciat tamen non habet: ita 


istis municipiis et agris| Paetus was 
afraid that Caesar would confiscate 
private lands near Naples, and make 
assignations of them to his soldiers and 
partisans; but Caesar did not do so: 
cp. Appian, Bell. Civ. ii. 94, οὐ καθάπερ 
Σύλλας ἀφαιρούμενος ἑτέρων ἥν ἔχουσι καὶ 
τοῖς ἀφαιρεθεῖσι τοὺς λαβόντας συνοικίζων 
καὶ ποιῶν ἀλλήλοις εἰσαεὶ πολεμίους. ‘The 
lands Caesar assigned to his followers 
were always public lands. 

ebrio| Cp. note to 478. 2. Watson 
suggests that the pains in his legs from 
which Balbus suffered (cp. Fam. vi. 19. 2 
(648)) may have been due to excess of 
this nature. Balbus was normally a 
very reserved man: cp. Att. xiv. 21. 2 
(728), et nosti virum quam tectus, sed 
tamen Antoni consilia nurrabat ... Nihil 
sincert. 

de lucro| ‘Indeed it is pure gain that 
I am alive for the last four years’; lit. 
‘I am living on what is pure gain’: 
cp. Livy xl. 8. 2, where Perseus says, 
de lucro tibi vivere me scito. Lucrum is 
properly that gain which is unexpected, 
unearned, and on which one had no right 
to reckon. There was, generally, a 
heading in account books for lwerwm. 
The expression de Jucro vivere is like such 


phrases as those in which de signifies the 
source from which expenses come, as 
Plaut. Truc. 953, de vestro vivito; Rud. 
181, gui de vespert vivat suo; Poen. 534, 
ubi bibas, edas de alieno; Cic. Verr. iii. 
105, non modo in publico sed etiam de 
publico convivari. Cicero means that he 
had no right during the last four years to 
reckon even on his life, as it was at the 
mercy of Caesar: cp. Hor. Carm. i. 9. 14, 
Quem Fors dierum cunque dabit lucro 
A ppone. 

2. metiuntur] The subject is not 
expressed: ‘they (Caesar’s officials) are 
surveying’ for assignments of land. 

hoc} ‘This (i.e. the surveying of the 
lands) is not very far from ‘Tusculum.’ 
Capena was in Etruria, near Mount 
Soracte. ‘The district was about twenty- 
five or thirty miles from Tusculum. 

vir fortis idemque philosophus| irony. 
In his cool and cynical moments Cicero 
chose to see himself as his enemies saw 
him. 

pulcherrimum | 
noblest aim.’ 

quid faciat tamen non habet| The mss. 
read guid, ‘he does not know what to 
do ’ (to effect this purpose). If itis felt 
that this is too much to understand 


κάλλιστον, ‘man’s 


424 EP. 481 (FAM. LX. 15). 


se cum multis conligavit. 9. Sed longius progredior: scribo 
enim ad te. Hoc tamen scito, non modo me qui consiliis non 
intersum sed ne ipsum quidem principem scire quid futurum sit. 
Nos enim illi servimus, ipse temporibus: ita nec ille quid: tem- 
pora postulatura sint nec nos quid ille cogitet scire possumus. 
Haec tibi antea non rescripsi, non quo cessator esse solerem, prae- 
sertim in litteris, sed cum explorati nihil haberem nec tibi 
sollicitudinem ex dubitatione mea nec spem ex adfirmatione 
adferre volui. Illud tamen adscribam, quod est verissimum, me his 
temporibus adhue de isto periculo nihil audisse. Tu tamen pro 
tua sapientia debebis optare optima, cogitare difficillima, ferre 
quaecumque erunt. 


CICERO TO L, PAPIRIUS PARTUS. 
(αν. 1x. 15). 


481. 


ROME; FIRST INTERCALARY MONTH (MIDDLE); A. U. 6. 7083 B. 0. 46; 
AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero L. Papirio Paeto ad duas epistulas respondet, priori de valetudine et de 
illius in se amore ac iucunditate, alteri nihil referre utrum Romae sit an Neapoli, 
cum Romae unius nutu regantur omnia. 


CICERO PAETO S. 


1, Duabus tuis epistulis respondebo: uni, quam quadriduo 


(though we cannot think that it is), -qua 
id for quid would be a possible alteration, 
‘how he can effect this’: cp. Ter. Ad. 
690 Num quid tute prospexti tibi quid 
Jieret, qua fieret. 

ita... conligavit| ‘so completely has 
he entangled himselt with many people’: 
cp. 487. 3, multa enim victori eorum arbi- 
trio per quos vicit etiam tuvito facienda 
sunt, quoted by Stipfle-Boeckel. 

3. scribo enim ad te| Explains longius. 
-I am becoming prolix; for you know 
all about it.’ 

non modo| = non modo non, as both 
clauses have the same predicate, and me 
quidem is in the second clause. 

Haec tibi antea non rescripsi | ‘I have not 
written this answer to your letter sooner.’ 
Haec refers to the whole letter. It is not 


necessary to read perscripsi, as suggested 
by Miuller.. 

nec tidbit... volui| ‘and I did not wish 
to cause you anxiety by a hesitating 
assertion, or hope by a positive one.’ 

de isto periculo| Cp. ὃ 1, the danger 
that the lands at Naples would be con- 
fiscated. 

optare ... erunt| An almost exact 
Latin version of our homely piece of 
proverbial philosophy, ‘Hope for the 
best, expect the worst, and be ready for 
whatever turns up.’ 


This letter was written late in Caesar’s 
stay in Rome, when Caesar’s legislation 
seems to have been well in operation (§ 2), 
and Cicero has little illusion of any 
rehabilitation of the Republic. Caesar’s 


EP. 481 (FAM. IX. 15). 425 
ante acceperam a Zetho: alteri, quam attulerat Phileros tabella- 
rius. Ex prioribus tuis litteris intellexi pergratam tibi esse 
curam meam valetudinis tuae quam tibi perspectam esse gaudeo. 
Sed, mihi crede, non perinde ut est reapse ex litteris per- 
spicere potuisti. Nam cum a satis multis—non enim possum 
aliter dicere—et coli me videam et diligi, nemo est illorum 
omnium mihi te iucundior. Nam quod me amas, quod id et 
iampridem et constanter facis, est id quidem magnum atque 
haud scio an maximum, sed tibi commune cum multis: quod tu 
ipse tam amandus es tamque dulcis tamque in omni genere 
lucundus, id est proprietuum. 2. Accedunt non Attici, sed salsiores 
quam 11} Atticorum, Romani veteres atque urbani sales. Ἰῦρο 
auutem—existimes licet quod libet—mirifice capior facetiis, maxime 
nostratibus, praesertim cum eas videam primum oblitas Latio tum 
cum in urbem nostram est infusa peregrinitas, nune vero etiam 
bracatis et ‘'ransalpinis nationibus, ut nullum veteris leporis 


‘departure for Spain seems to be regarded 
as certain (§ 4). It may be placed with 
Schmidt (p. 259) in the first intercalary 
month (= Uctober). If Cicero is speaking 
literally in § 4, and we suppose that the 
forgeries of his name did not begin until 
Caesar returned, it would be possible for 
communication to pass from Rome to 
Armenia and back by the first intercalary 
month. 

1. Zetho}] We do not know who he 
was. Billerbeck says he was a freedman 
of Atticus. 

esse curam ... quam tibi} So Ὁ and H 
(except that H omits esse), also some in- 
ferior Mss. ‘The words are omitted in M. 
A still further amplification appears in 
Cratander and Lambinus, Esse curam 
meam valetudinis tuae <animumque erga te 
meum> quem tibi; but the latter interpo- 
dation may be due to the fact that M has 
perspectum, not perspectam. 

atque| ‘ or rather,’ cp. Off. i. 33, 
Est enim ulciscendi et puniendi modus, 
atque haud scio an satis sit eum qui 
lacessierit iniuriae suue paenitere. 

2. Accedunt non’ Attici . . .. sales] 
“You have besides a style of wit not 
Attic, but more pungent than that of the 
Attic writers—the fine old wit of the 
City of Rome.’ Cicero was possibly 
reading the old Latin poets at this time: 
hence his quotations from them 472. 6 ; 
474.1; 477.2; 479. 2. 


oblitus Latio| ‘Smirched by Latinism 
(lit. Latium), when the stream of pro- 
vinciality flowed into our city, and now 
by the trowsered and  ‘Transalpine 
nations’: though it must be allowed 
that ‘ besmirched by the nations’ is a 
strange phrase. Hirschfeld thinks that 
we should read dJuto, and Bardt adopts 
this suggestion, perhaps rightly. It is 
very attractive. Madvig (A.C. ili. 163) 
reads Lati ‘have forgotten Latium,’ and 
adds in before bracatis ‘and now they 
forget it all the more among the Trans- 
alpine nations.” Latin jokes would (he 
holds) be natural and racy of the true old 
Roman breed, and Cicero would not deem 
them deserving of censure as of foreign 
complexion ; and he justly says, ‘ Prorsus 
monstri similes sunt facetiae oblitae 
nationibus bracatis.” However, Cicero 
may mean that from the first introduc- 
tion of non-Romans into the community 
by the incorporation of the Latins down to 
his own day, when Celts are admitted, 
genuine Roman wit has become debased 
more and more, 

bracatis| ‘The Gauls of the province 
of Narbonensis were called dracati in 
opposition to the Gauls of North Italy, 
who were ¢ogati, and the Gauls of the 
greater part of Gallia, who were called 
comati: cp. Plin. H. N.iv. 105; Catull. 
xxix. 8; Mommsen R. H. iv. 215. But 
all Transalpine Gaul was sometimes desig- 


. 


426 EP. 481 (FAM. IX. 15). 

vestigium appareat. Itaque te cum video, omnis mihi Granios, 
omnis Lucilios, vere ut dicam, Crassos quoque et Laelios videre 
videor. Moriar si praeter te quemquam reliquum habeo in quo 
possim imaginem antiquae et vernaculae festivitatis agnoscere. 
Ad hos lepores cum amor erga me tantus accedat, miraris me: 
tanta perturbatione valetudinis tuae tam graviter exanimatum 
fuisse? 8. Quod autem altera epistula purgas te non dissua- 
sorem mihi emptionis Neapolitanae fuisse sed auctorem modera- 
tionis, urbane, neque ego aliter accepi: intellexi tamen idem, 
quod his intellego litteris, non existimasse te mihi licere id quod 
ego arbitrabar, res has non omnino quidem sed magnam partem 
relinguere. Catulum mihi narras et illa tempora. Quid simile ἢ 
ne mihi quidem ipsi tune placebat diutius abesse ab rei publicae 


nated as Gallia comata, Phil. viii. 27. For 
Narbonensis called dracata cp. Plin. H.N. 
Hi. ol: 

leporis| ‘liveliness.’ 

Granios| Cp. De Orat. 11. 244, Granio 
quidem nemo dicacior, and Att. vi. ὃ. 7 
(264): cp. also Brut. 160; 172; Planc. 
38; Lucilius (ap. Gell. iv. 17 = Lucil. 
412 ed. Marx) for references to this clever 
and mordant praeco (auctioneer), a class 
with whom sharp wit was habitual, 
cp. Apul. Met. viii. 23 ff.; and Cic. Pro 
Quinct. 11. The Lucilius here referred 
to was the poet. For Crassus as a wit, 
cp. De Orat. ii. 222 ; 264, and elsewhere. 
For Laelius, cp. De Orat. ii. 286, and 
Wilkins’s note; also Muren. 66 ; Hor. Sat. 
11. 1.72, mitis sapientia Lael. 

antiquae et vernaculae festivitatis| ‘Our 
good old racy jocularity.’ For vernaculae, 
‘ indigenous,’ ‘ native,’ Billerbeck com- 
pares Att. vii. 2, 3 (293), αὐτόχθων in 
homine urbanitas est, and Brut. 172, Tincam 
non minus multa ridicule dicentem Granius 
obruebat nescio quo sapore vernaculo, 

3. Quod autem... relinquere] We have 
adopted the reading suggested by Madvig, 
Fin. p. 806, and adopted by Wesenberg 
(see Adn. Crit.). With wrbane supply, as 
often, facis; e.g. Att. v. 4. 2 (187) de Tor- 
qguato probe (sc. fecisti). ‘Foras to your 
apology in another letter that you never 
urged me not to buy the house at Naples, 
but only to live in a quieter manner, 
that is a graceful way of putting it, and 
I did not take it up otherwise. How- 
ever, I understood what I now understand 
from your present letter that you are of 


opinion that I cannot do what I thought 
I could, viz. abandon politics, not of 
course entirely, but to a considerable 
degree.’ For moderationis urbanae Manu- 
tius or Lambinus proposed commorationis 
urbanae, ‘living in the city.’ Now that 
Cicero had abandoned this purchase, he 
had thoughts of purchasing Sulla’s 
mansion at Naples, ὁ). Cicero was in- 
corrigible as regards extravagance in 
money matters, especially in the purchase 
of houses. 

Catulum| Paetus had probably ad- 
duced Catulus as an example of a good 
citizen, who never shrank from politics, 
but struggled on till his death against the 
rising democracy. But the times are 
very different, says Cicero; then I was 
so reluctant to leave the political arena 
that I refused to take ἃ province. 
Catulus marked an era in politics. On 
his death Cicero took up his part as 
leader of the moderate aristocrats: cp. 
Att. i. 20. 3 (26). 

narras| Cp. note to 472. 7. 

Quid simile ?| Cp. Fam. vii. 23. 2 
(126) Bacchas istas cum Musis Metelit 
comparas. Quid simile ? 

tunc . . . custodia] Cicero declined to 
take a province after his consulship: see 
Fam. vy. 2. 3 (14) ut primum in contione pro- 
vinciam deposuerim (just before he had said 
me... praetermisisse provinciam), and cp. 
Att.ii.1.3 (27). See also Pis.5 provinciam 
Galliam .... quam cum Antonio com- 
mutavi quod ita existimabam tempora rer 
publicae ferre, in contione deposui: Dio 
Cass. xxxvii. 33. 4. 


EP, 481 (FAM. IX. 15). 427 


eustodia. Sedebamus enim in puppi et clavum tenebamus: nunc 
autem vix est in sentina locus. 4. An minus multa senatus 
consulta futura putas si ego sim Neapoli? Romae cum sum et 
urgeo forum, 8. c. scribuntur apud amatorem tuum, familiarem 
meum. Et quidem, cum in mentem venit, ponor ad scriben- 
dum et ante audio s. c. in Armeniam et Syriam esse perlatum, 
quod in meam sententiam factum esse dicatur, quam omnino 
mentionem ullam de ea re esse factam. Atque hoc nolim me 
iccari putes: nam mihi scito iam a regibus ultimis adlatas esse 
litteras, quibus mihi gratias agant quod se mea_ sententia 
reges appellaverim, quos ego non modo reges appellatos sed 
omnino natos uesciebam. ὃ. Quid ergo est? ‘amen, quam- 
diu hic erit noster hie praefectus moribus, parebo auctoritati 


sentina] ‘hold’ of a ship, where the 
bilge-water lodged. Something parallel 
to thisis Sall. Cat. 37. 5, hi Romam sicuti 
in sentinam confluxerunt, where see Kritz ; 
cp. De Sen. 17. 

4. urgeo forum] ‘and am incessantly 
in the Courts,’ ‘am in the midst of public 
affairs’: cp. Hor. Carm. ii. 10. 1, altwm 
semper urgendo (‘by ever pressing into 
the open sea’). 

amatorem tuum, familiarem meum] 
‘that admirer of yours, and friend of 
mine.’ This is generally supposed to be 
Caesar, who admired the jocosity of 
Paetus. For amator in this sense ep. 
Att. i. 14. 6 (20) of Messalla’s admiration 
‘of Cicero, and i. 20. 7 (26), Paetus, vir 
bonus amatorque noster. But it is not 
quite certain that Cicero would call him- 
self Caesar’s intimate friend (familiarem) : 
cp. 483. 5. Bardt has a somewhat strange 
idea that amatorem tuum is ironical, and 


is used of Caesar as having freed Paetus. 


from the cares of administering the great 
wealth heformerly had. (For the losses of 
Paetus cp. 472. 7; 473. 4.) Could the 
person alluded to be Balbus (cp. 478), 
who was Caesuar’s agent? 

ponor ad scribendum| ‘Iam put down 
as signing the decrees.’ The technical 
expression for putting one’s name on a 
senatus consultum was esse ad scribendum, 
Att.i. 19. 9 (25), or seribendo adesse Fam. 
vill. 8. 6 (223): cp. Willems, Le Sénat, 
ii. 208. This passage is interesting, as 
showing the unblushing character of 
forgery at Rome: cp. Att. xv. 26. 1 (763), 


ψευδεγγράφῳ senatus consulto, and note: 
Fam. xii. 29. 2 (831) and note. With it 
we may compare Sull. 40, on which 
passage Dr. Keid quotes Pro Domo 50, 
where it is stated that, in the law under 
which Clodius succeeded in effecting the 
banishment of Cicero, one of the reasons 
assigned was that Cicero had forged a 
decree of the senate. 

5. Quid ergo est 5 ‘What then is to 
be done ?’ cp. Petronius, § 129. 

praefectus moribus| ‘This is a sneer at 
the new office which the servile senate 
had given Caesar. After his African 
victories they had made him praefectus 
moribus for three years: cp. Dio Cass. 
xlili. 14. 4, τῶν τε τρόπων τῶν ἑκάστου 
ἐπιστάτην (οὕτω γάρ πως ὠνομάσθη ὥσπερ 
οὐκ ἀξίας αὐτοῦ τῆς τοῦ τιμητοῦ προσρή- 
σεως ovons) ἐς τρία αὐτὸν ἔτη καὶ δικτά- 
τωρα ἐς δέκα ἐφεξῆς εἵλοντο: cp. Suet. 
Tul. 76. 1 perpetuam dictaturam prae- 
Secturamque morum ... decerni sibi passus | 
est. Mommsen (St. R. ii? 685, notes 
2, 3), however, thinks it doubtful that 
Caesar ever held this office under that title, 
as he could have exercised all its functions 
as dictator. Cicero elsewhere calls the 
censor praefectus moribus (Clu. 129). For 
Caesar’s sumptuary law of this year cp. 
479. 4. Schmidt (p. 248) argues from 
this passage, comparing, too, Att. xiii. 9. 2 
(623) of June, 45 (wereor ne exeundi 
potestas non sit cum Caesar venerit), that 
Cicero thought it expedient to remain in 
Rome as long as Uaesar was there. 


428 EP. 482 (FAM. XIII. 68). 


tuae: quom vero aberit, ad fungos me tuos conferam. Domum 
si habebo, in denos dies singulos sumptuariae legis dies con- 
feram. Sin autem minus invenero quod placeat, decrevi habi- 
tare apud te: scio enim me nihil tibi gratius facere posse. 
Domum Sullanam desperabam iam, ut tibi proxime scripsi, sed 
tamen non abieci. ‘Tu velim, ut scribis, cum fabris eam perspi- 


cias. Si enim nihil est in parietibus aut in tecto viti, cetera mihi 
probabuntur. 


+ 


482. CICERO TO P. SERVILIUS ISAURICUS 


(FAM. XIII. 68). 
ROME; SEPTEMBER} A. U. 6. 7083 B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero P. Servilio Isaurico de litteris ad se datis gratias agit, petit ut de 
provinciae statu scribat, sua officia promittit. 


M. TULLIUS CICERO P. SERVILIO ISAURICO PROCOS. COLLEGAE 
ἢ. 2: 

1, Gratae mihi vehementer tuae litterae fuerunt ex quibus 
cognovi cursus navigationum tuarum. Significabas enim me- 
moriam tuam nostrae necessitudinis, qua mihi nihil poterat esse 
iucundius. Quod relicuum est, multo etiam erit gratius si ad 
me de re publica, id est, de statu provinciae, de institutis tuis, 
familiariter scribes. Quae quamquam ex multis pro tua claritate 
audiam, tamen libentissime ex tuis litteris cognoscam. 2. Ego 
ad te de re publica summa quid sentiam non saepe scribam propter 
periculum eius modi litterarum. Quid agatur autem scribam 


in denos dies} ‘I shall spendonevery De P. Sullae morte... ego ceterogut 


ten days’ housekeeping what the sump- 
tuary law allows for one day.’ We do 
not know the amount that was allowed. 


Domum Sullanam]| Sulla’s mansion at 
Naples. For the adj., cp. Att. i. 6. 1 (2) 
domum Rabirianam. This Sulla is possibly 
the nephew of the Dictator, and the 
client for whom Cicero spoke in 62. 
Cicero does nut appear to have been on 
very good terms with him after the trial; 
see Dr. Reid, Sull. p. 27, who quotes 537.3, 


anvimno aequo fero. 


Procos.] This Servilius was consul 
with Caesar in 48, and after that obtained 
the pro-consulship of Asia. For his Life, 
see Introduction II, No. 14. 

CotieGaE} Cicero, Servilius, and 
Caesar (§ 2) were all colleagues in the 
College of Augurs: cp. Bardt, Die Priester 
der vier grossen Collegien, p. 26, No. 60. 

1. cursus navigationum tuarum] ‘the 
passages you had in your several sailings.’ 


EP, 483 (FAM. IV. 13). 429 


saepius. Sperare tamen videor Caesari collegae nostro fore curae 
et esse ut habeamus aliquam rem publicam : cuius consiliis magni 
referebat teinteresse. Sed si tibi utilius est, id est, gloriosius, Α 8186. 
praeesse et istam partem rei publicae male adfectam tueri, mihi 
quoque idem, quod tibi et laudi tuae profuturum est, optatius 
debet esse. 3. Ego quae ad tuam dignitatem pertinere arbitrabor 
summo studio diligentiaque curabo, in primisque tuebor omni 
observantia clarissimum virum, patrem tuum, quod et pro vetustate. 
necessitudinis et pro beneficiis vestris et pro dignitate ipsius. 


debeo. 


483. CICERO TO P. NIGIDIUS FIGULUS 
(ΕΜ. Iv. 13). 


ROME; AUGUST OR SEPTEMBER, A. U.C. 708; B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


P. Nigidium Figulum exsulantem suo ipsius exemplo consolatur M. Cicero eique- 


spem reditus ostendit. 


M. CICERO S. D. P. FIGULO. 


1. Quaerenti mihi iam diu quid ad te potissimum scriberem. 
non modo certa res nulla sed ne genus quidem litterarum usitatum 
veniebat in mentem. Unam enim partem et consuetudinem 


2. collegue nostro] Caesar had been 
made augur probably quite recentlv, some 
time after the battle of Pharsalia: cp. 
Bardt, op. cit., p. 24, No. 48, and Dio 
Cass. xlii. 51. 4. Servilius was possibly 
elected about this time during his absence : 
but Barat’s inference of this from the 
traditional order of Cicero’s letters is not 
conclusive (p. 26, No. 60): see note to 
506. As Cicero has hopes that Caesar 
will restore constitutional government, § 2, 
we may suppose that this letter was 
written about the time at which the Pro 
Marcello was delivered, i.e. the middle of 
September. 

utilius, id est, gloriosius] ‘it tends 
more to your advantage, that is, to your 
renown ’—a graceful compliment. 

male adfectam| ‘in evil plight ’— 
probably because Asia had suffered griev- 
ously in the Civil War, and it would 


require rare qualities in a governor to. 
restore it to its former prosperity. 
3. patrem tuum] He had been consul 
in 79, i.e. thirty-three years before this. 
vetustate necessitudinis| ‘a connexion 
of old standing’: cp. note to Fam. xiii. 
32 (684). 


For an account of Nigidius Figulus, 
see Introduction II, No. 11. 

1, Unam τ. solebamus| “ One- 
of the ordinary subjects of correspondence- 
which we used to adopt in our prosperity’ ; 
i. e. jokes: cp. Fam. ii. 4. 1 (175) for 
the three different kinds of letters which 
are usually written, viz. those consisting 
of news, of jokes, and of serious and grave: 
subjects. Even of the different kinds of 
letters of consolation (489 1), viz. those: 
which promise something (ὃ 3) and those: 
which merely condole, the latter alone 


430 EP. 483 (FAM. IV. 18). 


earum epistularum quibus secundis rebus uti solebamus tempus 
eripuerat, perfeceratque fortuna ne quid tale scribere possem aut 
omnino cogitare. Relinquebatur triste quoddam et miserum 
et his temporibus consentaneum genus litterarum: id quoque defi- 
ciebat me, in quo debebat esse aut promissio auxili alicuius aut 
consolatio doloris tui. Quod pollicerer non erat; ipse enim pari 
fortuna adfectus aliorum opibus casus meos sustentabam, saepius- 
que mihi veniebat in mentem queri quod ita viverem quam 
gaudere quod viverem. 2. Quamquam enim nulla me ipsum 
privatim pepulit insignis iniuria nee mihi quidquam tali tempore 
in mentem venit optare quod non ultro mihi Caesar detulerit, 
tamen nihilominus eis conficior curis, ut ipsum quod maneam in vita 
peccare me existimem. Careo enim cum familiarissimis multis, 
quos aut mors eripuit nobis aut distraxit fuga, tum omnibus 
amicis, quorum benevolentiam nobis conciliarat per me quondam 
te socio defensa res publica, versorque in eorum naufragiis et 
bonorum direptionibus, nec audio solum, quod ipsum esset miserum, 
sed etiam id ipsum video, quo nihil est acerbius, eorum fortunas 


dissipari quibus nos olim adiutoribus illud incendium exstinxi- 
that I could wish, spontaneously granted 


too by Caesar, I am tortured in mind by 
the shame of being alive.’ 


can now be written. For consuetudinem 
epistularum, ‘normal feature,’ cp. such 
genitives as De Div. 1. 42 (ficta illa) non 


absunt a consuetudine (‘ ordinary nature’) 
somniorum; Brut. 218 consuetudo dialogo- 
rum. 

Quod pollicerer| Though the ss. give 
quid, we must undoubtedly read quod, as 
do most editors since Orelli. Wesenberg 
(Em. 55) says—‘ Formulae non est, decet 
in quibus nulla dubitatio aut deliberatio 
inesse potest interrogativum nullo modo 
admittunt.’ 

adfectus| This is the reading of GR: 
M has adtectus. It has been altered to 
adfictus and abiectus. For fortuna 
adfectus cp. 407. 3, ne qua singulari 
adficiar calamitate et iniuria. 

2. nec mihi... detulerit}| Hofmann 
says that this means that Cicero’s wishes 
were so moderate, and he adapted himself 
so well to his circumstances, that what 
Caesar offered quite satisfied him; and 
Cicero elsewhere, e.g. 480. 1, does say 


that he considers any favour as so much » 


gain (de lucro vivimus). But the more 
obvious sense, though a slight exaggera- 
tion, suits the antithesis of the sentence 
better. ‘Though I have all externals 


tamen nihilominus | For the redundancy 
ep. Cluent. 76, Fam. xiii. 15. 2 (571). 
For the reading see Adn. Crit. Klotz 
reads multis for nihil. 

ipsum .. . peccare| For the cognate 
accusative where we should expect another 
case, Sitipfle-Boeckel compare 527, 
quid sim auctor. This is quite naturai in 
the case of a neuter pronoun. Baiter 
adds id before iwswm ; but as quod maneam 
in vita is virtually a relative clause, it is 
not necessary: cp. Madvig, Fin. ii. 93, 
p. 299, who compares 423. 1, si ipsum 
quod veni nihil iuvat; Lucan viii. 77, 
et ipsum quod sum victus ama. For peccare 
with acc. the dictionaries quote Plaut. 
Bacch. 433, si unam peccavisses syllabam ; 
Priap. 7. 1, Cum loquor una mihi peccatur 
littera. 

video, quo nihil est acerbius| Cp. 538. 1, 
ocult augent dolorum qui ea quae ceteri 
audiunt intuert cogunt nec avertere a 
misertis cogitationem sinunt. 

incendium] i.e.:the Catilinarian con- 
spiracy. Nigidius had helped Cicero 
during that crisis (Sull. 42): Plutarch 


EP. 483 (FAM. IV. 18). 451 


mus et in qua urbe modo gratia, auctoritate, gloria floruimus, 
in ea nunc his quidem omnibus caremus. Obtinemus ipsius 

Caesaris summam erga nos humanitatem : sed ea plus non potest | 
quam vis et mutatio omnium rerum atque temporum. 3. Itaque 
orbus iis rebus omnibus quibus et natura me et voluntas et 
consuetudo adsuefecerat cum ceteris, ut quidem videor, tum 
mihi ipse displiceo. Natus enim ad agendum semper aliquid 
dignum viro, nunc non modo agendi rationem nullam habeo sed 
ne cogitandi quidem, et qui antea aut obscuris hominibus aut 
etiam sontibus opitulari poteram, nunc P. Nigidio, uni omnium 
doctissimo et sanctissimo et maxima quondam gratia et mihi certe 
amicissimo, ne benigne quidem polliceri possum. Ergo hoe ereptum 
est litterarum genus. 4. Relicum est ut consoler et adferam 
rationes quibus te a molestiis coner abducere. At ea quidem 
facultas vel tui vel alterius consolandi in te summa est, si 
umquam in ullo fuit. Itaque eam partem quae ab exquisita 
quadam ratione et doctrina proficiscitur non attingam, tibi 
totam relinquam. Quid sit forti et sapienti homine dignum, 
quid gravitas, quid altitudo animi, quid acta tua vita, quid studia, 
quid artes quibus a pueritia floruisti a te flagitent tu videbis, 
Ego quod intellegere et sentire quia sum Romae et quia curo 
attendoque possum, id tibi adfirmo: te in istis molestiis in quibus 
es hoc tempore non diutius futurum: in iis autem in quibus etiam 
nos sumus fortasse semper fore. 5. Videor mihi perspicere primum 
ipsius animum qui plurimum potest propensum ad salutem tuam. 
Non scribo hoc temere. Quo minus familiaris sam, hoe sum ad 
investigandum curiosior. Quo facilius quibus est iratior respon- 


(Οἷς. 20) says that among Cicero’s helpers 
were τῶν ἀπὸ φιλοσοφίας ἑταίρων Πόπλιος 
Νιγίδιος, ᾧ τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ μέγιστα παρὰ 
τὰς πολιτικὰς ἐχρῆτο πράξεις. AN seni 
sit ger. 27 Κικέρων αὐτὸς ὠμολόγει τὰ 
κάλλιστα καὶ μέγιστα τῶν συμβουλευμά- 
των οἷς ὀρθῶς ἐνυπατεύων τὴν πατρίδα 
διέσωζε μετὰ Ποπλίου Νιγιδίου τοῦ φιλο- 
σόφου συνθεῖναι... 

3. nunenon modo... quidem] ‘now 
I have not only no idea what to do, but 
not even an idea what to think.’ ΄ 
_ aut etiam sontibus| Possibly he is 
thinking of Gabinius (vol. 112, p. xlvii) 


and Vatinius: cp. Fam. i. 9. 19 (158). 
maxima quondam gratia] For the abl.’ 


of quality along with adjectives cp. 


Fam. iv. 6.1 (574), clarum virum et magnis 
rebus gestis, where see note; also 327. 1, 
virum fortem et cum auctoritate. 

4. facultas| “ gift.’ : 
. quae . proficiscitur| bendiadys: 
‘arising from any recondite system of 
philosophy’ ; cp. the account of Figulus 
in the Introduction II, No. 11. 

quia curo attendogue| ‘ because I am on 
the alert and watch.’ For this absolute 
use of curo (=curo rem) cp. Plaut. 
Bacch, 227, abi. intro, ego hie curabo: 
Sall. Jug. 57. 2, legatis imperat ubi quisque 
curaret. For attendo cp. Att. xv. 26. 4 


(763), Parva res, sed tu bene attendisti. 


5. Quo facilius ... 


liberandum| Cp. 
488.9; 489. 3. 


432 EP 483 (FAM. IV. 18). 


dere tristius possit, hoe est adhuc tardior ad te molestia liber- 
andum. Familiares vero eius et 11 quidem qui illi incundissimi 
sunt mirabiliter de te et locuntur et sentiunt. Accedit eodem 
vulgi voluntas vel potius consensus omnium. Etiam illa, quae 
minimum nunc quidem potest sed possit necessest, res publica, quas- 
cumque viris habebit, ab iis ipsis a@ quibus tenetur de te propediem, 
mihi crede, impetrabit. 6. Redeo igitur ad id ut iam tibi etiam 
pollicear aliquid, quod primo omiseram. Nam et complectar eius 
familiarissimos qui me admodum diligunt multumque mecum sunt, 
et in lpsius consuetudinem quam adhuc meus pudor mihi clausit 
insinuabo et certe omnis vias persequar quibus putabo ad id quod 
volumus pervenire posse. In hoe toto genere plura faciam quam 
seribere audeo. Ceteraque quae tibi a multis prompta esse certo 
sclo a me sunt paratissima: nihil in re familiari mea est quod ego 
meum malim esse quam tuum. Hac de re et de hoc genere toto 
hoe scribo pareius quod te id quod ipse confido sperare malo, te 
esse usurum tuis. 7. Extremum illud est ut te orem et obsecrem 
animo ut maximo sis nec ea solum memineris quae ab aliis magnis 
viris accepisti sed illa etiam quae ipse ingenio studioque peperisti. 
Quae si colliges et sperabis omnia optime et quae accident, 


tristius| Dr. Reid notices on De Sen. 
67 that this adverb has no positive in 
prose. T'ristiws goes closely with respon- 
dere, ‘to givean unfavourable reply to.’ 

Etiam ilia ... impetrabit| ‘even the 
free State itself, which now indeed has the 
smallest influence, but must of necessity 
have its influence, with all its force will 
ensure you success with those by whom 
it is now held down, and that, believe 
me, speedily.’ We previously added 
<postea multum> before possit, but now 


see that this is not necessary, though no ᾿ 


doubt it would improve the sentence. 
Lehmann (p. 15) compares Att. xvi. 15. 3 
(807) guanguam enim potest, sc. Octavianus : 
though as Lehmann notices in Att. xvi. 
14. 1 (805), Cicero says si mulium possit 
Octavianus. Wesenberg supplied (16. 4. 9) 
< plus iam>, which gives the same sense 
as the addition suggested above, but 
does not account so well for the supposed 
loss of the words. Quascunque viris 
habebit would be more fully expressed 
by omnibus viribus quascunque habebit. 
In the mss. a is omitted before quibus, 
but it must be supplied; it could be 


omitted only if the verb in both clauses 
were the same: cp. note to Q. Fr. i. 4. 4 
(72), in tantum luctum detrusus es quantum 
nemo unguam, and Mayor on Phil. ii. 26. 

6. insinuabo| Many editors insert me 
before consuetudinem or insinuabo ; but 
there is no necessity to do so, as the verb 
is used both transitively and intransi- 
tively: cp. Att. ii. 24. 2 (51); De Orat. 
1, 00, it. 149% Phil v.-S: Tuse. vy. 34 
(Kiihner); Liv. xl. 37. 4; Verg. Aen. 
li. 228 ; also Schmalz, Antibard. i. 690-1, 
and Lehmann, pp. 18, 19. 

putabo ... pervenire posse| For me 
omitted cp. Lebreton (p. 377), who quotes 
among many other passages 461. 1 pro- 
Jicisci ad te statim dizi; Q. Fr. 111. 5. 7 
(155) Quattuor tragoedias xvi diebus absol- 
visse cum scribas. In427.1 mandavi me non 
potuisse (om. me ZA) we should perhaps 
add me, as it is found in the Wurzburg 
codex, 

te esse usurum tuis] ‘that you will 
enjoy your own again’ (not only your 
position and property, but the company of 
your friends). 

7. sperabis omnia optime] cp. such 


EP. 484 (FAM. IV. 15). 433 


qualiacumque erunt, sapienter feres. Sed haec tu melius vel 
optime omnium. Ego quae pertinere ad te intellegam studiosis- 
sime omnia diligentissimeque curabo tuorumque tristissimo meo 
tempore meritorum erga me memoriam conservabo. 


484. CICERO TO GNAEUS PLANCIUS (Fam. 1v. 15). 
ROME ; MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U. C. 7083 B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


Hortatur M. Cicero Cn. Plancium ut neve propriam 5101 fortunam postulet neve 
communem omnium recuset. 


M. CICERO S. D. CN. PLANCIO. 


1. Accepi perbrevis tuas litteras, quibus id quod scire cupie- 
bam cognoscere non potui, cognovi autem id quod mihi dubium 
non fuit. Nam quam fortiter ferres communis miserias non 
intellexi, quam me amares facile perspexi; sed hoc scieram: illud 
si scissem, ad id meas litteras accommodavissem. 2. Sed tamen etsi 
antea scripsi quae existimavi scribi oportere, tamen hoc tempore 


expressions as Fam. xiii. 42. 1 (54) cwm 
diceret omnia te cumulatissime et libera- 
lissime procuratoribus suis pollicitum esse: 
so there is no need with Madvig (4. Ὁ. 
11. 156) to read optima. For the senti- 
ment cp. 480 fin. 

Sed haec tu melius| sc. nosti. Hof- 
mann compares Att. vil. 3. 5 (294), vos 
scilicet plura, qui in urbe estis. Add 461. 5, 
Sed haec tu melius, where see note. 


This was the Cn. Plancius whom Cicero 
defended in 54. It would appear that 
Plancius wrote a somewhat peevish letter 
to Cicero, in which, while professing 
most unbounded affection for him, he, in 
a jealous strain, contrasted his own hard 
lot of exile with the fortunate condition 
of Cicero, who was now living at Rome, 
and had been received into favour by 
Caesar. He may have added something 
bitter, to the effect that the great disparity 
of their fortunes now, of course, pre- 
cluded any continuance of their friend- 
ship. If we suppose this, Cicero’s reply 
is a masterpiece of quiet and severe re- 
buke. Cicero’s hopeful tone and his re- 


VOL. IV. 


newed intercourse with Caesar (§ 1 
interfur) would point to this letter having 
been written shortly after the delivery 
of the Pro Marcello, towards the end of 
September. Schmidt (p. 258) places it 
shortly after the delivery of the Pro 
Ligario, towards the end of November. 

1. Nam quam fortiter| ‘for I failed to 
perceive your fortitude under the calami- 
ties which befell us all.’ 

scieram| We retain the reading of the 
Mss., which is quite intelligible (‘I had 
known this long ago’), in preference to 
sciebam of Lambinus. 

2. hoc tempore] Wesenberg (Em. Alt. 
10) adds te before tempore, where it could 
easily have fallen out; and Miiller 
follows him. ‘This is necessary, if we 
take commonendum personally ; for though 
it would have been quite natural to omit 
the subject to the infinitive if it were the 
same as the subject of the principal verb, 
it is less so when the subjects are different : 
cp. Roby 1346. For this position of the 
personal pronoun he compares in the next 
line periculo te proprio; also 487. 1, guo 
te animo. Lambinus added ¢e after 


28 


434 EP. 485 (FAM. IV. 8). 


breviter commonendum putavi ne quo periculo te proprio existi- 
mares esse: in Magno omnes, sed tamen in communi sumus. 
Quare non debes aut propriam fortunam et praecipuam postulare 
aut communem recusare. Quapropter eo animo simus inter nos 
quo semper fuimus: quod de te sperare, de me praestare possum. 


485. CICERO TO M. CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS 
(Fam. Iv. 8). 


ROME; SEPTEMBER} A. U. C. 7083 B. Ὁ, 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


Collaudata M. Marcelli prudentia Cicero tamen rursus suadet ut domum ad suos 
revertendi consilium capiat, et sua officia promittit. - 


M. CICERO 5. Ὁ. M. MARCELLO, 


1. Neque monere te audeo praestanti prudentia virum nec 
confirmare maximi animi hominem unumque fortissimum, con- 


solari vero nullo modo. 


breviter; but there is less reason for its 
having been omitted if originally in that 
place than if it were before tempore. 
But Lehmann (p. 17) would not insert Ze, 
and Mendelssohn is of the same opinion. 
If it is omitted, we should take commonen- 
dum impersonally, and the meaning will 
be ‘that this admonition be given’: ep. 
483. 4 ut consoler, ‘offer consolation.’ 
This view is also held by Dr. Reid (Class. 
Rev. xi. (1897), p. 350). It is better not 
to insert {6. 

ne quo pericuio. . . esse} Many editors 
since Lambinus add iz after quo; but this 
seems an allowable abl. of quality, though 
it is strange that we should have a 
mere transient condition thus expressed. 
But there are very strange ablatives of 
quality found in the letters: see note to 
Fam. vii. 30. 3 (694), Acilins maximo meo 
beneficio est. In Fam. viii. 2. 1 (196) 
Itaque relictus, lege Licinia <in> maiore 
esse periculo videtur, we have hesitatingly 
added im, not on account of the ablative 
of quality, but owing to the awkwardness 
of the two different ablatives coming 
together. See also note to 497. 2, fuerunt 
sella curult, 


Nam si ea quae acciderunt ita fers ut 


im magno... recusare| ‘we are all 
in great danger, but yet it is one in which 
the whole community shares. Wherefore 
you ought not to demand for yourself any 
special or peculiar position, or refuse to 
partake in that lot which has fallen to the 
share of us all.’ For praecipuam opposed 
to communem cp. 429.1; 538. 1 fin. 


For Marcus Marcellus see Introduc- 
tion II, No. 10. He was at this time at 
Mytilene.  Siipfle-Boeckel think that 
this letter looks like a first sketch of the 
elaborate letter which follows (Ep. 486) : 
if so, it is to be placed before iv. 7 (486): 
cp. Schmidt, p. 250. These three letters 
to Marcellus were ‘probably written 
during the first half of September, when 
efforts were being organized which cul- 
minated in the appeal in the Senate 
which Cicero supported in the Pro Mar- 
cello about the middle of the month. 

1. praestanti prudentia virum| For 
the abi. and genitive of quality combined 
see note to 485. 1. 

ut audio| Drumann (vi, p. 261) thinks 
this shows that Marcellus had not written 
to Cicero. 


EP. 485 (FAM. IV. 8), 


435 


audio, gratulari magis virtuti debeo quam consolari dolorem tuum: 
sin te tanta mala rei publicae frangunt, non ita abundo ingenio 
ut te consoler cum ipse me non possim. Relicuum est igitur ut 
tibi me in omni re eum praebeam praestemque et ad omnia quae 
tui velint ita sim praesto ut me non solum omnia debere tua 
causa sed tcausa quoque etiam quae non possim putem. 2. Illud 
tamen vel tu me monuisse vel censuisse puta vel propter bene- 
volentiam tacere non potuisse, ut, quod ego facio, tu quoque 
animum inducas, si sit aliqua res publica, in ea te esse oportere 
ludicio hominum reque principem, necessitate cedentem tempori : 
sin autem nulla sit, hunc tamen aptissimum esse etiam ad exsu- 


consolari dolorem tuum] Cp. Fam. iv. 
6. 2 (574), Itaque et domo absum et foro, 
quod nec eum dolorem quem de re publica 
capio domus iam consolari potest nec domes- 
ticum respublica. 

Relicuuwm... temport| ‘ what remains 
then is that I should show my present 
and guarantee my future devotion and 
readiness for all the requirements of your 
supporters, as one should show himself who 
thinks as I do that I owe you not merely 
all the services I can render, but even ser- 
vices beyond my power. Nevertheless, you 
should consider that this is my—shall f call 
it advice or opinion, or something which I 
cannot, as your friend, suppress, namely 
that, just as I am doing myself, you too 
should make up your mind to this, that if 
there is anything of a free State you 
should belong to it as its first man (for all 
men think you to be so, and it is the case), 
and that you should yield perforce to the 
times. 

ut tibime...putem] ‘so that I think 
that I am under obligations to do not 
only everything on your behalf, but even 
more than I can possibly do,’ omitting 
causa quoque, or perhaps only causa. The 
older editors proposed ea for causa (ca), 
which is possible. For quoque etiam cp. 
Verr. iii. 206 quae forsitan alit quoque 
etiam fecerint; De Orat. i. 164; and 
Munro on Lucr. iii. 208. (Possibly we 
should read sed fratris (or tuorum) quoque, 
etiam. If causa had been written as a 
gloss over fratris or tworum, it might have 
caused the loss of the word.) In the pre- 
vious clause omnia can readily be felt to 
mean omnia quae possim, as quae non 
possim follows in the next. For omnia 
debere tua causa cp. Verr. ii. 64, coepit 
dicere se omnia Verris causa velle; ib. 184 


qui istius causa cupiunt omnia: Fam. ili. 
7. 6 (244) ut minus mea causa. . . debere 
videaris: xill. 75. 1 (178) euius causa 
omnia cum cupio tum mehercule etiam debeo. 
In our previous edition we adopted the 
addition <quae possim in tua causa> after 
debere tua causa, which was suggested by 
Lehmann (p. 57). He shows that Cicero 
often uses causa in two different senses 
within the limits of a single sentence: cp. 
Fam. vil. 24. 2 (665), Phameae causam 
receperam ipsius quidem causa; Att. vii. 
3. 5 (294), causam solam illa causa non 
habet; Rosc. Am. 149, causam mihi 
tradidit quam sua causa cupere ac debere 
intellegebat. But it is perhaps not neces- 
sary, though less drastic than other 
remedies which have been suggested. 
Mendelssohn (Δ΄. Jahrb. fiir Phil., 1891, 
p. 73) reads wt me non solum omnia CUPERE 
tua causa, sed AUSURUM quoque, etiam 
quae non possim, puter, comparing 
Pro Quinct. 69, quod poterant id audebant. 
See also Adn. Crit. 

2. ut, quod| wt is explanatory of illud. 

quod ego facio| As Siipfie-Boeckel say, 
Cicero must have wished that as many 
eminent republicans as possible should 
avail themselves of Caesar’s clemency, as 
he had done himself : and some such con- 
sideration as this may have been the 
cause of the earnestness with which he 
urged Marcellus to return, when Marcellus 
was by no means eager to do so: ep. 
note to 486, 3, and Boissier, p. 286 ff. 

aliqua res publica]. Cp. 529. 3; 538.6 
note; Off. i. 35 si mihi esset obtempera- 
tum, si non optimam, at aliquam rempubli- 
cam, quae nunc nulla est, haberemus. 

sin autem nulla sit... locum] For the 
sentiment cp. 464.4, Veni domum, non 
quo optima vivendt condicio esset, sed tamen 


2F2 


436 EP. 486 (FAM. IV. 7). 


landum locum. Si enim libertatem sequimur, qui locus hoc 


dominatu vacat? sin qualemcumque locum, quae est domestica. 


sede iucundior? Sed mihi crede, etiam is qui omnia tenet favet 
ingeniis : nobilitatem vero et dignitates hominum, quantum ei res 
et ipsius causa concedit, amplectitur. Sed plura quam statueram.. 
Redeo ergo ad unum illud, me tuum esse, fore cum tuis, si modo 
erunt tui: si minus, me certe in omnibus rebus satis nostrae 


Vale. 


coniunctioni amorique facturum. 


486. CICERO TO M. CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS 
(Fam. Iv. 7). 


ROME ; SEPTEMBER; A. U.C. 708; B.C. 465 AET. CIC. 60. 


Laudat M. Marcelli prudentiam qui perpetuo a patria abesse constituerat, sed 


hortatur tamen ut redeat in patriam, quod et veniam redeundi a Caesare impetrare 


facile sit et domi apud suos melius quam extra patriam vivere possit. 


M. CICERO 8. Ὁ. M. MARCELLO. 


1. Etsi eo te adhue consilio usum intellego ut id reprehendere 


non audeam, non quin ab eo ipse dissentiam, sed quod ea te sapi- 


si esset aliqua forma rei publicae, tamquam 
in patria ut essem, sin nulla, tamquam in 
exsilio. 

qui locus hoc dominatu caret| 486. 4, 
ubicunque esses te fore in eius ipsius quem 
Sugeres potestate. 

sin qualemcunque locum] sc. sequimur. 
Translate ‘ but if one place is as good as 
another’; ‘if the place makes no matter.’ 
For this indefinite use of gualiscungue cp. 
360. 4, cum Pompeio qualicunqgue consilio 
uso ‘no matter what plan he may adopt.’ 
Schmalz (Antid. 11. 897) notices that in 
this sénse gualiscunque always precedes its 
noun. 

is qui omnia tenet] Drumann (I. ὁ.) 
notices that in the correspondence with 
Marcellus Caesar is never mentioned by 
name. : 

Savet ingeniis| 488. 8 mirifice ingentis 
excellentibus quale est tuum delectatur. 
Cp. also what. he says to Sulpicius 
(494. 2). 

nobilitatem. . . amplectitur] ‘he opens 


his arms to high birth and lofty position 
as far as circumstances and his own party 
needs allow’ (Shuckburgh). For amplec- 


titur cp. 488. 19, me amicissime cotidie 


magis Caesar amplectitur. 

plura| 86. seripst: cp. note to 340. 2, 
sed apertius quam proposueram. 

si modo erunt tui] Cp. note to 486. 6. 
Marcellus himself says in 496. 2, quod 
im summa paucitate amicorum propinquo- 
rum ac necessariorum qui vere meae salutt. 
Saverent. 

satis .. 


. facturum] “ will satisfy in 


every respect the claims of that bond of 


affection which unites us.’ 


1. non quin] = non quo non (Sest. 61) :. 
cp. 826. 2; De Orat. ii. 295; Orat. 227; 
Roby 1744. 

sed quod ...iudicem] Siipfie-Boeckel 
remark that in the second clause of a. 


sentence like this it is more usual to find 


the indic., e.g. Cic. Tusc. ii. 56, pugiles 
ingemiscunt, non quod doleant animove suc- 


EP. 486 (FAM. IV. 7). 437 


entia esse iudicem ut meum consilium non anteponam tuo, tamen 
et amicitiae nostrae vetustas et tua summa erga me benevolentia, 
quae mihi iam a pueritia tua cognita est, me hortata est ut ea 
‘scriberem ad te quae et saluti tuae conducere arbitrarer et non 
aliena esse ducerem a dignitate. 2. Ego eum te esse qui horum 
malorum initia multo ante videris, consulatum magnificentissime 
atque optime gesseris praeclare memini: sed idem etiam illa vidi, 
neque te consilium civilis belli ita gerendi nec copias Cn. Pompei 
nec genus exercitus probare semperque summe diffidere: qua in 
sententia me quoque fuisse memoria tenere te arbitror. Itaque 
neque tu multum interfuisti rebus gerendis et ego id semper egi 
ne interessem. Non enim iis rebus pugnabamus quibus valere 
poteramus, consilio, auctoritate, causa, quae erant in nobis supe- 
riora, sed lacertis et viribus, quibus pares non eramus. Victi 
sumus igitur aut, si vinci dignitas non potest, fracti certe et abiecti. 
In quo tuum consilium nemo potest non maxime laudare quod 
cum spe vincendi simul abiecisti certandi etiam cupiditatem osten- 
distique sapientem et bonum civem initia belli civilis invitum 


suscipere, extrema libenter non persequi. 


cumbant sed quia profundenda voce omne 
corpus intenditur venitque plaga vehemen- 
tior ; and the passages referred to in the 
preceding note. Accordingly Kleyn and 
Baiter read iudico; but this potential 
‘subj. is sometimes found in Cic., e.g. De 
Inv. i. 11, non quod de facto non constet, 
sed quod id, quod factum sit, aliud ali 
wideatur esse et idcirco alius alio nomine 
id appellet. 

2. Ego... praeclare memini| ‘I have 
@ vivid recollection that you were the 
man who saw long before what were the 
first steps of all these misfortunes, and 
who administered your consulship in such 
a splendid and. excellent manner.’ The 
pertects videris, gesseris show that in 
-oratio recta the sentence would have been 
tu is fuisti qui vidisti, ‘the man who 
‘saw, not. tu is fuisti videres, ‘you were a 
man able to see.” Marcellus was consul 
in 51. Cicero here speaks in very high 
terms of his conduct as consul; yet at 
the time he characterized his action in 
scourging the ex-magistrate of Novum 
Comum as scandalous (foede): cp. Att. 
v. 11. 2 (200). 

copias| In the celebrated meeting of 


3. Qui non idem con- 


the Senate on Jan. 1, 49, Marcellus had 
moved that no decided answer be given 
to the demands of Caesar till after the 
levies set on foot by Pompey had been 
completed : ep. vol. 1115, p. xlviii. 

me quogue| Yet in 301. 3 Cicero says, 
writing to his family on January 12, 49, 
Omnino ex hac quoque parte diligentissime 
comparatur : id fit auctoritate et studio 
Pompei nostvi; however, he continues, 
qui Caesarem sero coepit timere. 

causa| ‘the goodness of our cause’: 
cp. Att. vii. 3.5 (294), cawsam solam illa 
causa non habet. 

lacertis et viribus] ‘by dint of muscle 
and physical force’: cp. Juv. x. 11, viribus 
ille Uonfisus peritt admirandisque lacertis. 
Stipfle-Boeckel compare Hor. Ep. ii. 
2. 48, Caesaris Augusti non responsura 
lacertis ; Marcell. δ, nulla est enim tanta 
vis quae non ferro et viribus debilitari 
Srangique possit. We may also compare 
538. 5, dolebamque pilis et gladiis non 
consiliis neque auctoritatibus de iure publico 
disceptari. : 

extrema libenter non persequi|] ‘but 
willingly refuses to pursue it to the bitter 
end’: cp. 487. ὃ. 


438 EP. 486 (FAM. IV. 7). 


silium quod tu secuti sunt, eos video in duo genera esse distractos. 
Aut enim renovare bellum conati sunt hique se in Africam con- 
tulerunt aut, quem ad modum nos, victori sese crediderunt. 
Medium quoddam tuum consilium fuit, qui hoe fortasse humilis 
animi duceres, illud pertinacis. Fateor a plerisque vel dicam ab 
omnibus sapiens tuum consilium, a multis etiam magni ac fortis 
animi iudicatum. Sed habet ista ratio, ut mihi quidem videtur, 
quendam modum, praesertim cum tibi nihil desse arbitrer ad 
tuas fortunas omnis obtinendas praeter voluntatem. Sic enim 
intellexi, nihil aliud esse quod dubitationem adferret ei penes 
quem est potestas nisi quod vereretur ne tu illud beneficium 
omnino non putares. De quo quid sentiam nihil attinet dicere, 
cum appareat ipse quid fecerim. 4. Sed tamen, si iam ita consti- 
tuisses ut abesse perpetuo malles quam ea quae nolles videre, 
tamen id cogitare deberes, ubicumque esses te fore in elus ipsius 
quem fugeres potestate. Qui si facile passurus esset te carentem 
patria et fortunis tuis quiete et libere vivere, cogitandum tibi tamen 
esset Romaene et domi tuae, cuicuimodi res esset, an Mitylenis 
aut Rhodi malles vivere. Sed cum ita late pateat eius potestas 
quem veremur ut terrarum orbem complexa sit, nonne mavis sine 
periculo tuae domi esse quam cum periculo alienae? Hquidem,. 
etiam si oppetenda mors esset, domi atque in patria mallem quam 
in externis atque alienis locis. Hoc idem omnes qui te diligunt 
sentiunt : quorum est magna pro tuis maximis clarissimisque virtu- 


3. erediderunt| cp. Hor. Carm. iii. 


own conduct in accepting it: cp. note to 
5. 88, Qui perfidis se credidit hostibus: 485, 2. 


Caes. Β. 6. vi. 31. 4. 

vel dicam] ‘or rather,’ ‘or I should 
say’: cp. 862. 1; Phil. ii. 30, hominis vel 
dicam pecudis, with Mayor’s note: ep. 
Madvy. Fin. i. 10. 

Θὲ penes quem est potestas| Hofmann 
notices that in the letters to Marcellus 
Cicero, more frequently than elsewhere, 
uses such periphrases as these to describe 
Caesar: cp. §§ 4,5; is qui omnia tenet, 
485. 2. In his correspondence with Tor- 
quatus (Fam. vi. 1-4), as well as in that 
with Marcellus, Cicero does not mention 
Caesar by name. 

De quo... fecerim] Siipfle- Boeckel 
note the delicate tact with which Cicero 
insinuates that Marcellus sbould not re- 
fuse Caesar’s pardon by referring to his 


4. ubicumque .. . esses] Cp. Gibbon, 
chap. iii. fin.: ‘But the Empire of the 
Romans filled the world, and when the 
Empire fell into the hands of a single 
person the world became a safe and dreary 
prison for his enemies. . . “‘ Wherever 
you are,’’.said Cicero to the exiled Mar- 
cellus, ‘remember that you are equally 
within the power of the conqueror.”’ ’ 

cuicuimodi|] ΟΡ. Att. xii. 18, 1 (549). 
and note on Att. iii. 22.4 (81). Neue- 


Wagener, 118 513, Landgraf (on Rosc.. 7 


Am. 95), and Schmalz (Antid. i. 344) 
hold that cuicuimodi is the genitive, as 
cuiuscuiusmodi does not occur, only guoius- 
modi (Plaut. Men. 577) or guoiuismodé 
(Pseud. 741; Bacch. 460). 


EP. 486 (FAM. IV. 7). 439 


tibus multitudo. 5. Habemus etiam rationem rei familiaris tuae, 
quam dissupari nolumus. Nam etsi nullam potest accipere iniuriam 
quae futura perpetua sit, propterea quod neque is qui tenet rem 
publicam patietur neque ipsa res publica, tamen impetum prae- 
donum in tuas fortunas fieri nolo; hi autem qui essent auderem 
scribere nisi te intellegere confiderem. 6. Hic te unius sollici- 
tudines, unius etiam multae et adsiduae lacrimae, C. Marcelli, 
fratris optimi, deprecantur: nos cura et dolore proximi sumus, 
precibus tardiores, quod ius adeundi, cum ipsi deprecatione 
eguerimus, non habemus, gratia tantum possumus quantum victi, 


sed tamen consilio, studio Marcello non desumus. 


A tuis reliquis 


non adhibemur: ad omnia parati sumus. 


5. praedonum| Manutius thinks that 
these may have been the relatives of 
Marcellus: cp. 485. 2; 496. 2. An 
example of the way that the private 
property of Pompeians was occasionally 
seized upon at this time is the seizure 
of the house of Varro at Casinum by 
Antony (Phil. ii. 103). 

6. fratris| i.e. cousin: for the Gaius 
Marcellus who was consul in 50 was 
a neutral in this Civil War, and in that 
which arose after Caesar’s death: cp. 
399. 2; 401. 2; Att. xvi. 14. 2 (805) ; 
and he was a cousin, not a brother, of 
Marcus. The other Gaius Marcellus, 
consul in 49, who was brother of Marcus, 
was a violent Pompeian, and followed 
Pompey to Greece. We do not know 
how he met his end. He probably fell at 
Pharsalia. 

cum... eguerimus| ‘since I myself 
need intercession.’ Wesenberg is almost 
certainly right in putting only a comma, 
not a longer stop, after habemus; then 
possumus will go with guod. That Cicero 


had not any personal intercourse with 
Caesar at this time appears from 483. 6, 
in ipsius consuetudinem, quam adhuc meus 
pudor mihi clausit, insinuabo, and 489. 3, 
aditus ad eum difficiliores fuerunt; 498. 2, 
cum... venissem mane ad Caesarem atque 
omnem adeundt et conveniendi tlhus indig- 
nitalem et molestiam pertulissem. 

consilio, studio] ‘Though it would be 
more suited to the copiousness and 
rhythm of Cicero’s language if some word 
like officio were supplied, yet cases of 
similar asyndeton of two words are 
found: e.g. 452 fin.; 519.3. It often 
occurs in Cato, in the author of the Bell. 
Afr., and other writers of this period, as 
well asin Livy. See W6lfflin-Miodonski’s 
note on B. Afr. 83.2. In such phrases 
as sarta tecta, equis viris, such asyndeton 
is quite common: cp. Lehmann (p. 25), 
who gives many examples. 

non adhibemur| Most of the relatives 
of M. Marcellus were not very energetic 
in endeavouring to effect his return: 
cp. 485. 2, st modi erunt tut. 


440 EP, 487 (FAM. IV. 9). 


487. CICERO TO M. CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS 
(FAM. Iv. 9). 


ROME; SEPTEMBER; A. U. C. 7083; B. C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


Etiam his litteris M. Cicero M. Marcello ut domum redeat suadet, maxime in eo 
occupatus ut singula argumenta quibus ille sententiam suam defenderat refutet. 


M. CICEKO 5. D. M. MARCELLO. 


1. Etsi perpaucis ante diebus dederam @. Mucio litteras ad te 
pluribus verbis scriptas, quibus declaraveram quo te animo cen- 
serem esse oportere et quid tibi faciendum arbitrarer, tamen 
cum Theophilus, libertus tuus, proficisceretur, cuius ego fidem 
erga te benevolentiamque perspexeram, sine meis litteris eum ad 
te venire nolui. lJisdem igitur te rebus etiam atque etiam hortor, 
quibus superioribus litteris hortatus sum, ut in ea re publica, quae- 
cumque est, quam primum velis esse. Multa videbis fortasse quae 
nolis, non plura tamen quam audis cotidie. Non est porro tuum 
uno sensu solum oculorum moveri: cum idem illud auribus per- 
cipias, quod etiam maius videri solet, minus laborare. 2. At 
tibi ipsi dicendum erit aliquid quod non sentias aut faciendum 


1. Q. Mucio| Scaevolae. He was in 
the suite of Quintus Cicero in Asia in 59: 
cp. Q. Fr. i. 2. 18 (53); legate of App. 
Claudius in Cilicia in 52; augur in 49: 
cp. Att. iv. 17. 4 (149); Fam. iii. 5.5 
(205) ; 364. 3. 

Theophilus} 536. 1. 

rebus| Lehmann (p. 57) objects to 
rebus, and proposes te verbis: cp. 488. 2, 
mec iis quidem verbis quibus te consoler. 
But it may fairly well be translated 
‘facts,’ and have reference to the plea- 
sures of home, the miseries of exile, the 
universal dominion of Caesar, &c. If 
any alteration were necessary, Orelli’s 
rationibus, ‘reasons,’ ‘ considerations,’ 
would be the best to adopt. Miiller 
thinks that we should read ¢e for de, as 
he is of opinion that it*is impossible to 
say de rebus hortari aliquem ut aliquid 
Saciat; and he seems right. We shall 
by that means also escape the difficulty 
that de is not, as it should be (cp. note to 
343. 3), repeated before quidus. 


quod etiam maius| When we hear of 
misfortune (e.g. the suffering of the 
poor), we often suppose it to be greater 
than it is, and magnify it in our imagi- 
nation; but we feel it more when we see 
it. Hence Cicero says, 483. 2, video, 
quo nihil est acerbius: cp. 338.1, oculs 
augent dolorem; and 536. 2 (also to 
Marcellus), Quod si nulium haberes sen- 
sum nisi oculorum prorsus tibi ignoscerem 
si quosdam nolles videre, sed cum leviora 
non muito essent quae audirentur quam 


-quae viderentur ... putavi ea de re te esse 


admonendum. Cicero means that Mar- 
cellus is philosopher enough to be able to 
estimate the true state of affairs at Rome 
from reports, and so to feel just as he 
would if he actually saw them: and 
accordingly it is as well for him to be at 
Rome as elsewhere. 

2. At] raising an objection (cp. 488. 
10); very often At enim, ‘but, one will 
say.’ 


4. 


EP. 487 (FAM. IV. 9). 441 


quod non probes. -Primum tempori cedere, id est, necessitati 
parere semper sapientis est habitum: deinde non habet, ut nunc 
quidem est, id viti res. Dicere fortasse quae sentias non licet: 
tacere plane licet. Omnia enim delata ad unum sunt. Is utitur 
consilio ne suorum quidem sed suo. Quod non multo secus fieret, 
-siis rem publicam teneret quem secuti sumus, An qui in bello, 
cum omnium nostrum coniunctum esset periculum, suo et certorum 
hominum minime prudentium consilio uteretur, eum magis com- 
munem censemus in victoria futurum fuisse quam incertis in rebus 
fuisset P et qui nec te consule tuum sapientissimum consilium 
‘secutus esset nec fratre tuo consulatum ex auctoritate tua gerente 
vobis auctoribus uti voluerit, nunc omnia tenentem nostras senten- 
itias desideraturum censes fuisse? 3. Omnia sunt misera in bellis 
civilibus: quae maiores nostri ne semel quidem, nostra aetas saepe 
dam sensit: sed miserius nihil quam ipsa victoria, quae etiam si 
ad meliores venit, tamen eos ipsos ferociores impotentioresque 
reddit, ut, etiam si natura tales non sint, necessitate esse 


id est} For explanations introduced 
iby these words cp. Mady. on Fin. ii. 6, 
who quotes Fam. ii. 17. 4 (272); 
iv. 4. ὃ (495); Att. xiii. 38. 2 (658). 

deinde . .. 768] ‘then, as things are 

now, life here has not this drawback.’ 
For id υἱέϊ cp. Att, xiv. 19. 4 (725), tidi 
hoe oneris non impono; Hor. Sat. i. 4. 104, 
hoe mihi iuris cum venia dabis ; and Roby 
1296, 1299. For ut nune est cp. Hor. 
Sat.i.9.5; also Att. xii. 29. 1 (565), 
where see note. 

hominum minime prudentium| See 
‘Caes. B. C. iii. 18. 8, adhibito Libone et 
LL. Lucceio et Theophane quibuscum com- 
municare de maximis rebus Pompeius con- 
-sueverat; and cp. Att. 11. 17. ὃ (44), and 
367. 3. 

magis communem| ‘less exclusive,’ 
‘more communicative,’ ‘more affable’: 
‘ep. Lael. 65, simplicem praeterea et com- 
munem (amicum) et consentientem; De 
Sen. 59 (Cyrum) communem [v.1. comem] 
erga Lysandrum atque humanum fuisse ; 
Mur. 66, Quemquamne existimas Catone 
commodiorem, communiorem, moderatiorem 
Suisse ad omnem rationem humanitatis ; 
Nepos, Milt. 8.4, in Miltiade erat cum 
summa humanitas tum mira communitas, 
ut némo tam humilis esset cui non ad eum 
aditus pateret. The Greek word is 


κοινός: cp. Xen. Cyneg. 19. 9, of μὲν γὰρ 
σοφισταὶ πλουσίους καὶ νέους θηρῶνται, οἱ 
δὲ φιλόσοφοι πᾶσι κοινοὶ καὶ φίλοι. 

fratre tuo] i.e. cousin; C. Marcellus, 
consul 50: ep. note to 486. 6. 

3. saepe] four times: see Phil. viii. 7 
(quoted by Hofmann), Sudla cum Sulpicio 
de iure legum quas per vim [consul] 
Sulla latas esse dicebat, Cinna cum Octavio 
de novorum civium suffragiis, rursus cum 
Mario et Carbone Sulla ne dominarentur 
indignt et ut clarissimorum hominum 
crudelissimam puniretur necem. Horum 
omnium bellorum causae ex rei publicae 
contentione natae sunt. De proximo bello 
civilt (sc. Caesariano) non libet dicere: 
ignoro causam, detestor exitum. Hoe 
bellum (sce. Mutinense) guintum civile 
geritur : atque omnia in nostram aetatem 
inciderunt, 

ipsa victoria] 495. 2 fin. nec id victoris 
vitio quo nihil moderatius, sed ipsius 
victoriae quae civilibus bellis semper est 
insolens; Marc. 9, in victoria quae natura 
insolens et superba est. 

impotentioresque] ‘more ungovern- 
able.’ Stpfle-Boeckel quote Marc. 16, 
eum... vidi cum insolentiam certorum 
hominum tum etiam ipsius victoriae feroci- 
tatem extimescentem. 


442 EP. 487 (FAM. IY. 9). 


cogantur: multa enim victori eorum arbitrio per quos vicit, etiam 
invito, facienda sunt. An tu non videbas mecum simul quam illa 
crudelis esset futura victoria? Igitur tune quoque careres patria 
ne quae nolles videres? Non, inquies: ego enim ipse tenerem 
opes et dignitatem meam. At erat tuae virtutis in minimis 
tuas res ponere, de re publica vehementius laborare. Deinde qui - 
finis istius consili est? Nam adhuc et factum tuum probatur et, 
ut in tali re, etiam fortuna laudatur: factum, quod et initium 
belli necessario secutus sis et extrema sapienter persequi nolueris: 
fortuna, quod honesto otio tenueris et statum et famam dignitatis 
tuae. Nune vero nee locus tibi ullus dulcior esse debet patria, 
nec eam diligere minus debes quod deformior est, sed misereri 
potius nec eam multis claris viris orbatam privare etiam aspéctu 
tuo. 4. Denique si fuit magni animi non esse supplicem victori, 
vide ne superbi si aspernarl eiusdem liberalitatem, et δὲ sapientis 
est carere patria, duri non desiderare; et, si re publica non 
possis frui, stultum est nolle privata. Caput illud est ut, si 
ἰδία vita 101 commodior esse videatur, cogitandum tamen sit ne 


tutior non sit. 


muita... facienda sunt] An example 
would seem to be the postponement of 
the return of Ampius Balbus (490. 2, 3): 
cp. also Ferrero’s remarks on the Buth- 
rotian affair of Atticus (ii. 337), which 
show how far Caesar was from being 
omnipotent. 

in minimis tuas res ponere| ‘to consider 
your private concerns as of the smallest 
importance.’ 

extrema... nolueris| Cp. 486.2, quod 
cum spe vincendi simul abtecisti certandi 
etiam cupiditatem ostendistique sapientem 
et bonum civem initia belli civilis invitum 
suscipere, extrema libenter non persequi. 

tenueris .. . tuae] ‘you have main- 
tained your dignity in its high position 
and renown.’ 

deformior| ‘lost her beauty,’ the 
regular correlative to pulchrior: cp. Gell. 
vs 1, LI. 

multis elaris viris| claris viris form 
one idea ; hence it is not necessary to say 
muitis et claris viris: cp. Fam. x.:28. 2 
(880) multi clarissimi viri. Manutius 
names seven consulars who perished, viz. 
Pompey, Bibulus, P. Lentulus, L. 


Magna gladiorum est licentia, sed in externis 
locis minor etiam ad facinus verecundia. 


Mihi salus tua tantae 


Lentulus, App. Claudius, Domitius 
Ahenobarbus, Metellus Scipio: cp. Phil. 
Mi. 29; 

4. duri| ‘insensible,’ ‘ unfeeling.’ 

possis| *andifit may be that you can- 
not enjoy a political life, it is certainly 
foolish to be unwilling to enjoy a private 
one.’ The subjunctive is used because 
the contingency is in Cicero’s mind a 
very doubtful one: different from the 
other suppositions which are taken for 
granted as facts (st fuit magni animi: st 
sapientis est). Wesenberg (Hm. Alt. 8) 
wishes to read stuléum sit, governing sit 
by vide ne: but the indicative makes the 
sentence more emphatic. 

cogitandum tamen sit ne] “ yet you 
should take thought lest it may not prove 
the safer course.’ 

Magna gladiorum est licentia| Cp. 486. 
4 nonne mavis sine periculo tuae domi esse 
quam cum periculo alienae. 

verecundia| ‘scruple.’ Wieland re- 
marks that this sentence reads like a 
prophecy: cp. Fam iv. 12 (613) for the 
account of the murder of Marcellus. 
Cicero seems to hint that it is more 


EP. 488 (FAM. VI. 6). 448 


curae est ut Marcello fratri tuo aut par aut certe proximus 
sim. ‘T'uum est consulere temporibus et incolumitati et vitae et 
fortunis tuis. 


488. CICERO TO AULUS CAEOCINA (Fam. νι. 6). 


ROME ; SEPTEMBER (END); A. U. C. 7083 B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


Eundem Caecinam, quem exsulantem superiore epistula consolari studuerat,. 
consolatur M. Cicero quod ei propter ingenium Οὐ. Caesaris et per statum rei publicae 
ipsum meliorem fortunam fore divinat. 


M. CICERO 5. Ὁ. A. CAECINAE. 


1, Vereor ne desideres officium meum—quod tibi pro nostra et 
meritorum multorum et studiorum parium coniunctione deesse 
non debet—sed tamen vereor ne litterarum a me officium requiras: 
quas tibi et iam pridem et saepe misissem, nisi cotidie melius 
exspectans gratulationem quam confirmationem animi tui complecti 
litteris maluissem. Nunc, ut spero, brevi gratulabimur: itaque in 


aliud tempus id argumentum epistulae differo. 


2. His autem 


litteris animum tuum, quem minime imbecillum esse et audio et 


dangerous to be in Rome than abroad in 
a letter to Torquatus, 540.3 ad omnis 
casus subitorum periculorum magis obiecti 
sumus quam si abessemus. 

consulere . . . tuis] ‘to take measures 
best. suited to the present circumstances, 
and to your own security both of life and 
property.’ Incolumitas is often used for 
‘full possession of civil rights,’ opp. to 
calamitas; see Dr. Reid on Arch. 9, and 
notes on Att. iii. 15. 2 (73) and 418. 2; 
so that, perhaps, we might here translate 
‘to the present circumstances, to your 
own restitution, and to the maintenance 
of your life and fortunes.’ The ‘ present 
circumstances’ may have reference to 
the considerations (1) that everywhere 
he would be in Caesar’s power (486. 8); 
(2) Caesar favours men of position and 
intellect (485. 2). 


For Caecina, see Introduction II, No. 9. 
This letter was written shortly after the 
pardon of Marcellus (ὁ 10), which was 
granted about the middle of September. 


1. Vereor) ‘I am afraid you think 
that I am not doing my duty, and that I 
ought not to fail therein on account of 
the connexion that exists between us 
from many mutual services and from 
similarity of pursuits; still I am afraid 
you may think me neglectful in the 
matter of letters; but I could have long 
since and often written to you, were it not 
that I was every day expecting better 
news, and preferred that the subject of my 
letter should be congratulation rather than 
encouragement of your resolution.” On 
sed resumptive, Lehmann (p. 121) has a 
good discussion, in which he compares 
Fam. i. 9. 19 (158) sed tamen; xiv. 5. 2 
(283) sed hoe. 

studiorum parium] viz. in matters of 
augury, in which Cicero was interested,. 
since he had been made an augur in 
53 B.c. But we must remember that he 
did not write ‘De Divinatione’ till 44. 

melius exspectans| like bene sperare, 
Att. v. 14. 2 (204) ; Deiot. 38. 

argumentum epistulae| Cp. 399. 2. 


444 EP. 488 (FAM. VI. 6). 


spero, etsi non sapientissimi, at amicissimi hominis auctoritate 
confirmandum etiam atque etiam puto, nec iis quidem verbis 
quibus te consoler ut adflictum et iam omni spe salutis orbatum, 
sed ut eum de cuius incolumitate non plus dubitem quam te 
memini dubitare de mea. Nam cum me ex re publica expulissent 
ii qui illam cadere posse stante me non putarunt, memini me ex 
multis hospitibus qui ad me ex Asia in qua tu eras venerant audire 
te de glorioso et celeri reditu meo contirmare. ὁ. Si te ratio 
quaedam mira Tuscae disciplinae quam a patre, nobilissimo atque 
optimo viro, acceperas non fefellit, ne nos quidem nostra divinatio 
fallet: quam cum sapientissimorum virorum monumentis atque 
praeceptis plurimoque, ut tu scis, doctrinae studio, tum magno 
etiam usu tractandae rei publicae magnaque nostrorum temporum 
varietate consecuti sumus. 4. Cui quidem divinationi hoe plus 
confidimus quod ea nos nihil in his tam obscuris rebus tamque 


perturbatis umquam omnino fefellit. 
dixissem ni vererer ne ex eveutis fingere viderer. 


2. adflictum} ‘a broken man.’ 

putarunt| So the ss., and this reading 
may be retained. See Dr. Reid in Class. 
Rev. xi. (1897), p. 350. It has an aoristic 
force ; ‘thought’ (at the time of Cicero’s 
expulsion). It is altered by some com- 
mentators to putabant, which makes 
excellent sense, but is rather far from the 
Mss.; by others to putarent, ‘ people 
bitter enough to think,’ generic sub- 
junctive; and by others again to puta- 
rant, ‘who had made up their minds,’ 
an unusual sense: cp. Wesenberg (Hn. 
Alt. 14). The triumvirs and Clodius 
thought they could not carry through their 
policy of revolution (which Cicero calls 
destroying the State) as long as he re- 
mained unscathed. For this sense of 
stare cp. Fam. vii. 2.3 (182) gut me 
stante stare non poterant. 

hospitibus| ‘visitors.? These were 
probably Roman officials or merchants 
who on their return journey from Asia 
called on Cicero when he was at Thessa- 
lonica or Dyrrhachium. Caecina had 
business affairs in Asia: cp. 527. 2 ad 
reliquias Asiaticae negotiationis. 

eae ‘expressed strong con- 
viction.’ atson compares Fam. iii. 10. 
1 (261), de me tibi sic promitto atque con- 
firmo. 


Dicerem quae ante futura 
Sed tamen 


3. Si te ratio] ‘Ifa certain marvellous 
system of Etruscan augury which you 
have inherited from your illustrious and 
excellent father has not deceived you, 
neither shall I be deceived in my 
prophetic skill; for I have obtained that 
skill no less from the writings and oral 
instruction of most illustrious men, and 
from philosophical study of, as you know, 
a very extended nature, than from much 
experience in the conduct of public 
affairs and great vicissitudes in the cir- 
cumstances of my life.’ For ne nos quidem 
see Dr. Reid on Acad. i. 5. For the 
influence of Etruria on Roman divination 
ep. De Div. i. 3: and on the Zusca dis- 
ciplina see Wissowa, Religion und Kultus, 
p. 543, ed. 2 (=469 ed. 1). 

4. divinationt] Watson quotes Nepos 
Att. 16, non enim Cicero ea solum quae 
vivo se acciderunt futura praedixit sed 
etiam quae nune usu veniunt cecinit ut vates. 

ex eventis fingere| ‘to manufacture 
after the event.’ For jingere used abso- 
lutely cp. 332. 2 Qui magis effiugias eos 
qui volent fingere ? 

Sed tamen| This passage down to the 
end of § 6 is an admirable summary of 
Cicero’s position during the Civil War: 
cp. also Ep. 464. 


EP. 488 (FAM. VI. 6). 448. 


plurimi sunt testes me et initio ne coniungeret se cum Caesare 
monuisse Pompeium et postea ne seiungeret: coniunctione frang1 
senatus opes, diiunctione civile bellum excitari videbam. Atque 
utebar familiarissime Caesare, Pompeium faciebam plurimi, sed 
erat meum consilium cum fidele Pompeio tum salutare utrique. 
5. Quae praeterea providerim praetereo. Nolo enim hune de me 
optime meritum existimare ea me suasisse Pompeio, quibus ille si 
paruisset, esset hic quidem clarus in toga et princeps, sed tantas 
opes quantas nune habet non haberet. Eundum in Hispaniam 
censui: quod si fecisset, civile bellum nullum omnino fuisset. 
Rationem haberi absentis non tam pugnavi ut liceret quam ut, 
quoniam ipso consule pugnante populus iusserat, haberetur. Causa 
orta belli est. Quid ego praetermisi aut monitorum aut querel- 
arum, cum vel iniquissimam pacem iustissimo bello anteferrem! 
6. Victa est auctoritas mea, non tam a Pompelo—nam is move- 
batur—quam ab iis qui duce Pompeio freti peropportunam et 
rebus domesticis et cupiditatibus suis illius belli victoriam fore 


monuisse| Cp. Phil. 11. 24, meaque illa 
vox est nota multis ; Utinam, Pompei, cum 
Caesare societatem aut nunguam coisses aut 
nunquam diremisses ; fuit alterum gravi- 
tatis, alterum prudentiae. Watson notices 
that no such warning appears in the letters 
of that date in Att. ii. 

utebar] a common word for associating 
with, generally used with an adverb or 
adjective signifying ‘friendly,’ but not 
always: Hor. Epp. i. 12. 22. Utere 
Pompeio Grospho ; 17. 2, maioribus uti: 
cp. χρῆσθαι, Xen. Mem. iv.8.11. Socrates 
was δίκαιος, ὥστε ὠφελεῖν τὰ μέγιστα 
τοὺς χρωμένους αὐτῷ. 

5. Eundum in Hispaniam censui| In 
51 B.c. Cicero had spoken strongly against 
the proposal that Pompey should go to 
Spain: cp. Att. v. 11. ὃ (200); Fam. iii. 
8. 10 (222) ; he spoke to the same effect 
at the end of 50, but not at all so strongly : 
ep. Att. vil. 9. 3 (300). If Cicero at any 
time formally and publicly urged that 
Pompey should go, it was probably at the 
Council at Capua at the end of January, 
49 (cp. 312. 3), on which occasion this 
question was brought before the meeting 
as one of Caesar’s conditions of peace. 
But he may have suggested it in the pri- 
vate meetings he had with Pompey in 
December, 50, of which we hear in Att. 
vii. 4. 2 (295), though that is not very 
probable. It is just possible that Cicero 


may have given this advice (though that 
he did so is nowhere recorded) in 52, when 
Pompey had the two Spains granted to 
him for another five years: the order of 
events as narrated here would point to 
this time. But it is more likely that 
Cicero is remembering that he had often 
said unofficially to his friends, in private 
discussions on the situation, that it would 
be better for Pompey to go to Spain; and 
that he never urged it forcibly on Pompey 
himself. 

ipso consule pugnante| Pompey in his 
third consulship in 52: cp. vol. III’, 
p. xv, note. 

gauerelarum | ‘remonstrances ”: cp. Deiot. 
9, cui sunt inauditae cum Deiotaro querelae 
tuae ? 

vel iniquissimam pacem|] Cp. 310. ὃ; 
458. 2; 640. 4; Phil. ii. 37. For Cicero’s 
efforts to secure peace see note to 458. 2. 

6. cupiditatibus| Hofmann refers to. 
367. 4, quid enim illic tu Scipionem, 
quid Faustum, quid Libonem praetermis- 
surum putas quorum creditores convenire 
dicuntur ? also to Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 4. 2. 
Lentulus aeris alieni magnitudine et spe 
exercitus ac provinciarum et regum appel- 
landorum largitionibus movetur (and hence 
it was that Caesar tried to bribe Lentulus 
340. 4; 342. 5) segue alterum fore Sullam 
inter suos gloriatur ad quem summa impert 
redeat. 


446 EP. 488 (FAM. VI. 6). 


putabant. Susceptum bellum est quiescente me, depulsum ex 
Italia manente me, quoad potui. Sed valuit apud me plus pudor 
meus quam timor: veritus sum deesse Pompei saluti, cum 1116 
aliquando non defuisset meae. Itaque vel officio vel fama bonorum 
vel pudore victus, ut in fabulis Amphiaraus, sic ego ‘ prudens et 
sciens ad pestem ante oculos positam’ sum profectus. Quo in 
bello nihil adversi accidit non praedicente me. 7. Quare quoniam, 
ut augures et astrologi solent, ego quoque augur publicus ex meis 
superioribus praedictis constitui apud te auctoritatem auguri et 
divinationis meae, debebit habere fidem nostra praedictio. Non 
igitur ex alitis involatu nec e cantu sinistro oscinis, ut in nostra 
disciplina est, nec ex tripudiis solistimis aut soniviis tibi auguror, 


quoad potui| 1. 6. as long as his con- Non igitur| ‘Not then from the flight 


science would allow him to stay. 
aliquando| ‘on a former occasion.’ 
In 57 B.c. Pompey used his influence to 
bring about Cicero’s return from banish- 
ment. 

Itaque ... sum profectis} ‘So then, 
yielding to my sense of duty or to the 
judgment of the constitutionalists or to 
the feelings of shame, I, like Amphiaraus 
in the play, ‘ deliberately and knowingly’ 
set out ‘ to death spread open there before 
mine eyes.’ ‘This latter is certainly a 
quotation; see Ribbeck Frag. Trag. 
p. 256, though he cannot fix it to any 
definite drama. Stipfle-Boeckel say it was 
probably from the ‘ Eriphyle’ of Accius. 
Baiter thinks prudens et sciens does not 
belong to the quotation. Compare with 
this passage Mare. 14, tantumgue apud me 
grati animi fidelis memoria valuit, ut nulla 
non modo cupiditate sed ne spe quidem 
prudens et sciens (cp. Ep. 383. 5) tanguam 
ad interitum ruerem voluntarium. Amphi- 
araus, like Cicero, was involved in the 
ruin of ambitious, self-seeking men. For 
Amphiaraus cp. Aesch. Sept. 568 ff. 

7. astrologi| ‘observers of the stars.’ 
This word is used both for astronomers 
and astrologers: cp. De Div. i. 132; ii. 
88. 

augur publicus| This is generally 
taken as ‘ official augur,’ i. e. one of the 
College of Augurs. But it might also 
mean (as Watson says) ‘a_ political 
prophet,’ ‘an augur on the course of 
State affairs.’ 

constitui] ‘I have given a satisfactory 
guarantee of my power of augury and 
prophecy.’ ; 


of a bird whose flight gives omens nor 
from a propitious note of one whose cry — 
is watched for, as is the teaching in our 
augural system, nor from the favourable 
prognostications of food faliing to the 
ground or its rattling thereon, do I foretell 
this; but I have other signs to watch, 
which, though not more unerring than 
those which I have mentioned, yet have 
in themselves less uncertainty and liability 
to error.’ Cicero, as an augur, would not 
venture to express general disbelief in the 
system which his position bound him to 
uphold; he only notices its difficulty of 
interpretation and liability to error. As 
an example of this latter feature an augur 
would find it hard to tell whether the 
tripudium was natural or coactum, De Div. 
1. 51, 28. 

tripudiis| There were five kinds of 
auspices (Fest. 260, Miiller=317 Lindsay}: 
(1) ex caelo (thunder and lightning), (2) 
ex avibus, (3) ex tripudiis, (4) ex quadru- 
pedibus (also called auspicia pedestria, i.e. 
quae dabantur a volpe lupo serpente equo 
ceterisque animalibus quadrupedibus, Fest. 
244 = 287 L.), (5) ex diris (any noise or 
outward event which happened to break 
the religious silence required for the 
auspices). Cicero touches only on (2) 
and (3) here. As regards birds, some 
gave auguries by their flights (a/ites), 
some by their cries (oscines). An omen 
on the left was considered lucky as com- 
ing from the east; for the Roman augur 
always looked south (Varro ap. Fest. 
339 = 454 L.): ep. Cicero De Div. ii. 
74 fulmen sinistrum auspicium optimum. 
Tripudium was the technical name for 


EP. 488 (FAM. VI. 6). 


447 


sed habeo alia signa quae observem: quae etsi non sunt certiora 
illis, minus tamen habent vel obscuritatis vel erroris. 8. Notantur 
autem mihi ad divinandum signa duplici quadam via: quarum 
alteram duco e Caesare ipso, alteram e temporum civilium natura 


atque ratione. 


In Caesare haec sunt: mitis clemensque natura, 


qualis exprimitur praeclaro illo libro QUERELARUM tuarum. 
Accedit quod mirifice ingeniis excellentibus, quale est tuum, 


delectatur. 


Praeterea cedit multorum iustis et officio incensis, 


non inanibus aut ambitiosis voluntatibus: in quo vehementer eum 


the falling to the ground of the food 
which was given to the sacred chickens: 
for as they greedily devoured it some por- 
tions of it must of necessity fall from their 
mouths and strike the ground. Thus the 
derivation Cicero gives of the word (De 
Div. ii. 72) is terram pavire, terripavium, 
inde terripudium, tripudium: cp. Festus 
S. V. PVLS, p. 244 = 285 L. Yet Cicero 
is probably wrong in his derivation, for 
terri- remains unaltered in composition : 
e.g. terricola: see Vanicek, p. 540. 
This philologist derives ¢ripudiwm from 
tris thrice, and pavire to strike (so too 
Wordsworth, Fragments and Specimens, 
Ῥ. 83), and refers it to the clattering of 
the feet of the fowl when feeding; cp. 
Fest. p. 363 = 498 L., tripudium cernitur 
in auspictis in exsultatione tripudiantium 
pullorum, dictum a terra pavienda, where 
he gives the right interpretation but the 
wrong derivation. Lange, too (Rém. Alt.i. 
343), disapproves of the derivation given by 
Cicero ; he says that tripudium is derived 
from the flurry and haste with which the 
hungry chickens rushed at the food, ¢ri- 
pudiare being an old form of trepidare ; 
however, he does not adduce any proof 
of this. Walde, after Curtius (p. 244, 
No. 291), connects the latter part of the 
word ¢ripudium with pes: cp. Lindsay, 
Latin Language, p. 256. For the u cp. 


repudiare. For further, see Dict. Antiq. 
8. V. AUGUR. 
solistimis| ‘most perfect,’ snperlative 


of sollus = salvus: cp. Festus 293 = 372 L. 
sollum Osce totum et solidum significat ; 
also 298 = 386 L. sollistimum, App. 
Pulcher in Auguralis Disciplinae libro I ait 
esse tripudium quom avi excidit ex ore 
quod illa fert, saxumve solidum aut arbor 
viviradix ruit quae nec prae vitio humanave 
vt caedanturve. iacianturve pellanturve, 
according to the suggested additions of 
Miiller. According to the derivation of 


the word it should be spelled with two 7/7; 
but it is only in Festus that this spelling 
has manuscript authority. 

sonivits|] cp. Festus, p. 297 = 382 L. 
SONIVIUM TRIPUDIUM wt ait App. Puicher 
quod sonet cum pullo excidit puls quadru- 
pedive: cp. Plin. H. N. xv. 86: Servius 
on Aen. 111. 90, tripudiwm sonivium id est a 
sono, ad quod pertinet δὲ arbor sponte radi- 
citus cadat, si terra tremat, Accordingly 
if there is any real difference between 
tripudium sollistimum and soniviwm, it 
would appear to be that the sound of 
the falling object in the latter case must 
be audible. 

8. etemporum...vatione] ‘from the 
general condition of politics at the present 
time’: cp. § 11. 

QUERELARUM| The title of Caecina’s 
palinode: see Introduction II, No. 9. 

ingeniis . . . delectatur| Cp. 485. 2 
Savet ingentis ; 5383. 3 eximium ingenium 
summamgue Ft virtutem (should probably 
be some word with the meaning of doctri- 
nam) curt mehercules is cuius in potestate 
sumus multum tributt. 

officto incensis] ‘ which have the fervour 
of sincerity.’ 

imanibus aut ambitiosis| ‘hollow and 
interested’ or perhaps ‘showy,’ i.e. put 
forward in order to obtain a reputation 
for generosity: cp. 490.2, Valent tamen 
apud Caesarem non tam ambitiosae roga- 
tiones quam necessariae. The word inani- 
bus appears to mean applications made 
without any ground of affection or 
obligation at their back. Hofmann quotes 
Lig. 31, vidi enim et cognovi quid maxime 
spectares cum pro alicuius salute multi 
laborarent : causas apud te rogantium 
gratiosiores esse quam vultus, neque te 
spectare quam tuus esset necessarius is 
χι te oraret sed quam illius pro quo 
laboraret. 


448 EP, 488 (HAM. VI. 6). 


consentiens Ktruria movebit. 9. Cur haec igitur adhuc parum 
profecerunt ? Quia non putat se sustinere causas posse multorum, 
si tibi cui iustius videtur irasci posse concesserit. Quae est igitur, 
inquies, spes ab irato? Kodem 6 fonte se hausturum intelleget 
laudes suas e quo sit leviter aspersus. Postremo homo valde est. 
acutus et multum providens: intellegit te, hominem in parte 
Italiae minime contemnenda facile omnium nobilissimum et in 
communi re publica cuivis summorum tuae aetatis vel ingenio vel 
gratia vel fama populi Romani parem, non posse prohiberi re 
Nolet hoe temporis potius esse aliquando bene- 
ficlum quam iam suum. 10. Dixi de Caesare: nune dicam de 
temporum rerumque natura. Nemo est tam inimicus ei causae 
quam Pompeius animatus melius quam paratus susceperat qui 
nos malos civis dicere aut homines tmprobos audeat. In quo 
admirari soleo gravitatem et iustitiam et sapientiam Caesaris : 
numquam nisi honorificentissime Pompeium appellat.—At in 
elus persona multa fecit asperius.—Armorum ista et victoriae 
sunt facta, non Caesaris. At nos quem ad modum est complexus ! 


publica diutius. 


consentiens Etruria] ‘the unanimous 
voice of Etruria.’ 

9. sustinere causas| ‘resist the claims 
of many’: cp. Phil. vill. 1, Parwm mihi 
visus es 606 quibus cedere non soles 
sustinere. 

Eodem e fonte| ‘he perceives that he 
will be able to draw abundance of praise 
for himself from the same source from 
which he has got a slight wetting’—a 
strange metaphor. Caecina will praise 
him in fuller measure than that in which 
he attacked him before. ‘There is no 
other example of haurive used with 
the simple abl.: the editors supply e, 
which might readily have fallen out 
after eodé. If e is omitted, we might 
possibly take eodem fonte as the abl. of 
means, ‘by means of the same spring.’ 

leviter| Yet cp. Suet. Iul. 75, Audique 
Caecinae criminosissimo libro . . lace- 
ratam existimationem suam civili animo 
tultt. 

Nolet... suum] ‘ He will be unwilling 
that at some future date (aliqguando) this 
favour should be regarded as coming to 
him from lapse of time rather than as at 
once coming from himself.’ 

10. animatus melius quam .paratus} 
‘with a spirit above his resources ἢ 
(Watson). 


gravitatem Caesaris| “ the 
firm, upright, and sensible conduct of 
Caesar.’ 

in eius persona] One of the meanings 
of persona is ‘role,’ ‘ character’; see 
Fausset (Pro Cluentio, Glossary, p. 280), 
who compares Cluent. 101, persona viri 
boni suscepta. Accordingly it will here 
mean the character which Pompey 
assumed, i.e. as Hofmann and Siipfle- 
Boeckel translate—‘ in regard to Pompey 
as a public man.’ Caesar had a high 
opinion of Pompey as a private man, but 
he had to act severely in regard to him as 
leader of the opposite party, even going 
so far as to confiscate his property (Phil. 
ii. 64). For 2 = ‘in the case of,’ ‘in 
regard to,’ cp. Dr. Reid on Lael. 9, 
Quomodo mortem fil tulit. Memineram 


— Paulum, videram Gallum: sed hi in pueris, 


Cato in perfecto et spectato viro. See also 
423. 8, in ea; Phil. xiv. 9, eaque dicere 
reformidat (animus) quae L. Antonius in 
Parmensium liberis et coniugibus effecerit. 

est complexus| Cp. amplectitur, § 18. 
This letter speaks of Caesar in a more 
friendly way than any preceding one. 
This is natural, as Cicero had recently 
been so successful with the speech Pro 
Marcello. 


EP. 488 (FAM. VI. 6). 449 


Cassium 5101 legavit, Brutum Galliae praefecit, Sulpicium Graeciae, 
Marcellum, cui maxime suscensebat, cum summa illius dignitate 
restituit. 11. Quo igitur haec spectant? Rerum hoe natura et 
civilium temporum non patietur: nec manens nec mutata ratio 
feret primum, ut non in causa pari eadem sit et condicio et fortuna 
omnium: deinde, ut in eam civitatem boni viri et boni cives nulla 
ignominia notati non revertantur in quam tot nefariorum scelerum 
condemnati reverterunt. 12. Habes augurium meum quo, si 
quid addubitarem, non potius uterer quam illa consolatione qua 
facile fortem virum sustentarem: te, si explorata victoria arma 
sumpsisses pro re publica—ita enim tum putabas— non nimis 
esse laudandum: sin propter incertos exitus eventusque bellorum 
posse accidere ut vinceremur putasses, non debere te ad secundam 
fortunam bene paratum fuisse, adversam ferre nullo modo posse. 
Disputarem etiam quanto solacio tibi conscientia tui facti, quantae 
delectationi in rebus adversis litterae esse deberent. Commemo- 
rarem non solum veterum sed horum etiam recentium vel ducum 
vel comitum tuorum gravissimos casus, etiam externos multos 


Cassium sibi legavit| See note to 448. 2. 
We do not hear of this appointment else- 
where. 

Brutum Galliae praefecit| Cp. 451. 1. 

Sulpicium Graeciae| Op. 495. 2 and 
note. In that letter the account of the 
appeal on behalf of Marcellus is given. 

11. nee manens nec mutata ratio| ‘state 
of affairs whether it remains fixed or it is 
changed.’ 

condemnati reverterunt| Caesar (B. C. 
iil. 1. 4. 5) says that a few of those con- 
demned under Pompey’s laws in 52 were 
restored. According to Appian (ii. 48) 
and Dio Cassius (xli. 36. 2), all the exiles 
except Milo were restored. The motion 
for restoration was proposed by the 
praetors and tribunes, and Cicero charges 
Antony, who was a tribune, with having 
been its author (Phil. ii. 56). The plea 
was irregularity in the procedure under 
which they were condemned. In April, 
49, Curio had declared it certain that the 
exiles would be restored (382. 8). It was 
not till the end of the year that the bill 
was passed. 

12. addubitarem| ‘if I had any con- 
siderable doubt’: cp. Att. xiii. 25. 3 
(642); Fam. vii. 32. 1 (229). In a 
learned note (36) of his introduction, 


VOL. IV. 


Ῥ. 38, to the Pseudolus Lorenz notices 
that verbs compounded with the inten- 
Sive prepositions con-, ad-, and de- 
belong largely to the ordinary language 
of conversation: cp. accredo, Att. vi. 2, 3 
(256), also Schmalz, Antid. s. v., and 
Wilkins on Hor. Ep. i. 15, 26. 

explorata victoria| ‘ quite assured of 
victory.’ For this sentiment, that one 
should bear defeat like a philosopher 
(we would say, a sportsman), who knew 
the chances of the struggle into which he 
entered, cp. 490. 4; 538. 3, 4. 

pro re publica—ita enim tum putabas | 
‘for the safety of the State, as you then 
thought.’ At that time, and indeed till 
shortly before he wrote this letter, Cicero 
also thought that the safety of the con- 
stitution depended on the victory of the 
Pompeians, and that Caesar’s government 
would be simple anarchy; but he had 
altered his opinion quite recently owing 
to the magnanimous conduct of Caesar. 

tut factt} ‘your action,’ i.e. general 
course of action, not any one specific act. 

etiam externos| It would appear to 
have been a recognized method among 
the Romans of enforcing moral rules to 
collect instances in point, first of dis- 
tinguished Romans, and then of famous 


2G 


450 EP. 488 (FAM. ΤΊ. 6). 


claros viros nominarem: levat enim dolorem communis quasi legis 
et humanae condicionis recordatio. 13. Exponerem etiam quem 
ad modum hic et quanta in turba quantaque in confusione rerum 
omnium viveremus: necesse est enim minore desiderio perdita re 
publica carere quam bona. Sed hoe genere nihil opus est. In- 
columem te cito, ut spero, vel potius ut perspicio, videbimus. 
Interea tibi absenti et huic qui adest imagini animi et corporis 
tui, constantissimo atque optimo filio tuo, studium, officium, 
operam, laborem meum iam pridem et pollicitus sum et detuli: 
nunc hoc amphius quod me amicissime cotidie magis Caesar am- 
plectitur, familiares quidem eius sicuti neminem. Apud quem 
quidquid valebo vel auctoritate vel gratia valebo tibi. Tu cura ut 


cum firmitudine te animi tum etiam spe optima sustentes. 


foreigners. It is on this principle that 
the work of Valerius Maximus is com- 
posed. 

communis ... recordatio| hendiadys,‘a 
recollection of the common law (shall I 
call 10 3) of human existence.’ 

13. quanta... viveremus| ‘in what 
a general state of disorder and chaos we 
are living.’ For confusio cp. 495. 2. 

hoe genere| sc. of consolation. 

Incolumem] See note to 487. 4. 

studium . . . laborem meum] 
service, efforts, and exertion.’ 

pollicitus sum et detuli] ‘I promised 
and put at their disposal’: cp. Leg. 
Manil. 69, id omne . . . tibi et populo 
Romano polliceor et defero. For deferre 
in this sense cp. 465. 3; 492. 3. 


‘zeal, 


nune hoc amplius quod] ‘now in fuller 
measure I can do this because I am 
every day being drawn into closer 
relations of intimate friendship by Caesar, 
and by his friends I am more sought after 
than anyone else’: cp. 472. 2. 

amplectitur| Cp. § 10, est complexus : 
485. 2. 

Apud quem... tibi] ‘and whatever 
weight of influence or favour I may have 
with him shall be used for your interests.’ 
GR give conciliabo tibi, but Streicher 
(p. 167) rightly defends the repetition of 
valebo, by Fam. ii. 11. 2 (255), Quidguid 
erit, tibi erit; xiii. 1.4 (199) st peccat 
.. . peccat; cp. Caesar’s judgment on 
Brutus, Att. xiv. 1. 2 (703), Quidquid 
vult valde vult. 


“Cn pet, a 


EP. 489 (FAM. VI. 13). 451 


489. CICERO TO Q. LIGARIUS (Fam. vi. 13). 


ROME; AUGUST OR SEPTEMBER; A. U. C. 708; Β. 6. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


Consolatur M. Cicero Q. Ligarium, eundem pro quo apud C. Caesarem oravit, 
exsulem, eumque reditus spe ostensa forti animo esse iubet. 


CICERO LIGARIO. 


1. Etsi tali tuo tempore me aut consolandi aut iuvandi tui 
causa scribere ad te aliquid pro nostra amicitia oportebat, tamen 
adhue id non feceram quia neque lenire videbar oratione neque 
levare posse dolorem tuum. Postea vero quam magnam spem 
habere coepi fore ut te brevi tempore incolumem haberemus, 
facere non potui quin tibi et sententiam et voluntatem declararem 
meam. 2. Primum igitur scribam, quod intellego et perspicio, 
non fore in te Caesarem duriorem: nam et res eum cotidie et dies 
et opinio hominum et, ut mihi videtur, etiam sua natura mitiorem 
facit, idque cum de reliquis sentio, tum de te etiam audio ex 
familiarissimis eius, quibus ego ex eo tempore quo primum ex 
Africa nuntius venit supplicare una cum fratribus tuis non destiti: 
quorum quidem et virtute et pietate et amor in te singularis et 
adsidua et perpetua cura salutis tuae tantum proficit ut nihil sit 
quod non ipsum Caesarem tributurum existimem. 3. Sed si 
tardius fit quam volumus, magnis occupationibus eius a quo 
omnia petuntur aditus ad eum difficiliores fuerunt, et simul Afri- 


For Q. Ligarius cp. Introduction II, possibly as regards finances. We hear of 


No. 8. 

1. consolandi aut iuvandi| Cp. 483.1; 
491. 4. 

dies| Cp. 491. 5. 

sua natura| Sipfle-Béckel refer to 
Caesar’s own words in a letter to Cicero, 
374.2, Recte auguraris de me—bene enim 
tibi cognitus sum—nihil a me abesse longius 
erudelitate. 

2. familiarissimis] ἘΠ. Dolabella, 
Hirtius, Balbus, Oppius, Pansa, Postumus, 
and Matius (490. 1). 

fratribus tuis| One of his brothers, 
Titus Ligarius, had been guaestor urbanus, 
probably in ὅθ, and in that capacity had 
helped Caesar considerably (Lig. 35), 


his correcting a mistake in the Pro Ligario 
when it was published: Att. xiii. 44. 3 
(646). Concerning his other brothers see 
Introduction, 1. c. 

quorum... proficit| See Adn. Crit. 

3. aditus ad eum difficiliores] Cp. 486. 
6; 498. 2, omnem adeundi et conveniendi 
illius indignitatem et molestiam: Att. xiv. 
1. 2 (703), exspectaremque sedens quoad 
vocarer. 

et simul] ‘and at the same time, as 
he is more incensed by the African move- 
ment than by others, he wishes to keep its 
adherents longer in suspense: for he con- 
siders that he has been harassed by them 
with more persistent annoyancethan by the 


2G2 


452 LP. 489 (FAM. VI. 13). 

canae causae iratior diutius velle videtur eos habere sollicitos a 
quibus se putat diuturnioribus esse molestiis conflictatum. Sed 
hoe ipsum intellegimus eum cotidie remissius et placatius ferre, 
Quare mili crede et memoriae manda me tibi id adfirmasse, te in 
istis molestiis diutius non futurum. 4. Quoniam quid sentirem 
exposui, quid velim tua causa re potius declarabo quam oratione: 
[et] si tantum possem quantum in ea re publica, de qua ita sum 
meritus ut tu existimas, posse debebam, ne tu quidem in istis 
incommodis esses : eadem enim causa opes meas fregit quae tuam 
salutem in discrimen adduxit. Sed tamen, quidquid imago veteris 
meae dignitatis, quidquid reliquiae gratiae valebunt, studium, 
consilium, opera, gratia, fides mea nullo loco deerit tuis optimis 
fratribus. ὃ. Tu fac habeas fortem animum, quem semper 
habuisti: primum ob eas causas quas scripsi: deinde quod ea de 
re publica semper voluisti atque sensisti ut non modo nune 
secunda sperare debeas sed etiam, si omnia adversa essent, tamen 
conscientia et factorum et consiliorum tuorum quaecumque accide- 
rent fortissimo et maximo animo ferre deberes. 


others. But I understand that he is 
every day relaxing and calming down on 
this very point.” The Africana causa 
- means the party who went to Africa and 
continued to prosecute the war there after 
the defeat at Pharsalia. Caesar was espe- 
cially bitter against these, as he believed 
that their opposition to him was pure 
obstinacy, and as they involved him in the 
most serious danger : cp. the Scholiastes 
Gronovianus quoted in Orelli, p. 415, Cum 
vellet (Caesar) paene ignoscere surrexit 
Tubero, curt tam indulgentiam dederat et 
dixit ‘In Africa[m] fuit.’? Scit enim quia 
cos maxime exsecrabatur qui in Africa 
Juerunt. The word causa is used as we 
should use it of any great movement or 
party in such a phrase as ‘he gave 
his life for the cause’: cp. Lig. 27, ne 
condemnare causam illam quam secutus 
esset videretur; 488.10, nemo est tam inimi- 
cus et causae quam Pompeius ... susceperat ; 
Rosc. Am. 142, δὲ quis est qui se et causam 
aedi putet. 


4. ne tu quidem | 
suredly would not.’ 
suppose that ve. . 
mean ‘not even’: 
i, Ατοῆς 2. 

opera| After opera the mss. add 
gratia, which may have crept in from 
gratiae of the previous line; for in such 
enumerations as this Cicero generally 
arranges the words in pairs; ‘zeal, 
advice, exertions, faithfulness.? Wesen- 
berg (Hm. Alt. 15) holds the same view 
about the insertion of gratia, but thinks. 
that there are three pairs, steudiwm 
officiwm (488. 18 ; 498.1), consilium opera, 
res (‘ money ἢ) fides (‘credit’) ; but there 
is no good reason to be assigned why 
oficium and res should have been lost. 
The singular deerit is quite regular (see 
Lebreton, p. 2). But the simplest way to 
make the passage normal would be to retain 
gratia and add res either before or after 
Jjides: cp. 492. 1. 


οὐδὲ σὺ δή, ‘you as- 

It is an error to 
. quidem must always 
see Dr. Reid on Acad. 


EP. 490 (FAM. VI. 12). 453 


490. CICERO TO T. AMPIUS BALBUS (Fam. νι. 12). 


ROME ; SEPTEMBER (FIRSY HALF) 3 A. U. C. 7083 B. C. 463 
AW Ie CIC. 60: 


M. Cicero I’. Ampio Balbo gratulatur de reditu per Caesaris amicos impetrato reque 
perfecta consolationem scribit cessare. Reliquum esse ut se propter communem rei 
publicae calamitatem litterarum studio consolari studeat. 


CICERO AMPIO SAL. PLUR. 


1. Gratulor tibi, mi Balbe, vereque gratulor nec sum tam 
stultus ut te usura falsi gaudi frui velim, deinde frangi repente 
atque ita cadere ut nulla res te ad aequitatem animi possit 
postea extollere. Egi tuam causam apertius quam mea tempora 
ferebant. Vincebatur enim fortuna ipsa debilitatae gratiae nostrae 
tui caritate et meo perpetuo erga te amore culto a te diligentis- 
sime. Omnia promissa confirmata certa et rata sunt, quae ad 
reditum et ad salutem tuam pertinent. Vidi, cognovi, interful. 
2. Etenim omnis Caesaris familiaris satis opportune habeo impli- 
catos consuetudine et benevolentia sic ut, cum ab illo discesserint, 
me habeant proximum. Hoc Pansa, Hirtius, Balbus, Oppius, 


For Ampius Balbus see Introd. 11, 


No. 6. 
1. usura εἰ. frui] ‘to hold tem- 


porary possession of an unreal joy.’ He 


’ would only have the usufruct of the 


unreal joy: he would have soon to 
surrender it. 

cadere| ‘to lose heart.’ Cp. 538. 4. 

Egi tuam causam] We can hardly 
suppose that this was a formal set speech 
before Caesar, like those for Marcellus 
and Ligarius. At any rate we have no 
evidence of any such speech. It was 
rather a private recommendation on 
Cicero’s part, for he was getting on good 
terms with Caesar again: cp. Vidi, 
cognovi, interfui. But it can hardly have 
been written after the speech Pro Marcello ; 
for after his great success on that occasion 
Cicero would hardly have spoken in such 
modest terms of his relations with Caesar 
as he does in ᾧ 1. 

Vincebatur ... diligentissime] ‘the 
very misfortune that my influence has 


become so weakened has been overcome 
by my affection for you and my unceasing 
love for you—a love which you have so 
carefully fostered.’ Cicero means that 
his affection for Balbus induced him to 
cast away all feelings of wounded pride, 
and all that disinclination to put himself 
forward, now that he has so much less 
influence than formerly; and that he 
exerted himself earnestly on behalf of 
Balbus, with the result that he now finds 
his influence becoming once more of con- 
siderable weight. 

Omnia ... rata sunt| ‘ everything 
that has been promised is settled with 
perfect certainty, and ratified.’ 


2. consuetudine et benevolentia| ‘in 
intimacy and good feeling.’ 
cum ab illo discesserint] ‘next to 


him ’—the regular Ciceronian phrase : 
see Att. i. 17.5 (23) ; Fam. i. 9. 18 (158). 
For Matius cp. 367. 2 and introd. note 
to Fam. xi. 27 (784). For Curtius 
Postumus cp. 356. 3; 394. 7. 


454 EP. 490 (FAM. VI. 12). 


Matius, Postumus, plane ita faciunt ut me unice diligant. Quod 
si mihi per me efticiendum fuisset, non me paeniteret pro ratione 
temporum ita esse molitum. Sed nihil est a me inservitum 
temporis causa: veteres mihi necessitudines cum his omnibus 
intercedunt, quibuscum ego agere de te non destiti. Principem 
tamen habuimus Pansam, tui studiosissimum, mei cupidum, qui 
valeret apud illum non minus auctoritate quam gratia. Cimber 
autem Tillius mihi plane satis fecit. Valent tamen apud Caesarem 
non tam ambitiosae rogationes quam necessariae: quam quia 
Cimber habebat, plus valuit quam pro ullo alio valere potuisset. 
3. Diploma statim non est datum quod mirifica est improbitas 
in quibusdam qui tulissent acerbius veniam tibi dari quam illi 
appellent ‘tubam belli civilis,’ multaque ita dicunt quasi non 
gaudeant id bellum incidisse. Quare visum est occultius agen- 
dum neque ullo modo divulgandum de te iam esse perfectum. 


Quod si. . . causa] ‘ If I had been com- 
pelled to secure their friendship by efforts 
on my part, I should not regret having 
gone to this trouble in whatever way the 
special circumstances of the times re- 
quired; but I have not done anything 
that is at all time-serving.’ For temport 
servire cp. 386. 6; 388. 1. 

qui valeret... gratia] ‘of consider- 
able influence with Caesar, no less from 
his weight of character than from personal 
liking.’ 

Cimber autem Tillius] He was a strong 
Caesarean and had received many favours 
from Caesar (Seneca de Ira iii. 30. 4. 5), 
but conspired against him all the same, 
‘in thought for his country he thought 
not of the kindnesses he had received,’ 
says Cicero (Phil. ii. 27). In the actual 
assassination it was he who gave the 
signal to his fellow-conspirators by tear- 
ing Caesar’s toga off his shoulder. He 
is also mentioned in Fam. xii. 13. 3 (901) ; 
ad Brut. i. 6. 3 (867). 

Valent ... necessariae| ‘after all, it 
is not petitions dictated by self-seeking 
which carry weight with Caesar, but those 
dictated by duty’: cp. 488. 8—praeterea 
cedit multorum iustis et officio incensis, non 
inanibus aut ambitiosis voluntatibus. This 
is no inconsiderable praise of Caesar. 

quam quia| Sothe mss. Cratander and 
Lambinus read quas guia; but the mss. 
reading is a perfectly intelligible sense- 


construction ; ‘and because Cimber has. 
such an one,’ though we are unable to find 
an exact parallel: cp. such irregularities 
as Ter. Heaut. 393, Quoius mos maxumest 
consimilis vostrum, hi se ad vos adplicant : 
more frequently in Greek. Eur. Hec. 
359, δεσποτῶν ὠμῶν φρένας | τύχοιμ᾽ ἂν 
ὅστις ἀργύρου m ὠνήσεται; Plat. Rep. 
566 D, ἀσπάζεται πάντας, ᾧ ἂν περι- 
τυγχάνῃ. 

3. Diploma| ‘passport’: see note 
on 403. 4. lt was the warrant which 
allowed him free passage back to Rome. 
It has nothing to do with the privilege of 
using the cursus publicus, as the latter 
was not organized till the time of 
Augustus. 

quam ...tubam] So MR: quem, G. 
After the verb swm or verbs of naming 
the relative is often accommodated to the 
subject which follows: cp. Madv. 316, 
who quotes Phil. v. 39, Pompeio enim 
patre, quod imperi populi Romani lumen 
Suit, exstincto; Leg. i. 22, animal hoe 
providum ... quem vocamus hominem. 
Liv. iii. 57. 4, et illi carcerem aedificatum 
esse quod domicilium plebis Romanae vocare 
sit solitus. Of course guem would be quite 
allowable: but guam is the reading more 


likely to have been altered. See also 
Adn. Crit. 
de te... perfectum] ‘that your case 


has been settled.’ 


EP. 490 (FAM. VI. 12). 455 


Sed id erit perbrevi, nee dubito quin legente te has litteras con- 
fecta iam res futura sit. Pansa quidem mihi, gravis homo et 
certus, non solum confirmavit verum etiam recepit perceleriter 
se ablaturum diploma. Mihi tamen placuit haec ad te perscribi: 
minus enim te firmum sermo Eppuleiae tuae lacrimaeque Ampiae 
declarabant quam significant tuae litterae; atque illae arbitra- 
bantur, cum a te abessent ipsae multo in graviore te cura futurum. | 
Quare magno opere 6 76 putavi angoris et doloris tui levandi 
causa pro certis ad te ea quae essent certa perscribi. 4. Scis me 
antea sic solitum esse scribere ad te magis ut consolarer fortem 
virum atque sapientem quam ut exploratam spem salutis osten- 
derem nisi eam quam ab ipsa re publica, cum hie ardor restinctus 
esset, sperari oportere censerem. MRecordare tuas litteras quibus 
et magnum animum mihi semper ostendisti et ad omnis casus 
ferendos constantem ac paratum: quod ego non mirabar cum 
recordarer te et a primis temporibus aetatis in re publica esse 
versatum et tuos magistratus in ipsa discrimina incidisse salutis 
fortunarumque communium, et in hoc ipsum bellum esse ingressum 
non solum ut victor beatus sed etiam ut, si ita accidisset, victus [ut] 
sapiens esses. 5. Deinde cum studium tuum consumas in virorum 
fortium factis memoriae prodendis, considerare debes nihil tibi 
esse committendum quam ob rem eorum quos laudas te non 
simillimum praebeas. Sed haec oratio magis esset apta ad illa 
tempora quae iam effugisti: nune vero tantum te para ad haee 


ab ipsa re publica] cp. 483. 5 fin., 
res publica de te propediem imn- 
petrabit. 


Sed id erit perbrevi| sc. perfectum. The 
previous clause would be like our ‘is 


practically settled,’ i.e. not quite settled, 
but sure to be settled shortly. 

ablaturum] ‘procure,’ ‘carry away ἢ 
(from Caesar): cp. Att. xvi. 16a, 4 
(767), liberalissimum decretum abstulimus. 

cum a te abessent| ‘ when they were not 
with you.’ Eppuleia was wife of Ampius 
Balbus, Ampia his sister. They thought 
that Ampius was. depressed even 
when they were with him, but that he 
would be much more depressed when 
they left. This is the reading of M: cum 
ad te adessent ipse GR. 

Quare . .. perscribi] See Adn, Crit. 

4. quam ... censerem| ‘rather than 
hold out any assured hope of pardon save 
that which I thought ought to be expected 
from the State itself.’ 


cum hie ardor restinctus esset] ‘when 
the present fever of excitement has cooled 
down.” For ardor cp. Brut. ii. 5. 1 (842), 
studia non deerant arma poscentium quorum 
impetum repressimus ardoremque restin- 
ximus. 

in ipsa discrimina . . . esses| ‘occurred 
at the very crisis of the safety and pros- 
perity of us all: and that you entered 
this war itself with the prospect not merely 
of enjoying the bliss of victory, but also, 
if so it chanced, of bearing defeat with 
resignation’ (or ‘as a philosopher should’). 
For the sentiment cp. 488.12; 538. 4. 

5. prodendis| Ampius wasa historian : 
ep. Suet. Iul. 77. 


456 EP. 491 (FAM. VI. 10, 88 4-6). 


nobiscum ferenda, quibus ego si quam medicinam invenirem 
tibi quoque eandem traderem. Sed est unum perfugium doctrina 
ac litterae, quibus semper usi sumus: quae secundis rebus delecta- 
tionem modo habere videbantur, nunc vero etiam salutem. Sed 
ut ad initium revertar, cave dubites quin omnia de salute ac 
reditu tuo perfecta sint. | 


491. CICERO TO TREBIANUS (Fam. vt. 10, ὃς 4-6). 


ROME ; SEPTEMBER (P); A. U. C. 7083; B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


Trebiano exsuli, qui eo maximo opere animum C. Caesaris offenderat, quod post 
cladem Pharsalicam ab armis non discesserat sed bellum in Africa persecutus erat, 
M. Cicero officia omnia sua pollicetur et spem reditus facit. 


M. CICERO TREBIANO §&. 


4, Antea misissem ad te litteras, si genus scribendi invenirem : 
tali enim tempore aut consolari amicorum est aut polliceri. Con- 
solatione non utebar quod ex multis audiebam quam fortiter 
sapienterque ferres iniuriam temporum quamque te vehementer 
consolaretur conscientia factorum et consiliorum tuorum. Quod 
quidem si facis, magnum fructum studiorum optimorum capis, 1n 


unum perfugium] cp. 461.5 ; 528. 


The following letter and this one appear 
in the Mss. as forming a single continuous 
epistle ; but there can be little doubt from 
the opening words ofthis letter that it is 
the beginning of the correspondence with 
Trebianus. 

For two letters which the manuscripts 
have joined together, the latter of which is 
prior in point of time cp. 340 a and ὁ. 

TREBIANO] The mss. give Trebiano ; 
but we do not know of any man of this 
name as acontemporary of Cicero. The 
Fragmentum Taurinense gives Z'rebonio, 
but Trebonius was a Caesarean. See 
Introduction II, No. 1, and ep. 444. 1. 
Corradus, followed by Martyni-Laguna, 
reads L. Torquato: but L. Torquatus 
had been killed in this year by P. Sittius 
(Bell. Afr. 96). Nor does it follow, 
because the Epicurean philosopher Siro 


was a friend of Cicero’s correspondent 
(cp. Fam. vi. 11.2; Ep. 622), and also 
a friend of L. Torquatus (Fin. ii. 119), 
that the corrrespondent was L. Torquatus ; 
for Siro’s acquaintance must have been 
large. Another possible conjecture is 
Trebatio ; but he was always one of 
Caesar’s supporters, and lived at Rome: 
cp. Att. xiii. 9. 1 (628). Drumann (vi. 
309) calls Cicero’s correspondent ‘a 
Roman knight, whose name is uncertain.’ 
Probably his name was what the mss. 
give, viz. Trebianus: for that name 1s 
occasionally found in inscriptions, e.g. 
C.1. L. x. 6472 (Setia); xiv. 1681 (Ostia). 
4. consolari.. . polliceri] Cp. 483.1; 
489.1. ; 
magnum... capis| ‘you gain a great 
reward for your noble studies.’ Note that 
what is considered the object of studying © 
philosophy is its power to afford comfort 
in distress. 


EP. 491 (FAM. VI. 10, 8§ 4-6). 457 


quibus te semper scio esse versatum, idque ut facias etiam atque 
etiam te hortor. 5. Simul et illud tibi, homini peritissimo rerum 
et exemplorum et omnis vetustatis, ne ipse quidem rudis sed in 
studio minus fortasse quam vellem et in rebus atque usu plus 
etiam quam vellem versatus, spondeo tibi istam acerbitatem et 
iniuriam non diuturnam fore. Nam et ipse qui plurimum potest 
cotidie mihi delabi ad aequitatem et ad rerum naturam videtur, et 
ipsa causa ea est ut iam simul cum re publica, quae in perpetuum 
lacere non potest, necessario revivescat atque recreetur, cotidieque 
aliquid fit lenius et liberalius quam timebamus. Quae quoniam 
in temporum inclinationibus saepe parvis posita sunt, omnia 
momenta observabimus neque ullum praetermittemus tui luvandi 


et levandi locum. 


6. Itaque illud alterum quod dixi litterarum 


genus cotidie mihi, ut spero, fiet proclivius ut etiam polliceri 


possim: id re quam verbis faciam libentius. 


Tu velim existimes 


et pluris te amicos habere quam qui in isto casu sint ac fuerint, 
quantum quidem ego intellegere potuerim, et me concedere eorum 


5. Simul et illud] ‘ at thesame time, to 
you, whoare in the highest degree versed 
in the events, models, and record of all 
history, I, who am not unacquainted with 
them either, but in literary pursuits less 
' experienced than I should have wished, 
in the practical affairs of life more ex- 
“ perienced than I shouid have desired, do 
solemnly promise that this bitter feeling 
and unjust treatment will not last long. 
For he who has the supreme power appears 
to me every day to be inclining to fair 
dealing and rational conduct.’ ForCaesar’s 
increasing mildness cp. 489.1. Lehmann 
(p. 95) would omit e¢ before omnis vetusta- 
tis, comparing De Orat. i. 201, vetustatis 
exempla: De Domo 1238, ex nonnullis perve- 
terum temporum exemplis; Arch. 14, plena 
exemplorum vetustas; Caec. 80. 

diuturnam| ‘The grammarians read 
diuturnam, objecting to the Mss. reading 
diuturne that the adverb is unclassical, 
and adverbs with esse are mostly local 
(prope, procul, longe, &c.), or signify 
a condition, like bedle, recte, ita, secus; 
but a temporal usage is not found except 
diu est in the comedies, 6.5. Plaut. Most. 
338. We are not sure whether any limits 
ean be placed to the usage of adverbs 
with sum in the ‘sermo cotidianus’: see 
the discussion in Reisig-Haase’s Latein. 
Syntax, p.155f, note. Still, owing tothe 


adverb’s not being found elsewhere, and 
as diuturnd might have been altered to -Ὁ 
owing to the proximity of 7076 (as Muller 
suggests), we have adopted diutwrnam 
with many recent edd. Mendelssohn, 
however, retains diutwrne. 

ad rerum naturam| ‘to rational 
(natural) conduct,’ as Miller excellently 
explains it: “ Victoria quasi supra naturam 
rerum elatum Caesarem nunc res cotidie 
ita mitiorem faciunt ut ad rerum naturam 
redeat.’ For rerum natura cp. 488. 11. 
So we must not follow Madvig (4. C. iii. 
158) in reading ad verum natura. 

causa| Cp. note to 489. 3 ‘our party 
itself.’ 

lenius et liberalius | 
gence and generosity.’ 

Quae quoniam .. . posita sunt] ‘and 
since these depend on what are often 
slight variations of circumstances, I shall 
watch every change.’ 

6. fiet proclivius, ut] ‘ will become | 
easier, so that I shall be able to promise 
as well as to console.’ prociivius, lit. 
‘downhill work.’ 

et pluris...nemini] ‘that you have 
more friends, as far at least as I can 
perceive, than those who are and have 
been in the same untoward fortune as 
yourself (i.e. than the other exiles), and 
that I yield to none of those friends.’ 


‘ with more indul- 


458 EP. 492 (FAM. VI. 10, 88 1-3). 


nemini. Fortem fac animum habeas et magnum, quod est in uno 
te: quae sunt in fortuna, temporibus regentur et consiliis nostris 
providebuntur. 


492. CICERO TO TREBIANUS (Fam. v1. 10, §§ 1-3). 


ROME ; SEPTEMBER (?)3; A. U.C. 7083 B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


Eidem Trebiano iterum omne quod potest ut reditum conficiat pollicetur. 
M. CICERO TREBIANO Κ. 


1. Ego quanti te faciam semperque fecerim quantique me 
a te fieri intellexerim sum mihi ipse testis. Nam et consilium 
tuum vel casus potius diutius in armis civilibus commorandi 
semper mihi magno dolori fuit et hic eventus, quod tardius quam 
est aequum et quam ego vellem reciperas fortunam et dignitatem 
tuam, mihi non minori curae est quam tibi semper fuerunt 
casus mei. Itaque et Postumuleno et Sestio et saepissime Attico 
nostro proximeque Theudae, liberto tuo, totum me patefeci et 
haee his singulis saepe dixi, quacumque re possem me tibi et 
liberis tuis satis facere cupere: idque tu ad tuos velim scribas, 
haec quidem certe quae in potestate mea sunt, ut operam, con- 
sillum, rem, fidem meam sibi ad omnis res paratam putent. 
2. Si auctoritate et gratia tantum possem quantum in ea re publica. 
de qua ita meritus sum posse deberem, tu quoque is esses qui 


As it is doubtful to what month this 
letter is to be referred, we have placed it 
in close proximity to the preceding letter 


beside Septumuleius. To take one ex- 
ample from many quoted by ‘T'hédenat, we 
find in Ὁ. I. L. x. 5014 Vettuleius, 4862 


to ‘lrebianus. 

1. diutius| Trebianus did not retire 
from the civil war till after the defeat at 
Thapsus. For Caesar’s sternness towards 
those who had been so persistent in oppos- 
ing him in Africa cp. 489. 3. 

Postumuleno| It is not uncommon to 
find names in -enus formed from the same 
base as names in -eius or -ius; as we have 
here Postwmulenus, which is a collateral 
form of Postumuleius. Thédenat (on an 
inscription of Tarentum, in JMélanges 
Graux, p. 518) proves this by a large 
induction in defending Septumulenus 


Vettulenus (both from Venafrum). 

2. deberem] Lebreton (p. 278) thinks it 
a case of attraction of moods, as oporteret 
in Fam. v. 15. 3 (587), im ea tempora 
nostra aetas incidit ut cum maxime florere 
nos oporteret, tum vivere etiam puderet; 
and deberent, De Leg. 111. 31, Quis non 
Srangeret eorum libidines nisi ill ipst qui. 
eas frangere deberent cupiditatis eiusdem 
tenerentur. Wesenberg (8. A. 14) wishes. 
to read debebam, and compares 489. 4, 58ὲ 
tantum possem, quantum in ea republica, 
de qua ita sum meritus, ut tu existimas, 
posse debebam. 


EP. 492 (FAM. VI. 10, 88 1-3). 459 


fuisti, cum omni gradu amplissimo dignissimus tum certe ordinis 
tui facile princeps. Sed quoniam eodem tempore eademque de 
causa nostrum uterque cecidit, tibi et illa polliceor quae supra 
scripsi, quae sunt adhuc mea, et ea quae praeterea videor mihi 
ex aliqua parte retinere tamquam ex reliquiis pristinae dignitatis. 
Neque enim ipse Caesar, ut multis rebus intellegere potui, est 
alienus a nobis et omnes fere familiarissimi eius casu devincti 
magnris meis veteribus officiis me diligenter observant et colunt. 
Itaque si qui mihi erit aditus de tuis fortunis, id est de tua inco- 
lumitate, in qua sunt omnia, agendi, quod quidem cotidie magis 
ex eorum sermonibus adducor ut sperem, agam per me ipse et 
moliar. 9. Singula persequi non est necesse: universum studium 
meum et benevolentiam ad te defero. Sed magni mea interest 
hoe tuos omnis scire, quod tuis litteris fieri potest, ut intellegant 
omnia Ciceronis patere Trebiano. Hoe eo pertinet ut nihil 
existiment esse tam difficile quod non pro te mihi susceptum 
jucundum sit futurum. 


omnt gradu amplissimo dignissimus|‘in sonally and make every effort.’ For 


any class of society a most worthy mem- 
ber’: ordinis sc. the equestrian. 

reliquiis| Cp. 489. 4. 

casu| ‘as luck has it, are bound to me 
by considerable services I did them in 
former days, and show me great respect 
and attention.’ There seems no reason to 
suspeet casu. It is often opposed to 
consilio, Leg. Agr. 11. 6 ; Sull. 88. Cicero 
did the kindnesses without any ulterior 
purpose, and now, as luck has it (casv), 
they prove to be useful. 


aditus . . . agendi] ‘ opening for me 
to treat.’ 
agam ... moliar] ‘Ishall treat per- 


moliar cp. molitum 490. 2. 

3. omnia Ciceronis patere Trebiano| 
‘that everything which Cicero can do 
is at the disposal of Trebianus’ (‘ open 
to Trebianus to make use of,’ ‘ avail- 
able to ‘Trebianus’). Cp. § 1 pate- 
Sect; 398. 5, Quod si nobis is cursus 
quem speraram pateret; and Balb. 24, 
praemis quae pateant stipendiariis, pateant 
hostibus, pateant saepe servis. For inser- 
tion of names which indicate a sort of 
connotation, thus differing from plain 
me and te, cp. Fam. 11. 4. 1 (175), Quid 
est quod possit graviter a Cicerone scribi 
ad Curionem nisi de republica ? 


460 EP, 493 (FAM. XII. 17). 


493. CICERO TO CORNIFICIUS, uis Brorner Avcur 
(FAM. XII. 17). 


ROME; ABOU'T SEPTEMBER, A. U. C. 708; B.C. 465 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Q. Cornificio de Syriaco tumultu et urbano otio scribit. Quem nuper 
scripserat librum de optimo genere dicendi (sc. Oratorem ad M. Brutwm) commendat et 
suum ipsi studium confirmat. ‘ 


CICERO 8S. ὃ. CORNIFICIO COLLEGAE, 


1. Grata mihi vehementer est memoria nostri tua, quam signi- 
ficasti litteris: quam ut conserves, non quo de tua constantia 
dubitem sed quia mos est ita rogandi, rogo. Ex Syria nobis 
tumultuosiora quaedam nuntiata sunt: quae quia tibi sunt pro- 
piora quam nobis, tua me causa magis movent quam mea. Romae 
summum otium est, sed ita ut malis salubre aliquod et honestum 
negotium ; quod spero fore ; video id curae esse Caesari. 2. Me scito, © 
dum tu absis, quasi occasionem quandam et licentiam nactum 
scribere audacius, et cetera quidem fortasse quae etiam tu con- 
cederes: sed proxime scripsi de optimo genere dicendi: in quo 
saepe suspicatus sum te a iudicio nostro, sic scilicet ut doctum 
hominem ab non indocto, paullum dissidere. Huie tu libro 


For Cornificius see Introduction II, 
Mo. 17. 

1. Ex Syria} These words seem to 
afford reasonable evidence that Cornificius 
at this time held some commission in the 
East, apparently in a lonely place (cp. 
in ἰδία solitudine, § 2). It is generally 
supposed that it was Cilicia: but, if so, 
it is strange that Cicero makes no refer- 
ence to his own tenure of that province. 

negotium | Cicero appears to hope and 
to anticipate that Caesar will adopt some 
measures tending to the revival of the 
constitution. ‘At Rome there is the utmost 
inactivity, but the case is such that you 
would prefer some activity of a whole- 
some and honourable kind.’ 

2. quae etiam tu concederes| ‘which 
even you would tolerate’ (or ‘ pardon’), 
viz. the ‘ Paradoxa,’ the ‘ Cato,’ and the 
‘Brutus.’ For concedere cp. 2 Verr. i. 
128, omnibus omnia peccata et maleficia 
concedere. \ 


de optimo genere dicendi] i.e. the Orator 
ad M, Brutum; cp. Att. xiv. 20.3 (727), 
cum ipsius (Brutt) precibus adductus scrip- 
sissem ad eum ‘ de optimo genere dicendi,’ 
where see note. Cicero wrote another 
treatise with a very similar name, ‘ De 
Optimo Genere Oratorum,’ but it is very 
short, a mere preface to some translations 
from Demosthenes and Aeschines. See 
Sir John Sandys’ ed. of the Orator, 
p. liv. 

doctum]| The family of the Cornificii 
were distinguished for their writings. 
See Introd. II, No. 17, for the writings 
of Cornificius. The epithet doctus is 
especially applicable to the poets of the 
New Alexandrine School; but we need 
not suppose any special reference to this 
use here. 

Huic...suffragere| 41 should be very 
glad if you can give your support and 
approval to this book sincerely ; if not, that 
you will do so out of liking forme.’ For 


EP, 494 (FAM. IV. 38). 461 


maxime velim ex animo, si minus, gratiae causa suffragere. Dicam 
tuis ut eum, si velint, describant ad teque mittant. Puto enim, 
etiam si rem minus probabis, tamen in ista solitudine quidquid a 
me profectum sit iucundum tibi fore. 38. Quod mihi existima- 
tionem tuam dignitatemque commendas, facis tu quidem omnium 
more, sed velim sic existimes, me, cum amori quem inter nos 
mutuum esse intellegam plurimum tribuam, tum de summo 
ingenlo et de studiis tuis optimis et de spe amplissimae dignitatis 
ita ludicare ut neminem tibi anteponam, comparem paucos. 


494. CICERO TO SERVIUS SULPICIUS (Fam. tv. 3). 


ROME } SEPTEMBER (FIRST HALF) 3 A. U. 6. 7083 B. C. 463 
AET, CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero consolatur Ser. Sulpicium, post pugnam Pharsalicam a Caesare Achaiae 
praefectum, dolentem de rei publicae calamitate. 


M. CICERO S. D. SER. SULPICIO. 


1. Vehementer te esse sollicitum et in communibus miseriis 
praecipuo quodam dolore angi multi ad nos cotidie deferunt. 
Quod quamquam minime miror et meum quodam modo agnosco, 
doleo tamen te sapientia praeditum prope singulari non tuis bonis 


delectari potius quam alienis malis laborare. Me quidem, etsi 


suffragor in this sense, cp. Off.i. 188, domus 


1. praecipuo quodam dolore| ‘by a 
suffragata domino, novo homini, ad con- 


wholly special kind of grief.’ For com- 


sulatum putabatur : Petit. Cons. 28 (12), 

eximiam quandam gloriam et dignitatem 
ace rerum gestarum magnitudinem esse 
oportet in eo quem homines ignoti nullis 
suffragantibus honore afficiant. A modern 
writer would hardly venture to make such 
. arequest, however much he might expect 
an ovyer-indulgent criticism from his 
friends. We think of Cicero’s famous 
letter to Lucceius, Fam. v. 12 (109). 


On Servius Sulpicius see Introduc- 
tion II, No. 12. As the first words of 
this letter look like the opening of a 


_ correspondence, and the words in § 2 


(desveratio recuperandi) seem to point to a 
time before the delivery of the Pro 
Marcello, we have placed this letter early 
in September. 


munis Opp. to praecipuus cp. note to 
411. 2. Quidam (like τις in Greek) is 
used to indicate that the word to which 
it is attached does not exactly convey the 
writer’s meaning, either that it is too 
strong, or that (as in the present case) it 
is not strong enough: cp. Holden on Off. 
i. 95; Dr. Reid on Lael. 6. 

meum| ‘as my own case.’ 

etst .. . . ἐγαχογὶ] qui = ut is. 
‘ Although I do not grant to anyone that 
he has suffered more sorrow from the 
ruin and destruction of the State.’ On 
the construction of concedo Dr. Reid has 
an excellent note on Lael. 18 (cp. Draeger, 
§ 393 = 11. p. 251). When concedere 
means ‘to give permission’ to do some- 
thing, it regularly takes μέ with the 
subjunctive; but when it means ‘ to 


462 EP. 494 (EAM. IV. 3). 


nemini concedo qui maiorem ex pernicie et peste rei publicae 
molestiam traxerit, tamen multa iam consolantur maximeque 
conscientia consiliorum meorum. Multo enim ante tamquam ex 
aliqua specula prospexi tempestatem futuram, neque id solum 
mea sponte sed multo etiam magis monente et denuntiante te. 
Kitsi enim aful magnam partem consulatus tui, tamen et absens 
cognoscebam quae esset tua in hoc pestifero bello cavendo et prae- 
dicendo sententia et ipse adfui primis temporibus tui consulatus 
cum accuratissime monuisti senatum, collectis omnibus bellis 
civilibus, ut et illa timerent quae meminissent et scirent, cum 
superiores nullo tali exemplo antea in re publica cognito tam 
crudeles fuissent, quicumque postea rem publicam oppressisset 
armis multo intolerabiliorem futurum. Nam quod exemplo fit 
id etiam iure fieri putant, ipsi aliquid atque adeo multa addunt 
et adferunt de suo. 2. Quare meminisse debes eos qui auctori- 
tatem et consilium tuum non sint secuti sua stultitia occidisse, 
cum tua prudentia salvi esse potuissent. Dices, ‘Quid me 
ista res consolatur in tantis tenebris et quasi parietinis rei publi- 


cae?’ 


admit’ a fact, it is regularly followed by 
the accusative with infinitive. ‘The sub- 
joined passage shows the distinction: 
Rosc. Am. 54, concedo tibi ut ea prae- 
tereas quae, cum taces, nulla esse concedis. 
Sometimes, however, Cicero substitutes 
the subjunctive construction for the in- 
finitive, but not vice versa, as Lael. 18, 
concedant ut viri δορὶ fuerint ; Fin. v. 78, 
Si Stoicis concedis ut virtus sola vitam 
efictat beatam. In such passages the 
effect of the admission is rather looked 
to than the admission itself. For an 
exactly similar construction to the present 
one Siupfle-Boeckel compare Fam. x. 
3. 2 (789), memini concedentem qui tibi 
vetustate necessitudinis potior possit esse. 

ex pernicie et peste| For the alliteration 
cp. our expression ‘rack and ruin’; for 
the phrase cp. Catull. 76. 20, Eripite hance 
pestem perniciemque mihi, on which Ellis 
compares Rabir. 2, nihil consensio bonorum 
contra pestem ac perniciem civitatis valeret 5 
Lucilius 77 (Marx), hostilibus contra | 
Pestem permitiemque, Catex quam et Man- 
lius nobis; Add Cic. Cat. i. 33; Ter. Ad. 
188, 189. 


in... praedicendo] ‘in trying to 


Est omnino vix consolabilis dolor: 


tanta est omnium 


guard against, and in foretelling, this 
war’: cp. note to 538.6. Boot (Qds. 
Crit. Ὁ. 8) approves of Ross’s con- 
jecture, praecidendo, ‘in endeavouring 
to make an end of the war’: cp. Hor. 
Ep. 1. 2.9, Antenor censet belli praeci- 
dere causam; Verr. ili. 3, nungquam ipsi- 
met nobis praecideremus istam licentiam 
libertatemque vivendi. But we do not 
know of any such efforts on the part of 
Sulpicius. 

et scirent. . . futurum| ‘and bear in 
mind, as the parties in the last civil war 
had been ruthless beyond any similar 
example previously in the State, that 
whoever afterwards held down the State 
by force of arms would be much more 
grievous to endure.” For the omission 
of the antecedent to quicunque cp. Fam. 
11. 3. 2 fin. (191), quae primum navigandi 
nobis facultas data erit utemur. 


atque adeo| ‘or rather’: cp. note to 
Att. i. 17. 9 (23). 
2. parietinis| ‘ruins’: cp. note to 


Fam. xiii. 1. 1 (199). 

tanta . . . recuperandi| ‘such is the 
sense of utter loss and of the hopelessness 
of recovery.’ 


EP. 494 (FAM. IV. 8). 463 


rerum amissio et desperatio recuperandi: sed tamen et Caesar 
ipse ita de te iudicat et omnes cives sic existimant quasi lumen 
aliquod exstinctis ceteris elucere sanctitatem et prudentiam et 
dignitatem tuam. MHaec tibi ad levandas molestias magna esse 
debent. Quod autem a tuis abes, id eo levius ferendum est quod 
eodem tempore a multis et magnis molestiis abes: quas ad te 
omnis perscriberem nisi vererer ne ea cognosceres absens quae 
quia non vides mihi videris meliore esse condicione quam nos qui 
videmus. 9. Hactenus existimo nostram consolationem recte 
adhibitam esse quoad certior ab homine amicissimo fieres iis de 
rebus quibus levari possent molestiae tuae. JReliqua sunt in te 
ipso neque mihi ignota nec minima solacia et, ut quidem ego 
sentio, multo maxima: quae ego experiens cotidie sic probo ut 
ea mihi salutem adferre videantur. Te autem ab initio aetatis 
memoria teneo summe omnium doctrinarum studiosum fuisse 
omniaque quae a sapientissimis ad bene vivendum tradita 
essent summo studio curaque didicisse. Quae quidem vel optimis 
rebus et usui et delectationi esse possent: his vero temporibus 
habemus aliud nihil in quo acquiescamus. Nihil faciam inso- 
lenter, neque te tali vel scientia vel natura praeditum hortabor ut 
ad eas te referas artis quibus a primis temporibus aetatis studium 
tuum dedisti. 4. Tantum dicam, quod te spero adprobaturum, 
me, postea quam illi arti cui studueram nihil esse loci neque in 
curia neque in foro viderem, omnem meam curam atque operam 
ad philosophiam contulisse. Tuae scientiae excellenti ac singulari 
non multo plus quam nostrae relictum est loci. Quare non 
equidem te moneo, sed mihi ita persuasi, te quoque in iisdem 
versari rebus quae, etiam si minus prodessent, animum tamen a 


Caesar| Cicero elsewhere notices the ut maxima| Cratander and 
regard Caesar had for men of position Martyni-Laguna add e¢ before ut. It 


and culture (485. 2; 488. 8; 533. 3). 

sanctitatem| ‘uprightness.’ 

quae quia non vides| Cp. 538. 1, tamen 
Ovult augent dolorem, qui ea quae ceteri 
audiunt intueri coguntur nec avertere a 
misertis cogitationem sinunt. 

3. Hactenus ... fieres| “1 think that 


our consolation is rightly adopted, to the , 


extent of informing you in all friendship ’: 
hactenus goes with yuoad: cp. De Leg. i. 
14, ius civile eatenus exercuerunt quoad 
populum praestare voluerunt. 


is unnecessary and rather weakens the 
sentence. 

sapientissimis| Mendelssohn, by refer- 
ence to N. D. 11. 60, shows that it is 
unnecessary to add viris, as most editors 
do after Martyni-Laguna. 

4. Tuae scientiae] ‘ your professional 
knowledge,’ i.e. knowledge of law. 

quae... . abducerent] This is a 
plain statement of the motive from which 
Cicero composed his philosophical works. 
Thus written, the wonder is that they 


464 EP. £95 (BAM. IV. ἃ). 


sollicitudine abducerent. Servius quidem tuus in omnibus ingenuis 
artibus in primisque in hac in qua ego me scripsi acquiescere ita 
versatur ut excellat, a me vero sic diligitur ut tibi uni concedam, 
praeterea nemini, mihique ab eo gratia refertur: in quo ille 
existimat, quod facile appareat, cum me colat et observet, tibi 


quoque in eo se facere gratissimum. 


495. 


CICERO TO SERVIUS SULPICIUS (Fam. rv. 4). 


ROME; SEPTEMBER (LATTER HALF); A. U. C. 7083 B.C. 46; 
AET. CIC, 60. 


Ser. Sulpicii excusatione de litteris saepius uno exemplo missis ex parte accepta 
scribendi laudat elegantiam, probat consilium de Achaiae administratione non recu- 


sanda initum. 
de aliis rebus. 


Narrat de senatus in Marcelli restitutione officio, de studiis Servii filii, 


M, CICERO 5. D. SER. SULPICIO. 


1. Accipio excusationem tuam qua usus es cur saepius ad me 
litteras uno exemplo dedisses, sed accipio ex ea parte quatenus 


are so good. For Cicero’s devotion to 
philosophy at this time cp. also 495. 4. 

Servius... twuus| We hear of his serving 
in Caesar’s army in 49: cp. 377. 2. For 
the use of the prenomen in such a case 
cp. Fam. v. 8. 4 (131), in Marcum (se. 
Crassum) benevolentia pari, hoc magis sum 
Publio deditus. 

ita versatur ut excellat] 
with marked success.’ 

quod facile appareat| ‘as can readily 
appear’ potential subjunctive: cp. Att. 1]. 
22. 6 (49), Sed, quod facile sentias, taedet 
ipsum Pompevum. 

cum me colat] Wesenberg (Lm Ait. 7) 
argues against the use of cum for guod here 
and in Fam. xvi. 16. 1 (927). He seems 
inclined to go further, and hold generally 
that in Cicero cum never stands for quod ; 
but he is very far from having proved 
that. In 519. 2 we have it used even 
with the indicative, gratias ago cum 
tantum litterae meae potuerunt (cp. Mad- 
vig on Fin. i. 10); Fam. ix. 14. 3 (722), 
gratulor tibt cum tantum vales apud 
Dolabeliam ; and it is common with the 
subjunctive, as here: cp. Mil. 99, te 
quidem cum isto animo sis satis laudare 
non possum with Prof. Clark’s note. See 


‘is studying 


also Kritz on Sall. 102. 5, who quotes a 
great number of cases where this cum is 
found with the indicative: cp. Roby 
1725; also Mr. Ashmore on Ter. Ad. 18. 


1. Accipio...probo| ‘I accept your 
apology for having often sent me letters 
which were exact copies of one another 
(see note to 360. 3, and cp. 472. 1); but I 
accept it only so far as it explains that it 
is through the carelessness and dishonesty 
of those who take the letters that they 
are not delivered to me. That part 
of your apology in which you assign 
‘poverty of language’’—these are your 
words—for often sending me letters which 
are word for word the same, I neither 
recognize nor countenance.’ Sulpicius 
said he frequently wrote letters which 
were exact copies of one another, in 
order to make sure that one at least of 
those copies reached Cicero, the letter- 
carriers (he said) were so careless and 
dishonest ; and he added that in any case 
he had nothing else to say, and that he 
had nothing of Cicero’s ‘‘ wealth of 
language.’’ 

excusationem ... cur] When exeusatio 
or excusare requires a clause and not a 


EP. 495 (FAM. IV.-4). 465 


aut neglegentia aut improbitate eorum qui epistulas accipiant 
fieri scribis ne ad nos perferantur: illam partem excusationis, 
‘qua te scribis ‘ orationis paupertate ’—sic enim appellas—iisdem 
verbis epistulas saepius mittere, nec nosco nec probo. Et ego 
ipse, quem tu per iocum—sic enim accipio—‘ divitias orationis’ 
habere dicis, me non esse verborum admodum inopem agnosco ; 
εἰρωνεύεσθαι enim non necesse est: sed tamen idem, nec hoc εἰρω- 
νεύομενος, facile cedo tuorum scriptorum subtilitati et elegantiae. 
2. Consilium tuum quo te usum scribis hoe Achaicum negotium 
non recusavisse cum semper probavissem, tum multo magis 
probavi lectis tuis proximis litteris. Omnes enim causae quas 
commemoras iustissimae sunt tuaque et auctoritate et prudentia 
dignissimae. Quod aliter cecidisse rem existimas atque opinatus 
sis, id tibi nullo modo adsentior. Sed quia tanta perturbatio et 
confusio est rerum, ita perculsa et prostrata foedissimo bello 


mere genitive to follow it, that clause is 
rather an acc. and inf. (Phil. v. 14), or 
one with quod (De Orat. ii. 253). We 
can quote no other passage in which 
excusare is used with cur: but cp. uccuso 
in Att. iii. 18. 2 (71), quod me saepe 
accusas cur hune meum casum tam graviter 
jferam, where see note. It is virtually the 
same construction as cur after dicere : e.g. 
363. 2, Ecquid potes dicere cur exierint. 
improbitate] The messengers, pro- 
bably to save themselves trouble, deli- 
berately did not deliver the letters. 
nosco| This word is used in connexion 
with ‘ plea,’ ‘ excuse,’ and such words in 
the meaning of ‘recognize,’ i.e. ‘admit’: 
cp. 420. 5, Quod te excusas ego vero et tuas 
causas nosco (‘ recognize,’ ‘admit,’ the 
reasons you assign); Leg. i. 11, Atgue 


vereor ne istam causam nemo noscat tibique ὦ 


semper dicendum sit. Lex Acilia Repetun- 
darum, § 42 in C. I. L. i. 198 = Words- 
worth, Fragments and Specimens, p. 183, 
[Set ioudex q|uei eam rem quaeret ex ἢ. ἰ. 
causam non noverit. Some commentators 
suppose that here Cicero, as writing to an 
eminent jurist, uses the word in the legal 
sense of ‘ taking cognizance of’ ‘ enquiring 
into’ (of a judge), as in Tac. Ann. vi. 9 
fin. ; xii. 60.4, plerague concessa sunt quae 
olim a praetoribus noscebantur ; but this 
meaning generally belongs to cognosco in 
classical Latin. 

me non esse... agnosco| Op. Fam. ii. 


VOL. IV. 


11. 1 (255), Putaresne unguam accidere 
posse ut mihi verba dessent ; xiii. 63. 1 
(251); Att. xii. 25. 3 (599), verba tantum 
affero quibus abundo. 

εἰρωνεύεσθαι) “ to be mock-modest.’ 

tuorum scriptorum subtilitati et elegan- 
tiae| ‘to your writings in precision and 
neatness of expression’: cp. De Orat. 
li. 28. For swbtilitas = the plain, clearly 
expressed style, τὸ ἰσχνὸν γένος, see 
Quintilian, xii. 10. 58; also Wilkins on 
De Orat. Introd. p. 41, and note on i. 17. 
For elegantia in this sense of ‘ neatness of 
expression,’ cp. Fin. ii. 27; and Dr. Reid’s 
note on Sull. 79. Quintilian, x. 1. 78, 
uses these words to describe the style 
of Lysias; see Sir W. Peterson’s note on 
that passage. 

2. Achaicum| This would seem to be 
a proof of some weight that Achaia was 
a separate province, even in a formal 
point of view, before 27 B.c. Yet cp. 
Mommsen &. H. 111. 50, note ; Provinces, 
i. 255. 

confusio ... rerum] ‘chaos’: cp. 
488. 13; Brutus and Cassius ap. Fam. xi. 
2. ὃ (140). It is the word which is also 
used for ‘ chaos’ in the literal sense : cp. 
Seneca Q. N. ii. 59. 12, st. tidi parari 
credis illam caeli confusionem. 

perculsa et prostrata| Mendelssohn 
well compares Marc. 23, omnia... quae 
iacere sentis bellt ipsius impetu. . . per- 
culsa atque prostrata. 


2H 


466 EP. 195 (PAM. IV. δ 


iacent omnia ut is cuique locus ubi ipse sit et sibi quisque miserri- 
mus esse videatur, propterea et tui consili paenitet te et nos qui 
domi sumus tibi beati videmur: at contra nobis non tu quidem 
vacuus molestiis, sed prae nobis beatus. Atque hoc ipso melior 
est tua quam nostra condicio, quod tu quid doleat scribere audes, 
nos ne id quidem tuto possumus: nec id victoris vitio, quo nihil» 
moderatius, sed ipsius victoriae, quae civilibus bellis semper est 
insolens. 3. Uno te vicimus quod de Marcelli, collegae tui, 
salute paullo ante quam tu cognovimus: etiam mehercule quod 
quem ad modum ea res ageretur vidimus. Nam sic fac existimes, 
post has miserias, id est postquam armis disceptari coeptum est 
de iure publico, nihil esse actum aliud cum dignitate. Nam et 
ipse Caesar accusata ‘acerbitate Marcelli ’—sic enim appellabat— 
laudataque honorificentissime et aequitate tua et prudentia, 
repente praeter spem dixit, ‘se senatui roganti de Marcello ne 


ominis quidem causa negaturum.’ 


ut... videatur) ‘each one thinks 
the place where he is the most wretched 
in the world, and himself the most miser- 
able being’: cp. 538. 1, Htst ea pertur- 
batio est omnium rerum ut suae quemque 


Sortunae maxime paeniteat nemoque sit 


quin ubivis quam ἐδὲ ubi sit esse malit ; 
540. 3, tempus est huiusmodi, ut suam 
quisque condicionem miserrumam putet et 
ubi quisque sit ibi esse minime velit. The 
apodosis begins at propterea. 

at contra . . . beatus| ‘but we think 
that while you are indeed not free from 
annoyances, yet in comparison with us 
you are happy.’ For non tu quidem 
Watson compares Fam. i. 7. 7 (114), non 
nos quidem: add Phil. 11. 23, in 60 non tu 
quidem tota re, sed quod maximum est, 
temporibus errasti. 

ipsius victoriae. . . imsolens| 487. 3, 
victoria, quae etiam st ad meliores venit, 
tamen eos ipsos ferociores impotentioresque 
reddit: Marc. 9, in victoria, quae natura 
insolens (‘ overbearing’) et superba est. 

3. postquam ... publico| ‘since war 
began to be the arbiter of state rights.’ 
G and R add civilibus after armis, which 
is justly rejected by Mendelssohn, who 
compares 535. 2, videbamque quanto peri- 
culo de iure publico disceptaretur armis ; 
343. 8, ego condicionibus . . . illi armis 
disceptari maluerunt. As the time is 
quite definitely indicated, we should read 


Fecerat autem hoc senatus, 


coeptum est for coeptum sit, as Madvig 
(Fin. ii. 5, p. 144) has pointed out. 

et ipse Caesar | Hofmann shows admi- 
rably the force of this δέ. ‘There is a 
slight anacoluthon. If the whole passage 
had been continued with strict accuracy, 
instead of fecerat autem hoc senatus, Cicero 
should have written e¢ senatus hoc fecerat. 
Cicero relates both what Caesar did and 
what the Senate did. Hofmann quotes an 
exact parallel from De Div. i. 63, (animus) 
appropinquante morte multo est divinior. 
Nam et id ipsum vident qui sunt morbo 
gravi et mortifero affecti, instare mortem 
. . . Divinare autem morientis illo etiam 
exemplo confirmat Posidonius. 

acerbitate Marcelli—sic enim appellabat | 
‘the ““ bitter spirit’’ of Marcellus—that 
was the expression he used’: cp. §1, sic 
enim appellas. 

ne ominis quidem causa] ominis is the 
reading of R: M has ominus, corrected by 
a late hand to ominis: G has hominis. 
Recent editors have rightly adopted 
ominis. Hofmann gives the meaning, of 
“even though it was a bad omen,’ to be 
that it was a bad omen for the friendly 
co-operation of Caesar and the Senate in 
the future that the first request of the 
latter should be one which asked such a 
hard thing of Caesar as the recall of one 
of his bitterest enemies, and such a 
dangerous thing for the growing harmony 


EP. 495 (FAM. IV. 4). 


467 


ut, cum a L. Pisone mentio esset facta de Marcello et C. Marcellus 
se ad Caesaris pedes abiecisset, cunctus consurgeret et ad Caesarem 


‘supplex accederet. 


Noli quaerere : ita mihi pulcher hic dies visus 


est ut speciem aliquam viderer videre quasi reviviscentis rei pub- 
licae. 4. Itaque cum omnes ante me rogati gratias Caesari egissent 
praeter Volcatium—is enim si eo loco esset negavit se facturum 


between Caesar and the Senate. Bardt, 
however, considers the bad omen to be 
that the recall of so bitter an enemy as 
Marcellus would endanger Caesar’s own 
life; the moral of the fable of the Hus- 
bandman and the Frozen Snake would 
repeat itself, and Marcellus would not 
lay aside his hostility to Caesar, but 
would plot against his life, as did Quin- 
‘tus Ligarius. It is to this remark of 
Caesar that, in Bardt’s opinion, Cicero is 
replying in the long passage in the Pro 
Marcello, §§ 21 tf., wherein he is com- 
bating the idea that Caesar’s life is in any 
danger. In Rose. Am.139 the same phrase 
occurs, nolo im 6085 gravius quicquam ne 
ominis quidem causa dicere, where, owing 
to the tact that the 226 is merely carrying 
out the previous negative in molo, and 
not a principal negative in the sen- 
tence itself, as here, the meaning is 
somewhat different. There the ‘omin- 
ous’ nature of the remark is the least 
of the arguments which the orator 
might adduce for his unwillingness to 
utter any imprecation ; here the ‘omen’ 
is the most serious of the arguments 
which Caesar might urge for refusing the 
request of the Senate; but even that will 
not induce him to refuse. Lambinus, in 
order to make our passage exactly cor- 
respond with that from Rosc. Am., would 
add <non> before negaturum. 

But from the time of Manutius the 
reading hominis was generally accepted, 
and we adopted it ourselves in our pre- 
vious edition. It would mean ‘that he 
would not refuse the Senate’s request for 
Marcellus, because it happened to be 


urged for just that man’—i.e. he would | 


not allow any special grudge he might 
have against the individual man Mar- 
cellus to stand in the way of his yielding 
to the expressed wish of the Senate. ‘This 
was a graceful answer ; but it can hardly 
_ be what Cicero refers to when he speaks 
of the respect shown to Marcellus on the 
occasion of his restoration: cp. 488. 10, 
Marcellum cui maxime suscensebat cum 
summa illius dignitate restituit. The 


dignity consisted rather in the almost 
unanimous expression of opinion in the 
Senate in favour of Marcellus, and the 
high Roman formality with which the 
motion was advanced, supported, and 
passed (ἢ 4). The whole proceeding en- 
hanced the dignity of Marcellus. 

L. Pisone| 1,. Calpurnius, Caesar’s 
father-in-law. He had been consul with 
Gabinius in 58. Bardt thinks that 
possibly Caesar arranged the scene with 
Piso. But this is mere conjecture. 

C. Marceilus| Cp. note on 486. 6. 

4. omnes ante me rogati] It may appear 
strange that such a question should be 
passed per exquisitas sententias, and not 
simply per discessionem, i.e. straight off 
by a division: especially in this case, 
where the opinion of the Senate appears 
to have been so marked. Hofmann 
supposes that in questions relating to 
individuals the procedure per exquisitas 
sententias was customary ; and we know 
it was the case with regard to honours 
to be accorded to individuals: ep. Phil. 
ill. 24, senatusconsultum de supplicatione 
per discessionem fecit cum id factum esset 
antea nunquam. But there were probably 
no special classes of question which 
the law required to be passed by each 
method. The regular procedure in all 
cases was per exquisitas sententias, and, 
thougk on unimportant matters the 
president might dispense with the 
questioning, yet any senator had a right 
to demand that questioning in any case: 
cp. note to Att. v. 4. 2 (187). It was 
considered unseemly to decide an impor- 
tant matter per discessionem (cp. Tac. 
Ann. vi. 12.1); and it certainly made the 
motion for the recall of Marcellus more 
dignified, that it was passed with great 
circumstance and with all due form and 
ceremony: cp. 488. 10, quoted on § 8. 

si 60 loco esset] i.e. if Voleatius had 
been in CaeSsar’s place he would not have 
done what Caesar did when he allowed 
Marcellus to return. Some commentators, 
as Manutius, suppose that the clause 
means that if Volcatius had been in the 


2H 2 


468 EP, 495 (HAM. IV. 4). 


fuisse—ego rogatus mutavi meum consilium. Nam statueram 
non mehercule inertia sed desiderio pristinae dignitatis in per- 
petuum tacere. Fregit hoc meum consilium et Caesaris magni- 
tudo animi et senatus officium. Itaque pluribus verbis egi Caesari 
gratias, meque metuo ne etiam in ceteris rebus honesto otio 
privarim, quod erat unum solacium in malis. Sed tamen quoniam 
effugi eius offensionem, qui fortasse arbitraretur me hance rem 
publicam non putare si perpetuo tacerem, modice hoe faciam aut 
etiam intra modum ut et illius voluntati et meis studiis serviam. 
Nam etsi a prima aetate me omnis ars et doctrina liberalis et 
maxime philosophia delectavit, tamen hoc studium cotidie ingra- 
vescit, credo et aetatis maturitate ad prudentiam et his temporum 


vitiis, ut nulla res alia levare animum molestiis possit. 


do. A quo 


studio te abduci negotiis intellego ex tuis litteris: sed tamen 


same position as Marcellus stood to Caesar 
he would not have accepted Caesar’s 
clemency. But while Volcatius might 
have said, ‘ I would not have done it if 
I had been in Caesar’s place,’ he could 
not possibly have said,‘ I would not have 
done itif I had been in Marcellus’ place’ : 
for Marcellus had not done anything: it 
was his friends who had moved in the 
matter. 

Fregit hoe meum consilium] ‘This 
resolution of mine was broken down by 
Caesar’s magnanimity and the loyalty of 
the Senate’ (Jeans). 

egi Caesari gratias| 1. 6. in the speech 
Pro Marcello. In § 2 of that speech 
Cicero says, ergo et mihi meae pristinae 
vitae consuetudinem, C. Caesar, interclusam 

. aperuisti. For pluribus verbis, ‘at con- 
siderable length’ cp. Verr. iv. 65, iste 
petit arege et eum pluribus verbis rogat ut 
id ad se mittat. The comparative is not 
to be pressed; the sub-conscious idea is 
‘at greater length than might perhaps 
have been expected.’ 

Sed tamen| ‘But be that as it may, 
since ] have avoided his displeasure—for 
he perchance might think, if I persis- 
tently kept silence, that I did not con- 
sider his government constitutional—I 
shall not in doing this transcend the bounds 
of moderation, or rather I shall keep well 
within them, so as to meet his wishes 
without prejndice to my own studies.’ 
Gellius, xii. 13. 22-24, in a discussion on 
the meaning of intra, after quoting this 
passage, continues, Modice dizerat hoc 


faciam id est cum modo aequo et pari: 


decnde, quasi hoe displiceret et corrigere id 


vellet, addidit: aut etiam intra 


modum: per quod minus sese ostendit id 


Jacturum esse quam quod fieri modice 
videretur : id est, non ad ipsum modum, sed. 
retro paululwun et citramodum. Cp. 479.4, 
epulamur una non modo non contra legem, 


_st ulla nune lex est, sed etiam intra legem 


et quidem aliguanto. 

Nam etsi . prudentiam| ‘* For 
although from my earliest youth every 
branch of a cultivated and liberal educa- 
tion, and especially philosophy, charmed 
me, yet this latter study is with me 
every day becoming more serious—owing 
to the ripening of my years in wisdom 
and the corruption of these times—so that 
nothing else can bring my mind respite 
from its troubles.’ For the sentiment 
cp. 494.3. The editors since Wesenberg 
(Em. Ailt., p. 8) alter his to iis, 
perhaps rightly: then wt would go not 
with ingravesecit, but with tis, ‘the cor- 


ruption of the age being such that 


philosophy alone can offer comfort.’ It 


is noticeable how philosophy amongst. | 


the more serious Romans was the ‘ very 


present help in time of trouble’ which we ~ 


find in religion. Jngravescere is used 
properly of a disease which is getting 
worse (De Div. ii..16; Plin. Epp. ii. 20.5), 
and is seldom found, as here, in a favour- 
able sense. The dictionaries quote no 
other example. Ad prudentiam, lit. ‘in 
reference to wisdom,’ or perhaps ‘as 
my years are ripening towards wisdom,’ 


EP. 496 (FAM. IV. 11). 469 


aliquid iam noctes te adiuvabunt. Servius tuus vel potius noster 
summa me observantia colit: cuius ego cum omni probitate sum- 
maque virtute tum studiis doctrinaque delector. Is mecum saepe 
de tua mansione aut decessione communicat. Adhue in hac sum 
sententia nihil ut faciamus nisi quod maxime Caesar velle 
videatur. Res sunt eius modi ut, si Romae sis, nihil te praeter 
tuos delectare possit. De reliquis nihil melius ipso est Caesare, 
cetera elus modi ut, si alterum utrum necesse sit, audire ea malis 
quam videre. Hoc nostrum consilium nobis minime iucundum 
est qui te videre cupimus, sed consulimus tibi. Vale. 


496. MARCUS MARCELLUS TO CICERO (Fam. tv. 11). 


MYTILENE ; OCLOBER (MIDDLE); A. ας ὁ. 7083 B. C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Marcellus se Ciceronis auctoritate plus etiam quam C. Marcelli fratris com- 
motum esse significat ut reditum in patriam pararet eiusque benevolentiam sibi 
maxime gratam fuisse. 


MARCELLUS CICERONI S. 


1. Plurimum valuisse apud me tuam semper auctoritatem cum 
‘in omni re tum in hoc maxime negotio potes existimare. Cum 
mihi C. Marcellus, frater, amantissimus mei, non solum consilium 
daret sed precibus quoque me obsecraret, non prius mihi per- 
suadere potuit quam tuis est effectum litteris ut uterer vestro 
_potissimum consilio. Res quem ad modum sit acta vestrae litterae 


prudentia being regarded as a kind of 
ideal, like φρόνησις in Greek philosophy. 
' Cicero was now sixty years old. 

5. Servius tuus| See note to 494. 4. 
cuius . . . . delector] ‘and I am 
‘delighted as well by his thorough sense 
‘of honour and excellent character as by 
his literary tastes.’ . 

de tua mansione aut decessione| ‘On 
the question whether you should re- 
main in the province or return home.’ 
Watson quotes for this use of decessio, 
Ὁ. Fr. i. 2. 1 (53), si una tecum decederet, 
» Muren. 37, 68, Planc. 65, where Holden 
quotes Sall. Iug. 36. 4 Albinus Romam 
'decessit, ‘left his province and came to 
Rome.’ 


communicat] Cp. for this use of the 
word 387. 1; 4381.5; Clu. 47, Habitus 
cum M. Baebio . . . communicavit. 

delectare| often used absolutely, e. g. 
Q. Fr. i. 18. 1(141); 540. 4, so that 
there is no necessity to add te with Baiter : 
cp. Lehmann, pp. 16, 17. Lebreton 
(p. 159) quotes five other passages from 
the Letters. 


It would take nearly a month for a 
letter to reach Mytilene from Rome. 

1. ¢tuis litteris] Cicero’s letter to 
Marcellus, which gave an account of the 
debate in the senate about his recall (cp. 
495.3), and to which this is an answer, is 
unfortunately lost. 


470 EP. 496 (FAM. IV. 11): 


mihi declarant. Gratulatio tua etsi est mihi probatissima, quod 
ab optimo fit animo, tamen hoe mihi multo iucundius est et: 
gratius quod in summa paucitate amicorum, propinquorum ac 
necessariorum qui vere meae saluti faverent, te cupidum esse mei 
singularemque mihi benevolentiam praestitisse cognovi. 2. Reli- 
qua sunt eius modi quibus ego, quoniam haec erant tempora, — 
facile et aequo animo carebam: hoe vero eius modi esse statuo ut 
sine talium virorum et amicorum benevolentia neque in adversa 


neque in secunda fortuna quisquam vivere possit. 


ego mihi gratulor. 


ab optimo fit animo] Cp. Dolabella 
409. 1 and note. 

iucundius| For the neut. with gratula- 
tio cp. Tusc. 11 31, Quare st... turpitudo 
perus est quam dolor, nihil est plane dolor, 
where Dougan says, ‘‘ In Cicero the adj. 
in the predicate agrees with the substantive 
except in a few words which are estab- 
lished in use as nouns, e.g. extremum, com- 
mune, proprium: cp. Fam. vi. 21.1 [573], 
cum omnium rerum mors sitextremum. In 
poetry the use is extended, e.g. Verg. Ecl. 
3. 80 [Triste lupus stabulis|]: Aen. iv. 
569 [varium et mutabile semper femina]. 
Ern. thinks the use of the neut. here due 
to the following nihi/.’’ We must re- 
member that Marcellus, and not Cicero, 
is the writer of this letter. 

m summa paucitate amicorum] Cp. 
485. 2, st modo erunt tui, and note; 
486. 6. 

necessartorum] ‘connexions’ ‘ asso- 
ciates.’ Here is not meant ‘relatives’ so 
much as the circle of persons with whom 
he was previously in contact, and who 
ought to have stood by him. 

cupidum esse mei} The mss. give 
cupidissimum, whence Wesen berg (1. 4. 8) 
reads cupidissimum mei esse, for we 


Itaque in hoc 


Tu vero ut intellegas homini amicissimo te 
tribuisse officium re tibi praestabo. 


Vale. 


certainly require esse to balance praesti- 
tisse. But the reading in the text is 
simpler. 

2. eius modi, quibus ... carebam] ‘The 
rest of the matters (which you urge in 
order to induce me to return to Rome) 
‘are such that, seeing that circumstances 
are like the present, I am quite con- 
tent to forego them.’ We must avoid 
translating ‘are such that I can easily 
forego them,’ as that would require 
caream: cp. 535. 1, quod est difficile in 
eius modi bello cuius exitus ex altera parte 
caedem ostentat, ex altera servitutem ‘in 
a war like the present, which, in its 
issue, threatens massacre on one side and 
slavery on the other.’ 

in hoc ego mihi gratulor| Cp. Fam. vi. 
11. 1 (622), qua imre tibigratulor ; Planc. 
91, ἐὐῤὲ etiam in hoe gratulor. 

ut intellegas .... praestabo| Cicero 
would use acc. and inf. after praestare, 
δῦ). 1: Vuse. y, 20: at is found in 
Seneca Epist. 24. 4, alter ut rediret rei- 
publicae praestitit ; and ne in Dec. Brutus 
Fam. xi. 9. 1 (847), L. Cassius Fam. xii. 
13. 4 (901), and Caelius Fam. viii. 10. 5 
(226). 


EP. 497 (FAM. IX, 21). 471 


497.. CICERO TO L. PAPIRIUS PAETUS (Fam. 1x. 21). 


ROME; OCTOBER, A. U. C. 708; B.C. 46; AET. CIC, 60. 


M. Cicero cum L. Paeto iocatur quod ille se eius orationis fulmina imitari non 
posse scripserat: tum negat recte existimasse familiarem suum Papirium quemquam 
nisi plebeium fuisse, id quod ita confutat ut eius gentis historiam interponat. 


CICERO PAETO 5. 


1. Ain tandem ? insanire tibi videris quod imitere verborum 
meorum, ut scribis, fulmina? ‘Tum insanires si consequi non 
posses : cum vero etiam vincas, me prius irrideas quam te oportet. 
Quare nihil tibi opus est illud a Trabea, sed potius ἀπότευγμα 
meum. Verum tamen quid tibi ego videor in epistulis ? nonne 
plebeio sermone agere tecum? nec enim semper eodem modo. 
Quid enim simile habet epistula aut iudicio aut contioni ? quin 
ipsa iudicia non solemus omnia tractare uno modo.  Privatas 
causas et eas tenuis agimus subtilius, capitis aut famae scilicet 


The opening words of this letter pro- 
bably refer to a criticism of Paetus on 
Cicero’s speech Pro Marcello. : 

1, Ain tandem ?]| * Really you don’t 
say so’: this is a common usage in con- 
versational style: cp. Planc. 49; Att. vi. 
2. 8 (256); 499a. 2; and is accordingly 
frequent in the comedies (Plaut. Asin. 
896, Aul. 298). 

Sulmina] often applied to the eloquence 
of Demosthenes: compare Cicero Orat. 
234 and Sir J. Sandys’ note, who quotes 
Att. xv. 16.2 (751), Δημοσθένους fulmina ; 
the Treatise on the Sublime 34, xata- 
βροντᾷ καὶ καταφέγγει τοὺς am’ αἰῶνος 
ῥητόρας, and the celebrated passage from 
Milton, Paradise Regained, iv. 270, 271, 
‘and fulmined over Greece | to Macedon 
and Artaxerxes’ throne.’ 

Quare| ‘Wherefore you need not 
have adduced that quotation from Trabea ; 
the fiasco rather was mine.’ Ribbeck 
(Com. p. 32) says ‘Paetum Trabeae 
versu quodam usum esse quo significaret 
non succedere ipsi quod aggressus erat, 
coniecit Manutius: immo ipsam illam 
imitandi insaniam vel ἀπότευγμα ni- 


miam sibi esse animi voluptatem videtur 
Paetus scripsisse’; referring to the line 
of Trabea, Ego voluptatem animi nimiam 
summum esse errorem arbitror. But 
Cicero would probably have quoted this 


_ line, or at least some portion of it, as it 


was a favourite of his (Fam. 11. 9. 2 (224) ; 
Tuse. iv. 35; Fin. ii. 13), so that it is 
better to confess our ignorance of the 
exact quotation. Wesenberg (#. 4. 30) 
thinks that insanire, imitere, fulmina, are 
parts of the quotation from Trabea, 
which signified that he was mad who at- 
tempted to imitate the thunder of Jupiter. 

subtilius] ‘in a plain, unadorned 
fashion.’ Wilkins on De Orat. i. 17 
traces the meaning of swbdtilis trom its 
original sense of ‘finely woven’ (a sense 
not found in Cicero) through its various 
metaphorical senses (all found in Cicero) 
of (1) refined, graceful (2), precise, 
accurate (3), plain, unadorned; cp. note 
on 495. 1, and Sir W. Peterson on Quintil. 
x. 1.78. We have constantly emphasized 
what Cicero here asserts, viz., epistulas 
vero cotidianis verbis texere solemus: see 
esp. vol. I°. 78 ff. 


472 EP. 497 (FAM. IX. 21). 


ornatius: epistulas vero cotidianis verbis texere solemus. 2. Sed 
tamen, mi Paete, qui tibi venit in mentem negare Papirium 
quemquam umquam nisi plebeium fuisse? fuerunt enim patricli 
minorum gentium, quorum princeps L. Papirius Mugillanus qui 
censor cum L. Sempronio Atratino fuit (cum ante consul cum 
eodem fuisset) annis post Romam conditam cccxu. Sed tum 
Papisii dicebamini. Post huic x1 fuerunt sella curuli ante 
L. Papirium Crassum, qui primum Papisius est vocari desitus. Is 
dictator, cum L. Papirio Cursore magistro equitum, factus est annis 
post Romam conditam ccccxy et quadriennio post consul cum K. 


Duilio. 


2. Sed tamen] ‘ But be that as it may, 
yet how, my dear Paetus, has it occurred 
to you to deny?’ 

Papirium| G.F. Unger, in his treatise 
on the credibility of the Fasti Capitolini 
(Jahrb. 1891, p. 647), thinks that Cicero 
may have derived his knowledge of the 
following matters of history from the 
Annals of Libo, which appear to have 
been published in this year. Cicero refers 
to the same work again next year (Att. 
xiii. 30 (608) : 44. 3 (646)). 

patricit minorum gentium| These were 
the heads of patrician families belonging 
originally to the Latin, Sabine, and 
Ktrurian communities, bordering on Rome, 
who, when their cities were incorporated 
into the Roman State, and their families 
into the patriciate, were themselves re- 
ceived into the Senate. The Papirii 
Mugillani are the only gens positively men- 
tioned as having belonged to the minores 
gentes: cp. Willems, Le Sénat, i. 21-2. 

ante| i.e.in 444 8.c. See C.I.L. 12, 
p- 108, note. It is to be remarked that 
the mss. here give qui consul cum 
LL. Sempronio Atratino fuit cum ante 
censor cum eodem fuisset, thus transposing 
consul and censor. Manutius corrected the 
passage: cp. Livyiv. 7.10; 8.7. A 
similar erroneous transposition may per- 
haps have been made by the copyists in 
Att. vi. 1. 17 (252): ep. Vol. IIT’, p. 346. 

Papisit| Tradition ascribed the change 
of s into r(cp. Quintil. i. 4. 13) to Appius 
Claudius Caecus, cons. 307 and 296 B.c. : 
ep. Dig. 1. 2, 2. 36. 

Suerunt selia curuli] This is a strange 
extension of the abl. of quality: and 


famia, magna gloria. 


Hune secutus est Cursor, homo valde honoratus; deinde 
L. Masso aedilicius: inde mu!ti Massones. 


Quorum quidem tu, 


Wesenberg (#. A. 30) denies its possi- 
bility, holding that you might as well say 
homo erat equo bono, domo ampla, meaning 
that the man had a good horse or a fine 
house. Yet the abl. comes near that 
occasionally : e.g. Fin. 11. 69, Voluptatem 
pulcherrimo vestitu et ornatu regali in solio 
sedentem; Sest. 27, cumque hoe satis esset 
signi esse improbum qui mutata veste non 
esset. Madvig (§ 272, obs. 2) notices 
that the descriptive abl. is put with sem 
where we otherwise find iz to denote a 
situation; Nepos, Hannibal 2, nanquam 
pari periculo Carthago fuerat; and such 
common expressions as essé imsignt in- 
Compare also note 
to Fam. viii. 2. 1 (196). Wesenberg 
ingeniously proposes sederunt in sella 
curuli: cp. Att. iv. 10.1 (123), suggesting 
that possibly sed was written |, and in 
was lost after wt. (Perhaps it would not 
be necessary to insert in: cp. Liv. xxx. 
19.9.) But the occupation of a curule 
chair gave a man a permanent character- 
istic, as a man who has left Oxford is 
still ‘an Oxford man.’ 

Cursor, homo valde honcratus| He was 
consul five times and dictator at least 
twice between 333 and 309. He was the 
chief hero of the Second Samnite War. 

aedilicius| This man probably never 
attained a higher magistracy than the 
aedileship which he held in 323 B.c. 

multi Massones| Six are given in Dict. 
Biogr. ‘and I would have you keep the 
images of these, who are all patricians. 
Then follow the Carbones and Turdi. 
These were plebeians, which I am of 
Opinion you should reject.’ Probably 


EP. 497 (FAM. IX. 21). 


omnium patriciorum, imagines habeas volo. 
Hi plebeii fuerunt, quos contemnas censeo. 


et Turdi insecuntur. 


473 


3. Deinde Carbones 


Nam praeter hune OC. Carbonem quem Damasippus occidit civis 


e re publica Carbonum nemo fuit. 
elus fratrem scurram: quid his improbius ? 
Tres illi fratres fuerunt C., Cn., M. 
Marcus P. Flacco accusante condemnatus est, fur 


Rubriae filio, nihil dico. 
Carbones. 


Cognovimus Cn. Carbonem et 
De hoe amico meo, 


magnus, ex Sicilia: Gaius accusante L. Crasso cantharidas sump- 
sisse dicitur: is et tribunus pl. seditiosus fwit et P. Africano vim 


Paetus was making some collection, or 
re-arrangement, of tmagines for his hall, 
and Cicero suggests the discarding of 
some of the less reputable Papirii. 

3. Carbones| .We append a genealogy 
of the Carbones, slightly altered, from 
the Dict. Biogr.* 

C. Carbonem quem Damasippus occidit] 
No. 6. He was slainin 82. He was a 
capable speaker (Orat. 218, Brut. 221). 
He was trib. pl. in 90, and one of the 
authors of the Lex Plautia Papiria, which 
granted citizenship to the Italians. 

civis e re publica] ‘a loyal citizen’: 
cp. Phil. viii. 13, wtilis et e re p. civis. 

eubriae filio| No. 5; but possibly he 
may have been a son of a brother of 
No. 1, as frater can mean ‘ cousin.’ 

411) No. 5. Tres fratres, Nos. 2, 
3, 4. 

Marcus| No.4; of him weknow nothing 
more than what is recorded here. 

ex Sicilia] ‘for (his misdeeds) in 
Sicily’: ex implies not only the local 
source of his condemnation, but also the 
crimes (Dig. xlix. 7. 1, 5) which he 
committed there. 

Gaius] No.2. He was a great orator. 
In 133 he was triwmvir agrorum dividun- 
dorum, and in 131 trib. pl. During this 


year he proposed two most important 
measures—(1) that re-election to the tri- 
bunate should be allowed as often as the 
people chose: cp. Livy Epit. 59, Cum 
Carbo tribunus plebis rogationem tulisset 
ut eundem tribunum plebi quotiens vellet 
creare liceret, royationem eius P. Africanus 
gravissima oratione dissuasit, in qua dixit 
Ti. Gracchum iure caesum videri ; (2) that 
vote should be by ballot in the case 
of legislative enactments: cp. Leg. iii. 35, 
Car bonis est tertia (lea tabellaria) de iuben- 
dis legibus ac vetandis, seditiost et improbi 
civis, cur ne reditus quidem ad bonos salutem 
a bonis potuit adferre. Up to about 125 
he had been a democrat: then he turned 
aristocrat, and so losing favour with both 
parties was accused possibly of repetundae 
by L. Crassus in 119, and committed 
suicide: cp. Rein Criminalrecht, p. 648 ; 
Zumpt Criminalprocess, p. 470. 

cantharidas| a very deadly poison: cp. 
Ovid, Ibis, 308; Plutarch, De Aud. Poet. 
ὃ. 5 (= 22, B). 

seditiosus| Wesenberg (1. A. 31) sup- 
plies fuit. It might have dropped out 
between seditio'ul and et. If it is not 
added, existimatus est is to be understood 
with seditiosus. 


P. Africano| Cp. 392.7. That Afri- 


* 1. C. Papirius Carbo, Praetor 168: cp. Liv. xliv. 17. 5; xlv. 12. 13. 


l 
2. Gaius Papirius Carbo, 


| 
Papirius 


| | 
4. Marcus  Papirius 5. Rubriae filius, 


3. Gnaeus 
Tribune 131; Consul Carbo, Consul 113, Carbo (fur mag- amicus meus. 
120, defeated by Cimbri mus; accused by 
Flaccus). 


| at Noreia. 
6. Gaius Papirius Carbo Ι 
Arvina, Tribune οο. 


7. Gnaeus Papirius Carbo, 
Consul 85, 84, 82, the 
partisan of Marius inthe 
first civil war. Velleius, 
ii. 26, says that 6 was 
Srater, i.e. cousin, of 7. 


| 
8. A. Carbo, whom Cicero 
calls scurra. 


47 3 EP. 498 (FAM. VI. 14). 


attulisse existimatus est. Hoc vero, qui Lilybaei a Pompeio 
nostro est interfectus, improbior nemo meo iudicio fuit. Iam 
pater eius accusatus a M. Antonio sutorio atramento absolutus 


putatur. (Qua re ad patres censeo revertare: plebeii quam fuerint 
importuni vides. 


498. CICERO TO QUINTUS LIGARIUS (Fam. γι. 14). 


ROME; NOVEMBER 26'(OLD STYLE) = SEPTEMBER 24 (NEW SIYLE); 
As UC. 083 δ΄ Ὅς, 10; ABT, CIC, GO, 


M. Cicero Q. Ligario significat se cum C. Caesare de eius salute egisse eumque iam 
bene sperare iubet. 


CICERO LIGARIO. 


1. Me scito omnem meum laborem, omnem operam, curam, 
studium in tua salute consumere: nam cum te semper maxime 
dilexi, tum fratrum tuorum, quos aeque atque te summa benevo- 
lentia sum complexus, singularis pietas amorque fraternus nullum 
me patitur offici erga te studique munus aut tempus praeter- 
mittere. Sed quae faciam fecerimque pro te ex illorum te litteris 
quam ex meis malo cognoscere. Quid autem sperem aut confidam 
et exploratum habeam de salute tua, id tibi a me declarari volo. 
Nam si quisquam est timidus in magnis periculosisque rebus 
semperque magis adversos rerum exitus metuens quam sperans 


canus died from natural causes, and that 
the charges of murder against different 
politicians were probably calumnies, is the 
opinion of Ihne (Rom. Hist. iv. 417, Eng. 
trans.). Greenidge (Hist. of Rome, 1. 
159-161) presents all the arguments, but 
gives no definite opinion, though we 
think he inclines to that of natural causes. 
Mommsen (2. H. 111. 104, Eng. trans.) 
thinks that the view that ‘he was the 


copper). It was called χάλκανῦθον in 
Greek : τοῦ. Flin, A. Ny xexiy, 123. 
patres| ‘patricians.’ 
importuni| ‘monstrous,’ ἦ unnatural ’ : 
cp. Cluent. 12; 177; and Mr. Faussett’s. 
discussion on the word in his glossary, 
p- 278. 


For Ligarius, see Introduction II, 


victim of a political assassination cannot No. 8, and compare Ep. 489. For the 
be doubted.’ date cp. note to § 2. 
Hoc|\ No.7: ep. 372. 2. 1. tum fratrum tuorum] ‘moreover 


pater cius| No. 3. We do not know 
of what he was accused; perhaps it was 
of perduellio on account of his defeat by 
the Cimbri: cp. Rein, op. cit., p. 493. 

sutorio atramento absulutus| ‘acquitted 
by shoemaker’s vitriol,’ i.e. he poisoned 
himself with this chemical (sulphate of 


the sincere devotion and true fraternal 
love of your brother, to whom, as well as 
to you, I have ever felt the warmest. 
affection, would not allow me to neglect 
any act or occasion which could show the 
earnest interest which it is my simple 
duty to feel towards you ’ 


EP. 498 (FAM. VI. 14). 475 


secundos, is ego sum; et si hoc vitium est, eo me non carere 
confiteor. 2. Ego idem tamen cum a. d. v. Kal. intercalaris 
priores rogatu fratrum tuorum venissem mane ad Caesarem atque 
omnem adeundi et conveniendi illius indignitatem et molestiam 
pertulissem, cum fratres et propinqui tui iacerent ad pedes et ego 
essem locutus quae causa, quae tuum tempus postulabat, non 
solum ex oratione Caesaris quae sane mollis et liberalis fuit sed 
etiam ex oculis et vultu, ex multis praeterea signis quae facilius 
perspicere potui quam scribere, hac opinione discessi ut mihi tua 
salus dubia non esset. 3. Quam ob rem fac animo magno fortique 
sis et, si turbidissima sapienter ferebas, tranquilliora laete feras. 
Ego tamen tuis rebus sic adero ut difficillimis, neque Caesari 
solum sed etiam amicis eius omnibus quos mihi amicissimos esse 
cognovi pro te, sicut adhuce feci, libentissime supplicabo. Vale. 


calendar; but September 24 according 


2. a.d.v. Kal. intercalaris priores| In 
to the reformed calendar. 


this year (the wltimus annus confusionis), 


as the calendar had become some 80 days 
wrong, not only was the ordinary inter- 
calation of the month Mercedonius (27 
days) made in February (after the 24th), 
but two extraordinary intercalary months 
(of 29 and 38 days respectively) were in- 
serted between November ana December. 
The first intercalary month began on 
September 28 (according to the sun), 
and lasted till October 26; the second 
began on October 27, and lasted to 
December 3. The Ist of January, 45, 
was really January 2 (according to the 
sun). See Groebe in his edition of 
Drumann 1115, p. 819. In the reforma- 
tion of the calendar Caesar was assisted 
by the Alexandrine mathematician Sosi- 
genes. The date here signified is 
November 26 according to the old 


adeundi et conveniendi illius| Cp. 486.6, 
and note to 489. 3. 

indignitatem et molestiam | 
tion and annoyance.’ 

et ego essem locutus| This is not the 
speech Pro Ligario: see Introd.I1I, No.8. 
That speech was delivered shortly after- 
wards, probably in the first intercalary 
month, when Tubero prosecuted Ligarius 
de vi for his conduct in Africa. Caesar 
seems to have lett Rome for the Spanish 
campaign in the second intercalary month: 
see Ὁ. E. Schmidt (p. 258). 

mollis et liberalis) ‘mild and gene- 
rous.’ 

3. et, si... feras| ‘and if you have 
met fortune’s worst storms with wisdom, 
so meet her calmer weather now with glad- 
ness of heart.’ 


‘ degrada- 


476 


EP. 499(a) (ATT. XII. 6, § 1, 2). 


499 (a). CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. xu, 6, §§ 1-2). 


TUSCULUM 5 MONTH UNCERTAIN : 


POSSIBLY JUNE OR JULY ;j 


A. Ue ©2708 5-10: 46 2 AGT. CIC. δῦ. 


De negotio Caeliano, de Tyrannionis libro. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL, 


1. De Caelio, vide, quaeso, ne quae lacuna sit in auro. 
Sed certe in collubo est detrimenti satis. 


ista non novi. 
aurum si accedit .... 


Recent editors follow Schiitz in divid- 
ing this letter Att. xii. 6 into two—one 
extending to missus est, the other con- 
taining the rest. We think that is right, 
and agree with the editors that §§ 3, 4 
belong to the first or second intercalary 
month. Cicero can hardly have finished 
the ‘ Orator,’ which he did not begin to 
work at until he had finished his ‘ Cato’ 
(Orat. 35)—and he had not finished his 
‘Cato’ until towards the end of June or 
beginning of July—much sooner than the 
first intercalary month. This letter is 
plainly written very shortly after the 
publication, as Cicero hopes to get a 
correction made in the work. ‘The 
‘Orator’ was spoken of by Caecina in a 
letter which he wrote trom Sicily in 
January, 45 (432. 4). But, as regards 
δὲ 1, 2, we think that they were 
written considerably earlier than either 
the second intercalary month (Schmidt 
and Miller) or even the first intercalary 
month (Schiche). The meeting with 
Tyrannio to hear his book on accentua- 
tion was projected as far back as the 
beginning of May (459 fin.), and it is 
unlikely that Tyrannio’s reading would 
be deferred as much as seven or eight 
months. We should prefer to put this 
letter in June or July. There does not 
seem to be anything against this view in 
$1. Schiitz, Baiter, and Wesenberg also 
put itin July. 

1. Caelio| Caelius was a banker: cp. 
Att. vii. 3. 11 (294). 

lacuna| ‘flaw,’ ‘defect’ in the gold. 
This seems to be the meaning; though 


Ego 
Hue 


. sed quid loquor? Τὰ videbis. Habes 


it might signify only ‘loss’: cp. lacu- 
nam rei familiaris explere, Verr. 11. 138. 

ista non novi] ‘Iam not versed in such 
matters.’ 

collubo| ‘exchange,’ ‘agio’: cp. 
Verr. ill. 181, Hx omni pecunia quam 
aratoribus solvere debuisti certis nominibus 
deductiones fiert solebant, primum pro 
spectatione et collubo, deinde pro nescio 
quo cerario. Haec omnia, indices, non 
rerum certarum sed furtorum improbis- 
simorum sunt vocabula. Nam collubus 
esse qui potest, cum utuntur omnes uno 
genere nummorum? It isa Semitic word: 
ep. Shuckburgh on Suet. Aug. 4 fin. 
κόλλυβος is lit. a small coin: ΟΡ. 
Aristoph. Pax 1196. In Matthew xxi. 12 
κολλυβισταί are ‘the money-changers.’ 
Cicero says ‘the exchange will involve 
loss enough ; if to this is to be added loss 
arising from the inferior quality of the 
material of the coin ? and then breaks 
off with an aposiopesis, which he says is 
characteristic of the styleof the rhetorician 
Hegesias, who introduced the Asiatic 
school of rhetoric, aud who was com- 
mended by Varro. For Hegesias of Mag- 
nesia cp. Orat. 226 mnwmerosam compre- 
hensionem perverse fugiens Hegesias saltat 
incidens particulas ‘hops along chopping 
his style into little fragments’: cp. Brut. 
286. Norden (Kunstprosa, pp. 134 ff.) 
gives a long discussion on Hegesias. Sir | 
J. Sandys (on Orat. 226) gives as an 
example of his style the following pas- 
sage, quoted by Strabo 396, ὁρῶ τὴν 
ἀκρόπολιν | καὶ τὸ περιττῆς τριαινῆς ἐκεῖθι 


ca 


σημεῖον" | 6p@ τὴν ᾿Ελευσῖνα, | καὶ τῶν 


EP. 499 (a) (ATT. XII. 6, §§ 1, 2). 


‘Hegesiae genus, quod Varro laudat. 


477 


2. Venio ad Tyrannionem. 


Ain tu? verum hoe fuit? sine me? At ego quotiens, cum essem 


otiosus, sine te tamen nolui ἢ 


Quo modo hoe ergo lues? _ Uno 


scilicet, si mihi librum miseris: quod ut facias etiam atque etiam 
rogo. Etsi me non magis liber ipse delectabit quam tua admiratio 
delectavit. Amo enim πάντα φιλειδήμονα, teque istam tam 


tenuem θεωρίαν tam valde admiratum esse gaudeo. 
Scire enim vis, quo uno animus 


quidem sunt elus modi omnia. 


Etsi tua 


alitur. Sed, quaeso, quid ex ista acuta et gravi refertur ad τέλος ἢ 


ἱερῶν γέγονα μύστης" | ἐκεῖνο Λεωκόριον") 
τοῦτο Θησεῖον" | οὐ δύναμαι δηλῶσαι Kad’ 
év ἕκαστον. Mommsen (R. H. iv, p. 567, 
Eng. trans., 1871) makes him responsible 
for ‘the vulgarism of Asia Minor,’ which 
was a reaction from the classicism which 
had hitherto prevailed in the higher 
language of conversation, and conse- 
quently also in literature. Hegesias and 
his school rebelled ‘against the orthodox 
Atticism, and demanded full currency for 
the language of life without distinction, 
whether the word or phrase originated in 
Attica, or in Caria and Phrygia.’ 

2. Tyrannionem| 459. 2. For this 
writer cp. Susemihl (Literatur der Alex- 
andrinerzeit) ii. 179-183, especially note 
184, for his connexion with Cicero. He 
wrote a work called προσωδία ‘Ounpirn, 
which is, perhaps, referred to here. He 
arranged Cicero’s library, and Cicero tried 
to get him to arrange that of Quintus. He 
acted as tutor for some time to the young 
‘Ciceros: see Index, 8. v. 

Ain tu 97 ‘Really?’ ‘vou don’t say so’ 
—an expression of surprise: cp. 497. 1. 

verum hoc fuit ? sine me?| ‘Was this 
fair? to hear the book without me?’ 


Cicero pretends annoyance at Atticus 


having had the appointment with 
Tyrannio (referred to in 459. 2) without 
his being present. 

πάντα φιλειδήμονα)]ὔ This is a very 


probable correction of φιλόδημον of the 


Mss., which used to be explained by sup- 
posing that Cicero writes to Atticus, ‘I 
like every man to be patriotic, and so 1 
am glad to find that you, Aétzcus, admire 
the work of this Greek, Tyrannio.’ But 
this is very forced, and the corrected read- 
ing gives a natural sentiment, and one 
often expressed or hinted at by Cicero. I 
like every man to have a taste for know- 
ledge’ (of all sorts). Possibly we might 


read παντοφιλειδήμονα, a word which 
would have been very likely tu undergo 
corruption. Cicero says he liked a man to: 
desire knowledge of ali sorts, even of such 
minute studies as the doctrine of accen- 
tuation. Reading πάντα φιλειδήμονα we: 
are obliged to supply in thought a word. 
or words expressing ‘of all sorts,’ which 
is conveyed by παντοφιλειδήμονα. He 
elsewhere, Att. iv. 11. 2 (124), quotes. 
the Greek sentiment, γλυκύτερον οὐδὲν ἢ. 
πάντ᾽ εἰδέναι. 

tua sunt etus modi omnia| ‘the whole- 
bent of your mind is for subtle specula- 
tions.’ 

quo uno| ‘you desire knowledge,. 
which is the only pabulum of the mind.’ 
This is a good example of the difference: 
between the indicative and subjunctive 3. 
with alatur the meaning would be, ‘ you 
want to know by what the mind is fed.’ 

quid ex ἰδία acuta et gravi| ‘what in. 
that acute and grave treatise has any bear- 
ing on the wltimate principle of conduct ἢ 
The epithets chosen contain a play on the: 
‘acute and grave’ accents, which were. 
the subject of the treatise; the τέλος is. 
the summum bonum, the ultimate prin- 
ciple of conduct: what moral good does 
such a treatise afford? This point of 
view, in reference even to such investi- 
gations as whether the ‘Iliad’ and the 
‘Odyssey’ were by different authors, 
is urged at considerable length by Seneca. 
De Brev. Vitae 13, esp. αὶ 9. Or, as 
Dr. Reid holds, the τέλος may be that 
of Atticus, viz. knowledge. Was any real 
knowledge to be gained from a work on 
so trivial a subject as that of accentuation ? 
Professor Clarke suggests that the τέλος 
may mean ‘the end, the clausula,’ of a 
sentence. ‘What is the relation of the - 
accent to the clausula?’ We do not know 
whether τέλος had this technical sense. ° 


478 


EP. 499(b) (ATT. XII. 6, 8§ 3, 4). 


Sed longa oratio est et tu occupatus es in meo fortasse aliquo 
negotio. Et pro isto asso sole quo tu abusus es in nostro ‘ pratulo’ 


ate nitidum solem unctumque repetemus. 
T'uus est enim profecto, quoniam 


Librum, si me amas, mitte. 
quidem est missus ad te. 


499 (b). 


Sed ad prima redeo. 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. x1. 6, S$ 3, 4). 


TUSCULUM 3; FIRST OR SECOND INTERCALARY MONTH} A. U. 6. 708 5 


B. Ὁ. 463 


AKT. CIC. 60. 


‘Ut errorem in ‘ Oratore’ corrigatur rogat, de Caesare, de Atticae valetudine. 


3. Chremes, tantumne ab re tua est oti tibi. .. , 


ut etiam ‘Oratorem’ legas ? 


Macte virtute! 


Mihi quidem 


gratum est et erit gratius si non modo in libris tuis sed etiam in 
aliorum per librarios tuos ‘ Aristophanem ’ reposueris pro ‘ Kupoli.’ 


Sed longa oratio| But that would bea 
long matter for us to discuss. 
asso sole| In his ‘ Brutus’ (written in 
the frst half of 46 B.c.) Cicero introduced 
Atticus as one of the interlocutors in the 
discussion about distinguished orators, 
which was held in pratulo propter Platonis 
statuam (Brut. 24), This clause is obscure. 
It may mean (1) ‘as Atticus had been 
basking in Cicero’s imaginary [and aus- 
tere] lawn, he will bask on Atticus’s real 
lawn, only with more creature comforts, 
such as a good dinner’ (Shuckburgh) : 
but this interpretation is rather too 
Epicurean; (2) ‘I shall be getting in 
return a much greater boon from you in 
the attention you are giving to my affairs 
than the boon I conferred on you in 
giving you a place in my Brutus’ (Reid) ; 
or possibly (3) ‘I shall ¢laim in return a 
place in some book of yours, which will 
be far more brilliant and rich work than 
my Brutus, whichis dry.’ Cicero thought 
highly of Atticus’s literary efforts: cp. 
Att. xvi. 5. 5 (770) Zu vero ἀμύμων. We 
were in error, as we now think, in seeing 
any reference to the De Finibus in this 
passage. He calls the whole dialogue a 
basking’ (sole) because it was held in 


pratulo, and he writes, ‘Instead of that 
dry basking in the meadow we shall call 
on you for one full of unguents and all 
sorts of richness.’ Then he returns to the 
subject of ‘Tyrannio’s book on accents. 

abusus es| The word need mean little 
more than οὐ (perhaps ‘to use abun- 
dantly’): see Thesaurus 5. v. 240. 56, 
and Gloss. v. 3. 2, and 43. 16, abuti et 
bene uti est et male uti: cp. Rep. i. 14, 
abuti tecum hoe otio; also 470. 5. 

Librum| That of Tyrannio. 

est missus] ‘is dedicated to you’: cp. 
342. 7. 


3. Chremes... tibi] Ter. Heaut. 75. 
Aristophanem ... pro Eupoli| See 
Orator 29, and Sir J. Sandys’ note there. 
The verses which Cicero wrongly ascribed 
to Eupolis were verses in the Acharnians 
of Aristophanes, 530— 
ἐντεῦθεν ὀργῇ Περικλέης Οὑλύμπιος 
ἤστραπτ᾽, ἐβρόντα, ξυνεκύκα τὴν Ἑλλάδα. 


Diodorus Siculus (xii. 40 fin.) makes the 
same mistake as Cicero, and, as Dr. Starkie 
(ad Aristoph. Ach. /.c.) points out, both 
were probably misled by the same autho- 
rity. Dr. Starkie also notices that the 


ee ee ee .. 


| 
| 


EP, 500 (ATT. XII. 7). 


470 


4, Caesar autem mihi irridere visus est ‘ quaeso’ illud tuum, quod 
erat εὐπινὲς ‘et urbanum. Ita porro te sine cura esse lussit, ut 
mihi quidem dubitationem omnem tolleret. Atticam doleo tam 
diu; sed quoniam iam sine horrore est, spero esse ut volumus. 


500: CICERO TO ATTICUS (Att. x11. 7). 


TUSCULUM 5 SECOND INTERCALARY MONTH (FIRST HALF) δ; 
A, Wa GC, 708 vB Cs 462 ABT. CIC, 60. 


De Cicerone ne eat in Hispaniam, de Balbo et Dolabella. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


I. Quae desideras, omnia scripsi in codicillis—eosque Eroti 
dedi—breviter, sed etiam plura quam quaeris, in lis de Cicerone, 
cuius quidem cogitationis initium tu mihi attulisti. Locutus sum 


verses of Aristophanes became very 
famous. They are quoted not only by 
Cicero but by Pliny, Epp. i. 20. 19; 
Quint. τ 10. 419. and sn, 10. δῆ: 
Julian, Ep. 2, p. 373 D. In Brut. 38 
and 59 Cicero refers to different portions 
of the celebrated eulogy of Eupolis on 
Pericles, πειθώ τις ἐπεκάθιζεν ἐπὶ τοῖς 
χείλεσιν" | οὕτως ἐκήλει καὶ μόνος τῶν 
ῥητόρων | τὸ κέντρον ἐγκατέλειπε τοῖς 
ἀκροωμένοις (Kock i, p. 281); and the 
other famous criticism on Pericles as an 
orator (that referred to here) may have 
been erroneously attributed to Eupolis. 
Diodorus ((. 6.) runs both the eulogies 
together, apparently supposing that both 
belong to the same passage. 

4, ‘quaeso’| Atticus must have used 
this word too often, and thus incurred the 
bantering of Caesar. The word itself is 
frequently used by Cicero. Possibly, as 
Schiche (1905, p. 18) says, Atticus used 
this word too often in an audience which 
he and Cicero had with Caesar in refer- 
ence to the Buthrotians. He urges that 
the repetition of mihi points to Cicero’s 
having participated in the business ; and 
that the past.tenses visus est and iussit 
point to an interview rather than to a 
letter written by Caesar at this time. In 


ΠῚ 


the latter case Cicero would have said 
videtur and iubet. 

evmives et urbanum]| ‘classic and 
cultured.” For εὐπινές, lit. ‘with the 
rust of ages on it,’ hence “ἦ archaic,’ 
‘classic,’ cp. εὐπινῶς, Att. xv. 17. 2 
(749). For wrbanum, ‘ cultured,’ a word 
newly arisen in Cicero’s time, ep. 
Mommsen, R. H. iv. 566. 

Atticam... tam diu| tam is added 
in ed. Jens. The ellipse is harsh, ‘I am 
sorry Attica is so long’ (i.e. suffering 
from fever). 

horrore| ‘shivering’: cp. Plin. H. N. 
Xxil. 150, horrorem tertianae et quartanae 
minuere. 


The next two letters seem to have been 
written about the time when Caesar left 
for Spain, which was in the second inter- 


calary month (cp. O. E. Schmidt, 
p- 268). 

1. in codicillis| See on Q. Fr. ii. 9, 
1 (1382): cp. 479. 1. 

Froti| Eros was a clerk of Atticus 


who looked after Cicero’s money affairs. 
See Index. 

cuius . . . tnitium| ‘of whose inten- 
tions you gave me the first notice’; in 
Cicerone he refers to his son Marcus. 


480 EP; 500 (ATT. XII. 7). 


cum 60 liberalissime, quod ex ipso velim, si modo tibi erit 
commodum, sciscitere. Sed quid differo? exposui te ad me 
detulisse et quid vellet et quid requireret: velle Hispaniam, re- 
quirere liberalitatem. De liberalitate dixi, quantum Publilius, 
quantum flamen Lentulus filio. De Hispania duo attuli, primum 
idem quod tibi, me vereri vituperationem: non satis esse si haec 
arma reliquissemus ? etiam contraria? deinde fore ut angeretur 
cum a fratre familiaritate et omni gratia vinceretur. Vellem 
magis liberalitate uti mea quam sua libertate: sed tamen 
permisi: tibi enim intellexeram non nimis displicere. Ego 
etiam atque etiam cogitabo teque ut idem facias rogo. Magna 
res est; simplex est manere, illud anceps: verum videbimus. 
2. De Balbo et in codicillis scripseram, et ita'cogito, simul ac 


quod ex ipso velim} “1 wish you would 
ask him, if convenient, whether this is 
not so,’ whether I have not adopted a 
most liberal view in my dealings with 
him. 

exposui ... liberalitatem] ‘I explained 
that you had communicated to me both 
what were his wishes, and what his 
requirements, namely, that his wish was 
a jovrney to Spain (to join Caesar), and 
his requirements a liberal allowance. On 
the latter point I told him that I would 
give him as much as Publilius and the 
flamen Lentulus allowed their sons. On 
the subject of Spain, I put forward two 
arguments : first, the one which I used to 
you, that I feared unfavourabie comment : 
Was it not enough for us to abandon 
Pompey’s cause ? people would say ; must 
we even embrace Caesar’s 2 Secondly, I 
urged that he would be galled by being 
completely surpassed by his cousin Quin- 
tus in the friendship and favour of 
Caesar. 

We read with Lambinus (marg.) and 
Wesenbery ad me for ex me, which could 
hardly mean. ‘ by my orders.’ Ecquid is 
quite inexplicable, and it and et guid are 
constantly confused. Besides, it is only 
ed. Iens. that reads ecquid. M appears 
to read et guid here: see Wesenberg and 
Baiter. Requirere generally has the mean- 
ing of ‘to miss,’ ‘to notice the loss of,’ 
but here it is just the same as our 
‘require,’ as in virtutes requiruntur, Leg. 
Manil. 64: magnam res diligentiam γ6- 
quirebat, Caes. Β. 6. vi. 84. 3. 

quantum Publilius| sc. me satis 


esse. For ellipse of dare cp. Att. xiv. 12. 
1 (715), multa illis Caesar (sc. dedit). 
Publilius may have been some relative of 
Publilia, whom Cicero married shortly 
after this. We read of her brother 
Publilius in Att. xi. 32. 1 (568). Cicero 
had divorced Terentia, and appears to have 
been thinking of marrying again: ep. 
602. 

flamen Lentulus| He was L. Cornelius 
Lentulus the younger, who accused 
Gabinius in 54: ep. Q. Fr. iii. 1. 15 
(148); Att.iv. 13. 1 (154). 

etiam contraria ?) sc. capienda esse, the 
contrasted word to be taken out of 
reliquissemus : see note to 382%. 4. 

Vellem magis| 41 wish he would take 
advantage of my handsome offer rather 
than his own independence. However, I 
have left the matter to his discretion.” 
Cicero wished his son to go to Athens to 
study, and was willing to give him an 
allowance of about £800 a-year: cp. Att. 
xvi. 1, 5 (769). Vellem magis is the 
reading of Boot for vel imma M! or vel 
nimia M*. Orelli suggests vellet magis, 
‘that he should be satisfied rather to 
enjoy my generosity than his own free- 
dom’; the subjunctive stands for the 
imperative of oratio recta. Miiller reads 
me eum maile. See Adn. Crit. 

Magna res| ‘it is an important step ; 
his staying here can involve no complica- 
tions, while his going to Spain will.’ 

2. et ita cogito| ‘and that is my idea,’ 
i.e. 1 purpose to do that (whatever it 
was), as soon as he returns. Without the 
codicilli we cannot be sure of what Cicero 


EP. 501 (ATT. XII. 8). 


redierit. 
Dolabella etiam mecum. 


501. 


481 


Sin ille tardius, ego tamen triduum, et, quod praeterii, 


CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. xu. 8). 


TUSCULUM; SECOND INTERCALARY MONTH (FIRST HALF); 
A. U. CG 7083 Β. 0. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


De Cicerone, tum quid Caesar egerit cum candidatis. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. » 


De Cicerone multis res placet; comes est idoneus. 


prima pensione ante videamus. 


Sed de 


Adest enim dies et ille currit. 


Scribe, quaeso, quid referat Celer egisse Caesarem cum candidatis, 


utrum ipse in Fenicularium an in Martium campum cogitet. 


Kt 


scire sane velim num quid necesse sit comitiis esse Romae: nam 
et Piliae satis faciendum est et utique Atticae. 


intended to do. As Balbus is mentioned 
afterwards in connexion with Terentia’s 
dowry, Att. xii. 12. 1 (556), perhaps that 
is the reference here. 

tardius| sc. redierit. 

triduum| sc. Romae ero, cp. Att. xii. 
40. 5 (584), Quod quaeris quamdiu hic: 
505. 1, 140 unum diem. 

mecum]| sc. est or erit. 


De Cicerone] sc. consilium ; ‘ my design 
of sending him to Athens is generally 
approved of.’ 

comes| LL. Tullius Montanus; see Att. 
xli. 52. 1 (599). 

de prima pensione| ‘let us see to 
securing the payment,’ sc. of the first in- 
stalment of Tullia’s dower by Dolabella’s 
agents: cp. 534. 5, teneor dum a Dola- 
bellae procuratoribus exigam primam pen- 
sionem. ‘Tullia was now divorced from 
Dolabella. 

ille currit] ‘Dolabella is hasting off 
(cp. Hor. Carm. i. 28. 36) to Caesar’s 
camp in Spain.’ Cicero seems to think it 
will be harder to get the money when 
Dolabella leaves. 

Celer|  Q. Pilius Celer, the brother-in- 
law (or father-in-law) of Atticus, men- 
tioned, 378. 4; 413.1. 


VOL. IV. 


utrum ipse im Fenicularium| The 
meaning is: What does Celer report about 
Caesar’s arrangements with the candidates 
or the approaching comitia ? Will Caesar 
nominate the magistrates himself in 
Spain, or leave the election to the people 
in Rome? ‘The way in which he chooses 
to express this is, ‘ Will the Master (ipse) 
proceed to the plain of Fennel or of Mars 
for the purpose of the election?’ The 
Campus Fenicularius is the Latin form of 
τὸ μαραθῶνος πεδίον, ‘the Plain of the 
Fennel-bed,’ near Tarraco in Spain: ep. 
Strabo iii. 4. 9. Caesar did not hold any 
elections at all, but left the administra- 
tion in the hands of eight (or six) praefecti 
urbis with all the powers of the Praetors 
and the financial powers of the Quaestors. 
These praefectt were nominally under the 
authority of Lepidus, but really directed 
by Balbus and Oppius. 

comitiis esse Romae| ‘to be at Rome 
for the comitia’ (lit. ‘ on the occasion of 
the comitia,’ the ablative like gladiatori- 
bus, ‘at the gladiator shows’). There is 
no necessity to add me: cp. Lebreton, 
p. 376 ff. 

Nam] This is difficult. That Pilia 
and especially Attica (now six years old) 
favoured a candidate, as Corradus’opined, 


21 


482 


EP, 502 (ATT. XII. 11). 


502, CICERO TO ATTICUS (Arr. χη. 11). 


tuscuLuM; VI. ΚΑΙ, 


DECEMBRIS; a. v. C. 708 ; B. 0. 46 ; 
AET. CIC. 60. , 


De morte Seii, de Postumia Sulpicii, de Pompeii filia, de alia condicione. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


Male de Seio. 


Sed omnia humana tolerabilia ducenda. 
enim quid sumus aut quam diu haec curaturi sumus ? 


Ipsi 


Ha videa- 


mus quae ad nos magis pertinent, nec tamen multo, quid agamus 


de senatu. 


Kt, ut ne quid praetermittam, Caesonius ad me 


‘litteras misit Postumiam Sulpici domum ad se venisse. De 
Pompei Magni filia tibi rescripsi nihil me hoc tempore cogitare. 


is absurd. Perhaps Cicero had promised 
Pilia and Attica to see them at the time 
of the comitia, and he wants to be treed 
from the promise, ‘for I must not do 
anything that would fail to satisfy Pilia, 
and especially Attica,’ meaning that the 
ladies are to release him from his promise. 
For utique in Cicero cp. note to 378. ὃ. 


It is not quite certain whether this 
letter was written before (Schiche) or 
after (Schmidt) Cicero’s journey to the 
south. We incline to think that Schmidt 
is right, as there is no evidence that 
Cicero went to Rome before that journey. 
He supposes (p. 267) that it was written 
on the 6th day before the Kalends of 
December from Tusculum on his return 
from the south. The 6th day before the 
Kalends of December appears to have 
been actually, according to the sun, 
November 29 (see Drumann-Groebe 1115, 
p- 819), and cp. note to 498. 2. The day 
that the Romans called the Kalends of 
December in this year (46 B.c.) was 
really, according to the sun, December 4. 
The month had as previously 29 days, and 
the Kalends of January, 45, was really 
January 2nd; but in 44 the Kalends of 
January agreed with the real January Ist. 

Male de Seio| This was the usuai 
formula for expressing sorrow at the 
death of a friend: cp. Att. xii. 10 (651) ; 
Ry. la. 1 (730). The word deatulus was 


posed to entertain that proposal. 


applied by their friends to the recently 
dead; we say ‘poor so-and-so,’ but the 
Romans, who said Jdeatulus, and the 
Greeks, who said 6 μακαρίτης, were more 
euphemistical. Cp. Catullus’s o factwm 
male on the death of Lesbia’s sparrow. 

ad nos pertinent| ‘which concerns me 
more nearly (though indeed not much 
more nearly)’ as being a thing which 
(though not of much importance) I 
may avoid, and is not a necessary evil 
like death, namely, ‘the question what 
I am to do about the senate, am I to 
attend it or no?’ 

multo] 80. magis ad nos pertinent. 

Postumiam Sulpici] sc. uxorem. She 
seems to have been a highly energetic 
woman, and was now busying herself 
about some new marriage which she 
wished to recommend to Cicero ; probably 
she desired that the daughter of Pompey 
should be the successor to the divorced 
Terentia. We find that he was not dis- 
As to 
the other candidate for Cicero’s hand, we 
are left without any knowledge ; but it is: 
amusing to find the sexagenarian orator 
and philosopher writing, ‘I never saw 
anything uglier than she is,’ yet ex- 
pressing himself-as prepared still to con- 
sider the question. He subsequently 


married Publilia for her dowry. He does 
not seem to haye felt any affection for 


her, and he soon divorced: her. 


EP. 503 (FAM, VII. 4). 


483 


Alteram vero illam, quam tu seribis, puto, nosti: nihil vidi 


foedius. 


Sed adsum. Coram igitur. 
Obsignata epistula accepi tuas. 


Atticae hilaritatem libenter 


audio: commotiunculis συμπάσχω. 


5038. CICERO TO MARIUS (Fam. vu. 4), ᾿ 


CUMAE,; XIIII KAL. DECEMBRIS: A. U. C. 7085 B.C. 46; 
AET, CIC, 60. 


M. Cicero praemonet M. Marium de adventu suo in Pompeianum. 


M. CICERO S. D. M. MARIO. 


A. d. xu Kal. in Cumanum veni cum Libone tuo vel nostro 
potius: in Pompeianum statim cogito, sed faciam ante te certio- 


rem. 


18. cum semper valere cupio tum certe dum hic sumus. 
Vides enim quanto post una futuri simus. 


Qua re, si quod con- 


stitutum cum podagra habes, fac ut in alium diem differas. Cura 
igitur ut valeas et me hoc biduo aut triduo exspecta. 


quam tu scribis]| ‘whom you mention 
in your letter’: cp. Att. xiii. 31. 2 (607), 
Dicaearchi quos seribis libros sane velim 
mi mittas. 

adsum| ‘But I will be with you 
immediately. When we meet, then (we 
will talk over the matter).’ The ellipse 
is quite common: ep. Att. il. 9. 4 (36). 
For the full expression cp. Att. 1. 20. 1 
(26) coram inter nos conferemus. 

hilaritatem] ‘the excellence of her 
spirits.’ . 

commotiunculis | “ slight indisposition ’ ; 
we have leviter commotus in the same 
sense in Att. xiv. 5. 1 (707). Cicero had 
heard at Arpinum on vu Kal. (= Nov. 27 
actual) that Attica had a slight touch of 
fever (505. 2). 


A, d. xiut Καὶ This was really 
November 21: see Introd. note to 502 and 


note to 498. 2. Cicero left Rome for a 
short journey southwards on the xvit1 
Kal. (= Nov. 17): see Introd. note to 505. 
In 55 B.c. Cicero wrote a well-known 
letter on the subject of Roman games to 
this Marius: Fam. vii. 1 (127). 

Libone] Father-in-law of Sext. Pom- 
pey : cp. note to Fam. i. ὃ (95). His sister 
Scribonia was wife of the Emperor 
Augustus. He was a vigorous Pompeian : 
cp. 367. 4; Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 26. 

Vides . . . simus| ‘for you see the 
amount of one another’s company we are 
likely to have in: the future,’ i.e. how 
little we are likely to see of one 
another. 

constitutum cum podagra] “ If you have 
any assignation with your friend the 
gout, put it off to another day’; cp. for 
constituere in this sense, Juv. iii. 12, 
Hie ubi nocturnae Numa constituebat 
amicae; vi. 487. 


212 


484 


004. 


EP. 504 (FAM. IX. 23). 


CICERO TO L. PAPIRIUS PAETUS (Fam. rx. 93). 


CUMAE 5 XIII ΚΑΤ. DECEMBRIS, A. U. C. 7085 B. C. 4635 
AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero L, Paeto significat se propediem ad eum venturum esse. 


CICERO PAETO. 


Here veni in Cumanum, cras ad te fortasse; sed cum certum 
sclam, faciam te paullo ante certiorem. Etsi M. Caeparius, cum 
mihi in silva Gallinaria obviam venisset quaesissemque quid 


ageres, dixit te in lecto esse quod ex pedibus laborares. 


Tuli 


scilicet moleste, ut debui, sed tamen constitui ad te venire ut et 
viderem te et viserem et cenarem etiam. Non enim arbitror 


cocum etiam te arthriticum habere. 


Exspecta igitur hospitem 


cum minime edacem tum inimicum cenis sumptuosis. 


Here) = x1111 Kal. Decembris (Nov. 21 
actual) : cp. 503. 

ad te fortasse| sc. veniam, understood 
from veni: cp. 397. 8, Tu tamen eas 
epistulas .. . aliqguando concerpito .. . ego 
item tuas (86. concerpam). 

silva Gallinaria| near Cumae, a 
notorious resort of robbers: Juv. iii. 307, 
and Mayor’s note. 

ex pedibus| Perhaps Paetus, as well as 
Balbus (cp. note to 480. 1), suffered from 
gout following upon too high living. 

ut et viderem...etiam| ‘to have a 
look at you, to pay you a visit, and even 


to have dinner with you.’ For visere,. 
‘to pay a visit to one who was ill,’ cp. 
Hor. Bat. 1.9. 17. 

arthriticum| ‘attacked with gout.’ 

cum minime edacem tum inimicum| We 
should wish to alter the position of minime 
from qualifying edacem to qualifying 
inimicum. When Cicero, as here, is 
joking with Paetus, he often represents 
himself as a great gourmet: cp. 475. 2, 
cum homine et edaci tibt res est et qui iam 
aliquid intellegat. But it is safer to 
adhere to the mss., and compare 472. 9. 


EP. 505 (ATT. XII. 1). 


485 


505§ CICERO TO ATTICUS (Art. x11. 1). 


ARPINUM; VIII KAL. DECEMBRIS; A. U. 6. 708; B.C. 46; 
AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero circumiens circum villas suas Attico significat hilare quo die ad eum 


venturus sit. 


CICERO ATTICO SAL. 


1. Undecimo die, postquam a discesseram, hoe litterularum 
exaravi egrediens e villa ante lucem, atque eo die cogitabam in 
Anagnino, postero autem in Tusculano: [Ὁ] unum diem: v. 
Kalend. igitur ad constitutum. Atque utinam continuo ad com- 


plexum meae 'l'ulliae, ad osculum Atticae possim currere ! 


Quod 


quidem ipsum scribe, quaeso, ad me, ut, dum consisto in Tusculano, 


From the first sentence we can see that 
‘Cicero left Arpinum early on the morning 
of the eighth day before the Kalends of 
December (= November 27 according to 
the sun), proposed to stay that night at 
Anagnia, to reach Tusculum on Nov. 28, 
and to remain there on the 29th, and 
to keep his appointment with Quintus on 
the 30th (fifth day before the Kalends of 
December: see note to 502). He began 
his journey south on the eleventh day (in- 
clusive) before Nov. 27, i.e. on Nov. 17th. 
It was probably on the sixth day before 
the Kalends (Nov. 29) that he wrote 502. 

1. hoe litterularum exaravi] ‘I am 
hastily writing (scribbling) this bit of a 
note’: cp. 479. 1, harwm exemplum in codt- 
cillis exaravi; Fam. xii. 20 (930), haec 
cum essem in senatu exaravr. 

ibi unum diem] sc. manebo orero: cp. 
‘500 fin.; 401. 2, Antonium confirmasse 
dicitur ut me impediret, quo ipse, credo, 
honestius (sc. maneret) ; 500. 2, ego tamen 
triduum. . 

ad constitutum] sc. ero, ‘I shall be at 
my tryst,’ that with Quintus, which meet- 
ing seems to have been arranged before 
his journey south: cp. below, § 2, where 
he notices a series of appointments he 
had made. He was to meet Quintus 
on the day he came (to Rome), that was 
the fifth day before the Kalends (= 
Noy. 30); on the fourth he would see 


Axius, possibly in a villa outside Rome ; 
and Atticus on the third, possibly at 
Ficulea. But we can have no certainty 
as regards the places at which he had 
arranged these meetings to take place. 
Perhaps quo die venissem may mean ‘ the 
day I came back’ (to the vicinity of 
Rome) ; his stay of a day at Tusculum 
might be regarded as part of his holiday ; 
and once he left that going towards 
Rome he considered himself returning to 
business. Possibly, as Schmidt suggests 
(p. 267), he would meet Quintus at 
Bovillae: ep. Q. Fr. iii. 1. 2 (148). 
Schmidt seems to hold that ad constitu- 
tum is ‘ our tryst,’ i.e., the arrangement 
you and I made to meet Quintus; the next 
day he would stay with Axius, and the 
next with Atticus (at Ficulea). But it 
does not seem necessary to suppose that 
Atticus went with Cicero to Quintus. 

Atque utinam ... eurrere] ‘and I 
hope nothing will prevent my going 
without delay to embrace Tullia and 
kiss Attica.’ 

Quod quidem ipsum] ‘and all about 
her’ ‘on this matter especially,’ 1.6. 
about Attica. The relative agrees with 
the idea rather than the actual expression 
of the sentence : something like Plaut. 
Epid. 131 empta ancillast, quod (‘in 
which matter’) tute ad me litteras missi- 
culabas. Wecan hardly take osculwm as 


486 EP, 606 (ATI. ALLS SL. 


sciam quid garriat: sin rusticatur, quid scribat ad te: eique 
interea aut scribes salutem aut nuntiabis itemque Piliae, Et tamen, 
etsi continuo congressuri sumus, scribes ad me si quid habebis. 
2. Cum complicarem hance epistulam, fnoctuabundus ad me venit. 
cum epistula tua tabellarius: qua lecta, de Atticae febricula 


scilicet valde dolui. 
cognovi omnia. 


Reliqua quae exspectabam ex tuis litteris 
Sed quod scribis, ‘igniculum matutinum γερον- 
τικόν, γεροντικώτερον est memoriola vacillare. 


Ego enim 1ΠΠ 


Kal. Axio dederam, tibi 111, Quinto, quo die venissem, id est 


v Kal. Hoe igitur habebis, novi nihil. 


‘little mouth’; ‘and about that little 
mouth write to me, that I may know 
what it prattles about,’ because that sense 
of oseulum is poetical and post-Augustan 
(cp. Dr. Reid, Hermathena x (1898) 180), 
andalso because the subject togarriat must 
be the same as that to scribat, viz. Attica, 
not osculum Atticae. Attica was now 
nearly six years of age, having been born 
early in 51: cp. Att. v. 19. 2 (220), so 
that her writing was probably rudi- 
mentary. 

2. noctuabundus| ‘by night.’ As there 
is no verb noctuare, this is a strange 
word. Watson suggested that Cicerv was 
here misled by the false analogy of such 
words as lacrimabundus or volutabundus 
(which Cicero uses De Rep. ii. 68), just 
as he wrongly wrote Phiiuntit instead of 
Phhasvi, misled by the false analogy of 
Opus, Opuntii, as he tells us himself in 
Att. vi. 2, ὃ (256). He uses ludibundus 
in Fam. xvi. 9, 2 (292). Either Cicero was 
not aware that dundus must come from a 
verb form, and so formed noctuabundus 
erroneously from the stem of oz, or there 
existed a verb noctuare, ‘to be a night- 
owl,’ of which no trace remains except in 
this word. 
emendation, but we know of no very 
convincing one. Dr. Reid (1. 6.) suggests 
noctuevag>abundus, a jocular imitation 
of νυκτιπλαγκτός. It does certainly 
look as if Cicero meant to reproduce 
νυκτοβάτης OY νυκτοπόρος ; and possibly 
we should read noctwambulus (cp. noctu- 
vigila, Plaut. Cure, 196), or noctambulus, 
‘ who had been travelling all night.’ For 
the form cp. funambulus, and for ambulare, 
used of a letter-carrier, cp. 361. 3, st 
enim recte ambulavit is qui hance epistulam 
tulit in ipsum tuum diem incidit. If the 
mark over the line for m got transposed 


The word seems to call for 


‘Quid ergo opus erat 


over the ἐν, the corruption might have 
arisen. 

scilicet] ‘naturally.’ 

γεροντικόν} Cicero had asked Atti- 
cus to have a fire for him in the morning 
(as he had asked Paetus to have a warm 
bath for him, 472. 9). Atticus says that to 
want a bit of fire in the morning at such a 
season was ‘old-mannish’ ; Cicero retorts 
it is ‘more old-mannish’ to forget the 
date of an appointment. Cicero then re- 
minds Atticus of the appointments he had 
made, on which see above, ᾧ 1. Alemoriola 
vacillare is ‘to have a shaky old memory,’ 
the diminutive indicating poorness, weak- 
ness, aS in vocula, ‘my poor voice,’ Att. 
ii. 28. 1 (50), where see note. He 
chaffingly uses the diminutive as Atticus 
had used the diminutive igniculum. 

dederam] sc. iiit Kal. 41 had assigned 
the fourth day before the Kalends (= Nov. 
30 by the sun) to Axius’: cp. for dare 
with a word indicating time, Flacc. 82, 
cui sez hovas omnino lex dedit. The plu- 
perfect indicates that he had made the 
appointments before he left forthe south. 

quo die venissem] ‘the day on which 
I came back, that is the fifth day before 
the Kalends.’ See above, ὁ 1. ‘The plu- 
perfect is used on account of dederam, 
though he had not come back at all as yet. 
If Cicero were making the appointment at 
the time of writing this letter, he would 
have said guo die venero eum Quinto dado. 

V. Καὶ. -So M, rightly as we hold. 
Owing to wii Kal. and vii preceding Man. 
wishes to read ἐὲ (= pridie: ep. note to 
Fam. xiv. 4. 3 (62) and 363. 1). The 
numerals V and II (τ and ii) are often 
confused: cp. note to Brut. ii. 4 fin. (842) 
and 0. Εἰ. Schmidt (De Epp. Cass., p. 40, 
note), 


Hoe igitur habebis| ‘Pray take this,” 


EP. 506 (FAM, XIII. 66). 


487 


epistula?’? quid, cum coram sumus et garrimus gquidquid in 
} quid, 


~ bueeam ἢ 


Kst profecto quiddam λέσχη, quae habet, etiamsi nihil 


subest, collocutione ipsa suavitatem. 


506. CICERO ‘'O P. SERVILIUS ISAURICUS, 
ProconsuL oF ASIA 
(Fam. xl. 66). 


ROME; PROBABLY JANUARY; A. U. C. 709; B. C. 455 AKT. CIC. 61. 


M. Cicero P. Servilio A. Caecinam diligentissime commendat. 


M. CICERO P. SERVILIO S$. 


1. A. Caecinam, maxime proprium clientem familiae vestrae, 
non commendarem tibi, cum scirem qua fide in tuos, qua clementia 
in calamitosos soleres esse, nisi me et patris elus quo sum familiar- . 
issime usus memoria et huius fortuna ita moveret ut hominis 
omnibus mecum studiis officiisque coniunctissimi movere debebat. 
A te hoe omni contentione peto, sic ut maiore cura, maiore 


‘so there’s for you,’ ‘ there’s a Roland for 
your Oliver.’ On this view Cicero alludes 
to the expression hoc habet applied to the 
_ gladiator when he received ‘a palpable 
hit.’ In Plautus we have in a like sense 
serva and em serva. However, it is, per- 
haps better to regard the words as not 
referring to the foregoing pleasantry, but 
as simply meaning, ‘you will kindly re- 
member that this is our arrangement ; 
there is no change.’ Ifthe former inter- 
pretation is adopted, we should put a full 
stop after habebis, and Novi nihil will 
mean ‘I have no news.’ 

‘ Quid ergo opus erat . . . buccam??] 
‘ What was the good then (you ask) ofa 
letter ? What (is the good) when we are 
together and chatting about whatever 
comes into our heads? What is the good 
(of our so doing, i.e. chatting about 
trifles).’. With guid we must understand 
opus est colloguio, or something of the 
kind. 

Aé€oxn] ‘the very causerie is some- 
thing, and has a charm in the very fact 
that we are chatting together, even 
though there is nothing in what we say’ : 


cp. est enim quiddam advenientem non esse 
peregrinum atque hospitem, Att. vi. ὃ, 4 
(264); est gquiddam etiam animum levart, 
Att. xili. 44. 2 (646). 


This letter was probably written in 
January, 45. In December, 46, Caecina 
was still in Sicily, but had thoughts of 
going to Asia (527. 2). No absolute 
certainty, however, can be attained, as 
people often get testimonials and letters 
of recommendation for future contin- 
gencies, when their plans are still un- 
certain, as Caecina himself got a letter 
from Cicero for the incoming governor 
Furfanius (527. 3). 

For Servilius Isauricus see Introd. II, 
No. 14, and notes to 482, . 

1. A. Caecinam]. Cp. Fam. vi. 5 to 9. 

calamitosos|. This is the regular adjec- 
tive applied to exiles, oppositetoincolumes : 
see Dr. Reid on Arch. 9. 

hominis . . . « coniunctissimi] ‘of one 
who is most closely connected by every 
kind of common interest and service.’ 

A te hoc... peto] The sentence is 
somewhat abrupt ; but Lehmann (p. 65) 


488 EP, 507 (FAM. XIII. 67). 


animi labore petere non possim, ut ad ea, quae tua sponte sine 
cuiusquam commendatione faceres in hominem tantum et talem 
calamitosum, aliquem adferant cumulum meae litterae, quo 
studiosius eum quibuscumque rebus possis iuves. 2. Quod 
si Romae fuisses, etiam salutem A. Caecinae essemus, ut opinio 
mea fert, per te consecuti: de qua tamen magnam spem habemus 
freti clementia collegae tui. Nune quoniam tuam iustitiam 
secutus tutissimum sibi portum provinciam istam duxit esse, etiam 
atque etiam te rogo atque oro ut eum et in reliquiis veteris 
negotiationis colligendis iuves et ceteris rebus tegas atque tueare. 
Hoe mihi gratius facere nihil potes. 


507. CICERO TO THE SAME SERVILIUS 
(am. ΧΗ 67). 


ROME , MONTH UNCERTAIN ; A. U. C. 7085 B. C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero P. Servilio commendat Andronem Laodicensem. 


M. CICERO P. SERVILIO PRO PR. 8. 


1. Ex provincia mea Ciliciensi, cui seis τρεῖς διοικήσεις Asiaticas 
adtributas fuisse, nullo sum familiarius usus quam Androne 


has shown that Cicero sometimes in this 
way after a preamble begins a sentence 
with emphatic words (such as 4 te are 
here) without any connecting particle: 
he compares Fam. xiii. 75. 2 (178) A te 
idem tllud peto. Yet that sentence is not 
so abrupt as this: so perhaps Wesenberg 
(E.A.47), whom we previously followed, 
was right in suggesting some adversative 
conjunction, e.g. Nune, comparing § 2, 
also Fam. xiv. 1. 2 (82) ; 17 (421). But 
<tamen> (t#) is more likely to have 
dropped out after 6: or perhaps 
<Attamen> a te. For another case 
where Wes. wishes to add an adversative 
conjunction cp. 529. 3. 

calamitosum] Lehmann (p.61) adds <tam- 
que> before calamitosum; but it is possible, 
as was suggested by Ursinus, that the 
latter word should be omitted as a gloss on 
talem, which may have been inserted owing 
to calamitosos, above. H adds et before 
calamitosum, which makes good sense, but 
looks like an emendation. See also Adn. 


Crit. Madvig (4.C. iii. 165), however, 
holds that calamitosum is sound, and means 
‘now that he has fallen into trouble.’ 
But he considers it absurd to suppose that 
Cicero called a client and money-lender 
hominem tantum, and suggests tam tuum 
for tantwm. But Caecina was a person of 
influence: see Introduction II, No. 9. 

aliquem adferant ... iuves| ‘my letters 
may supply an additional stimulus to in- 
duce you to help: him more sedulousiy by 
whatever means you can.’ 

2. collegae tui) sc. Caesar, He was 
colleague of Servilius, both in the augu- 
rate, cp. 482. 2, and also in the consul- 
ship in 48. 

in reliquiis.. . colligendis | ‘in gathering 

together the remnants of his old | business,’ 
probably the banking business in Asia, to 
which reference is made in 527, 2. 
tegas atque tueare| ‘shield and protect.’ 


1. τρεῖς διοικήσεις Asiaticas| viz. 
Cibyra, Apamea, Synnada: see note on 


EP. 508 (FAM. XIII, 69). 489 


Artemonis filio Laodicensi, eumque habui in ea civitate cum hospi- 
tem tum vehementer ad meae vitae rationem et consuetudinem 
accommodatum: quem quidem multo etiam pluris postea quam 
decessi facere coepi, quod multis rebus expertus sum gratum 
hominem meique memorem. Itaque eum Romae libentissime 
vidi. Non te enim fugit, qui plurimis in ista provincia benigne 
fecisti, quam multi grati reperiantur. 2. Haec propterea scripsi 
ut et me non sine causa laborare intellegeres et tu ipse eum dignum 
hospitio tuo iudicares. Feceris igitur mihi gratissimum si ei 
declararis quanti me facias, id est, si receperis eum in fidem tuam 
et quibuscumque rebus honeste ac sine molestia tua poteris adiu- 
veris, Hoc mihi erit vehementer gratum, idque ut facias te etiam 
atque etiam rogo. 


508. CICERO TO THE SAME SERVILIUS (Fam. xu. 69). 


ROME ; MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U. 6. 7083 B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 
M. Cicero P. Servilium rogat ut C. Curtium in fidem suam recipiat. 


CICERO P. SERVILIO COLLEGAE 5. PLURIMAM. 


1. C. Curtius Mithres est 1116 quidem, ut scis, libertus Postumi, 
familiarissimi mei, sed me colit et observat aeque atque illum 
ipsum patronum suum. Apud eum ego sic Ephesi fui, quotiens- 
cumque fui, tamquam domi meae, multaque acciderunt in quibus 


Fam iii. 8. 5 (222). Both attribuere and 
contribuere are used of assigning or sub- 


jecting territories to any established 
government. 
tum vehementer . . . accommodatum] 


‘exceedingly congenial to my ordinary 
mode of life.’ ; 

pluris . . . facere| ‘to value more 
highly.’ 

decessi| the regular word for leaving 
4 province: see note to 495. 6. 

quam multi| ‘the number of men who 
are found to show gratitude.” He means 
that they are few. 

2. receperis eum in fidem tuam] ‘take 
him under your protection’ (or ‘ patron- 


age’): 
clientela. 


cp. Rosc. Am. 93 in fide et 


COLLEGAE] See note to 482 init. 
Servilius was probably elected augur 
shortly before this, while he was absent 
from Rome. 

1. C. Curtius Mithres| A Greek freed- 
man of C. Curtius Postumus: cp. 356. 3; 
also note on 516. 2. 

tamquam domi meae| Cp. 512. 1, domus 
eius tota mihi patuit: qua si opus fuisset 
tam essem usus quam mea, It is interesting 
to notice how pleased Cicero seems to 
recall services that had been rendered 
him: cp. 510; 512. 1 and often, 


490 EP. 508 (FAM. XIII. 69). 


et benevolentiam eius erga me experirer et fidem. Itaque si quid 
aut mihi aut meorum cuipiam in Asia opus est, ad hune scribere 
consuevi, huius cum opera et fide tum domo et re uti tamquam 
mea, Haec ad te eo pluribus scripsi ut intellegeres me non 
vulgar? more nec ambitiose sed ut pro homine intimo ac mihi 
pernecessario scribere. 2. Peto igitur a te ut in ea controversia 
quam habet de fundo cum quodam Colophonio et in ceteris rebus 
quantum fides tua patietur quantumque tuo commodo poteris 
tantum ei honoris mei causa commodes, etsi, ut elus modestiam 
cognovl, gravis tibi nulla in reerit. Si et mea commendatione et 
sua probitate adsecutus erit ut de se bene existimes, omnia se 
adeptum arbitrabitur. Ut igitur eum recipias in fidem habeasque 
in numero tuorum te vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo. Hgo 
quae te velle quaeque ad te pertinere arbitrabor omnia studiose 


diligenterque curabo. 


experirer | SoM 
sum. 


: in H we find expertus 
The latter is the natural reading to 
expect ; but how did the lectio ardua of M 
arise? The reading of M is right: 
‘Many events arose of such ἃ nature as 
allowed me to experience,’ &c. ‘The 
copyist of H was probably one who had a 
little knowledge of Latin, and at times 
did not adhere very closely to what he 
found in his text. 

opera. . . γ6] ‘his services and honesty 
as well as his house and purse.’ Scribere, 
in case one of Cicero’s friends required 
anything; wti, in case Cicero himself did. 
Note the chiasmus ; and the asyndeton of 
clauses (cp. 525. 2 ‘and often). 

volgart more] So we read with Klotz 
for volgare of the mss. The ordinary 
volgariter is not classical, and is besides 


further from the ss. than volgart more. 
Perhaps volgari ratione. Dr. Reid (Class. 
Rev. xi. (1897) p. 351) reads volgara nec 
ambitioso, quoting many examples of alicut 
scribere meaning ‘to ἘΠῚ with reference 
to some one,’ as Acad. i. 8 philosophis 
seribere voluimus, ‘to aie for philo- 
sophers,’ on which passage he had already 
collected a great many other parallels. 
Ambitiose appears to mean ‘from interested 
motives,’ from any desire (say) to curry 
favour with Curtius Postumus, the now 
important patron of Mithres ; s6mething 
like 490. 2, Valent tamen apud Caesarem 
non tam ambitiosae rogationes quam neces- 
sariae. Cp. 512. 8, qui religiose et sine 
ambitione commendant. 

2. gravis} ‘troublesome.’ 

recipias in fidem| 507. 2. 


EP, 509 (FAM. XIII. 70), 491 


509. CICERO TO THE SAME SERVILIUS (Faq. xu. 70). 


ROME; MONTH UNCERYIAIN; A. U. 6. 708; B. C. 46: AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero P. Servilio Isaurico T. Ampium Menandrum, Balbi libertum, commendat. 


M. CICERO P. SERVILIO COLLEGAE S. PLUR. 


Quia non est obscura tua in me benevolentia, sic fit ut multi 
per me tibi velint commendari. Ego autem tribuo non numquam 
in vulgus, sed plerumque necessariis, ut hoc tempore. Nam 
cum T. Ampio Balbo mihi summa familiaritas necessitudoque 
est. HKius libertum, T. Ampium Menandrum, hominem frugi et 
modestum et patrono et nobis vehementer probatum, tibi com- 
mendo maiorem in modum. Vehementer mihi gratum feceris si 
quibuscumque rebus sine tua molestia poteris ei commodaris. 


Quod ut facias te vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo. 


sic fit] Wesenberg (1. A. 47) says 
that sic in the sense of ideo in connexion 
with guia is not Latin, and ejects it here, 
supposing it to have arisen from ditto- 
graphy Sic fit. In Plaut. Most. 441, 
Theopr. Quid vos, insanin estis? Tran. 
Quidwm ὁ 'Theopr. Sie guia foris ambu- 
latis, we see that sicis used at the begin- 
ning of the sentence as equivalent to ‘I 
will tell you,’ ‘for this reason,’ as Prof. 
Sonnenschein has shown, comparing 
Cure. 37, ego dicam tibi: quia; Epid. 69, 
dicam: quia. We can no longer agree 
with Ussing that sic goes with foris. It 
really only seems to be a somewhat col- 
loquial pleonasm, ‘As you have been 
always so kind to me, in that way (for 
that reason) it comes to pass that many 
people wish to get letters to you from 
me.’ 

tribuo] Wesenberg (1. A. 47) adds id 
(= ut multi per me tibi velint commendari), 
as he holds that tribwo must have an 
object (cp. 517. 2, ews tribuisti plurimum), 
or some qualifying word like magno opere 


(= magnum aliquid), as in Caes. B. G. 1. 
13.5, ne suae magno opere virtuti tribu- 
eret. In Fam. xiii. 9. 2 (237), cum uni- 
verso ordini publicanorum semper liben- 
tissime tribuerim, Kayser has added 
plurimum. But it is not certain that 
they areright. Zribwo can apparently be- 
used absolutely: cp. Prov. Cons. 47, οἱ 
dignitas agitur Caesaris, homini tribuam, 
where see Long’s note (iv, p. 115). See 
also Lebreton, p. 165, who has it among 
the long list of transitive verbs used by 
Cicero without a direct object. 

in vulgus| ‘promiscuously.” Some- 
thing similar is 359. 2, alter (dies) im 
vulgus ignotus, ‘generally unknown’ : 
cp. Att. 11. 22. ὃ (49), im vulgus gratum 
esse sentimus; also Tac. Hist. i. 71; 
ii. 26, where, however, vulgus is in 
opposition to the upper classes. 

T. Ampio Balbo| Op. Ep. 490. For 
the name of his freedman, which consisted 
of his own prenomen and nomen, and the 
freedman’s former servile name, see note: 
to 516. 2. 


492 


EP, 510 (FAM. XIII. 71). 


510. CICERO 10 THE SAME SERVILIUS (Fam. xu. 71). 


ROME; MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U. C.. 70835 B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero P. Servilio Isaurico T. Agusium commendat. 


M. CICERO 5. D. P. SERVILIO COLLEGAE. 


Multos tibi commendem necesse est quoniam omnibus nota 


nostra necessitudo est tuaque erga me benevolentia, 


Sed tamen 


etsi omnium causa quos commendo velle debeo, tamen cum 


omnibus non eadem mihi causa est. 


Ἵν, Agusius et comes meus 


fuit illo miserrimo tempore et omnium itinerum, navigationum, 
laborum, periculorum meorum socius: neque hoe tempore dis- 
cessisset a me nisl ego ei permisissem. Qua re sic tibi eum 
commendo ut unum de meis domesticis et maxime necessariis. 


Pergratum mihi feceris si eum 
commendationem sibi magno usu 


omniwm causa... velle} ‘to wish well to 
all those whom I recommend.’ For velle 
alicuius cunsa cp. 548. 2; Fam. i. 1. 1 
(95), regis causa si qui sunt gui velint; 
Att. xvi. 16a. 6 (767), teque ipsius Attici 
causa velle; Q. Fr. i. 4. 5 (72); and 
Lebreton, p. 145. Omnia is often added: 
cp. 517. 1: Fam. xiii. 55. 1 (232). 

T. Agusius . . . socius| For Cicero’s 
remembrance of kindnesses shown him 
cp. 508, note. 

illo miserrimo tempore| sc. my exile: 
ep. 516. 2, mihique molestissimis tempori- 
bus... praesto fuit. 

domesticis] ‘one of my own house- 


ita tractaris ut intellegat hane 
atque adiumento fuisse. 


hold and of those closely associated with 
me.’ Agusius seems to have been some 
sort of a valet or secretary of Cicero’s, 
though we do not hear of him elsewhere. 
He must be different from the Agusius 
quidam mentioned in 437. 2. 

usu] dative, as in Plaut. Merc. 854, 
egomet mihi fero quod usust: Lucr. 111. 971, 
Vitaque maneipio nulli datur, omnibus 
usu (though perhaps it may be ablative 
there: cp. Roby, vol. ii, Introd. p. la, 
note). But the dative in -w is very rare in 
Cicero; yet cp. Fam. xvi. 4. 2 (288), 
sumptu ne parcas; x. 24. 3 (916), guibus 
(subsidiis) subito impetu ... resistat. 


ee a ee .. 


EP, 511 (FAM, XIII. 72). 493: 


511. CICERO TO THE SAME SERVILIUS (Fam. xin. 72). 


ROME}; MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U. C. 7083 B. C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero P. Servilio Isaurico Caerelliae negotia et procuratores commendat. 
M. CICERO P. SERVILIO COLLEGAE 5. 


1. Caerelliae necessariae meae rem, nomina, possessiones- 
Asiaticas commendavi tibi praesens in hortis tuis quam potui 
diligentissime, tuque mihi pro tua consuetudine proque tuis in 
me perpetuis maximisque officiis omnia te facturum liberalissime: 
recepisti. Meminisse te id spero: Sed tamen 
Caerelliae procuratores scripserunt te propter magnitudinem 


sclo enim solere. 


_provinciae multitudinemque negotiorum etiam atque etiam esse 


. 


commonefaciendum. 2. Peto igitur ut memineris te omnia quae 
tua fides pateretur mihi cumulate recepisse. HEquidem existimo 
habere te magnam facultatem—sed hoc tui est consili et iudici— 
ex eo senatus consulto quod in heredes C. Vennoni factum est 
Caerelliae commodandi. Id senatus consultum tu interpretabere 
pro tua sapientia. Scio enim eius ordinis auctoritatem semper 
apud te magni fuisse. Quod relicuum est, sic velim existimes 
quibuscumque rebus Caerelliae benigue feceris mihi te gratissimum. 


esse facturum. 


1. Caereliiae] See Introduction 11, 
No. 7. 

solere| sc. meminisse. 

2. Peto igitur| ‘I beg. of you then 
to remember that you guaranteed to me 
in the fullest manner that you would do 
everything as far as you could in honour.’ 

consili et iudici| ‘your discretion and 
judgment.’ 

ex €0 senatus consulto. 
des C. Vennoni factum est] For another 
example of a senatus consultwm issued with 


. quod in here- 


regard to a special case and in violation 
of the laws, see Att. v. 21. 12 (250), and 
cp. Mommsen, St. R. iii. 1230 ff. For 
wm used as equivalent to ‘in reference 
to’ cp. Off. i. 28, id quod apud Platonem 
[Rep. 485 ΕἼ est in philosophos dictum, 
and Holden’s note, which quotes many 
examples: e.g. De Orat. ii. 352, carmen 
quod in eum seripsisset, ‘which Simonides 
had made in honour of Scopas.’ This. 
Vennonius may be the man referred to in 
Att! vi.:1. 25 (252). 


494 EP, 512 (FAM. XIII. 17). 


512. -CICERO TO SERVIUS SULPICIUS RUFUS, . 
PROCONSUL OF GREECE 
(Fam. XIII. 17). 


ROME; MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U. C. 708; B. C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 
M. Cicero M’. Curium Ser. Sulpicio, Graeciae (488. 10) pra esidi, commendat. 
CICERO S. D. SER. SULPICIO. 


1.M ’. Curius, qui Patris negotiatur, multis et magnis de 
causis a me diligitur. Nam et amicitia pervetus mihi cum eo est, 
ut primum in forum venit, instituta, et Patris cum aliquotiens 
antea tum proxime hoe miserrimo bello domus eius tota mihi 
patuit: qua si opus fuisset tam essem usus quam mea. Maximum 
autem mihi vinculum cum eo est quasi sanctioris cuiusdam neces- 
situdinis, quod est Attici nostri familiarissimus eumque unum 
praeter ceteros observat ac diligit. 2. Quem si tu iam forte 
cognosti, puto me hoe quod facio facere serius. Ea est enim 
humanitate et observantia ut eum tibi iam ipsum per se commen- 
datum putem. Quod tamen si ita est, magno opere a te quaeso 
ut ad eam voluntatem, si quam ‘in illum ante has meas litteras 
contulisti, quam maximus potest mea commendatione cumulus 
accedat. 3. Sin autem propter verecundiam suam minus se tibi 
obtulit aut nondum eum satis habes cognitum aut quae causa est 


On Servius Sulpicius cp. 476, and see 
Introduction II, No. 12. He was at this 
time governor of Greece. 

1. negotiatur| ‘has a banking busi- 
ness.’ For Curiuscp.477. ‘The nego- 
tiatores, or money-lenders, were the 
complement of the publicani. . . . They 
were those knights or moneyed men for 
whom there was no room in the societies 
of the publicani. . .. The men of busi- 
ness who settled themselves in the pro- 
vinces after the soldiers had done their 
work were bankers, brokers, money- 
lenders, money-changers, anything in 
fact but legitimate traders,’ Arnold, Rom 
Prov. Adm., pp. 90, 91 (ed. Shuckburgh). 
The whole paragraph in Arnold is well 


worth reading. Patrae was perhaps the 
most Roman town in Greece. 
qua. . tam essem usus quam mea} Cp. 
508. 1. 
quasi , . . necessitudinis] ‘a kind of 
what I may call a more sacred con- 
nexion.’ 


2. Ha est enim . . . observantia] ‘he 
is so cultivated and attentive.’ 
quam maximus .. . accedat| ‘ the 


greatest possible addition be made by my 
recommendation.’ 

3. Sin autem] ‘ But if by reason of his 
modesty he has not called on you, or you 
have not yet satisfied yourself as re- 
gards his character, or if there is any 
reason,’ &c.: with guae supply si out of sin. 


δ»... eT ee 


EP. 513 (FAM. XITI, 18). 495 
cur maioris commendationis indigeat, sic tibi eam commendo ut 
ἡ neque maiore studio quemquam neque iustioribus de causis com- 
mendare possim, faciamque id quod debent facere 11 qui religiose 
et sine ambitione commendant: spondebo enim tibi vel potius 
spondeo in meque recipio eos esse Μ᾽. Curl mores eamque cum 
probitatem tum etiam humanitatem ut eum et amicitia tua et tam 
accurata commendatione, si tibi sit cognitus, dignum sis existima- 
turus. Mihi certe gratissimum feceris si intellexero has litteras 
tantum quantum scribens confidebam apud te pondus habuisse. 


513. CICERO TO THE SAME SULPICIUS 
(FAM. XIII. 18). 


ROME; MONTH UNCERTAIN j A. U. C. 7085 B.C. 46 5 AE. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicio gratias agit de voluntate erga Atticum, eumque denuo 
commendat, ut ei neque in Epiroticis neque aliis in rebus desit petens. 


CICERO SERVIO S. 


1. Non concedam ut Attico nostro, quem elatum laetitia vidi, 
iucundiores tuae suavissime ad eum et humanissime scriptae 
litterae fuerint quam mihi. Nam etsi utrique nostrum prope 
aeque gratae erant, tamen ego admirabar magis te, qui, si 
rogatus aut certe admonitus liberaliter Attico respondissest (quod 
tamen dubium nobis, quin ita futurum fuerit, non erat) ultro 
ad eum scripsisse eique nec opinanti voluntatem tuam tantam 
per litteras detulisse. De quo non modo rogare te, ut eo 
studiosius mea quoque causa facias, non debeo—nihil enim cumn- 
latius fieri potest quam polliceris—sed ne gratias quidem agere, 


religiose et sine ambitione] “ consci- 
entiously and without any interested 
motive.’ Cp note to 508. 1 fin. 

humanitatem] It is hard to say 
‘whether the word here means ‘ culture’ 
intellectual) or ‘ kindliness ’ (moral): cp. 
Att. vil. 2. 3 (293), αὐτόχθων est in 
homine urbanitas: Att. xvi. 3. ὃ (778), 
per se-est amabilis. 


1. tuae . litterae]} ‘your most 
‘courteous and kindly letters to him.’ » 


respondisses| Something has been lost 
after this word. Lehmann (p. 61) adds, 
as at least giving the sense of what Cicero 
wrote, Xgratum nobis fecisses> ; cp. Fam. 
xiii. 64. 1 (235), itaque si ea feceris . ... 
gratissinum mihi feceris, 

ultro. , . detulisse| ‘that you spon- 
taneously wrote to him, and, when he did 
not expect it, you voluntarily showed in 


your letters that you wish him so well.’ 


nihil... polliceris| ‘for your promises 
of assistance could not have been ampler,’ 


496 EP. 514 (FAM. XIII. 19). 


quod tu et ipsius causa et tua sponte feceris, 2. [llud tamen 
dicam, mihi id quod fecisti esse gratissimum. Tale enim tuum 
iudicium de homine eo quem ego unice diligo non potest mihi 
non summe esse iucundum; quod cum ita sit, esse gratum ne- 
cesse est. Sed tamen, quoniam mihi pro coniunctione nostra vel 
peccare apud te in scribendo licet, utrumque eorum quae negavi 
mihi facienda esse faciam. Nam et ad id quod Attici causa te 


ostendisti esse facturum tantum velim addas quantum ex nostro 


amore accessionis fieri potest, et, quod modo verebar, tibi gratias 
agere, nunc plane ago teque ita existimare volo, quibuscumque 
officiis in Epiroticis reliquisque rebus Atticum obstrinxeris, iisdem 
me tibi obligatum fore. 


d14. CICERO TO THE SAME SULPICIUS 


(aM. ὙΠ; 19). 


ROME ; MONTH UNCERTAIN ; A. U. C, 708; B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicium rogat ut Lysonem, hospitem et familiarem suum 
(Ep. 519), in fidem et necessitudinem recipiat. 


CICERO SERVIO 5. 


1. Cum Lysone Patrensi est mihi quidem hospitium vetus, 
quam ego necessitudinem sancte colendam puto, sed ea causa etiam 


2. mihi id... gratissimum] ‘that I 
take what you have done as the greatest 
possible favour.’ 

quae negavi...faciam| For asimilar 
change of mind cp. 544. 4 (to Caesar), e¢ 
tamen quod negaveram, commendo tibi eum. 

Nam et adid... fieri potest] ‘For what 
you showed that you would do for the 
sake of Atticus, I wish you would supple- 
ment by as large an addition as you can 
on the score of our mutual affection.’ 

verebar| ‘scrupled to do.’ 

quibuscumque ... fore] ‘by whatever 
services in his affairs in Epirus and else- 
where you put Atticus under an obligation, 
by these same services I shall be bound 
to you.’ ‘The sphere of authority which 
Sulpicius held must have been fairly ex- 
tensive if it embraced Buthrotum. 


1. Lysone Putrensi] He seems to have 


been something in the nature of a hotel 
proprietor: cp. Fam. xvi. 4. 2. (288); 
5. 1 (289); 9. 3 (292). With this letter 
should be read 519, where he is again 
recommended to Sulpicius. Dr. Mahaffy 
(Greek World under Roman Sway, pp. 
135-6) notes that these Greeks whom 
Cicero recommends, and with whom he 
lived on friendly terms (familiariter), 
‘are clearly not of his rank: he regards 
them as a man of rank would now regard 
a respectable lodging-house keeper.’ He 
notes that of this very Lyso Cicero says, 
in writing to Tiro, Fam. xvi. 4. 2 (288), 
Lyso enim. noster (‘our good friend 
Lyso’) vereor ne neglegentior sit : primum 
quia omnes Graeci ; deinde quod, cum a me 
litteras accepisset, mihi nuilas remisit : sed 
eum tu laudas. 

necessitudinem| ‘bond of connexion 
should be religiously observed.’ 


2 pee 


EP, 514 (FAM, XIII, 19). 497 


cum aliis compluribus, familiaritas tanta nullo cum hospite et ea 
cum officiis eius multis tum etiam consuetudine cotidiana sic est 
aucta ut nihil sit familiaritate nostra coniunctius, Is cum Romae 
annum prope ita fuisset ut mecum viveret, etsi eramus in magna 
spe te meis litteris commendationeque diligentissime facturum—id 
quod fecisti—ut eius rem et fortunas absentis tuerere, tamen, quod 
in unius potestate erant omnia et quod Lyso fuerat in nostra 
causa nostrisque praesidiis, cotidie aliquid timebamus. Effectum 
tamen est et ipsius splendore et nostro reliquorumque hospitum 
studio ut omnia quae vellemus a Caesare impetrarentur: quod 
intelleges ex iis litteris quas Caesar ad te dedit. 2. Nune non 
modo non remittimus tibi aliquid ex nostra commendatione quasi 
adepti iam omnia, sed eo vehementius a te contendimus ut 
Lysonem in fidem necessitudinemque tuam recipias. Cuius dubia 
fortuna timidius tecum agebamus, verentes ne quid accideret 
eius modi ut ne tu quidem mederi posses: explorata vero elus 
‘incolumitate omnia a te summo studio et cura peto. (Quae ne 
singula enumerem, totam tibi domum commendo, in his adules- 
centem filium eius, quem C. Maenius Gemellus, cliens meus, cum 
in calamitate exsili sui Patrensis civis factus esset, Patrensium 
legibus adoptavit, ut eius ipsius hereditatis ius causamque tueare. 
3. Caput illud est ut Lysonem, quem ego virum optimum gra- 


familiaritas] ‘intimacy’: consuetudine, explorata vero incolumitate} ‘but now 


‘ intercourse.’ 

cum hospite] ‘host.’ At the end of 
the section hospitwin means ‘ guests.’ 
Both senses come from the original 
meaning ‘foreigner.’ 

Is... viveret] ‘when he was staying 
at Rome for a year almost living in my 
house.’ 

commendationegue| For que after a 
short ὅ cp. Fam. i. 9. 20 (153), signifi- 
cationeque; xi. 14. 2 (886), Caesareque: 
De Senect. 22, guaesisseque, all of which 
(with others) are quoted by Lehmann, 

. 61. 
: in nostra causa nostrisque praesidiis | 
‘on our side (489. 3; 491.5) and in our 
camp,’ i.e. the Pompeian side and camp. 
splendore| “ distinction.’ 

2. ut... recipias} ‘admit Lyso to 
your protection and intimacy’: cp. 507 
2; 508. 2. 

Cuius dubia fortuna} abl. abs. ‘ when 
his condition was still uncertain.’ 


VOL. IV. 


that his civil position is thoroughly 
secured.’ 

summo studio et cura peto| This is the 
reading of HD, which may perhaps be 
right. The corrupt reading of M, omnia 
a te studia summo cura peto, may have 
arisen from swmmo having been written 
above the line in the archetype. For 
summo studio et cura cp. 494. 3, summo 
studio curaque. 

C. Maenius Gemelius| Thisis the read- 
ing found in the best ss., not Aemmius, 
so that the opinion that this man was the 
politician Gaius Memmius, and that the 
cognomen of the latter was Gemellus, can 
hardly be maintained: cp. vol. 1112, 
p. Ixxyli, note. 

ut... tueare] Take with commendo, 
‘I recommend to you his young son 
whom Maenius adopted, . . . with a 
request that as regards the inheritance of 
Maenius you will maintain the rights of 
his case.’ 


2K 


498 EP. 515:\(FAM. XTIT. 20). 


tissimumque cognovi, recipias in necessitudinem tuam., Quod;si. 
feceris, non dubito quin in eo:diligendo. ceterisque postea. com-) 
mendando idem .quod ego sis iudici et voluntatis habiturus. 
Quod cum fieri vehementer studeo tum etiam illud. vereor: ne, ‘si 
minus cumulate videbere fecisse aliquid eius causa, me ille negle- 
genter scripsisse putet, non te oblitum mel. Quanti enim’ me 
faceres cum ex sermonibus cotidianis meis tum ex epistulis etiam. 
tuis potuit cognoscere. a 


515. CICERO TO ‘THE SAME SULPICIUS 
(Fam. x. 20). 


ROME; MONTH UNCERTAIN ; A. U. Ὁ. 7083 B.C. 46; AKT. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicio Asclaponem medicum commendat. 


CICERO SERVIO S. 


Asclapone Patrensi medico utor familiariter eiusque cum 
consuetudo mihi iucunda fuit tum ars etiam, quam sum expertus 
in valetudine meorum: in qua mihi cum ipsa scientia tum etiam 
fidelitate benevolentiaque satis fecit. Hune igitur tibi commendo 
et a te peto ut des operam ut intellegat diligenter me scripsisse de 
sese Meamque commendationem usui magno sibi fuisse. Erit id 
mihi vehementer gratum. 


3. minus cumulate} ‘in any way short Asclapone) This Asclapo , attended 
of completeness.’ Tiro when the latter was ill at Patrae: 
cp. Fam. xvi. 9. 2 (292). 


EP. 616 (FAM. XIII. 21). 499 


516. CICERO TO THE SAME SULPICIUS 
(Fam. XIII. 21). 


ROME; MONTH UNCERTAIN ; A. U. C. 708 ; B. Ce 46: AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicio M. Aemilii absentis cum res ceteras tum libertum Ham- 
monium commendat. 


CICERO SERVIO S. 


1. M. Aemilius Avianius ab ineunte adulescentia me obser- 
vavit semperque dilexit, vir cum bonus tum perhumanus et in 
omni genere offici diligendus. Quem si arbitrarer esse Sicyone et 
nisi audirem ibi eum etiam nune, ubi ego reliqui, Cibyrae commo- 
rari, nihil esset necesse plura me ad te de eo scribere. Perficeret 
enim ipse profecto suis moribus suaque humanitate ut sine cuius- 
quam commendatione diligeretur abs te non minus quam et a me 
et a ceteris suis familiaribus. 2. Sed cum illum abesse putem, 
commendo tibi in maiorem modum domum eius quae est Sicyone 
remque familiarem, maxime C. Avianium Hammonium, libertum 


1. UM. Aemilius Avianius | See Adn. Crit. 
M has Avianus, which is the name of the 
fable-writer, but it seems more probable 
that Klotz is right in reading Avianius : see 
M in the passages quoted where the name 
oecurs. He was patron of the sculptor 
C. Avianius Evander: cp. note to 
Fam. xiii. 2 (259), also of Ο. Avianius 
Hammonius (§ 2). There are other men 
of the name of Avianius mentioned in 
Cicero’s Letters, viz.: OC. Avianius 
Flaccus, a corn-factor of Puteoli, 
Fam xiii. 75. 2 (178): cp. Acad. ii. 80; 
and his two sons, Gaius and Marcus 
{Ep. 526); also a friend and client of 
this Avianius Flaccus, one C. Avianius 
Philoxenus, whom Caesar at Cicero’s 
request made a citizenof Novum Comum, 
Fam. xiii. 35. 1 (687), where see note. 

et im omni genere offict diligendus] 
*and worthy of regard in every kind of 
service.’ There is no necessity to alter 
this, the Mss. reading, to diligentissimus 
with Lambinus and Wesenberg: cp. 
Balb. 63, officia observantiamque dilexit ; 


and for the gerundive used for an adjec- 
tive in -dilis cp. Tusc. v. 49, nec in misera 
vita quicquam est praedicabile aut glorian- 
dum nec in ea quae nec misera sit nec beata. 
Et est in aligua vita praedicabile aliquid et 
gloriandum ac prae se ferendum, quoted by 
Niagelsbach (ed. 7), p. 218. 

Sicyone| Avianius had his banking 
establishment at Sicyon. 

Cityrae] in Phrygia, ‘where I left 
him’ (when I was returning from Cilicia). 

2. C. Avianium Hammonium] 522. 2. 
Freedmen usually took the prenomen and 
nomen of their patron in addition to 
retaining their own servile name: cp. 
Att. iv. 15.1 (148); 302.1; 508. The same 
practice appears to have been observed 
when a foreigner obtained Roman citizen- 
ship by the influence of any distinguished 
Roman: ep. below 518; Fam. xiii. 32.1 
(684); 36. 1 (6884; 52 (931) ; 69. 1 (608) : 
70 (609). Verr iv. 37, mensam citream a 
Q. Lutatio Diodoro, qui Q. Catuli bene- 
Jicio ab L. Sulla civis Romanus factus est, 
abstulisti. See Dr. Reid on Arch., p. 9. 


2K 2 


500 EP, 517 (FAM. XIII, 22). 


eius, quem quidem tibi etiam suo nomine commendo. Nam cum 
propterea mihi est probatus quod est in patronum suum officio et 
fide singulari tum etiam in me ipsum magna officia contulit 
mihique molestissimis temporibus ita fideliter benevoleque praesto 
fuit ut si a me manu missus esset. Itaque peto a te ut eum 
Hammonium et in patroni eius negotio sic tueare ut eius 
procuratorem quem tibi commendo, et ipsum suo nomine diligas 
habeasque in numero tuorum. Hominem pudentem et officiosum 
cognosces et dignum qui a te diligatur. Vale. 


517. CICERO TO THE SAME SULPICIUS 
(FAM. XIII. 22). 


ROME; MONTH UNCERTAIN 5 A. U. C. 7083; B.C. 465 AKT. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicio T. Manlium suo et Varronis Murenae nomine commendat. 
CICERO SERVIO ΒΚ. 


1. ‘I’. Manlium, qui negotiatur ‘hespiis, vehementer diligo. 
Nam et semper me coluit diligentissimeque observavit et a studiis 
nostris non abhorret. Accedit eo quod Varro Murena magno 
opere eius causa vult omnia: qui tamen existimavit, etsi suis 
litteris quibus tibi Manlium commendabat valde confideret, tamen 
mea commendatione aliquid accessionis fore. Me quidem cum 
Manli familiaritas tum Varronis studium commovit ut ad te 


molestissimis temporibus] ‘in my most 


troubled times’: ep. 510. 
_ ita... esset] ‘put himself as faith- 
fully and kindly at my disposal as if he 
had been my own freecman.’ 

Hammonium | possibly a gloss, though 
read in MH. 

sic. . . commendo| ‘protect in his 
business as agent of the man I am recom- 
mending’ (i.e. of Aemilius Avianius). 


1. negotiatur| see note on 512. 1, 

a studiis nostris non abhorret| Cp. 
453. 2, st praeterea, quod apud te 
(Brutum) valet plurimum, a nostris studiis 
non abhorrens. 


Varro Murena| <A. Terentius Varro. 
Murena, son of L. Licinius Murena, 
consul in 62, was adopted by A. 
Terentius Varro. He was a partisan of 
Pompey, but was pardoned by Caesar. 
He is perhaps the same Murena who 
subdued the Salassi in 25, and was consul 
in 23. He was executed for connexion 
with the conspiracy of Fannius Caepio, 
in 22. Dio Cassius (liv. 3, 4) says of him 
ἀκράτῳ καὶ KaTakopel TH παρρησίᾳ πρὸς 
πάντας ὁμοίως ἐχρῆτο. Horace addressed 
to him, under his original name, an ode 
(ii. 10) on the virtue of moderation : cp. 
also 312. 6, where see note. 

eius causa vult omnia] Cp. 510. 


EP. 618 (FAM. XIII, 98). 501 


quam accuratissime scriberem. 2. Gratissimum igitur mihi feceris 
si huic commendationi meae tantum tribueris quantum cui tribuisti 
plurimum, id est si Τὶ Manlium quam maxime, quibuscumque 
rebus honeste ac pro tua dignitate poteris, iuveris atque ornaveris, 
ex ipsiusque praeterea gratissimis et humanissimis moribus con- 
firmo tibi te eum quem soles fructum a bonorum virorum officiis 
exspectare esse capturum. 


518. CICERO TO THE SAME SULPICIUS 
(Fam. σα; 23). 


ROME ; MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U.C. 7083 B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicio L. Cossinium Anchialum libertum commendat. 


CICERO SERViIO S. 


1. L. Cossinio, amico et tribuli tuo, valde familiariter utor. 
Nam et inter nosmet ipsos vetus usus intercedit et Atticus noster - 
maiorem etiam mihi cum OCossinio consuetudinem fecit. Itaque 
tota Cossini domus me diligit in primisque libertus eius, L. 
Cossinius Anchialus, homo et patrono et patroni necessariis, quo 
in numero ego sum, probatissimus. 2. Hune tibi ita commendo 
ut, si meus libertus esset eodemque apud me loco esset quo et est 
apud suum patronum, maiore studio commendare non possem. 
Qua re pergratum mihi feceris si eum in amicitiam tuam rece- 
peris atque eum, quod sine molestia tua fiat, si qua in re opus ei 
fuerit iuveris. Id et mihi vehementer gratum erit et tibi postea 
iucundum. Hominem enim summa probitate, humanitate obser- 
vantiaque cognosces. | 


2. tribuisti plurinum] Cp. noteto509. plied mutual acquaintanceship and some 
iuveris atque ornaveris| ‘you give closer connexion than subsisted between 
assistance and do honour to.’ ordinary citizens: cp. Rosc. Am. 47: 
Att..1. 18. 4 (24); Hor. Ep. i. 13, 15; 

and Mommsen, St. R. iii. 197. 


1. two] So the mss., wrongly altered by L. Cossinius Anchialus| see note on 
Lambinus (with Cod. Basil.), Victorius, 616. 2. 
and Wesenberg to meo. Membership of 2. summa . . . observantiaque] “ most 


the same tribe formed a bond which im- upright, kindly, and attentive.’ 


502 EP. 519 (FAM, XIII. 2h). 


519. CICERO TO THE SAME SULPICIUS 
(Fam. XIII. 24). 


ROME ; MONTH UNCERTAIN > A. U.C. 708; B.C. 465 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicio Lysonem, quem iam antea (cp. Ep. 514) non sine eventu 
commendarat, iterum commendat. 


CICERO SERVIO S. 


1. Cum antea capiebam ex officio meo voluptatem quod me- 
mineram quam tibi diligenter Lysonem, hospitem et familiarem 
meum, commendassem, tum vero, postea quam ex litteris eius 
cognovi tibi eum falso suspectum fuisse, vehementissime laetatus 
sum me tam diligentem in eo commendando fuisse. Ita enim 
scripsit ad me, sibi meam commendationem maximo adiumento 
fuisse, quod ad te delatum diceret sese contra dignitatem tuam 
Romae de te loqui solitum esse. 2. De quo etsi pro tua facilitate 
et humanitate purgatum se tibi scribit esse, tamen primum, ut 
debeo, tibi maximas gratias ago cum tantum litterae meae potue- 
runt ut 118 lectis omnem offensionem suspicionis quam habueras 
de Jysone deponeres: deinde credas mihi adfirmanti velim me 
hoc non pro Lysone magis quam pro omnibus scribere, hominem 
esse neminem qui umquam mentionem tui sine tua summa laude 
fecerit. LLyso vero cum mecum prope cotidie esset unaque viveret, 
non solum quia libenter me audire arbitrabatur sed quia libentius 
ipse loquebatur, omnia mihi tua et facta et dicta laudabat. 


1. Lysonem] Cp. Ep. 514. 

quod. . . 6886] “ because he said that 
(1.6. because, as he said) a report had 
been brought to your ears-that he was 
accustomed to speak disrespectfuily about 

ou at Rome.’ For diceret cp. note to 
Att. i. 1. 3 (10), and Roby, 1746. It is 
an extension of the virtual oblique con- 
struction. 

2. humanitate] “ considerateness.’ 

gratias| So M: grates H. Both are 
good Latin: cp. Plaut. Trin. 820, 
laudes ago et gratis gratiasque habeo. 
The reading of H would be the more 
' likely of the two to have been corrupted ; 


but as Cicero nearly always uses gratias, 
and as most of the ss. have this reading, 
we shall do well to retain it. 

cum] Wesenberg here reads quod, as 
he holds that cwm never means the same 
as guod in Cicero. See note on494. 4. 

omnem offensionem suspicionis| “ all 
that annoying suspicion.”’ 

eredas... velim| This is the true 
apodosis to the clause introduced above 
by ets:. 

hoc| ‘ this, that there is no man, &c, ; 
the clause hominem... fecerit is in appo- 
sition to hoc, 

unaque viveret| .Cp. Pis. 68. 


EP. 520 (FAM. XIII. 25). 508. 


3. Quapropter etsi a te ita tractatur ut iam non desideret com- 
mendationem meam unisque se litteris meis omnia consecutum 
putet, tamen a te peto in maiorem modum ut eum etiam atque 
etiam tuis officiis, liberalitate complectare. Scriberem ad te 
qualis vir esset, ut supérioribus litteris feceram, nisi eum iam per 
se ipsum tibi satis esse notum arbitrarer. 


520. CICERO ΤῸ THE SAME SULPICIUS 
, (Fam. XII. 25). ; | 


‘ROME; MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U. C. 708; B.C. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 
M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicio Hagesaretum Larisaeum commendat. 


CICERO SERVIO 5. 


Hagesaretus Larisaeus, magnis meis beneficiis ornatus in 
consulatu meo, memor et gratus fuit meque postea diligentissime 
coluit. Eum tibi magno opere commendo, ut et hospitem et 
familiarem meum et gratum hominem et virum bonum e¢ princi- 
pem civitatis suae et tua necessitudine dignissimum. Pergratum 
mihi feceris, si dederis operam ut is intellegat hanc meam commen- 


dationem magnum apud te pondus habuisse. 


3.:ut eum... . complectare| ‘that 
you should again and again favour him 
by kindnesses, by generous treatment.’ 
For complecti cp. Prov. Cons. 98, Neminem 
unquam est hie ordo complexus honoribus 
et beneficiis suis qui ullam dignitatem 
praestabiliorem ea quam per vos esset 
adeptus putarit: Fam. vii. 5. 3 (1384), 
Hune, mi Caesar, sic velim omni tua comi- 
tate complectare ut omnia quae per me 
possis adduct ut in meos conferre velis in 
unum hane.conferas. 

oficiis, liberalitate] For the asyndeton, 
see note on 486. 6. 


Hagesaretus| So the ss., but it isa 
very strange form. Most editors read 
Hegesaratus. We should probably read 


Hegesaretus, and consider him to be the 
same man as Caesar (Bell. Civ. iii. 35. 2) 
speaks of as veteris homo potentiae, and as 
head of the Pompeian faction in ‘Thessaly. 

Larisaeus} i.e. . of Larissa in Thessaly. 
Shuckburgh (111. p. 161, note) says, ‘* That 
Sulpicius should be asked to protect a 
man in Thessaly, as before he was asked 
to protect <Atticus’s interest in Epirus 
[518. 2], shows that his authority was not 
confined to Achaia. Indeed Cicero says 
that he was governor of ‘ Greece’ 
[488. 10, Sulpicium Graeciae .praefecit 
Caesar) |—a much wider term.” For 
principem civitatis suae cp. 525. 1, paene 
Achaiae principem, 

postea diligentissime coluit] ‘ afterwards 
was most attentive to me.’ 


504 EP, 521 (FAM. XIII. 26). 


CICERO TO THE SAME SULPICIUS 
(Fam. X11T. 26). 


521. 


ROME ; MONTH UNCERTAIN, A. U. 6. 708; B.C. 46: AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicio Mescinii Rufi negotia Achaica commendat. 
CICERO SERVIO ἢ. 


1. L. Mescinius ea mecum necessitudine coniunctus est quod 
mihi quaestor fuit. Sed hanc causam, quam ego, ut a maioribus 
accepi, semper gravem duxi, fecit virtute et humanitate sua iustio- 
rem. Itaque eo sic utor ut nec familiarius ullo nec libentius. 
Is quamquam confidere videbatur te sua causa quae honeste posses 
libenter esse facturum, magnum esse tamen speravit apud te meas 
quoque litteras pondus habituras. Id cum ipse ita iudicabat, tum pro 
familiari consuetudine saepe ex me audierat quam suavis esset inter 
nos et quanta coniunctio. 2. Peto igitur a te, tanto scilicet studio 
quanto intellegis debere me petere pro homine tam mihi necessario 
et tam familiari, ut eius negotia, quae sunt in Achaia ex eq quod 
heres est M. Mindio, fratri suo, qui Eli negotiatus est, explices et 


1. L. Mescinius| sc. Rufus: ep. Intro- 
ductory note to 802; also Epp. 390, 458, 
523. 

ea... quod| So MD: ep. Verr. iii. 
109, propter hance causam quod ipsi Leontini 
publice non sane me multum adiuverunt— 
a passage which would also give some 
support to the reading of H, ea causa et 
necessitudine mecum quod. LErnesti er- 
roneously alters to co... quod ; but this 
collocation is not used for ideo... quod 
in Cicero, though common in other 
authors, as Boot (Ods. Crit. 24) points 
out: cp. Schmalz, Antid. 11. 423. Boot 
himself proposes ea re . . . quod, which is 
allowable (cp. 427. 1; Fam. xi. 2. 3 
(740)), but unnecessary. 

Itaque ... libentius] ‘ Accordingly I 
am on terms of friendship with him, and 
with none more intimately and gladly.’ 

pondus habituras| Cp. 520; Fam. xii. 
27 (830) : Off. i. 45, an old addition—not 
in the mss. It might have fallen out ‘ex 
homoeoteleuto.” Mendelssohn, however 
(Δ. Jahrb. 1891, p. 349), objecting to 
the unusual and very unpleasant order 
of the words (‘ molestissima verborum 


collocatione’), proposes to read magni 
for magnum. He compares 411. 2, scio 
eius ordinis auctoritatem semper apud te 
magni fuisse; 448.4, magni erunt mihi 
tuae litterae. As to the present infinitive 
after speravit there is no difficulty: cp. 
note to Att. ii. 1, 11 (27); also 333. 7. 
We can hope for things present or past 
when the announcement has not yet taken 
place. ‘his 15 ἃ simple correction, but the 
objection as regards the order of the words 
is not sufficiently strong to induce us to 
eject a reading which has held its ground 
so long, is so Ciceronian, and possibly 
had some evidence for its original intro- 
duction. 

2. ex 60 quod] 
ep. Phil. vi. 1. 

Eli] So the mss. give both here and 
N. D. iii. 59 for the more usual Elide: 
cp. Elim, Liv. xxvii. 32. 2. But the 
accusatives Elim and Elin are often found, 
Elidem not very often (Nepos, Alc. 4. 4). 
Elide is the usual ablative; Zui is found 
only in these two passages of Cicero: cp. 
Neue- Wagener 15. 322, 350, 479. 

explices et expedias] ‘ settle and arrange.’ 


‘from the fact that’: 


EP, 521 (FAM. XIII. 26). 505 


expedias cum iure et potestate quam habes tum etiam auctoritate 
et consilio tuo. Sic enim praescripsimus iis quibus ea negotia 
mandavimus ut omnibus in rebus quae in aliquam controversiam 
vocarentur te arbitro et, quod commodo tuo fieri posset, te discep- 
tatore uterentur. Id ut honoris mei causa suscipias veliementer 
te etiam atque etiam rogo, 3. Illud praeterea, si non alienum 
tua dignitate putabis esse, feceris mihi pergratum, si qui diffi- 
ciliores erunt ut rem sine controversia confici nolint, si eos, 
quoniam cum senatore res est, Romam reieceris. Quod quo minore 
dubitatione facere possis, litteras ad te a M. Lepido consule, non 
quae te aliquid iuberent—neque enim id tuae dignitatis esse 
arbitramur—sed quodam modo quasi commendaticias sumpsi- 
mus. 4, Scriberem quam id beneficium bene apud Mescinium 


For M. Mindius, cousin (frater patruelis) 
οἷ Mescinius Rufus, cp. 302. 2. 

arbitro ... disceptatore] Forcellini 
explains this passage ‘ ut tu suas contro- 
versias cognosceres, non ad alium reiceres.’ 
It is doubtful whether any clear distinction 
is intended here between arbiter and 
disceptator, ‘ your arbitration and, as far 
as I shall not inconvenience you, your 
settlement’: if there is any distinction, 
perhaps the idea of enforcing the decision 
is suggested more strongly in disceptator 
than in arbiter. For the strict difference 
between iuderand arbiter, see Wordsworth, 
‘ Fragments and Specimens,’ p. 421: ‘The 
tudex decided sharply for or against one 
of two contending parties in matters 
which admitted of such decisions: cp. 
Rose. Com. 10. An arbiter is a vir bonus, 
an unprejudiced man, probably an expert, 
called in to decide or arbitrate between 
two parties where the law is certain, but 
where the extent of its application is not 
clear, e.g. in cases of disputed boundaries, 
ἄς, The terms were, however, used 
loosely tudex arbiterve, and Cicero laughs 
at the lawyers for not having decided 
which was to be used: cp. Muren. 27.’ 
See also Roby, Rom. Private Law, ii. 
318 ff. 

3. dificiliores erunt ... nolint] ‘if any 
shall prove rather difficult to deal with, 
so that they refuse to have the matter 
settled without a trial.’ It would be 
more normal to have guam qui velint.. 

cum senatore| If a Roman citizen, 
and especially if a senator, complained 
against a subject or a subject community, 


the governor could order these to appear 
either personally or by counsel (¢cdict) 
at Rome: cp. Fam. xii. 56 (231).. This 
practice led to great abuse. Interest was 
frequently made, as in the present case, 
to get a letter from one of the chief 
magistrates to the governor, suggesting 
(virtually ordering) that the case be 
transferred to Rome: cp. Mommsen, 
St. R. ii?, 256, note 2; ili. 1214, notes 2, 3. 
No doubt such remitting of cases to Rome 
(523. 2) was often very oppressive, and 
the threat of it led to compromise on 
almost any terms. 

possis| This pres. subj. refers to action 
subsequent to the time of writing, so that 
in regard to possis, swmpsimus virtually 
means habemus, but in relation to iewberent, 
it has reference to the time, already past, 
at which Lepidus wrote the letters. 
Ernesti would, however, read posses. 
The present arbitramur refers to the 
opinion entertained by Ciceroand Lepidus, 
not only when the letter was composed, 
but also regarded as still existing, so that 
there is no necessity to alter to arbitraba- 
mur with Lambinus. 

M, Lepido| As Caesar and Lepidus 
were consuls for 46, this passage helps to 
fix the date of these letters to Sulpicius. 

quodam modo quasi commendaticias| ‘in 
a manner what I may call recommenda- 
tory.’ Inform they were recommendatory, 
but in reality mandatory. 

4, apud Mescinium positwrus esses] Cp. 
523. 3, ita bene coliocaturum. The interest 
that Cicero makes with Sulpicius. on 
behalf of Mescinius here and in 528. 3 


506 EP. 522 (FAM. XIII. 97). 


positurus esses, nisi et te scire confiderem et mihi peterem; sic 
enim velim existimes, non minus me de illius re.laborare quam 
ipsum de sua.: Sed cum illum studeo quam facillime ad suum 
pervenire, tum illud laboro ut non minimum hae mea commen- 
datione se consecutum arbitretur. : 


522, CICERO TO THE SAME SULPICIUS (Fam, xt. 27). 


\ 


ROME ; MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U. C. 708; B.C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicio C. Avianium Hammonium (cp. Ep. 516), quem commen- 
dationis suae causa liberaliter ab illo tractatum esse laetatur, iterum commendat. 


CICERO SERVIO 8. 


1, Licet eodem exemplo saepius tibi huius generis litteras 
mittam, cum gratias agam quod meas commendationes tam dili- 
genter observes—quod feci in aliis et faciam, ut video, saepius—sed 
tamen non parcam operae et, ut vos soletis in formulis, sic ego in 
epistulis, DE EADEM RE ALIO Mopo. 2. C. Avianius igitur Ham- 
monius incredibilis mihi gratias per litteras egit et suo et Aemili 
Aviani, patroni sul, nomine, nec liberalius nec honorificentius 
potuisse tractari nec se praesentem nec rem familiarem absentis 
patroni sui. Id mihi cum iucundum est eorum causa quos tibi 
ego summa necessitudine et summa coniunctione adductus com- 
mendaveram, quod M. Aemilius unus est ex meis familiarissimis 
atque intimis, maxime necessarius homo et magnis meis beneficiis 


looks as if it savoured of the jobbery 
and oppression which the high-class 
Romans were so ready to practise in 
dealings with the provincials. 


1. soletis] sc. seribere: cp. Fam. vii. 
17. 3 (146) to Trebatius, who was also 
a lawyer, ‘Hoc’ quem ad modum vos 
seribere soletis in vestris libris ‘idem Q. 
Cornelio videbatur.’ 

DE EADEM RE ΑΙ10 Mopo] ‘Est for- 
mula iurisconsultis antiquis usitata in 
praescribendis actionibus, cum ostenderent 
eiusdem rei consequendae vias complures 
esse et actiones varias posse institui,’ 
Brissonius. - 


2. Hammonius| 516.2. The cognomen 
is added to distinguish him from the cele- 
brated (Fam. xiii. 2 (259); vii. 23, 1 
(126); Hor. Sat. i. 3. 90, according’ to 
Porphyrio ; Pliny, H. N. xxxvi., 32) 
Ὁ. Avianius Evander. For igitur re- 
sumptive ‘ well,’ cp. Index. 

nee honorificentius| ‘and that neither 
he himself personally nor the private inte- 
rests of his absent master could have been 
dealt with in a more complimentary 
manner.’ For the double negative cp. 
Att. xiv. 18. 6 (718), Quae enim Caesar 
nunquam neque fecisset neque passus esset : 
2 Verr. i. 155, non enim pruetereundum est 
ne id quidem. 


EP. 523 saat XIII. 28-0). 507 
devinctus et ‘prope omnium qui mihi debere aliquid videntur 
gratissimus, tum multo iucundius te esse in me tali voluntate ut 
plus prosis amicis meis quam ego praesens fortasse prodessem, 
eredo, quod magis ego dubitarem quid illorum causa facerem 
quam tu quid mea, 3. Sed hoe non dubito quin existimes mihi 
esse gratum.’ Illud te rogo ut illos quoque gratos esse homines 
putes: quod ita esse tibi promitto atque confirmo. Qua re velim 
quidquid habent negoti des operam, quod commodo tuo fiat, ut 
te obtinente Achaiam conficiant. 4. Ego cum tuo Servic iucun- 
dissime, coniunctissime vivo magnamque cum ex ingenio eius 
singularique studio tum ex virtute et probitate voluptatem capio. 


CICERO ΤῸ THE SAME. SULPICIUS 


(FAM, XIII. 28 8). 


523. 


ROME; MONTH UNCERTAIN}; A. U. C. 708; B.C. 463 AKT. CLC. 60. 


M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicio agit gratias quod Mescinio commendatio sua profuerit, 
rogatque ut pergut ei bene facere. 


CICERO SERVIO 5: 


1. Etsi libenter petere a te soleo si quid opus est meorum 
cuipiam, tamen multo libentius gratias tibi ago cum fecisti aliquid 
commendatione mea, quod semper facis. Incredibile est enim 
quas mihi gratias omnes agant, etiam mediocriter a me tibi 
commendati: quae mihi omnia grata, sed de I. Meseinio gratis- 


and ἐμεῦ to 585. 2; also Madvig on 
Pons. 4y 10; 
Ge. sed | ‘So the ss. rightly. Wesen- 


berg (Zim. 98, note) suggests sunt for sed, 


4. iucundissime, coniunctissime| So 
M; but HD add e¢. For asyndeton 
Menembec, which is so eommon in the 
Letters, cp. Index and Lehmann, pp. 23 ff. 


It is perhaps used in. the case of adverbs 
in Att. i. 14. 4. (20), aperte tecte. As M 
omits δέ, the editors, after Victorius, 
mostly alter to iucundissimo. But Cra- 
tander was right in retaining the adverbial 
form which we now find to be the reading 
of HD. 

virtute et probitate] 
upright character.’ 


* excellent and 


1, gratias tibi ago cum, Cp. 519.7 


stating that‘ neque sic in relativis verbum 
esse omitti solet,’ though he immediately 
quotes Fam. x. 3.1 (789), guae omnia 
mihi iucunda, hoe extremum etiam gratum 
Suit. Perhaps he means that the verb 
substantive- cannot be. omitted in both 
clauses. But though it is rare, we some- 
times find ellipse of the verb in both 
relative and principal clause: ep. Atty 
xili. 40. 1 (660), sed ne is quidem, qui 
omnium flagitiorwn auctor, bene de nostro, 


508 EP. 583 (FAM. XIII. 28 a). 


simum. Sic enim est mecum locutus, te, ut meas litteras legeris, 
statim procuratoribus suis pollicitum esse omnia, multo vero plura 
et maiora fecisse. Id igitur—puto enim etiam atque etiam mihi 
dicendum esse—velim existimes mihi te fecisse gratissimum. 
2. Quod quidem hoc vehementius laetor quod ex ipso Mescinio te 
video magnam capturum voluptatem. Est enim in eo cum virtus 
et probitas et summum officilum summaque observantia tum studia 
illa nostra, quibus antea delectabamur, nune etiam vivimus. Quod 
relicuum est, velim augeas tua in eum beneficia omnibus rebus quae 
te erunt dignae: sed sunt duo, quae te nominatim rogo: primum 
ut, si quid satis dandum erit AMPLIUS EO NOMINE NON PETI, cures 
ut satis detur fide mea, deinde, cum fere consistat hereditas in 118 
rebus quas avertit Oppia, quae uxor Mindi fuit, adiuves ineasque 
rationem quem ad modum ea mulier Romam perducatur. Quod 
si putarit illa fore, ut opinio nostra est, negotium conficiemus. 
Hoe ut adsequamur te vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo. 
3. Illud quod supra scripsi, id tibi confirmo in meque recipio, te 
ea quae fecisti Mescini causa quaeque feceris ita bene conlocatu- 


In Em. Alt. 44 Wesenberg suggests 

<sunt>, sed. He is in error in saying 

that set has been corrupted into sed in 

Fam, 1.8.3 (119) ; it is corrupted into sé. 
plura| sc. than he promised. 

2. Est enim in eo] “δ possesses a 
manly and upright character, is most 
serviceable and most respectful, and 
further engages in those literary pursuits 
which were formerly my pleasure, but 
now my very life.’ For the sentiment 
expressed in the last clause cp. 461. 5; 
490. 6. 

sed sunt duo] The mss. do not give 
sunt. Wesenberg (£m. 99,n.) would here 
also alter sed into sunt. One feels that 
sunt can hardly be omitted; vet if 
we adopt Wesenberg’s alteration, the 
asyndeton is very harsh. Here we 
would suggest, as Wesenberg did in ὁ 1, 
sed <sunt> duo. 

siquid ... fidemea| This isa form 
of security ratam rem dominum habi- 
turum, i.e., that the agent’s action: shall 
be held as the action of the principal: 
cp. note on Att. i. 8.1 (4), and Roby 
Roman Private Law ii. 383. Cicero says 
‘if any security is to be given guaranteeing 
the party sued from any further claim 
on this score, [ beg of you that you will 
make me responsible for that security’: 


cp. Brut. 17, Mihi quoque,’ inquit Brutus, 
‘ exspectanda sunt ea quae Attico polliceris, 
etsi fortasse ego a te huius voluntarius 
procurator petam quod ipse cui debes se 
incommodo tuo exacturum negat.? § At 
vero,’ inguam, ‘tibi ego, Brute, non 
solvam, nisi prius a te cavero amplius 60 
nomine neminem, cuius petitio sit, pelti- 
turum.’ Non mehercule,’ inguit, “ tibt 
repromittere istuc quidem ausim: nam hune 
qui negat video flagitatorem non illum 
quidem tiki molestum sed adsiduum tamen 
et acrem fore. 

avertit) ‘made away with’: cp. Fam, 
mii. 90: 2 ($29) ; 2 Verr. 7. 11. 

Mindi] cousin of Mescinius Rufus : 
cp. 521. 2. 

Romam perducatur | Cp. note to 521. ὃ. 

3. Illud . .. id] For this collocation 
cp. a learned note of Dr. Reid’s, Academ. 
Post. 1. 1. 1, id/wm .. . eum, where the 
two pronouns refer to the same person. 

tibi confirmo| omitted in M, but found 
in HD and some inferior mss. In uncials 
D and O are like one another, so the 
corruption in M may be ‘ex homoeote- 
leuto.’ It is noticeable that id is the last 
word of a line in M. 

bene collocaturum] Cp. 521. 4, posi- 
turus esses—the metaphor being from 
investments of money. 


EP. 524 (FAM. XIII. 285). 509 


rum ut ipse iudices homini te gratissimo, iucundissimo benigne 
fecisse. Volo enim ad id quod mea causa fecisti hoc etiam 
accedere. 


524. CICERO TO THE SAME SULPICIUS 
(Fam. x11t. 28 ὃ). 


ROME$ MONTH UNCERTAIN; A. U. C. 7083 Β. 6. 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


M. Cicero Ser. Sulpicio hac epistula causam Lacedaemoniorum commendat. 


CICERO SERVIO δ. 


1. Nec Lacedaemonios dubitare arbitror quin ipsi sua maio- 
rumque suorum auctoritate satis commendati sint fidei et iustitiae 
tuae, et ego, qui te optime novissem, non dubitavi quin tibi 
notissima et iura et merita populorum essent. Itaque cum a me 
peteret Philippus Lacedaemonius ut tibi civitatem commendarem, 
etsl memineram me ei civitati omnia debere, tamen respondi com- 
mendatione Lacedaemonios apud te non egere. 2. Itaque sic 
velim existimes, me omnis Achaiae civitates arbitrari pro horum 
temporum perturbatione felicis quod iis tu praesis, eundemque 
me ita ludicasse, te, quod unus optime nosses non nostra solum 
sed etiam Graeciae monumenta omnia, tua sponte amicum Lace- 
daemoniis et esse et fore. Qua re tantum a te peto ut, quom ea 
facies Lacedaemoniorum causa quae tua fides, amplitudo, iustitia 
postulabit, iis, si tibi videbitur, significes te non moleste ferre quod 
argues that if the present iudicare is kept, 
the reading must be either moscas (cp. 
praesis after arbitrari) or noveris, and that 


it is easier to suppose that iudicasse was 
corrupted into iwdicare than that either 


gratissimo, iucundissimo} For the asyn- 
deton see note to 486. 6: cp. 519. 3; 
522. 4, : 


There is no sign in the mss. that this is 


a new letter; but it has been rightly 
marked as such by Manutius and all sub- 
sequent editors. 

2. eundumque me] ‘and that I also am 
convinced that, inasmuch as you haveina 
special degree an intimate knowledge not 
only of our history (monumenta), but also 
of that of Greece, of your own accord 
you are and will be a friend to the 
Lacedaemonians.’ 

segiend So Wesenberg (Zm. Ait. 44), 
most acutely for iudicare of the mss. He 


noscas OY noveris or noris became nosses. 

amplitudo| ‘dignity.’ 

postulabit, iis} So Wesenberg (l.c.) for 
postulat ut his. Insuch restrictive clauses 
the time must be virtually the same as 
that of the verb which is restricted. 
Wesenberg compares 455. 2, videbitur 
after the pres. subj. referring to future 
time; 517. 2, poteris; and many more, 
such as Fam. xiii. 32. 2 (684), and 
similar set phrases, e.g. 508.2, wt iis, guan- 
tum tua fides dignitasque patietur, com- 


510 EP. 525 (FAM. XI 78). 

intellegas ea quae facias mihi quoque grata esse. Pertinet enim 
ad officlum meum eos existimare curae mihi suas res esse. Hoc.te 
vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo. 


525. CICERO TO AULUS ALLIENUS (Fam. xu. 78), 


PROCONSUL OF SICILY. 
ROME ς oui Sees 9 Ἢ τ Ὁ. 7085 B.C. 401 AET. eel 
M. Cicero ab Allieno procos. Siciliae petit ut Democritum in fidem suam recipiat. 
M. CICERO ALLIENO 5. 


1. Democritus Sicyonius non solum hospes meus est sed etiam, 
quod non multis contigit, Graecis praesertim, valde familiaris. 
Kst enim in eo summa probitas, summa virtus, summa in hospites 
liberalitas et observantia, meque praeter ceteros et colit et observat 
et diligit. Eum tu non modo suorum civium verum paene 
Achaiae principem cognosces. 2, Huic ego tantum modo aditum 
ad tuam cognitionem patefacio et munio: cognitum per te ipsum, 
quae tua natura est, dignum tua amicitia atque hospitio iudicabis. 
Peto igitur a te ut his litteris lectis recipias eum in tuam fidem, 


polliceare omnia te facturum mea causa. 


modes. The case is different where a 
causal (not restrictive) clause is added 
almost parenthetically, e.g. Fam. xiii. 
59 (247), servabis, ut tua fides dignitasque 
postulat, edictum. 

ad offictum meum] ‘for it is a matter 
that concerns my duty,’ i.e. Cicero was 
in duty bound to take an interest in the 
Lacedaemonians, as he had received many 
favours from them (§ 1). We do not 
know what those favours were—probably 
some public honours voted to him. 


In 46 Allienus was pro-consul of Sicily: 
ep. Eckhel, v. 184. He had been pro- 
praetor in the same province in 48 (Bell. 
Afr. 2. 3; 34.4 (where the spelling is 
Alienus)). In 49 he had been one of 
the praetors, and in 60 one of the legati 
of ὦ. Cicero in Asia: cp. Q. Fr. i. 1. 10 
(30), Adlienus autem noster est cum animo 


De reliquo, si, id quod 


et benevolentia tum vero etiam imitatione 
vivendi. For his subsequent career in 
Asia and the East, see Phil. xi. 30, 32; 
Fam, xi. 11. 1 {822}: 12.1(856). We 
cannot fix the time of the year at which 
Cicero wrote this letter and the following 
one. ‘ 
1. sed etiam... valde fumiliaris| For 
a good discussion on the relation of Cicero 
to the Greeks, and the way in which they 
were regarded and treated by Romans of 
distinction, see Dr. Mahaffy, Zhe Greek 
World under Roman Sway, chap. vi, esp. 
p- 136: ep. note to 514. 1, above. 
et colié et observat et diligit] ‘esteems, 
respects, and loves.’ 

2. Huic...munio] ‘I am now only 
opehing and paving a way for him so that 
you may gain some knowledge of him.’ 

recipias eum in tuam βάθη.) ‘take him 
under your patronage.’ 


EP. 696 (FAM, XIII. 79). 511 


confido fore, dignum eum tua amicitia hospitioque cognoveris, 
peto ut eum complectare, diligas, in tuis habeas. rit id mihi 
maiorem in modum gratum. Vale. . 


526. CICERO TO THE SAME ALLIENUS 
(FAM. XIII. 79). 


ROME; MONTH UNCERIAIN ; A. U. C. 708; B.C. 465 AKT. CIC. 60. 


ΓΜ, Cicero Allieno procos. Siciliae C. et M. Avianios commendat. 
M. CICERO S. D. ALLIENO PROCOS. 


Et te scire arbitror quanti fecerim C. Avianium Flaccum et 
ego ex ipso audieram, optimo et gratissimo homine, quam a te 
liberaliter esset tractatus. ius filios dignissimos illo patre meos- 
que necessarios, quos ego unice diligo, commendo tibi sic ut 
maiore studio nullos commendare possim. O. Avianius in Sicilia 
est: Marcus est nobiscum. Ut illius dignitatem praesentis ornes, 
rem utriusque defendas, te rogo. Hoc mihi gratius in ista pro- 
vincia facere nihil potes, idque ut facias te vehementer etiam 
atque etiam rogo. | 


ut eum... habeas| ‘that you welcome 
and regard him, and consider him as one 
Οὗ your friends.’ 


factor of Puteoli. Cicero introduces his 
name into his Academica (ii. 80). 
audieram] ‘The perfect fecerim and 
the plupf. audieram seem to show that 
Avianius Flaccus was dead at this time. 


procos| Cp. note to 382. 9. 
 @. Avianium Flaccum| In 53 Cicero 
introduced this man to Titius: see 
Fam. xiii. 75 (178) ; andin 45 to Acilius, 
Fam. xiii. 35 (687). He was a corn- 


Flaccus. 


We also hear of a C. Avianius Philoxenus, 
who took his name from this Avianius 
Cicero calls the latter ‘a very 
close friend of mine’ ( familiarissimo meo) : 
cp. Fam. xiii. 35. 1 (687), where see note. 


512 


EP. 597 (FAM. ΤΙ. 8). 


527, CICERO TO AULUS CAECINA (Fam. {τ 8)᾽ 
ROME; DECEMBER} A. U. C. 708; B. Ὁ, 463 AET. CIC. 60. 


Sibi hoe concessum-a Balbo et Oppio scribit ut Caecinae liceret in Sicilia esse, 
ibique ut commoretur neve longius abeat suadet. 


CICERO CAECINAE, 


1. Cum esset mecum Largus, homo tui studiosus, locutus 
Kalendas Ianuarias tibi praefinitas esse, quod omnibus rebus 
perspexeram quae Balbus et Oppius absente Caesare egissent ea 
solere illi rata esse, egi vehementer cum his ut hoe mihi darent, 
tibi in Sicilia quoad vellemus esse uti liceret. Qui mihi consues- 
sent aut libenter polliceri si quid esset eius modi quod eorum 
animos non offenderet, aut etiam negare et adferre rationem cur 
negarent, huic meae rogationi potius non continuo responderunt : 
eodem die tamen ad me reverterunt: mihi hoc dederunt ut esses 
in Sicilia quoad velles: se praestaturos nihil ex eo te offensionis 
habiturum. Quoniam quid tibi permittatur cognosti, quid mihi 
placeat puto te scire oportere. 2. Actis his rebus litterae a te 
mihi redditae sunt, quibus a me consilium petis quid sim tibi 
auctor, in Siciliane subsidas an ut ad reliquias Asiaticae negotia- 


1. praefinitas] ‘ fixed as the limit’ for 
Caecina’s stay in Sicily. 

ili] The dative of the agent is some- 
times used with the passive participle: 
ep. Roby, § 1146, who quotes Tusce. iv. 
44, Cui non sunt auditae Demosthenis 
vigiliae. It may, however, be a kind of 
pussessive dative, ea ili rata esse = illum 
habere ea sibi rata: ep. Riemann-Goelzer 
80. ὁ ὃ΄. 

rogutioni potius| Wesenberg (£m. Alt. 
14), after Schiitz, who suggested to add 
<aut flagitationi> , proposes to add a 
stronger word <vel efflagitationi>: cp. 
390. 2; but it is unnecessary. ‘The words 
potius non continuo responderunt mean 
‘preferred not to give an immediate 
reply.’ This use of potiuws is frequent. 
Streicher (p. 188) quotes Fin. iv. 30, si ad 
illam vitam quae cum virtute deyatur 
ampulla aut strigilis accedat, sumpturum 


saprentem eam vitam potius quo haee 
adiecta sint nec beatiorem tamen ob eam 
causam fore; and such usual expressions 
as Att. ix. 14. 1 (372), sed tamen nihil est 
quod potius faciamus ; xil. 16 (548), ego 
potius accedam. 

offensionis| ‘that you shall not thereby 
be in any way prejudiced with Caesar.’ 

2. quid sim {δὲ auctor] For this phrase 
cp. Atticus ap. 365.5. It belongs to the 
language of ordinary life: cp. Plaut. 
Pseud. 232, 1166 and [5, p. 81 ff. For 
the neuter pronoun as a cognate acc. 
cp. 483. 2. 

an ut| ‘or (whether I advise) that,’ 
an (auctor sim) ut—a slight anacoluthon. 
Wesenberg (£m. p. 86) would add <ut> 
before subsidas.* 

ad reliquias| ‘to settle the remnants 
of your business in Asia,’ Cp. note to 
506. 2. : 


EP. 527 (FAM. VI. 8). 513 
tionis proficiscare. Haec tua deliberatio non mihi convenire visa 
est cum oratione Largi. Ille enim mecum quasi tibi non liceret 
in Sicilia diutius commorari ita locutus erat: tu autem quasi 
concessum sit ita deliberas. Sed ego, sive hoc sive illud est, in Sicilia 
censeo commorandum. Propinquitas locorum vel ad impetrandum 
adiuvat crebris litteris et nuntiis vel ad reditus celeritatem re aut. 
impetrata, quod spero, aut aliqua ratione confecta. Quam ob rem 
censeoO magno opere commorandum. 3. T. Furfanio Postumo, 
familiari meo, legatisque eius, item meis familiaribus, diligen- 
tissime te commendabo cum venerint : erant enim omnes Mutinae. 
Viri sunt optimi et tui similium studiosi et mei necessarii. Quae 
mihi venient in mentem quae ad te pertinere arbitrabor, ea mea 
sponte faciam : si quid ignorabo, de eo admonitus omnium studia 
vincam. Ego etsi coram de te cum Furfanio ita loquar ut tibi 
litteris meis ad eum nihil opus sit, tamen quoniam tuis placuit te 
habere meas litteras quas ei redderes, morem iis oot. 
litterarum exemplum infra scriptum est. 


Karum 


illud] It is not quite plain how Caecina 
could stay in Sicily if he were forbidden 
to do so. Perhaps Cicero considered that 
an excuse could be made for his staying 
there, at least until the temporary per- 
mission to remain, which had been 
granted by Balbus and Oppius (ὃ 1), was 
definitely revoked. 

Propinguitas]| ‘The proximity of these 
regions is of importance, either for carry- 
ing through your point, as letters and 
messengers can often come and go, or 
for a speedy return if your point is 
gained, as 1 hope it will be, or settled by 
some arrangement.” The meaning of the 
latter clause is probably what Manutius 


VOL. IV. 


gives to it, viz. that Caecina may be 


allowed to live in Italy, provided he does 


not come to Rome: not as Billerbeck 
says, ‘if something should be brought to 
pass,’ a euphemism ‘ for if Caesar should 
be defeated in Spain.’ Crebris nuntiis is 
ablative of the cause. 

3. 7. Furfanio Postumo] This Furs 
fanius was a judge in the case of Milo, 
and had been threatened by Clodius (Mil. 
75). He appears to have held the govern- 
ment of Sicily in 49, as we are told that 
a certain Postumius was appointed by the 
Senate to succeed him: cp. 311. 2. In 
45 he was again governor of Sicily. 

erant] “ they are now,’ epistolary tense. 


2L 


514 EP. 528 (FAM. VI. 9). 


528. CICERO TO ΤῸ FURFANIUS POSTUMUS, 
| PROCONSUL OF SICILY Ὡς 
(FAM. νι. 9). 
(ENCLOSED IN THE PRECEDING LETTER.) © 


M. Cicero T. Furfanio Postumo DEO: Siciliae designato A. Caecinam diligenter 
commendat. 


M. CICERO T.. FURFANIO PROCOS S. 


1. Cum A. Caecina tanta mihi faimiliaritas consuetudoque 
semper fuit ut nulla maior esse possit. Nam et patre eius, claro 
homine et forti viro, plurimum usi sumus et hune a puero, quod 
et spem magnam mihi adferebat summae probitatis summaeque 
eloquentiae et vivebat mecum coniunctissime, non solum officiis 
amicitiae sed etiam studiis communibus sie semper dilexi ut non 
ullo cum homine coniunctius viverem. 2. Nihil attinet me plura 
scribere: quam mihi necesse sit eius salutem et fortunas quibus- 
cumque rebus possim tueri vides. Relicuum est ut, cum cognorim 
pluribus rebus quid tu et de bonorum fortuna et de rei publicae 
calamitatibus sentias, nihil a te petam nisi ut ad eam voluntatem 
quam tua sponte erga Caecinam habiturus es tantus cumulus 
accedat commendatione mea quanti me a te fieri amferlego: Hoe 
mihi gratius facere nihil Boles Vale, 


1. non solum .. Laine ‘not 


Plancus Fam. x, 18. 2 (870), non udlam 
only on terms of friendship, but also 


rem aliam extimescens quam ‘eandem ; 


sharing in the same pursuits.’ 

ut non ullo...viverem|] ‘So that I 
did not live on “closer terms of intimacy 
with any single man.’ The ‘Turin 
palimpsest has md/lo ut, ‘so that there was 
no one with whom I lived on terms of 
closer intimacy,’ the difference being 
mainly one of emphasis. Nor ulus is rare 
except in cases of anaphora with non, such 
as Clu. 39 (non ille honorem a pueritia, 
non studia virtutis, non ullum existima- 
tionis bonae fructum umguam cogiturat), 
yet it is occasionally found, e.g. in 


in Cicero Marc. 20, non enim tua ulla 
culpa est, but here non: and. wlla are 
separated ; also Brut. 312, Itague prima 
causa publica pro Sexto Roscio dicta tan- 
tum habuit commendationis ut non ulla 
esset quae non digna nostro patrocinio 
videretur. 

2. tantus ... tnteliego] ‘an addition 
be made by means of my recommendation 
proportional to the esteem in which I 
know you hold me.’ quanti genit. of 
price. 


EP, 529 (FAM. V. 16). 515 


529. CICERO ΤῸ TITIUS (Faq. v. 16). 
ROME (P); ἃ. U. c. 708 (P); By C,-46(P); AET, Clo, οὐ Ὁ); 
‘Consolatur M. Cicero amicum in morte, ut videtur, liberorum admodum dolentem. 


M. CICERO S, D. IITIO. 


1. Etsi unus ex omnibus minime sum ad te consolandum 
accommodatus quod tantum ex tuis molestiis cepi doloris ut 
consolatione ipse egerem, tamen, cum longius a summi luctus 
acerbitate meus abesset dolor quam tuus, statul nostrae necessi- 
tudinis esse meaeque in te benevolentiae non tacere tanto in tuo 
maerore tam diu, sed adhibere aliquam modicam consolationem 
quae levare dolorem tuum posset si minus sanare potuisset. 2. Est 
autem consolatio pervulgata quidem illa maxime, quam semper in 
ore atque in animo habere debemus, homines nos ut esse memineri- 
mus, ea lege natos ut omnibus telis fortunae proposita sit vita 
nostra, neque esse recusandum quo minus ea qua nati sumus 
condicione vivamus, neve tam graviter eos casus feramus quos 
nullo consilio vitare possimus, eventisque aliorum memoria repe- 
tendis nihil accidisse novi nobis cogitemus. 3. Neque hae neque 
ceterae consolationes, quae sunt a sapientissimis viris usurpatae 


memoriaeque. litteris proditae, tantum videntur proficere debere 
maeror, “ trouble, sorrow, grief, afflic- 
tion.’ 

tam diu| *so long’ (as I might haye 


We cannot fix definitely the place or 
time at which this very lugubrious 
letter was written, and have inserted 


it in this part, as most of Cicero’s 
letters of consolation are -here collected. 
It is also uncertain who this Titius 
was, whether L. Titius L. F. Rufus, 
who was Praetor Urbanus in 50, and to 
whom Cicero wrote Fam, xiii. 58 (248), 
or T. Titius who had been legatus of 
Pompey, and to whom he wrote Fam. 
xiii. 75 (178)—more probably the latter. 
He was a friend of Cicero, and had a villa 
at Anagnia, where he entertained him in 
56: cp. Q. Fr. ii, δ. 4 (106). It is 


certainly a letter which was not calcu-) 


lated to dry a single tear. 

1. a summi luctus acerbitate} “ from the 
intensity of the deepest grief.’ Siipfle- 
Boeckel notice the gradation of synonyms 
for grief here used, molestiae, dolor, luctus, 


done considering my own misfortunes). 

2. autem] often used in resumptions 
or transitions, ‘ Well, there is one kind 
of consolation, trite (commonplace) in- 
deed in the highest. degree, which we 
ought always to have on our lips and in 
our hearts.’ 

telis fortunae| ‘slings and arrows of 
fortune.’ For the sentiment of the whole 
passage cp. Att, xv. la, 1 (730), Sed ad 
haec omnia una consolatio est quod eu cons 
dicione nati sumus ut nihil quod homini 
accidere possit recusare debeamus.. - 

tam graviter| ‘take so hardly.’ 

ὃ, Negue hae] This is very abrupt. 
Wesenberg adds sed; cp. note to 506. 1, 

memoriaeque litteris proditae] ‘and 
handed down to posterity in literature ’ : 
litteris is ablative of the means. 


(21.2 


516 EP, 529 (FAM. V. 16). 

quantum status ipse nostrae civitatis et haec perturbatio temporum 
perditorum, cum beatissimi sint qui liberos non susceperunt, 
minus autem miseri qui his temporibus amiserunt quam si eosdem 
bona aut denique aliqua re publica perdidissent. 4. Quod si tuum 
te desiderium movet aut si tuarum rerum cogitatione maeres, non 
facile exhauriri tibi istum dolorem posse universum puto: sin illa 
te res cruciat, quae magis amoris est, ut eorum qui occiderunt 
miserias lugeas, ut ea non dicam quae saepissime et legi et audivi, 
nihil mali esse in morte—ex qua si resideat sensus, immortalitas 
‘lla potius quam mors ducenda sit, sin amissus, nulla videri 
miseria debeat quae non sentiatur—hoc tamen non dubitans confir- 
mare possum, ea misceri, parari, impendere rei publicae quae qui 
reliquerit nullo modo mihi quidem deceptus esse videatur. Quid 
est enim iam non modo pudori, probitati, virtuti, rectis studiis, 
bonis artibus, sed omnino libertati ac saluti loci ? Non mehercule 
quemquam audivi hoe gravissimo et pestilentissimo anno adulescen- 
tulum aut puerum mortuum qui mihi non a dis immortalibus 
ereptus ex his miseriis atque ex iniquissima condicione vitae vide- 
retur. 5. Quare si tibi unum hoe detrahi potest, ne quid 118 


bona... γ6 publica| ‘ when there was 
a proper or indeed any form of free 
government.’ 

4. Quod si... maeres| ‘But if it is 
personal regret that affects you, if you 
grieve when you think of your personal 
misfortunes, I think it would be difficult 
for that source of sorrow ever to be wholly 
exhausted. But if your affliction is this— 
and it is a sign of a sympathetic nature 
that you mourn for the misfortunes of 
those who have fallen,’ &c. 


illa res... ut... lugeas| The ut 
is explicative of illa res. 
ut eanon dicam... tamen| ‘sup- 


posing I do not mention... . yet.’ 
Hofmann compares Verr. v. 179, mihi 
porro, ut ego non dicam (even supposing I 
do not say it), guis omnium mortalium non 
intellegit quam longe progredi sit necesse ? 
For ut concessive, followed by tamen, cp. 
Att. ii, 15. 2 (42), verwm ut hoc non sit, 
tamen ... praeclarum spectaculum mihi 
propono. Hofmann also notices that ne 
dicam has not the exact same meaning as 
ut non dicam. It means ‘not to say,’ 
expressing a desire not to use too strong a 
phrase, e.g. Phil. xiii. 12, Satis incon- 
siderati futt, ne dicam audacis. 

legi| probably in Xenophon, Cyr. viii. 


7. 19 ff. (ep. Cic. De Sen. 81), or Plat.. 
Apol. 40 C (ep. Cic. Tuse. i, 97). 

ea... ret publicae] ‘such confusion. 
reigns, such projects are on foot, such: 
dangers are threatening the state.’ 

quae qui reliquerit .. . videatur] ‘that 
he who has made his exit from the scene- 
cannot possibly, it would seem, be a loser 
by the exchange’ (Melmoth): rather 
perhaps ‘consider himself unfairly dealt: 
with’ (by the gods). 

non modo... sedomnino| Cp. 481. 4,. 
guos ego non modo reges appellatos sed: 
omnino natos nesctebam. | 

rectis studiis, bonis artibus | 
pursuits and liberal studies.’ 

pestilentissimo anno| We do not know. 
of any year about this time that was. 
especially unhealthy. 

5. Quare ... deminutum] Cicero 
speaks like an Epicurean, trying to divest; 
his correspondent of all fear that his loved 
ones should be suffering the terrors of 
Hades. 

detraht ... ne} The idea of being 
deterred is contained in detrahi. Hofmann: 
compares fugere = cavere in De Orat. i. 
207, quod in causis.valde fugere soleo ne: 
tibi, Crasse, succedam. 


‘ honest: 


EP. 529 (FAM. V. 16). 517 


quos amasti mali putes contigisse, permultum erit ex maerore tuo 
deminutum. JRelinquetur enim simplex illa iam cura doloris tui, 
quae non cum illis communicabitur sed ad te ipsum proprie 
referetur: in qua non est iam gravitatis et sapientiae tuae, quam 
tu a puero praestitisti, ferre immoderatius casum incommodorum 
tuorum qui sit ab eorum quos dilexeris miseria maloque seiunc- 
tus. Etenim eum semper te et privatis in rebus et publicis prae- 
stitisti tuenda tibi ut sit gravitas et constantiae serviendum. Nam 
quod adlatura est ipsa diuturnitas, quae maximos luctus vetustate 
tollit, id nos praecipere consilio prudentiaque debemus. 6. Etenim 
si nulla fuit umquam liberis amissis tam imbecillo mulier animo 
quae non aliquando lugendi modum fecerit, certe nos, quod est 
dies adlatura, id consilio anteferre debemus neque exspectare 
temporis medicinam quam repraesentare ratione possimus. His 
ego litteris si quid profecissem, existimabam optandum quiddam 


contigisse] used here of bad fortune, as 
in Lael. 8, nec ullo casu arbitror hoe con- 
‘stanti homini posse contingere ut ulla inter- 
missio fiat offict, where Dr. Reid compares 
our passage, and also Lael. 72; N. Ὁ. i. 
27; Phil. xiv. 24; and quotes with ap- 
proval Seyffert’s opinion, that contingere, 
like προσήκειν, signifies the happening of 
something which is natural or to be ex- 
pected under the circumstances. 
casum incommodorum tuorum] ‘the 
‘misfortunes which have befallen you.’ 
For a genit. signifying misfortune after 
casus cp. 540. 4, ad omnis casus subitorum 
periculorum. 
et constantiae serviendum | 
should be paid to firmness.” ὁ 
Nam... tollit] ‘For that which 
mere progress of time is sure to bring, 
which by its long lapse wears out even 
the deepest sorrows.’ This recalls the 
‘line found in the ss. of Aeschylus (Eum. 
᾿ 286):—yxpdvos καθαίρει (or καθαιρεῖ) πάντα 
γηράσκων ὁμοῦ. The same sentiment is 
"in the Sophoclean χρόνος γὰρ εὐμαρὴς θεὸς 
(ΕἸ. 179), ‘Time is a comfortable god.’ 
6. anteferre| This must mean ‘anti- 
cipate’; though no parallel has been ad- 
duced for this usage, yet the form of the 
compound would not seem to render it 
impossible. Streicher (p. 202) objects 
that anteferre would naturally mean 
_“prefer,’ and so is inappropriate here. 
Some editors read ante ferre. Cobet con- 


‘and regard 


jectures antevertere, which means ‘ to an- 
ticipate,’ in Lael. 16: Streicher suggests 
ante adferre; and Mendelssohn, anteire, 
or rather the archaic form anteeire. If any 
change is necessary, we should possibly 
read ante referre, a mercantile word (cp. 
repraesentare). ‘We ought, if we are 
wise, settle that account before its date.’ 

quam .. . possimus| ‘which we can 
have ready to hand if we are reasonable’ ; 
repraesentare is lit. ‘ to bring into the pre- 
sent from the future,’ hence ‘to do at 
once’; cp. Phil. ii. 118, sepraesentari 
(‘acquired at once’) morte mea libertas 
civitatis potest; Att, xvi, 2. 3 (772); 
Cues. B,G. i. 40.14, Itague se quod in 
longiorem diem coilaturus fuisset reprae- 
sentaturum et proxima nocte . . . castra 
moturum. The word also means ‘to pay 
ready money,’ Att. xii. 25. 1 (561); 
29. 2 (665); Fam. xvi. 14. 2 (924). For 
the general sentiment cp. Att. xii.10 (651), 
Consolationum autem multae viae, sed illa 
rectissima ; vmpetret ratio quod dies im- 
petratura sit; also 477. 3, guamquam me 


non ratio solum consolatur, quae plurimum 


debet valere, sed etiam dies, quae stultis 
quogue medert solet. Servius Sulpicius 
ap. 'Fam. iv. 5. 6 (555), nullus dolor est 


‘quem non longinguitas temporis minuat ac 


molliat; and 540, 3, etsi me ipsum consola- 


“torem tuum non tantum litterae quibus 


semper studut quantum longinquitas tem- 
poris mitigavit. ie 


518 EP. 580 (FAM. XV. 18). 
me esse adsecutum: ‘sin minus forte valuissent, officio tamen esse 
functum viri benevolentissimi atque amicissimi, quem me tibi et 


fulsse semper existimes velim et futurum esse confidas. 


530. CICERO TO C. CASSIUS LONGINUS 
(Fam. XV. 18). 


ROME; END OF YEAR; A. U. C. 708; B. C. 46; AET. CIC. 60. 


M,. Cicero excusat brevitatem epistulae: tristitiam temporum accusat, nihil ex 
Hispania adferri significat. j . ae 


M. CICERO §&. D. C. CASSIO. 


1. Longior epistula fuisset nisi eo ipso tempore petita esset a 
me cum iam iretur ad te: tlongior autem, si φλύαρον aliquem 
habuisset: nam σπουδάζειν sine periculo vix possumus. Ridere 
igitur, inquies, possumus? Non mehercule facillime. Verum 
tamen aliam aberrationem a molestiis nullam habemus. Ubi 
° . . . . . GO mn . Φ . yo 
igitur, inquies, philosophia? ‘Tua quidem in culina, mea 
molesta est: pudet enim servire. Itaque facio me alias res agere, 


sin minus| Cicero does not appear to 
have thought that his letters of consola- 
tion were much more than mere acts of 
politeness ; nor in most cases were they. 


1. Longior] ‘This letter would have 
been longer had I not been asked for it 
just the moment a post was going out to 

ou.’. 

᾿ longior autem] Lambinus altered autem 
to etiam, ‘longer, too, if it had any davar- 
dage for its contents,’ which is quite simple. 
If we retain autem, it would seem to mean 
‘and indeed,’ but that sense is found only 
in enumerations when the last clause or 
word is specially emphasized: cp. Mur. 29. 
Mendelssohn, NV. Jahrb. (1891), p. 351, 
proposes either to read si autem longior, 
φλυάρον, or to ejeet si altogether; but 
neither of these suggestions is satisfac- 
tory. Miller reads longior autem «δὶ 
Sfuisset, nihil ni>si φλύαρον aliquem habu- 
isset, which is possible, as one is loth to 
change autem, which is so often used 
when a word is repeated. 


σπουδάζειν] ‘to talk serious matters,’ 
le. politics: cp. Att. xiii. 52. 2 (679), 
σπουδαῖον οὐδὲν im sermone, φιλόλογα 
muita; also Ep. 531. 3 fin., nihil habebam 
aliud quod scriberem. De republica enim 
nihil seribere possum. , 

aberrationem| ‘diversion,’ ‘ distrac- 
tion’; ‘respite’: cp. Att. xii. 38. 3 


(582), aberrationem a dolore. “The word 


does not seem to be found anywhere 
except in these two passages. 
molesta est] We cannot bring ourselves 


to change molesta est, the sense ‘my con- 


science troubles me: for I am ashamed 
of being a slave,’ seems so apposite; and, 
rather than make any change, it is pre- 
ferable to suppose that the antithesis is 
ποῦ perfectly symmetrical. Manutius 
alters to i palaestra, ‘ your philosophy 
belongs to the kitchen, mine to the 
school-room’ ;: but. this emendation is 
far from the mss., and goes ill with 
what follows. Baiter conjectures in oleo 
est, which means much the same as in 
palaestra; cp. Catull. 63. 64, decus ole, 


EP. 530 (FAM. XV. 18). 


ne convicium Platonis audiam. 
nihil omnino novi. 
Sed flagitat tabellarius. 
amabis. 


and De Orat. i. 82, nitidum quoddam genus 
est verborum et laetum sed palaestrae magis 
et olet; but it is further from the mss., 
and is a word less suited for prose than 
palaestra, unless in connexion with the 
latter. Klotz reads orchestra, and sup- 
poses that Cassius enjoyed himself not 
only by eating good dinners, but also by 
going to the theatre; and that the orches- 
tra was where the senators sat (Vitruv. 
v. 6.1). He adds (Pref. lxvii) that he 
is unable to conceive what in paluestra 
can mean, and certainly it is a strange 
expression. Mendelssohn (/. 6. p. 352) 
proposes i duto est for molesta est, ‘ You 
have embraced the kitchen philosophy 
(i.e. the Epicurean); 1 am still in per- 
plexity as to what sect to follow.’ The 
generai expression is in ἐμέο haerere (or 
haesitare), but in luto esse occurs in Plaut. 
Pseud. 984. Perhaps we should read 
Tua quidem iucunda (for in culina), mea 
molesta est, ‘ Yours is of course a pleasant 
philosophy; mine keeps vexing me; forI 
feel ashamed of being a slave.’ To read 
iucunda for in culina is not to depart 
further from the mss. than to read in 
palaestra for molesta ; anda copyist would 
be only too prone to make a reference to 
the. kitchen when the subject was the 
philosophy of Epicurus. According to 
this reading we have also a more satis- 
factory explanation of enim. 

pudet enim servire... audiam] ‘For I 
am ashamed to live a slave, and so I 
pretend to be careless, in order to avoid 
hearing the reproaches of Plato ’: cp. Rep. 
ili. 387 B, ὅσῳ ποιητικώτερα τοσούτῳ ἧττον 
ἀκουστέον παισὶ καὶ ἀνδράσιν obs δεῖ 
ἐλευθέρους εἶναι δούλειαν θανάτου μᾶλλον 
πεφοβημένους. Cicero 15 referring to the 


519 


2. De Hispania nihil adhuc certi, 
Te abesse mea causa moleste fero, tua gaudeo. 
Valebis igitur meque, ut a puero fecisti, 


declamations he had been practising 
during the year: cp. 473. 3. 

Jacio . . . agere| For this sense of 
facere, ‘to pretend,’ ‘ to give out,’ Thiel- 
mann (in ‘ Archiv” ili. 179, 180) quotes 
Plaut. Pseud. 674, ego nunc me ut gloriosum 
Jaciam et copi pectore; Catullus 97. 9, se 
facit esse venustum; Petronius 51, fecit se 
porrigere Caesari et illam (phialam) in pavi- 
mentum provecit. Thielmann also notices 
that in the Cambridge ms. of the Itala in 
St. Luke xxiv. 28, ipse fecit (= mpoce- 
ποιεῖτο, Vulgate finxit) se longius abire. A 
somewhat different use of facere with inf. 
is that in 2 Verr. i. 100, plus fecit Dolabella 
Verrem accepisse quam iste in suis tabulis 
habuit. ‘ Dolabella made (in calculating 
the accounts) Verres to have. received 
more than he had in his books.’ For other 
examples see Thesaurus vi. 118, top. Boot 
(Obs. Crit. 25), who did not think that 
facere can mean ‘pretend to,’ altered to 
Jacile patior: cp. Att. xiii. 23. 1 (637). 
But this is too far from the mss. Alias res 
(or aliud) agere was a common phrase for 
attending to secondary or subordinate 
subjects to the neglect of essentials; 
hence it came to mean ‘to be careless 
or indifferent’: cp. Cluent. 179, Brut. 
233, ita (Fimbria) furebat tamen ut 
mirarere tam alias res agere populum ut 
esset insano inter disertos locus; Tac. Agr. 
43, volgus quoque et hic aliud agens populus, 
‘this apathetic, indifferent populace.’ 

convicium] This word is connected with 
vox, and means the din of many.voices. 
Dr. Reid (on Arch. 12) notices that in 
passages like the one before us, and 
Acad. 11. 34 (convicio veritatis), there is 
present the idea of repetition of sounds by 
a single voice. emg: 


LETTERS OF THE TWENTY-FOURTH YEAR OF CICERO’S 
CORRESPONDENCE. 


EPP. 531-693. 


A. U. C. 709; B.C. 453 AET. CIC. 61. 


CONS. (untrL OcrosER) C. JULIUS CAESAR IV. SINE COLLEGA, IDEM 
DICTATOR; M. AEMILIUS LEPIDUS, MAGISTER EQUITUM. 


CONSULS (From Ocroper) Q. FABIUS MAXIMUS (anp on HIs DEATH ON 
DEcEMBER 31 C. CANINIUS REBILUS); C. TREBONIUS. 


THE chief event in this year, as far as Cicero was concerned, was the death of 
Tullia, about the middle of February. At first Cicero seemed crushed. A 
large number of the letters to Atticus after Tullia’s death have relation to a 
monument which Cicero intended to build to her memory. After his first burst 
of grief Cicero strove to deaden his sorrow by writing literary and philosophical 
treatises. He worked very constantly, and in the course of the year published, 
as well as can be ascertained, a treatise De luctu minuendo.(March), Hortensius 
(April), Academica (July), De Finibus and Laudatio Porciae (August) ; and, 
according to some authorities, the Zusculan Disputations (September), and De 
Natura Deorum (November). But though these two treatises were begun in 
45, they were probably not published until the next year. We also hear of a 
Political Letter to Caesar (May), but Cicero did not send it. Such persistent 
work was salutary, and towards the end of the summer Cicero appears to have 


regained his normal composure. Some time in the late autumn (probably 
November) he defended King Deiotarus before Caesar. 


a Se 


EP. 531 (FAM. XV. 16). 521 


531. CICERO TO CG. CASSIUS LONGINUS 


\ 


(Fam. Xv. 16). 


ROME 3 JANUARY (MIDDLE); A. U. ©. 7093 B.C. 453 AKT. CIC. 61. 


M. Cicero ridet opiniones Epicureorum et ipsum Cassium disciplinae Epicureae 
studiosum. 


M. CICERO 5. D. C. CASSIO. 


1. Puto te iam suppudere, quem haec tertia iam epistula ante 
oppressit quam tu scidam aut litteram. Sed non urgeo: longiores 
enim exspectabo vel potius exigam. Ego si semper haberem cui 
darem, vel ternas in hora darem. Fit enim nescio qui ut quasi 
coram adesse videare cum scribo aliquid ad te, neque id κατ᾽ 
εἰδώλων φαντασίας, ut dicunt tui amici novi, qui putant etiam 
διανοητικὰς φαντασίας spectris Catianis excitari—nam, ne te fugiat, 
Catius Insuber, ᾿Επικούρειος, qui nuper est mortuus, quae 1116 Gar- 
gettius et iam ante Democritus εἴδωλα, hic spectra nominat ; 
2.—his autem spectris etiam si oculi possent feriri, quod quae velis 


This letter was written after 541, as 
Cicero says it is the third letter he has 
written to Cassius without receiving a 
reply. The three are—530, December; 
541 (early in January); 531 (middle of 
January): cp. Schmidt, p. 273. 

1. Puto te iam suppudere| “1 think now 
you must be somewhat ashamed of your- 
self that already this third letter is upon 
you betore you send a sheet or a line (lit. 
‘a letter of the alphabet’). But Iam not 
pressing.” ‘The text is the reading of 
Gronovius: see Adn. Crit. Note the 
ellipse of misisti: cp. Att. xii. 38. 1 
(581), mon dubito quin occupatissimus 
Sueris, qui ad me nihil Litterarum (sc. 
miseris) ; ib. xili. 37, 1 (657), Has alteras 
hodie litteras (sc. mist). For scida, see 
“Att: i. 20. 7 (26). 

‘ Sed .. . exigam| Nonius (p.:291)on 
the word exigere quotes this passage with 
‘the addition quando ‘hercle ego temere 
exigam; but this is probably an addi- 
tional illustration of the word taken from 
another author. 
᾿ nescio qui] § somehow or other,’ ablative. 
kar εἰδώλων φαντασία 97] cp. Kar’ 


-miles N.E. of Athens. 


εἰδώλων ἐμπτώσεις, Att. ii. 3.2 (29). This 


was the Epicurean theory of vision. 


διανοητικὰς φαντασίας) ‘mental 
pictures.’ 

spectris Catianis] ‘by what Catius 
calls spectres or visions.’ This translation 
of εἴδωλα by spectra appears to have been 
ridiculous ; ep. Fam. xv. 19. 1 (542) ; also 
ib. ὁ 2, Catit et Amafinii, mali verborum 
interpretes, though unless. we had this 
evidence we should not have thought 
so. ‘The word spectra occurs only in 
these two passages. Catius, the Insu- 
brian, was an Epicurean writer who had 
recently died. He treated his subject 
superficially, but in a fairly readable 
manner, Quintil. x. 1. 124, In Epicureis 
levis quidem sed non iniucundus tamen 
auctor est Catius. That this Catius is not 
the Catius of Hor. Sat. ii. 4 is almost 
certain; see Palmer’s Introd. to that 

Satire. 

ΟΠ Gargettius|. Epicurus, who be- 
longed to the deme of Gargettus, seven 
Democritus was 
born about 460 n.c. ;. Epicurus about 341. 

2. his autem spectris| Cicero’s objec- 


522 


ipsa incurrunt, animus qui possit ego non video. 


EP. 531 (FAM. XV. 16). 


Doceas tu me 


oportebit, cum salvus veneris, in meane potestate sit spectrum 
tuum, ut, simul ac mihi conlibitum sit de te cogitare, illud occurrat ; 
neque solum de te qui mihi haeres in medullis, sed si insulam 
Britanniam coepero cogitare, eius εἴδωλον mihi advolabit ad 


tions to the Epicurean theory of mental 
images are these: Granted that the mental 
image of an object is caused by idola 
impinging on the eye, how is it that the 
mind in thought is affected by just those 
images which we will should affect it— 
that just those idola reach the mind ? We 
read quod quae velis ipsa incurrunt, ‘ well 
(autem resumptive), even supposing that 
the eye can be struck by these spettres, 
because the actual images you wish do 
run in, I cannot see how it is that the 
mind can be struck.’ 
‘wish with countless others stream into 
the eyes; but how the mind is struck 
by just the images you wish is the 
difficulty. The most common word for 
objects striking on the eye is incurro 


{ep. Att. xii. 21. 5 (657); Fam. ii. 16. 2 Ὁ 


(5994): N. D. i, 108: Qnintil. x. 3) Τοὺς 
and as it is supported by HFD, had 
better be retained. M reads currant, which 
is generally altered to accurrunt, a word 
which occurs in a passage bearing on the 
same objection as the present one, viz. De 
Div. ii. 137-138: ep. Lucret. iv. 779 ff. 
and N. D. i. 108, Quid, quod hominum, 
locorum, urbium earum quas munquam 
vidimus 2 Quid quod, simul ac mihi 
collibitum est (‘I take the fancy ’), praesto 
est imago ὁ These φανταστικαὶ ἐπιβολαὶ 
τῆς διανοίας ‘represent the . impression 
derived from the spectra or idola, which 
are too delicate to affect the senses, but 
which can act upon the mind,’ if the mind 
strains itself to see them: but as to this 
straining of the mind, which is the real 
difficulty, the Epicureans give no account 
of it, and Lucretius simply ‘alludes, as if 
it were in no need of explanation, to the 
circumstance of the mind being able to 
attend, to abstract, to concentrate 
itself. In other words, he takes for 
granted a spontaneity—a power of initia- 
tion, selection, and determination, which 
his primitive atoms are not supposed to 
possess, but which he naturally enough, 
if somewhat illogically, assumes to exist 
and operate.’ (Wallace, Epicureanism, 
_p. 225; ep. p. 119.) . Somewhat different 
.15. the explanation of Munro (Lucr. iv. 


The images you 


6 


802): ‘Neither here nor elsewhere does 
Lucretius explain the all-important point 
how the mind is first turned to any 
object of thought. When the mind 
is once roused and the will set in 
motion, then it may be said that it 
attends solely or mainly to the images 
connected with such object; but why 
should one image more than any other 
image first strike on themind? This he 
does not explain: he attributed it, I 
presume, to accident, and_ therefore 
thought it unnecessary to enlarge upon 
it.’ If Epicurus and Lucretius had got 
a firm hold of the theory of ‘latent modi- 
fications,’ which has been used to explain 
the apparent vagaries of thought and the 
association of ideas, they might at least 
have given a possible explanation of the 
difficulty, and so thrown on their oppo- 
nents the burden of proof. Among the 
many other emendations proposed (see 
Adn. Crit.) that of Koch’s is noticeable, 
quod velis nolis ipsa accurrunt, 4 because 
willy nilly (whether you will or no) they 
themselves run up.’ For velim nolim 
withont conjunction, in more or less 
colloquial language, ep. N. Ὁ. i. 17; 
Q. Fr. iii, 8. 4 (159). 

A critic in .the Atheneum interpreted 
quod velis ipsa currunt ‘because they 
speed up to you full-sail,’ comparing 
Tuse. iil. 25, velis, ut ita dicam, remisque 
fugienda; but velis remisque is a proverb, 
and velis cannot be separated from remis. 
If velis were used without remis, it would 
require an. adjective. Cicero would 
probably have said plenis velis: cp. De 
Domo 24. 

haeres in medullis| Cp. Phil. i. 36, in 
medullis poyuli Romani ac visceribus hae- 
rebant. . , 

advolabit ad pectus| .‘ will fly into my 
mind’: cp. Att. xili, 12. 4 (626), toto 
pectore cogitemus. Strictly pectus is the seat 
of the emotions, and not of the intellect : 


-but perhaps the expression is conditioned 


by the immediately preceding gui mihi 

haeres in medullis. Professor Palmer 

suggested to us that possibly ad pectus 

is a corruption of ad adspectus: though 
: ὰ 


EP. 531 (FAM. XV. 16). 528 


pectus? 3. Sed haec posterius. 
acclpias. 


Tempto enim te quo animo 
Si enim stomachabere et moleste feres, plura dicemus 
postulabimusque, ex qua αἱρέσει VI HOMINIBUS ARMATIS deiectus 
sis, in eam restituare. In hoc interdicto non solet addi In Hoc 
ANNO. Qua re si iam biennium aut triennium est cum virtuti 
nuntium remisisti delenitus inlecebris voluptatis, in integro res 
nobis erit. Quamquam quicum loquor ? cum uno fortissimo viro, 
qui, postea quam forum attigisti, nihil fecisti nisi plenissimum 
amplissimae dignitatis. In ista ipsa αἱρέσει metuo ne plus ner- 
vorum sit quam ego putaram,si modo eam tuprobas. Qui id tibi 


in mentem venit? inquies. 


the plural is rare, yet adspectus in the 
singular isa very Ciceronian word. But 
the objection which Cicero is combating 
‘is not how the images come into the eye 
—this he allows as possible for the sake of 
argument (δ 2, init.)—but how the mindis 
stimulated. 
3. Tempto enim te quo| ‘This is ἃ con- 
struction more common in Greek than in 
Latin. ‘I am sounding you to see what 
way you will take it’ (Shuckburgh). 
postulabimusque| ‘we shall make an 
application that you be restored to that 
philosophical school from which you have 
‘been ousted by force of arms.’ Cassius is 
facetiously represented as having been 
‘ousted from the Stoic philosophy by the 
arms of Caesar, and as haying embraced 
the Epicurean tenets of the latter. Cicero 
says he will get an interdict from the 
praetor that he be restored to his former 
possession, viz. the Stoic philosophy. 
VI HOMINIBUS AkMATIS| The inter- 
dict unde vi ran thus:— Unde tu illum 
vi deiecisti aut familia tua deiecit, de eo 
quaeque ille tune ibi habuit tantummodo 
intra annum, post annum de eo quod ad 
eum gui vi deiecit pervenerit iudicium dabo 

(Dig. xliii. 16. 1 pr.). Ulpian, however, 
especially notices that this interdict only 
applies to atrox vis(§ 3). But in the time 
of Gaius (iv. 154, 155) there were two 
kinds of edicts, unde vi, one ‘ the every- 
day ἢ (cotidianum) edict when ‘ every-day’ 
violence had. been used, and the other 
evoked only in the case of armed violence. 
The latter differed from the former by the 
omission of the exceptions (the excep- 
tions being that the man. ousted must 
have held possession neither vi, clam, nor 
precario) and the omission of limitation to 


.vatleben, p. 69.. 


Quia nihil habebam aliud quod 


a year: cp. Poste’s Gaius (ed. 2), pp. 
630-1 ; Sandars’s Justinian (ed. 6), iv. 15. 
6, p. 492; Roby, Roman Private Law, 
1. 465. . 

iam biennium ... voluptatis| Nonius 
in quoting this (p. 278 s. v. delenitus) 
omits aut triennium. 

nuntium remisisti] This is another 
facetious metaphor, ‘you have cast off 
your true spouse Virtue, beguiled by the 
allurements of Pleasure.’ Nuntium re- 
mittere means ‘to send a message of 
divorcement’: cp. Att. 1. 13. 3 (19). 
Divorce was effected by sending a mes- 
sage (which in later times was delivered 
verbally by a freedman) in the formal 


. words tuas res tibi habeto, or tuas res tibi 


agito, Dig. xxiv. 2.2.1: cp. Mart. ΣΙ. 
104.1, Uxor, vade foras aut moribus utere 
nostris ; Mayor on Phil. ii. 69: Palmer 
on Plaut. Amph. 928 ; Marquardt, Pri- 
Biicheler conjectured 
that the formula in the XII Tables 


was baete foras mulier from. Varro τοῦ 


πατρὸς τὸ παιδίον, Fr. 2 (p. 220, ed. 
Biicheler), annos multos quod parere ea non 
poterat mulierem foras baetere iussit: see 
Thesaurus s. v. daetere. . In Plautus (e.g. 
Mil. 997 (as corrected by Leo), domo 
si bitat dum huc transbitat) the verb ap- 


- pears in the mss. as bitere, not daetere. 


.in integro res nobis est] ‘the matter 
will be open to us.’ 


Qui id... venit,inquies] Id refers to 


-the whole discussion in the letter on the 


Epicurean theory, to which there is a 
sportive reference in in mentem venit. To 
refer it to the sentence immediately pre- 


. ceding would make the answer of Cicero 


very rude. 


524 EP. 32 (FAM. ‘VT, .7), 


scriberem. De re publica enim nihil scribere possum: nec enim 
quod sentio libet scribere. 


532. AULUS CAECINA TO CICERO (Fam. vi. 7). 
SICILY 5 JANUARY (EARLY! ; A. τὸ. C, 709, Be €.455 ABT. CIC, 61, 


A. Caecina excusat se M. Ciceroni quod librum non reddiderit filius. Queritur sibi 
iratum esse C. Caesarem propter stilum, cum aliis ignovisset qui contra se deos precati 
essent. Caute se scribere ait ne Caesaris animum offendat. Rogat Ciceronem ut 
reditum 5101 a Caesare impetret neve librum suum exire patiatur nisi ita correctum ut 
sibi ne noceat. 


CAECINA CICERONI PLUR. SAL. 


1. Quod tibi non tam celeriter liber est redditus, ignosce timori 
nostro et miserere'temporis. Filius, ut audio, pertimuit, neque 
iniuria, si liber exisset (quoniam non tam interest quo animo 
scribatur quam quo accipiatur) ne ea res inepte mihi noceret, cum 
praesertim adhue stili poenas dem. Qua quidem in re singulari 
sum fato: nam cum mendum scripturae litura tollatur, stultitia 
fama multetur, meus error exsilio corrigitur: culus summa 


criminis est quod armatus adversario male dixi, 


De republica ... possum] Cp. 530. 1, 
nam σπουδάζειν sine periculo vix possumus, 
where see note. 


This letter is an answer to 527, accord- 
ingly written about a fortnight later. 
Caecina was allowed by Balbus and 
Oppius to remain in Sicily, probably 
until Caesar’s definite orders on the point 
could be obtained ; as soon as they arrived 
Caecina would have to make up his mind 
as regards his proposed Asiatic journey. 
1. tam celeriter| Sc. quam factum est. 
temporis| ‘my hour of need.’ Cicero 
often uses the. word of his banishment: 
cp. Sest. 123; Plane. 1; Fam. i. 6, 2 
(104). 
_ liber] This book seems to.have been 
Caecina’s ‘ Remonstrances’ (Jiber Querel- 
arum). Cicero had seen a first sketch 
of it in September (488. 8). Since then 
it would appear (δ 3, below, multa minut) 
that Caecina had ‘altered it considerably, 
and even now is afraid to publish it unless 
it receives a careful revision from Cicero 


2. Nemo 


(§ 6), which would remove from it every- 


‘thing which Cicero, who had a better 


knowledge than Caecina of what would 
please Caesar (§§ 4, 5), might consider 
likely to prejudice Caecina’s case. He 
sends back the book now (redditus) for 


-this revision: though, of course, reddere 


can mean simply ‘to deliver’ a letter (of 
a messenger) 

ne ea res inepte mihi noceret] ‘lest this 
should stupidly do me some harm,’ i.e. 
by my stupidity. The meaning is obvious, 


-and if the expression was just slightly 


inverted, ne ea re inepte mihi nocerem, no 
exception could be taken to inepte, which 
even as the sentence stands is pardonable. 


-For the definition of ineptus cp. De Orat. 
‘ii. 17, quoted in note to Fam. vii. 5. 3 


(134), Wesenberg (Z. 4. 14) wishes to 


-read either impense for inepte, or to omit 


the word altogether: see Adn. Crit. 
nam cum} ‘for whereas a) slip of the 
pen is removed by an erasure, and folly 


suffers the penalty of notoriety, the 
«penalty inflicted on my fault is exile.’ 


EP. 532 (FAM. VI. 7). 525 


nostrum est, ut opinor, quin vota Victoriae suae fecerit, nemo 
quin, etiam cum de alia re immolaret, tamen eo quidem ipso tem- 
pore ut quam primum Caesar superaretur optaret.. Hoc si. non 
cogitat, omnibus rebus felix est: si scit et persuasus est, quid 
irascitur ei qui aliquid scripsit contra suam voluntatem, cum 
ignorit omnibus qui multa deos venerati sunt contra eius salutem ? 
3. Sed ut eodem revertar, causa haec fuit timoris. Scripsi de te 
parce me dius fidius et timide, non revocans me ipse sed paene 
refugiens. Genus autem hoc scripturae non modo liberum sed 
incitatum atque elatum esse debere quis ignorat? Solutum 
existimatur esse alteri male dicere, tamen cavendum est ne in 
petulantiam incidas; impeditum se ipsum laudare, ne vitium 
adrogantiae subsequatur ; solum vero liberum alterum laudare, de 
quo quidquid detrahas necesse est aut infirmitati aut invidiae 
adsignetur. Ac nescio an tibi gratius opportuniusque acciderit : 
nam quod praeclare facere non poteram, primum erat non attin- 


2. persuasus 661] This is. not by any 
means an unheard-of construction in 
classical prose: .cp. Cornif. ad Herenn. 
i. 9; cum animus persuasus esse videtur ; 
10, si persuasus auditor fuerit; Auct. 
Bell. Afr. 55, Caesaris nomine persuast a 
rege Iuba desciscunt. -The use of the 
accusative is not found in Caesar, but 
appears in Ennius (quoted by Servius 
on Aen. x. 10), guis te persuasit. In 
Prop. v. 1. 146, we have persuasae fallere 
χέρια sat est; Ov.. A. A. iii. 679, Lam- 
dudum persuasus erit ; and often in post- 
classical prose, e.g. Val. Max. iii. 8. 1, 
Cupuam ... pacisci persuasam; Plin. 
H. N. x. 66, persuasae; Petron. 46, te 
pérsuadeam ; 62, persuadeo hospitem: 81, 
a@ matre persuasus est; Phaedr. i. 8. 7, 
persuasa est. Even Cicero has it Tusc. 
111. 72, Sed plures sunt causae susciptendt 
doloris. Primum ilia opinio mali, guo viso 
atque persuaso aegritudo insequitur neces- 
sario, though here the excuse of desire 
for symmetry may justly be pleaded. 
But in pro Tull. 39 the Turin palimpsest 
has ut veciperatores persuaderes. It is 
easy for editors to correct it. But the 
speech was composed in 71, when Cicero 
was not such a purist in language as he 
afterwards became. We also occasionally 
find such constructions as Vitruv. ii. 9. 
14, Larix... ab carte aut tinea non 
nocetur: .and in Lex Iulia Municipalis 


159, Qui permissus est fuit is probably 
‘who has been authorized’ (yet see 
Wordsworth ad loc., p. 471). So we 
must not say too roundly that Caecina 
here wrote bad Latin: ‘nec fas puto,’ as 
Mendelssohn pleasantly says, ‘ Caecinam 
usque adhuc stili poenas dare.’ 

multa deos venerati sunt] For deos: 
veneror =deos venerans ab tis precor cp. 
Plaut. Rud. 1349. Venus, veneror te wt 
omnes misert lenones sient: cp. ib. 256, 
305; Hor. Sat. ii. 6: 8, Si veneror stultus 
nihil horum. 

3. paene refugiens| ‘notonly checking 
myself, but almost. starting away.’ This. 
whole excuse of Caecina for not dilating 
on Cicero in his book is very ingeniously 
made. 

incitatum atque elatum| 
elevated.’ 

Solutum] ‘No restraint is thought to- 
exist in the case of literary attack.’ 

petulantiam] ‘ aggressiveness,’ " bully- 
ing,’ Juv. ili. 278. . 

impeditum] ‘Itis a difficult thing to 
praise oneself, lest the fault of presumption 
should ensue.’ 

ae nescio| ‘and I am inclined to think 
that what I have. done (i.e. referring to 
you only slightly) is more pleasing to you 
and suits your circumstances better.’ It 
would have been plainer if nihil? had been 
added after an. 


‘spirited and 


526 EP. .532 (FAM. VI..7), 

gere; secundum beneficlum quam parcissime facere. Sed tamen. 
ego quidem me sustinui; multa minui, multa sustuli, complura ne 
posui quidem. Quem ad modum igitur, scalarum gradus si alios 
tollas, alios incidas, non nullos: male haerentis relinquas, ruinae, 
periculum struas, non ascensum pares, sic tot malis tum vinctum 
tum fractum studium scribendi quid dignum auribus aut probabile 
potest adferre? 4. Cum vero ad ipsius Caesaris nomen veni, toto 
corpore contremesco, non poenae metu, sed illius iudici: totum 


enim Caesarem non novi. 
loquitur ? ‘ Hoe probabit : 
si hoc muto? at vereor 
aliquem:; num offendo ? 
vult ?’ 
quid faciet ?’ 
beneficium] ‘the second best kindness I 
could show you was to do it as sparingly 
as possible.” It is slightly awkward to 
have beneficium in the second and not in 
the first clause, and Lambinus ejected it : 


but it is very unlikely that the word was 
added by any copyist, and it suits the 


artful tone of Caecina’s excuse very well. 


It was (implies Caecina) a real kindness to 


you that so indifferent a writer as | am — 


mentioned you so sparingly. 

Sed tamen|] ‘But be that as it may 
(however you may regard my reasons), I 
did (quidem) restrain myself.’  Bardt 
seems to take the words as meaning ‘ I 
kept_my ground,’ ‘I was not beaten,’ 
i.e. I did not give up my work on the 
book. 

Quem ad modum ... adferre| This isa 
picturesque and original illustration. 
‘As then in a staircase, if you remove 
some of the steps, cut into others,.leave 
some hardly fastened together, you are 
creating for people a danger of falling 
down, not constructing a means for them 
to ascend ; so one’s literary talent, when 
itis hampered and crushed by so many 
discouragements, what can it produce 
worth being listened to or likely to win 
approval?’ Romans appear to have 
judged of literary works in.a large mea- 
sure by the effect they produced when read 
out: ep. audive, Fam. xvi. 10. 2 (926), 
Most rich Romans had special slaves to 
read out to them (ἀνάγνωσται) : cp, Att.i. 
12. 4 (17); Fam. y. 9.2 (639) ; Mayor 
on Plin, Epp. 111. 5. 10; Becker-Goll, 


Quem putus animum esse ubi secum 


hoe verbum suspiciosum est.’—‘ Quid, 
ne peius sit.—‘Age vero, laudo 
Cum porro offendam, quid, si non 


‘Armati stilum persequitur: victi et nondum restituti 
Auges etiam tu mihi timorem, qui in ‘ Oratore’ 


Gallus ii. 144. Hence in after times the 
great prevalence of public recitations, 
which were introduced by Pollio. On 
recitations see Mayor on Juv. i. 9. 
Nepos (Att. 14) notices that Memo in 
convivio eius (i.e. of Atticus) aliud acroama 
audivit quam anagnosten. 

4. totwm enim Caesarem non novi] ‘ for 
I do not know Caesar thoroughly.’ 

loquituy| sc. animus. 

Num offendo ?] ‘Surely I am not giving 
him offence?’ So MR. But G@ has non 
offendo, ‘ Am 1 not offending him in this ?’ 
and this is read by Wesenberg. 

Cum porro offendam] ‘ When.I go on ta 
take the offensive,’ i.e. attack someone, in 
opposition to laudo aliquem. We must. 
understand aliqguem with offendam, ‘run 
against someone.’ It is quite possible, as ° 
Wes. suggests (Zm. 85), that we should 
read reprendo or reprendam aliquem. He 
compares. Fam. v: 12. 8 (109), seribant 
necesse est st quid est laudandum et prae- 
tereant si quid reprehendendum est. 

quid faciet 35) sc. stile. 

‘ Oratore’| The * Orator,’ which was 
written in the previous year, was quite 
fresh in Caecina’s memory : cp. Cicero in 
reference to his own eulogy on Cato in 
Orat, 35, Ltaque hoc sum aggressus statim 
Catone absoluto ; quem ipsum nunquam 
attigissem tempora timens inimica virtuti, 
nist tibi (sc. Bruto) hortanti et illius © 
memoriam mtht caram excitants non parere 
nefas esse duxissem. Sed testificor me a te 
vogatum et recusantem haec scribere esse 
ausum; and Sir J, Sandys’ note, 


EP. 532 (FAM. VI. 7). 527 


tuo caves tibi per Brutum et ad excusationem socium quaeris. 
Ubi hoe omnium patronus facit, quid me, veterem tuum, nunc 
omnium clientem sentire oportet? In hac igitur calumnia 
timoris et caecae -suspicionis tormento cum plurima δα alieni 
sensus coniecturam, non ad suum iudicium scribantur, quam 
difficile sit evadere, si minus expertus es, quod te ad omnia 
summum atque excellens ingenium armavit, nos sentimus. 
Sed tamen ego filio dixeram, librum tibi legeret et auferret aut ea 
condicione daret si reciperes te correcturum, hoc est, si totum 
alium faceres. 5. De Asiatico itinere, quamquam summa necessi- 
tas premebat, ut imperasti feci. [8 pro me quid horter? vides 
tempus venisse quod necesse sit de nobis constitui. Nihil est, mi 
Cicero, quod filium meum exspectes. Adulescens est ; omnia excogi- 
tare vel studio vel aetate vel metu non potest. Totum negotium tu 
sustineas oportet : in te mihi omnis spes est, ‘'u pro tua prudentia 
quibus rebus gaudeat, quibus capiatur Caesar tenes: a te omnia 
proficiscantur et per te ad exitum perducantur necesse est: apud 


ipsum multum, ad eius omnis plurimum potes. 


veterem tuum .. .clientem] Cicero had 
defended Caecina’s father in 69 B.c., 
and it is probably on that account that 
Caecina here calls himself a vetus cliens of 
Cicero, We donot hear of Cicero’s having 
defended his present correspondent. 

In hae igitur ...sentimus| ‘In this 
Over-anxious fear and torturing blind 
suspicion, when most of what one writes 
is guided by guesses at the opinion of 
another and not according to one’s own 
judgment, [ feel how difficult it is to 
‘come off successfully ; and, if you have 
not experienced this, it is because your 
supreme and pre-eminent genius has armed 
you for all contingencies.’ For calumnia 
timoris cp. note on 461.3, sed calumnia- 
bar ipse. In Fam.i. 1. 1 (95) religionis 
calumnia rather means ‘sham religious 
scruple,’ with an idea of dishonesty. 
For evadere used absolutely cp: Sall. Jug. 
50 fin.; it is probably a military term, 
lit. * to get clear out’ (of a difficult posi- 
tion): cp. Liv. x. 1.6. We should have 
expected tu with expertus es as an anti- 
‘thesis to os. ΤΗΣ 
᾿ 5. ut imperasti feci| i.e. remained in 
Sicily and did not go to Asia: cp. 527.2. 
The present letter is an answer to Ep. 
527. .. ; 


6. Unum tibi si 


vel studio] ‘or owing to his excessive 
interest in my case.’ 

capiatur] * won over.’ 

ad eius omnis| There is no necessity 
to read apud with the old editors. Men- 
delssohn compares Liv. vi. $4. 5, potentis 
virt cum inter sui corporis homines tum 
etiam ad plebem; cp. 1. 26,53; and ad for 
apud (with persons) is a feature of collo- 
quial style: cp. Brix on Plaut. Capt. 
Prol. 49, who gives many examples. The 
Thesaurus, s. v. ad, p. 526. 78, reads ad: 
cp. also Att. vill. 3. 6 (333), invidiosum 
ad bonos; and note on Att, xii. 14. 1 
(546). Miuiller feels difficulty about eizs 
omnts in the sense of omnis eius familiaris 
(490. 1). It.might mean ‘ his domestics’ 
but not ‘his friends.?. The parallels 
adduced. by Lambinus, mei somnes, tui 
omnes, may have that meaning, but it is 
not at all certain that EIUs omnes can 
mean ‘his friends.’ : 

6. Unum tibi] * If you will convince 
yourself of this that your duty is not 
merely to do what you are asked (though 
even this is great and considerable), but 
that the business is a burden resting solely 
on you, you will know carry it through ; 
unless perchance misfortune makes me 
too inconsiderate or our friendship too 


528 EP. 533 (FAM. VI. 5). 


persuaseris, non hoc esse tui muneris, si quid rogatus fueris, ut 
facias—quamquam id magnum et amplum est—sed totum tuum 
esse onus, perficies: nisi forte aut in miseria nimis stulte aut in 
amicitia nimis impudenter tibi onus impono. Sed utrique rei 
excusationem tuae vitae consuetudo dat; nam quod ita consuesti 
pro amicis laborare, non iam sic sperant abs te sed etiam sic 
imperant tibi familiares. Quod ad librum attinet quem tibi filius 
dabit, peto a te ne exeat, aut ita corrigas ne mili noceat. 


533. CICERO TO AULUS CAECINA (Fam. v1. 5). 


ROME ; JANUARY (MIDDLE); A. U. Ὁ, 709; B.C. 453 AET. CIC. 61. 


.A. Caecinam, qui Cn. Pompeii partes in bello secutus etiam scripto libello Caesarem 
offenderat, patria carentem consolari studet et bene sperare de se ac fortunis suis 
inbet. 


M. CICERO 5. Ὁ. A. CAECINAE. 


1. Quotienscumque filium tuum video—video autem fere cotidie 
—polliceor ei studium quidem meum et operam sine ulla excep- 
tione aut laboris aut occupationis aut temporis, gratiam autem 
atque auctoritatem cum hac exceptione, quantum valeam quan- 


presuming when I lay this burden upon 
you. But the practice of your life gives 
me an excuse for both; tor, from your 
habit of exerting yourself so earnestly for 
your friends, those who are your intimates 
do not now merely hope for this assistance 
from you, but actually demand it from 
you as a right.’ This is a pleasing 
testimony to Cicero’s gratitude and 
readiness to help his friends. 

non hoc esse tut muneris] For the con- 
struction cp. Hor. Sat. i. 7. 35, operum 
hoc, mihi crede, tuorum est ; also Carm. iv. 
3. 21, totum muneris (‘bounty’) hoc tut 
est. 

exeat| “ get into circulation’: cp. Att. 
xiii. 21. 5 (632), me eos exire nondum velle. 
This is the meaning here. Another, 
but rarer, meaning of exire with regard 
to books is ‘ to turn out’ (in the course of 
composition): ep. Att. xiii. 13. 1 (627), 
Libri quidem ita exierunt... ut im tal 
genere ne apud Graecos quidem simile 


quidquam : cp. Persius i. 45, on ego cum 
scribo si forte quid aptius exit, Quando 
haec rara avis est, si guid tamen aptius 
exit ; Quintil. xii. 10. 26, st guid numeris 
exierit aptius (fortasse non possit, sed 
tamen si quid exterit), which looks like an 
echo of the passage from Persius; Hor. 
A. P. 22, currente rota cur urcens exit. 
On the passage from Persius Conington 
says that there is a double reference to a 
vessel turned out by a potter and to a 
bird hatched from an egg. 


1. sine ulla exceptione] ‘ without any 
reserve on the score of work, or business, 
or occasion, I promise my personal interest 
and influence, with this qualification, ‘‘to 
the extent of my power and means.’’’ 
We do not know of any other case in 
which exceptio is used with a genitive ; 
but it is the same sort of genitive (of 
definition, Roby 1302) as appears often 
after excusatio (e.g. aetatis, Cael. 2). 


ΕΗ 


EP. 533 (FAM. VI. δ). 529 


tumque possim. Liber tuus et lectus est et legitur a me diligenter 
et custoditur diligentissime. Res et fortunae tuae mihi maximae 
curae sunt: quae quidem cotidie faciliores mihi et meliores 
videntur, multisque video magnae esse curae, quorum de studio et 
de sua spe filium ad te perscripsisse certo scio. 2. 115 autem de 
rebus quas coniectura consequi possumus non mihi sumo ut plus 
ipse prospiclam quam te videre atque intellegere mihi persuaserim ; 
sed tamen, quia fieri potest ut tu ea perturbatiore animo cogites, 
puto esse meum quid sentiam exponere. Ea natura rerum est, 
is temporum cursus ut non possit ista aut tibi aut ceteris fortuna 
esse diuturna neque haerere in tam bona causa et in tam bonis 
civibus tam acerba iniuria. ὃ. Qua re ad eam spem, quam 
extra ordinem de te ipso habemus non solum propter dignitatem 
et virtutem tuam—haec enim ornamenta sunt tibi etiam cum 


᾿ς habemus, 
et virtutem tuam—haec envin ornamenta 


aliis 


Liber tuus| Cp. 532. 7 fin. 

2. non mihi sumo] ‘I do not take on 
myself to say.’ 

perturbatiore| ‘less calm.’ 

haerere in| ‘remain attached to.’ 
Cp. Cat. i. 13, quod privatarum rerum 
dedecus non haeret in fama ? 

8. tQua re ad eam spem] We have 
printed this corrupt passage as it stands 
in the mss. The proposed restorations 
are most violent. Boot (Οὐδ. Cri¢. 11) 
reads (omitting Quare): Adde eam spem, 
quam extraordinem de te ipso habemus, non 
solum propter dignitatem et virtutem tuam 
—haec enim ornamenta sunt tibi cum aliis 
communia—sed etiam, quae sunt tua prae- 
cipua, propter eximium ingenium summam- 
que eloquentiam quibus, &c. Bardt adopts 
this, except that he omits quae sunt tua 
praecipua. Madvig (Opuse. Acad. i. 
397 = 321, ed. 2) proposes: Quare ad 
gam spem <quam de omnibus habemus, 
accedit ea> quam extra ordinem de te ipso 
non solum propter dignitatem 


sunt tibi etiam cum aliis communia—sed 
(omitting accedunt tua praecipua) propter 


eximium ingeniwn summamgue tvirtutem, 


δῖ. Madvig’s restoration has been ap- 


ἑ proved of by Wesenberg and Baiter. 


_ They hold that accedunt tua praecipua, if 


it means ‘is added to,’ is a blundering 
| addition of a commentator to ad eam spem 


quam extra ordinem de {6 ipso habemus; 
also that sed etiam ought to be added corre- 


VOL. IV. 


communia—accedunt tua 


praecipua propter eximium 
sponding to non soium. ‘The mss. reading 
virtutem isalmost certainly wrong: various 
words have been proposed to take its 
place: doctrinam (old editors): erudi- 
tionem (Gron.); venustatem (K1.) ; <dicen- 
di> virtutem Koch; litteraturam Orelli 
(coll. Phil. ii. 116: ‘sed vocabulum 
litteraturaibi codicibus malis innititur ’) ; 
eloguentiam (Schiitz, Bardt, Wesenberg). 
The latter compares 528. 1, and says that 
the word required must, when coupled 
with ingenium, form one idea, owing to 
the singular relative cwi, ‘ yourremarkably 
able and highly eloquent style.’ Boot 
defends tua praecipua, as the antithesis 
of communis and praecipuus is frequent 
in Cicero: cp. 429. 1; 484.2. We con- 
fess to having sympathy with the desire 
to retain these words, and would also 
retain Quare. We suggest, though with 
nothing approaching. to contidence, 
Quare ad eam spem <adde spem> quam 
extra ordinem de te ipso habemus, non 
solum propter dignitatem .et virtutem 
twam—haec enim ornamenta sunt tibi etiam 
cum aliis communia ; accedunt tua praeci- 
pua (‘ there are further your own special 
distinctions’)—propter eximium, &e. 
There is a slight anacoluthon, whereby 
accedunt tua praecipua—which Cicero’s 
desire for his favourite .antithesis to 
communia led him to put in the paren- 
thesis—rendered unnecessary the usual 
sed etiam: before propter. We can offer 
no satisfactory correction for virtutem. 


2M 


530 EP. 5384 (FAM. VI. 18). 


ingenium summamque tvirtutem, cui mehercules hic cuius: in 
potestate sumus multum tribuit. Itaque ne punctum quidem 
temporis in ista fortuna fuisses, nisi eo ipso bono tuo quo 
delectatur se violatum putasset: quod ipsum lenitur cotidie sig- 
nificaturque nobis ab iis qui simul cum eo vivunt tibi hane 
ipsam opinionem ingeni apud illum plurimum profuturam. 
4, Quapropter primum fac animo forti atque magno sis: ita enim 
natus, ita educatus, ita doctus es, ita etiam cognitus ut tibi id 
faciendum sit: deinde spem quoque habeas firmissimam propter 
eas causas quas scripsi. A me vero tibi omnia liberisque tuis 
paratissima esse confidas velim: id enim et vetustas nostri amoris 
et mea consuetudo in meos et tua multa erga me officia postulant. 


534. CICERO TO Q. LEPTA (Fam. v1. 18). 


ROME 5; JANUARY; A. U. C. 7093 B.C. 455 AET. CIC. 61, 


eee Je 


M. Cicero Q. Leptae scribit quid in lege Caesaris municipali nondum promulgata 
de decurionibus scriptum sit: de rebus Hispanicis, de Leptae sponsione pro Pompeio, 
de ‘ Oratore’ suo Leptae probato, de Tulliae partu, de Leptae pueri studiis. 


CICERO LEPTAE. 


1. Simul atque accepi a Seleuco tuo litteras, statim quaesivi e 


Balbo per codicillos quid esset in lege. 


multum tribuit| For Caesar’s favour 
shown towards men of intellect, cp. 
488. 8, mirifice ingeniis excellentibus, 
quale est tuwm, delectatur, where see note. 

nisi 60 ipso ... putasset|] ‘ were it not 
that he thought himself injured by that 
very excellence of yours in which he 
takes delight.’ Caesar liked and admired 
men of letters, but he feared them also: 
so that this is a very dexterous compli- 
ment to Caecina on Cicero’s part. 

4, ita enim natus] ‘ your birth, educa- 
tion, learning, and reputation demand it 
of you.’ 

Ame vero... postulant] ‘Indeed I 
should wish you to believe that any 
assistance I can render you or your chil- 
dren is perfectly at your service; this is 
demanded by our long-standing friend- 


Rescripsit eos qui face- 


ship, my usual conduct towards my 
friends, and your many services towards 
myself.’ 


Lepta had been Cicero’s praefectus 
Sabrum in Cilicia: ep. Fam. iii. 7. 4 (244), 
and Addenda to vol. III, No. vii. We 
may, perhaps, gather from Ep. 543. 1-3, 
that he was a native of Cales. He tried 
to get a contract for supplying something 
at Caesar’s games in 45: cp. Att. xiii. 
46. 2 (663), where see note. 

1. Seleuco| Seleucus was a slave or 
freedman of Lepta: cp. 538. 6, Phil- 
argyrus tuus (of Torquatus). 

codicillos| Cp. note to 479. 1. 

lege] the Lex Iulia Municipalis, C.I.L. 
i. 206, § 23, 1.94; Wordsworth, Frag. 
and Specimens, p. 215. The reason for 


EP. 534 (FAM. VI. 18). 531 


rent praeconium vetari esse in decurionibus: qui fecissent non 
vetari, Quare bono animo sint et tui et mei familiares; neque 
enim erat ferendum, cum qui hodie haruspicinam facerent in 
senatum omae legerentur, eos qui aliquando praeconium 
fecissent in municipiis decuriones esse non licere. 2. De His- 
paniis novi nihil. Magnum tamen exercitum Pompeium habere 
constat: nam Caesar ipse ad nos misit exemplum Paciaeci litte- 
rarum, In quo erat illas undecim esse legiones. Scripserat etiam 
Messalla Q. Salasso P. Curtium fratrem eius iussu. Pompei 
Inspectante exercitu interfectum, quod consensisset cum Hispanis 
quibusdam, si in oppidum nescio quod Pompeius rei frumentariae 
causa venisset, eum comprelhendere ad Caesaremque deducere. 
3. De tuo negotio, quod sponsor es pro Pompeio, si Galba con- 


excluding auctioneers from the municipal 
magistracy and senate would appear to 
be that they were regarded with detesta- 
tion, like pawnbrokers and usurers with 
us, as trading on the misfortunes of 
‘others. The business they are coupled 
with in the law is that of undertaker, 
meve quis quet praeconium, dissignationem 
libitinamve fuciet dum eorum quid facet 
in municipio colonia pracfectura τὶ vir- 
(atwm) 1111 vir(atum) aliumve quem magis- 
(tratum) petito, neve capito, neve gerito, 
neve habeto, neve iber senator, neve decurio, 
neve conscriptus esto neve sententiam dicito. 
familiares] probably natives of Cales: 
ep. 543. 1, 2. 

haruspicinam facerent| ‘practised as 
haruspices.’ ‘These had originally been ex - 
eluded from the senate as being foreigners: 
_ ep. Gracchus ap. N. D.ii. 11: for the art 
of divination by inspection of entrails 
was chiefly derived from Etruria. They 
were paid officials, and in that differed 
_ from the other priests. It is possible 
- that the reason why they were excluded 
_ from the senate was because they took 
- money for their services: cp. Liv. xxi. 
63. 4, guaestus omnis patribus indecorus 
visus. When they were consulted by the 
Senate during the Republic, they were 
always specially introduced : cp. Willems, 
_ Le Sénat, ii.. 303, who quotes Liv. xxxii. 
᾿ς 1.14, 0b hoc. unum prodigium haruspices 
_ im senatum vocati (199 B.c.). Further 

_ ep. Marquardt, iii. 393 ff. 
2. Paciaeci| Cp. 459.1; and Bell. Hisp. 
Ὁ. 4, where we are told that Caesar sent 
six cohorts and some cavalry against Cn. 


= 
7 
. 

3 


Pompey, who lay at: the town of Ulia, 
quibus praefecit hominem eius provinciae 
notum et non parum scientem L. Iunium 
Paciaecum. According to the same author 
(7, § 4) the force of Cn. Pompey was 
thirteen not very strong legions. For 
nos Bucheler has suggested sazos, perhaps 
rightly. But possibly ad nos may mean 
‘to us’ who are at Rome, the important 
plural nos perhaps intimating that Cicero 
was to some extent in public life now. 
(For the plural of Political Dignity 
cp. Prof. Conway, § 16, pp. 20 ff.) This 
passage, accordingly, does not call for 
emendation so urgently as 373. 1, 16 ut, 
al ME scripsit, legiones singulas posuit 
Brundisi, Tarenti, Siponti, where see 
note. 

erat| = scriptum erat: cp. 402. 1, 
erat enim sic in litteris, and often in such 
phrases as ut est apud Platonem, Off. i. 
64 and 87: cp. Stinner, p. 65. 

Messalia] was consul in 43, and a 
partisan of Caesar’s: cp. 446. 2. He 
was with Caesar in Africa as well as in 
Spain (Bell Afr. 28. 2; 86.3). See also 
Index s. v. Valerius Messalla. Of Salassus 
and his cousin Curtius we know nothing 
more than. what is related here. 

consensisset] ‘because, as he alleged, 
he had made a compact,’ virtual oblique 
subjunctive. 

3. St Galba] As. explanation of this 
passage, Hofmann quotes Val. Max. vi. 
2. 11, Lam Ser. Galbae temeritates plena 
postulatio, qui divum Iulium consummatis 
victorits in foro ius dicentem in hune modum 
interpellare sustinuit : °C. Iuli Caesar, pro 


2M 2 


532 EP. 534 (FAM. VI. 158). 

sponsor tuus redierit, homo in re familiari, non parum diligens, 
non desinam cum illo communicare, si quid expediri possit, quod 
videbatur mihi ille confidere. 4. ‘Oratorem’ meum tanto opere 
a te probari vehementer gaudeo. Mihi quidem sic persuadeo, me 
quidquid habuerim iudici de dicendo in illum librum contulisse. 
Qui si est talis qualem tibi videri scribis, ego quoque aliquid sum Σ᾿ 
sin aliter, non recuso quin quantum de illo libro tantumdem de 
mei iudici fama detrahatur. Leptam nostrum cupio delectari iam 
talibus scriptis: etsi abest maturitas aetatis, tamen personare auris 
eius huius modi vocibus non est inutile. 5. Me Romae tenuit 
omnino Tulliae meae partus. Sed cum ea, quem ad modum spero, 
satis firma sit, teneor tamen dum a Dolabellae procuratoribus 
exigam primam pensionem, et mehercule non tam sum _ pere- 
grinator iam quam solebam. Aedificia mea me delectant et 
otium. Domus est quae nulli mearum villarum cedat, otium omni 
desertissima regione maius. Itaque ne litterae quidem meae 
impediuntur, in quibus sine ulla interpellatione versor. Quare, 


Cn. Pompeio Magno, quondam genero tuo, aurem. Vergil, Aen. vi. 171 (personat 


in tertio eius consulatu pecuniam spopondi, 
quo nomine nunc appellor. Quid agam ? 
dependam 2?’ Palam atque aperte ei bono- 
rum Pompet venditionem exprobrando ut 
a tribunali summoveretur meruerat. Sed 
illud ipsa mansuetudine mitius pectus (1.6. 
Caesar) aes alienum Pompei ex suo 7800 
solvi iussit. Galba had been Caesar’s 
lieutenant in Gaul; but afterwards be- 
came estranged from him, and ultimately 
joined with the conspirators against him. 
He was great-grandfather of the Em- 
peror Galba (Suet. Galb. 3. 2). We 
have a letter of his to Cicero (Fam. x. 30, 
Ep. 841) describing the battle of Forum 
Gallorum. 

4. « Oratorem’| Cicero wrote his 
‘Orator’ in the previous year (46): cp. 
note to 532. 4. 

Leptam nostrum] i.e. Lepta’s son. 

personare auris} ‘to make his ears ring 
with language of this sort.” It is prob- 
able that personare is transitive here, and 
that in a somewhat similar passage, 
Off. iii. 5 (tamen conducere arbitror talibus 
auris tuas vocibus undique circumsonare 
nec eas, st fiert posstt, quicquam. aliud 
audire), the word cireumsonare is also 
transitive: cp. also Hor. Epist. i. 1. 7, 
est miht purgatam. cerebro qua personet 


aequora), 417 (personat regna) extends 
this transitive usage. But, of course, 
both words can be taken intransitively : 
cp. Pis. 22, cum domus cantu et cymbalis. 
personaret; Liv. xxxix. 10. 7, 7m locum 
que circumsonet ululatibus. 

5. pensionem] ‘instalment’ of Tullia’s 
dowry. Dolabelia and Tullia were di- 
vorced before Dolabella left (probably 
shortly after Caesar) for Spain in the 
second intercalary month. The divorce 
would seem to have been effected in a 
fairly friendly manner: cp. Introd. note 
to 537. . 

peregrinator] Cicero is fond of coining 
words in -tor: cp. ioculator, Att. iv. 16. 
3 (144); traductor, ib. ii. 9. 1 (386) 5. 
adiunctor, 333. 3; and Stinner, pp. 6f. 

Aedificia mea) ‘my buildings,’ i.e. 
the new buildings of his house on the 
Palatine. Cicero very much enjoyed | 
building operations: cp. Q. Fr. ii. 8. 
3 (128); ili. 7. 1-6 (148), and often. 
Domus.is his house in Rome, ‘ his home.’ 
For domum = Romam cp. 641. 4 and 
often; see Index. 

omni... regione] comparatio com- 
pendiaria (as it is called) for otéo omnis 
desertissimae regionis cp. Wilkins on De 
Orat. 1. 15. 


EP. 535 (FAM. LIV. 14). 


ut arbitror, prius hic te nos quam istie tu nos videbis. 


533 


6. Lepta 


suavissimus ediscat Hesiodum et habeat in ore Τῆς δ᾽ ἀρετῆς 


ἱδρῶτα et cetera, 


535. CICERO TO GNAEUS PLANCIUS 
(FAM. IV. 14). 


ROME; JANUARY (P); A. U. C. 7093 B.C. 45; AET. CIC. 61. 


M. Cicero Cn. Plancio ad binas litteras respondet, quarum alteris de pristina 
dignitate a Caesare Ciceroni restituta gratulatus erat, alteris de novis nuptiis dimissa 


Terentia factis. 


Ac primum quidem significat sibi pristinam dignitatem nequaquam 


redditam esse, novas autem nuptias se scribit fecisse propter res domesticas suas. 
Denique Cn. Plancium Corcyrae tum exsulantem consolari studet. 


M. CICERO S. D. CN. PLANCIO. 


1. Binas a te accepi litteras Corcyrae datas: quarum alteris 
mihi gratulabare, quod audisses me meam pristinam dignitatem 
obtinere, alteris dicebas te velle quae egissem bene et feliciter 


evenire. 


Ego autem, si dignitas est bene de re publica sentire et 


bonis viris probare quod sentias, obtineo dignitatem meam: sin 


- 6. Lepta suavissimus| Cp. note to 
405. 3. 
ediscat| ‘learn off’: cp. De Orat. 


1. 157, exercenda est etiam memoria edis- 
cendis ad verbum quam plurimis et nostris 
scriptis et alients. 

Hesiodum| Op. et Dies, 289, τῆς δ᾽ 
ἀρετῆς ἱδρῶτα θεοὶ προπάροιθεν ἔθηκαν 
᾿Αθάνατοι. After ἱδρῶτα the mss. add et 
cetera: cp. 477. 2 nosti cetera after a few 
words of a quotation; also Att. 11. 19. 3 
(46) et cetera ‘and what follows.’ 


: Hofmann argues that this letter must 
_ have been written in the early part of 
_ the year 46: for (1) Cicero would not 
_ have taken such a melancholy view of 
his lack of influence after he had defended 
- Marcellus and Ligarius; and (2) he 
would after these events probably have 
held out more definite hopes to Plancius. 
_ But the fact seems to have been that 
_ Aicero, seeing that there was little hope, 


at least for the present, of the restoration 


of Plancius, naturally adopted a mournful 


_ tone and depreciated his own position, and 


indeed the whole state of affairs at Rome ; 
for it would have been most unkind to 
lay stress on his own good fortune when 
he could hold out no hope to his friend. 
It took nearly a fortnight for a letter to 
reach Corcyra from Rome, so that this 
letter was written probably about a month 
or so later than the time when Cicero’s 
marriage with Publilia was arranged. 
This would fix its date somewhere about 
the beginning of 45. It cannot have 
been early in 46 (as Schmidt also holds) : 
for in Ep. 502, which was written in the 
autumn of 46, Cicero appears to be only 
thinking in an indefinite manner about 
marriage. 

1. Corcyrae} Both the genitive and 
ablative can be used of the place from 
which a letter is sent; the latter is the 
more common: cp. note to Att. iii. 5 (60). 

quae egissem| Se. his marriage with 
Publilia: ep. § 3. 

Ego autem... obtineo| ‘ Well, I do 
maintain my dignity’ : resumptive autem. 

et bonis viris probare quod sentias| ‘and 
to make one’s sentiments commend them- 
selves to good men.’ 


534 EP. 535 (FAM. IV. 14). 


autem in eo dignitas est, si quod sentias aut re efficere possis aut 
denique libera oratione defendere, ne vestigium quidem ullum est 
relicuum nobis dignitatis, agiturque praeclare si nosmet ipsos 
regere possumus ut ea quae partim iam adsunt, partim impen- 
dent, moderate feramus: quod est difficile in eius modi bello, 


eT δ οὴ 


cuius exitus ex altera parte caedem ostentat, ex altera servitutem. | 


2. Quo in periculo non nihil me consolatur cum recordor haec me 
tum vidisse, cum secundas etiam res nostras, non modo adversas, 
pertimescebam videbamque quanto periculo de iure publico dis- 
ceptaretur armis. Quibus si ii vicissent ad quos ego pacis spe, 
non belli cupiditate adductus accesseram, tamen intellegebam et 
iratorum hominum et cupidorum et insolentium quam crudelis 
esset futura victoria: sin autem victi essent, quantus interitus. 
esset futurus civium partim amplissimorum, partim etiam opti- 
morum, qui me haec praedicentem atque optime consulentem 
saluti suae malebant nimium timidum quam satis prudentem 


existimari. 


aut denique ... defendere| ‘or merely 
maintaining them with freedom of 
speech ’: denique, as often at the end of 
a climax. 

agiturque praeciare si] ‘ and we get off 
very well if,’ ‘ we are very fortunate if.’ 

in eius modt bello . . . ostentat| ‘in a 
war like the present (viz. the Spanish war 
against the sons of Pompey) the issue of 
which threatens massacre on one side 
(if the Pompeians are victorious, cp. 
542. 4) and slavery on the other’ (if 
the Caesareans conquer). For ostentat 
‘threatens,’ cp. Clu. 25, qui sibi dela- 
tionem nominis et capitis periculum 
ostentarat. For the reading see <Adn. 
Crit. 

2. non nihil me consolatur cum] ‘I 
feel somewhat consoled when.’ After 
verbs of consolation, as well as after verbs 
of congratulation (cp. Fam. ix. 14. 3 
(722), gratulor tibi cum tantum vales, 
where see note) or praise (Mil. 99) or 
thanks (cp. 519. 2), cwm with indicative 
often is used in the*sense of guod: cp. 
Palmer’s note on Plaut. Amph., 642, sed 
hoc me beat saltem quom perduelis vicit. 
He there quotes Capt. 151; Men. 1149; 
Bacch. 334; and refers to a similar 
use of ὅτε, which he has restored in 
Aristoph. Ran. 20, ὦ τρισκακοδαίμων ap’ 


3. Quod autem mihi de eo quod egerim gratularis, 


, oOo 


6 τράχηλος οὕτοσί Ὅτε θλίβεται μὲν, Td 

δὲ γέλοιον οὐκ ἐρεῖ: cp. Ach. 400. 
cum... pertimescebam] For this use 

of cum with indic. in ἃ subordinate 


clause cp. 540. 4, in quo prima illa con- . 


solatio est vidisse me plus quam ceteros, 
cum cupiebam quamvis iniqua condicione 
pacem; and Lebreton, p. 831. For 
Cicero’s apprehension from the very first: 


of the results of a Pompeian victory. 


cp. 342. 4; 352.2; 362.4; 365. 6 
(ita Sullaturit animus erus et proscripturit 
iam diu); 464.2; 470. 3. 

quanto... armis| ‘ with what danger 
would constitutional rights be decided by 
an appeal to war.’. The rights referred to 
are Caesar’s claims, which were based on 
the grants made to him by the people. 
See vol. III?, Introd., § 3, p. ΙΧ]. : 

vicissent . . . intellegebam] The true 
apodosis is crudelis fuisset victoria, ‘if 
they δὰ conquered, their victory would 
have been ruthless, and I saw that.’ 

et iratorum...insolentiwum] ‘of men 
passionate, rapacious, outrageous.’ 

satis prudentem| ‘tolerably long- 
sighted.’ 

3. Quod. . 
Rome in 47 Cicero found (or at any rate 
thought that he had found) that Terentia 
had fraudulently mismanaged his affairs = 


.egerim| On his return to 


EP. 535 (FAM. IV. 14). 535 


te ita velle certo scio; sed ego tam misero tempore nihil novi con- 
sili cepissem, nisi in reditu meo nihilo meliores res domesticas 
quam rem publicam offendissem. Quibus enim pro meis immor- 
talibus beneficiis carissima mea salus et meae fortunae esse 
debebant, cum propter eorum scelus nihil mihi intra meos parietes 
tutum, nihil insidiis vacuum viderem, novarum me necessitudinum 
fidelitate contra veterum perfidiam muniendum putavi. Sed de 
nostris rebus satis vel etiam nimium multa. 4. De tuis velim ut 
eo sis animo quo debes esse, id est ut ne quid tibi praecipue 
timendum putes. Si enim status erit aliquis civitatis, quicumque 
erit, te omnium periculorum video expertem fore: nam alteros 
tibi iam placatos esse intellego, alteros numquam iratos fuisse. 
De mea autem in te voluntate sic velim iudices, me quibuscumque 
rebus opus esse intellegam, quamquam videam qui sim hoc tempore 
et quid possim, opera tamen et consilio, studio quidem certe rei, 
famae, saluti tuae praesto futurum. ‘lu velim et quid agas et 
quid acturum te putes facias me quam diligentissime certiorem. 


Vale. 


cp. 431. 5; and in order to escape from his 
pecuniary difficulties, after about a year 
he married, solely for her money, his 
young and wealthy ward Publilia. The 
marriage was unfortunate, and Cicero soon 
divorced Publilia. Dio Cassius (Ivii. 15) 
says that Vibius Rufus (who lived in the 
reign of ‘Tiberius ) married Cicero’s widow. 
This must have been Publilia. In the 
covert accusations against his family, 
which are contained in this section, 
Cicero is probably thinking not only of 
Terentia’s undutifulness, but also of the 
treachery of his brother Quintus and of 
young Quintus: cp. 422. 2. 

4. status| ‘ fixity.’ Watson compares 
ad Brut. i. 15.12 (914), twa nobis auctori- 
tate opus est ad collocandum aliquem civi- 
tatis statum. 


aiteros...placatos| sc. the Caesareans. 

alteros . . . fuisse] The Pompeians. 
Plancius had no reason to fear a Pompeian 
victory, as he had been a consistent 
partisan of theirs, and had not, like Cicero 
and others, made terms with Caesar: cp. 
538. 2 fin.; 540. 2, note, where he says 
much the same to Torquatus. 

me... futurum| ‘that in whatever 
way I think necessary, though I see the 
position I hold and the power I have (i.e. 
the insignificant position and the little 
power), yet with all my efforts, advice, 
and devotion, at any rate I shall be ready 
to aid your interests, reputation, and 
safety’: videam is the subjunctive, as 
being in orat. obliqua, governed by iudices, 
so there is no need to alter it to video, as 
Wesenberg suggests. 


536 EP. 536 (FAM. IV. 10). 


536. CICERO TO M. CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS 
(Fam. Iv. 10). 


ROME; DECEMBER OR JANUARY; A.U.C. 708 OR 709 ; .Β. C. 46 OR 45 5 
AET. CIC. 60 OR 61. 


Hortatur M. Marcellum ut reditum a Caesare iam impetratum maturet : id ad rem 
eius familiarem pertinere. 


CICERO MARCELLO 5. 


1, Etsi nihil erat novi quod ad te scriberem magisque litteras 
tuas iam exspectare incipiebam vel te potius ipsum, tamen, cum 
Theophilus proficisceretur, non potui nihil ei litterarum dare. 
Cura igitur ut quam primum venias: venies enim, mihi crede, 
exspectatus, neque solum nobis, id est tuis, sed prorsus omnibus. 
Venit enim mihi in mentem subvereri interdum ne te delectet 
tarda decessio. 2. Quod si nullum haberes sensum nisi oculorum, 
prorsus tibi ignoscerem si quosdam nolles videre, sed cum leviora 
non multo essent quae audirentur quam quae viderentur, suspi- 
carer autem multum interesse rei familiaris tuae te quam primum 
venire, idque in omnis partis valeret, putavi ea de re te esse 
admonendum. Sed quoniam quid mihi placeret ostendi, reliqua 
tu pro tua prudentia considerabis. Me tamen velim quod ad 
tempus te exspectemus certiorem facias. 


this letter. But it is so colourless that 
we cannot be sure. Plainly there was no 


It cannot be clearly made out when this 
letter was written. We think Cicero must 


have waited some reasonable time before 
he could take it on himself to imply a 
covert censure (ne te delectet tarda decessio) 
on the lack of eagerness Marcellus showed 
_ about returning. Ep. 496 reached Cicero 
about the middle of the first intercalary 
month. Allow, say, two or three months 
during which Cicero was expecting a 
further letter from Marcellus, and we 
reach December, 46. That would, we 
think, be the earliest reasonable date for 


news from Spain. 

1. Theophilus] a freedman of M. 
Marcellus: cp. 487. 1. 

2. oculorum] Cp. 487. 1 note; 538. 1. 

interesse rei familiaris] Cp. 486. 5. 

idque in omnis partis valeret] 418. 2, 
still governed by cum, ‘and since that is 
of importance in every respect’: e.g. it 
will conciliate Caesar by your appearing 
to appreciate his clemency in allowing 
you to return. 


EP. 5387 (FAM. IX. 10). 537 


537. CICERO TO P. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA 
(Fam. 1x. 10). 


ROME; DECEMBER OR JANUARY (EARLY); A. U. C. 708 OR 7093 
B. C. 46 OR 453 AET. CIC. 60 OR 61. 


M. Cicero inter Niciam et Vidium iudex in causa, ut videtur, pecuniaria constitutus 
iocose de grammaticis scribit. Jocatur etiam de P. Sullae morte. 


M. CICERO S. ἢ. P. DOLABELLAE. 


1, Non sum ausus Salvio nostro nihil ad te litterarum dare, 
nec mehercule habebam quid scriberem, nisi te a me mirabiliter 
amari: de quo etiam nihil scribente me te non dubitare certo scio. 
Omnino mihi magis litterae sunt exspectandae a te quam a me 
tibi. Nihil enim Romae geritur quod te putem scire curare: nisi 
forte scire vis me inter Niciam nostrum et Vidium iudicem esse. 
Profert alter, opinor, duobus versiculis expensum Niciae: alter Aris- 
tarchus hos ὀβελίζει. Ego tamquam criticus antiquus iudicaturus 
sum utrum sint τοῦ ποιητοῦ an παρεμβεβλημένοι. 2. Puto te nune 
dicere, ‘ Oblitusne es igitur fungorum illorum quos apud Niciam ? 
et ingentium fcularum cum sophia Septimae?’t Quid ergo? tu 


This is a somewhat remarkable letter duobus versiculis expensum Niciae] ‘in 


when we consider the way Dolabella had 
treated Tullia, and that they had been 
recently divorced. But the divorce seems 
to have been a fairly friendly one. The 
effusiveness of Cicero is perhaps designed 
to show that he bore no ill-will. Dola- 
bella left for Spain probably soon after 
(ep. 500 fin.) Caesar in the second inter- 
calary month. As the news of the death 
of P. Sulla appears to be fresh in Cicero’s 
memory, this letter (ἢ 3) was probably 
written about the same time as 541 (§ 2). 
Schmidt (p. 273) thinks that, as there is 
no mention of Pansa, it was written 
before December 30, 46 (541. 8). 

1. Saivio] Salvius was a literary slave 
of Atticus: cp. 362. 1, note. 

Niciam] Nicias Curtius of Cos, who 
was a close friend of Dolabella: cp. Att. 
vil. 3. 10 (294); xii. 26. 2 (562); xiii. 
52 fin. (679); xiv. 9. 3 (712); xv. 20.1 
(752) ; and notes on those passages. 


two lines an entry of money lent to Nicias ; 
the other, an Aristarchus, obelizes them,’ 
i.e. marks them as spurious with the obelus 
(t), as Aristarchus did the spurious lines 
in Homer. 

παρεμβεβλημένοι] ‘interpolated.’ 
The passage from Nihil enim Romae down 
to this word is quoted by Suetonius, De 
Grammaticis, 14, in his account of Nicias. 
He also quotes Att. xii. 26. 2 (562). 

2. Nictam] sc. dedisti, a word which 
Wesenberg wishes to supply in the text. 

tcularum] As to this passage, all we can 
say is that caulium (‘ cabbages’) was pos- 
sibly the word Cicero used, and that the 
‘ philosophy (σοφίᾳ) which was discussed 
at that dinner may have been similar to 
that on which Nasidienus lectured his 


‘guests: cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 8. 92, suavis res 


si non causas narraret earum et | naturas 
dominus. For sophia used in a some- 
what cynical sense we may perhaps 


538 


EP. 537 (FAM. IX. 10). 


adeo mihi excussam severitatem veterem putas ut nein foro quidem 
reliquiae pristinae frontis appareant? Sed tamen suavissimum 
συμβιωτὴν nostrum praestabo integellum, nec committam ut, siego 
eum condemnaro, tu restituas, ne habeat Bursa Plancus apud 


quem litteras discat. 


3. Sed quid ago? cum mihi sit incertum 


tranquillone sis animo an, ut in bello, in aliqua maiuscula cura 
negotiove versere, labor longius. Cum igitur mihi erit exploratum 
te libenter esse risurum, scribam ad te pluribus. Te tamen hoc 
scire volo, vehementer populum sollicitum fuisse de P. Sullae 


compare the inscription in Seneca, Ep. 89. 
6, Hospes resiste et sophiam Dossenni lege, 
Dossennus being a stock character in the 
Atellan plays, the glutton or the sharper. 
Septimae seems to represent some name. 
The older editions read cochlearwm or 
gallinarum for cularum. Gronovius pro- 
poses sguillarum and sepia Septiniae, 
‘the cuttle-fish of Septimia.’? Οὐ 
(Philol. 1900, p. 624) suggests salarum 
(‘trout,’ from salar, saldris) cum σοφίας 
ἐπιτομῇ ‘and his huge trout with his 
résumé of human wisdom.’ It can hardly 
be ferculorwm, * courses’ (at dinner)—a 
word not found apparently in writers of 
the Ciceronian age—as fungorum leads 
one to expect some special edible; and 
this objection holds also against an in- 
genious conjecture of Palmer’s ieientacu- 
lorum (cp. Nonius 126 and Plaut. Cure. 
73), ‘ breakfasts,’ though the similarity 
of the first three syllables to ingentiwm 
would explain how they dropped out. 
See Adn. Crit. 

excussam severitatem] ‘the rigour is 
knocked out of me’: cp. Tuse.i. 111, hane 
excutere opinionem mihi volui radicitus. 

pristinae frontis] ‘of the old stern 
brow.’ Wilkins on Hor. Ep. i. 9, 11, 
notes that frons never (like os, ‘ cheek,’ 
e.g. Cic. De Orat. i. 175) carries in itself 
the meaning of boldness or impudence, 
but derives this force from the adjective : 
ep. Hor. Carm. ii. 5. 15, proterva fronte. 
It is used without an adjective in the 
sense of ‘shame,’ ‘ modesty,’ in Pers. 5, 
104, exclamet Melicerta perisse Frontem de 
vebus, where there is an echo of Horace, 
Epp. ii. 1. 80, elament periisse pudorem. 
Conington compares ‘frontless,’ a word 
now almost obsolete, but used by Pope: 
Epistles ii. 7, ‘ frontless Flattery.’ 

Sed tamen .. . integellum] ‘that in 
any case I will see our delightful table- 


companion through his little trouble” 
(Shuckburgh). For the diminutive form 
integellus cp. Catullus 14. 4. 

restituas | ‘restore him’ to the condition 
he held prior to conviction (restituere in 
integrum). 

ne habeat Bursa Plancus| After the 
death of Clodius, Bursa had been engaged 
in the riot in which the Senate House 
was burned (Ascon., p. 33, ed..Clark = 
34 Or.), and on account of this he was 
accused by Cicero de vi, under Pompey’s 
law of 52, and condemned with the 
applause of everyone: cp. Fam. vii. 2. 
2 (182). He was restored along with 
others by Caesar: cp. Fam. xii. 18. 
2.(670); Phil. vi. 10% xi. 27. Cicero 
represented him as illiterate, and requiring 
a teacher. Wesenberg (1. A. 27), who 
holds that Plancus had been already re- 
stored, reads wit for ne. ‘I will not give 
you an opportunity of reversing a sentence 
I might pass, which you would do in 
order to let Bursa have ἃ teacher.’ 
Cicero would thus appear to rally Dola- 
bella on the partiality he showed for the 
low creature Bursa, and the readiness of 
the Caesareans to favour those condemned 
by the laws. Bursa appears to have been 
restored the year before: see Fam. xii. 
18. 2 (670),. which probably belongs to 
46 B.c. But ne is quite satisfactory. 
‘I will not let you restore Nicias, lest 
Bursa Plancus should have someone to 
teach him.’ ‘I will not let you restore 
Nicias (as you would wish to do), for 
fear of his betaking himself to Plancus 
and instructing him in rhetoric,’ so that 
Plancus would prove superior to you. 

8. labor longiws| ‘1 drift on further 
and further.’ 

P. Sullae} This was the Sulla whom — 
Cicero defended. They seem to have be- 
come quite estranged : see notes to 541. 2; 


EP. 538 (FAM. VI. 1). 


539 


morte ante quam certum sciérit. Nunc quaerere desierunt quo 


modo perierit : satis putant se scire quod sciunt. 


Ego ceteroqui 


animo aequo fero: unum vereor, ne hasta Caesaris refrixerit. 


538. 


CICERO TO AULUS TORQUATUS 


(Fam. VI. 1). 


ROME 3 JANUARY (TOWARDS MIDDLE); A. U. C. 7093 B. C. 45; 
AUT, Cle. G1: 


M. Cicero A. Manlium Torquatum, Athenis iam ipsum exsulantem On. Pompeio, 
cuius castra secutus erat, victo consolari studet, non nullam reditus spem ostendens. 


M, CICERO 5. D. A. TORQUATO. 


1. Etsi ea perturbatio est omnium rerum ut suae quemque 
fortunae maxime paeniteat nemoque sit quin ubivis quam ibi ubi 


sit esse malit, tamen mihi dubium non est quin hoc tempore bono 


viro Romae esse miserrimum sit. 


842. 8; and to445.2. He was a legatus 
of Caesar. He was plainly an officer of 
some distinction (Caes. B. C. iii. 51), and 
led the right wing at Pharsalia (ὁ. 89. 2). 
In 47 the soldiers of the Twelfth Legion 
mutinied, and drove him away with stones 
(445. 2; 446.2). 

certum scierit| ‘they had authentic in- 
formation ’: cp. Sull. 38, se nescire certum. 
The people were very much excited about 
the news of Sulla’s death before they had 
certain information of the fact ; they were 
afraid that it might not be true. Now 
that they are quite assured on the main 
point that he is dead, they do not take any 
interest in the details. 

ne hasta Caesaris refrixerit| ‘lest 
Caesar’s auctions flag’: cp. 541. 2 and 
note. Sulla evidently did a large business 
in buying the confiscated goods of Caesar’s 
enemies: cp. Cassius ap. 542. 3, Sulla 
non quaesiit quid bonum esset sed omnia 
bona coemit. In unum vereor Cicero is 
speaking ironically. For refrixerit cp. 
Att. i. 1. 2 (10), cum Romae a iudiciis 
forum refrizerit. 


For Torquatus see Introd. II. No. 13. 


Nam etsi quocumque in loco 


This letter (538) cannot have been written 
before January, for otherwise the people 
at Rome would hardly be in grave suspense, 
§ 6. Ep. 539, which follows it (§ 1), says 
that there is no definite news (§ 2). In 
540. 1 Cicero considers the decisive en- 
gagement imminent. Cicero is still at 
Rome. ‘Tullia was confined about the 
middle of January, and when she was 
strong enough she went to Tusculum ; 
but that was probably not until the 
beginning of February. Her father went 
with her. She died about the middle of 
February. 

1. Htsi] Siipfie-Boeckel notice that in 
the first sentence of this letter the verb sum 
occurs seven times, and that four consecu- 
tive sentences begin with etsi. So that. 
it would appear that Cicero did not regard 
the recurrence of the same word as in- 
elegant, as a modern would; thus the: 
word salus occurs seven times in the first 
chapter of the Pro Plancio. 7 

ubi sit) mss. ubi est, altered by 
Wesenberg, who (1. 4. 13) compares. 
540. 3, wt . . . ubi quisque sit ibi esse 
minime velit; 494.2, ut is cuique locus ubi 
ipse sit et sibi quisque miserrimus esse 
videatur. : 


540 EP, 538 (FAM. VI. 1). 


quisquis est idem est ei sensus et eadem acerbitas ex interitu 
rerum et publicarum et suarum, tamen oculi augent dolorem, qui 
ea quae ceteri audiunt intuerl cogunt nec avertere a miseriis 
cogitationem sinunt. Quare etsi multarum rerum desiderio te 
angi necesse est, tamen illo dolore, quo maxime te confici audio, 
quod Romae non sis, animum tuum libera. Etsi enim cum magna 
molestia tuos tuaque desideras, tamen illa quidem quae requiris 
suum statum tenent nec melius si tu adesses tenerent nec sunt 
ullo in proprio periculo. Nec debes tu, cum de tuis cogitas, aut 
praecipuam aliquam fortunam postulare aut communem recusare. 
2. De te autem ipso, Torquate, est tuum sic agitare animo ut non 
adhibeas in consilium cogitationum tuarum desperationem aut 
timorem. Nec enim is qui in te adhuc iniustior quam tua 
dignitas postulabat fuit non magna signa dedit animi erga te 
mitigati. Nec tamen is ipse a quo salus petitur habet explicatam 
aut exploratam rationem salutis suae. Cumque omnium bellorum 
exitus incerti sint, ab altera victoria tibi periculum nullum esse 
perspicio, quod quidem sciunctum sit ab omnium interitu, ab altera 


quisquis = quocumque in loco aliquis 
est quisquis est : cp. Kiihner on Tuse. v. 
98. The use of quidguid (or quicquid, 
according to Lachmann and Munro) for 
the more usual guidgue occurs in Plaut. 
Aul. 198; Most. 831; Trin. 881; Ter. 
Ad,’ 590; Cato R. Th. 573; Cie. Cin. 52, 
sed ut quidquid apprehenderam, statim 
accusator extorquebat emanibus ; Livy xxv. 
29. 6, guisguis, and xxxviii. 17.13, guid- 
quid, and is quite a feature of Lucretian 
language: cp. Munro oni. 289. Madvig 
on Fin. v. 24 (where there is a full dis- 
cussion on the point) allows it occasionally 
in Cicero (e.g. Tusc. v. 68, iv. 44), but 
does not think that we can extend the use 
to other genders than the neuter; yet he 
admits that the masculine occurs in the 
Lex Iulia Municipalis (Ὁ. I. L. i. 206. 18), 
and summarily dismisses our present 
passage with ‘nam de vi. ad Fam. 1. 1, 
Mediceo non credo’; in N. D. ii. 58 the 
feminine guaeguae occurs in some ΜΒΒ.; 
but guisquis has no form for the feminine : 
cp. Neue- Wagener 115. 508. In Catullus 
68. 28 guisguis de meliore nota Munro, 
Riese, and Prof. Postgate add es¢ after 
nota, and Lachmann (on Lucr. v. 264) 
alters to guivis: but Ellis and Palmer 
keep quisquis = quisgue (each one,’ ‘every- 


body’). In Livy viii. 38. 11 the best 
Mss. have guisguis, which Weissenborn 
alters to guisque. See also Sir W. Peterson 
on Quintil. x. 1. 3. 

ocult augent dolorem) 495.5; 540. 3; 
Fam. vii. 30. 1 (694). 

cogunt| So GRrightly: coguntur M. 

Nee debes ἐμ] Cp. 484. 2, Quare ‘non 
debes aut propriam fortunam et prae- 
cipuam postulare aut communem recusare. 

2. ut non adhibeas] ‘ as regards yourself, 
Torquatus, you should take active 
thought, without ever summoning as 
counsellors in your plans, despair or fear.’ 
For adhibere in consilium, cp. Fam. ii. 
7. 2 (227) to Curio, tecum loquere, te 
aahibe in consilium, te audt, tibs obtempera : 
cp.486.6, a tuis non adhibemur: Off. ii. 82, 
adhibuit in consilium ... principes. 

habet ...suae]. ‘he has the whole 
question of his own safety plain and 
clear’ (or ‘straight and square’ if we 
want to retain the alliteration). For 
explorata cp.§. 3; 488. 12. 

ab altera . . . timuisse] ‘ You never 
felt any apprehension at the victory of 
the others’ (i.e. the Pompeians in Spain). 
Cp. 540. 2, de illis autem non arbitror te 
exspectare quid sentiam. 


EP.*538 (FAM. VI. 1). 541 


te ipsum numquam timuisse certo scio. 3. Reliquum est ut te id 
ipsum, quod ego quasi consolationis loco pono, maxime excruciet, 
commune periculum rei publicae: cuius tanti mali, quamvis docti 
viri multa dicant, tamen vereor ne consolatio nulla possit vera 
reperiri praeter illam, quae tanta est quantum in cuiusque animo 
roboris est atque nervorum. Si enim bene sentire recteque facere 
satis est ad bene beateque vivendum, vereor ne eum qui se opti- 
morum consiliorum conscientia sustentare possit miserum esse 
nefas sit dicere. , Nec enim nos arbitror victoriae praemiis ductos 
patriam olim et liberos et fortunas reliquisse, sed quoddam nobis 
officium iustum et pium et debitum rei publicae nostraeque digni- 
tati videbamur sequi, nec cum id faciebamus tam eramus amentes 
ut explorata nobis esset victoria. 4. Quare si id evenit quod 
ingredientibus nobis in causam propositum fuit accidere posse, non 
debemus ita cadere animis quasi aliquid evenerit quod fieri posse 
numquam putarimus. Simus igitur ea mente quam ratio et 
veritas praescribit, ut nihil in vita nobis praestandum praeter 
culpam putemus, eaque cum careamus omnia humana placate et 
moderate feramus. Atque haec eo pertinet oratio ut perditis 
rebus omnibus tamen ipsa virtus se sustentare posse videatur. Sed 
81 est spes aliqua rebus communibus, ea tu, quicumque status 
est futurus, carere non debes. 5. Atque haec mihi scribenti 
veniebat in mentem me esse eum cuius tu desperationem accusare 
solitus esses quemque auctoritate tua cunctantem et diffidentem 

3. quod... pono| ‘what I regard in 


the light of a kind of consolation’ : cp. 
Fam. vi. 2. 2 (575), misera est illa quidem 


Fam. vi. 20. 2 (645) we have aliqua R; 
aliquae MG ; so that perhaps aliquae is a 


consolatio ... sed tamen necessaria, nihil 
esse praecipue dolendum in eo quod accidat 
universis. 

quae tantaest .. . nervorum] ‘ which is 
exactly equal to the amount of strength 
and vigour in the mind of each.’ 

explorata nobis esset victoria] For the 
sentiment cp. 488. 12; 490. 4 fin. 

4, cadere animis| ‘to lose heart.’ 
Cp. Hirt. B. G. viii. 19. 6, hostes concidunt 
animis ; Caes. B. G. vii. 30. 1, animo non 
defecerat. In 490. 1 ita cadere = ita cadere 
animo. Often with animus as nominative: 
Liv. 1. 11. 3, alienis cladibus ceciderant 
animi. 

praeter culpam]| 464.4; 472.5; 539.4, 
the Stoical confession of faith. 

aliqua rebus| SoGR; aliquae M. In 


legitimate form of the feminine: cp. Lucr. 
iv. 268, tamquam aliquae res | verberet. 
Wesenberg and other editors would read 
aliqua de rebus. We can hardly read aliqua 
6 rebus; for it is hopes in reference to the 
State that Cicero is speaking of here, not 
hopes for the restoration of ‘lorquatus. 
We think it best to acquiesce in the read- 
ing of GR ‘if public affairs have any- 
thing to hope for, youshould not fail to be 
a sharer therein, whatever fixed form of 
government may come into being.’ 

5. Atque .. eramus| This is an ex- 
cellent description of Cicero’s state of 
mind during the early months of 49 B.c. 
For difidentem cp. Fam. vi. 21. 2 (573), 
cum timidi putabamur, where see note 
(ed. 2). 


542 EP, 588 (FAM. VE. 1). 


excitare. Quo quidem tempore non ego causam nostram sed con- 
silium improbabam. Sero enim nos lis armis adversari videbam, 
quae multo ante confirmata per nosmet ipsos erant, dolebamque 
pilis et gladiis non consiliis neque auctoritatibus de iure publico 
disceptari. Neque ego ea quae facta sunt, fore cum dicebam, 
divinabam futura, sed, quod et fierl posse et exitiosum fore si 
evenisset videbam, id ne accideret timebam, praesertim cum, si 
mihi alterum utrum de eventu atque exitu rerum promittendum 
esset, id futurum quod evenit exploratius possem promittere. [18 
enim rebus praestabamus quae non prodeunt in aciem, usu autem 
armorum et militum robore inferiores eramus. Sed tu illum 
animum nune adhibe, quaeso, quo me tum esse oportere censebas. 
6. Haec eo scripsi quod mihi Philargyrus tuus omnia de te 
requirenti fidelissimo auimo, ut mili quidem visus est, narravit te 
interdum sollicitum solere esse vehementius: quod facere non 
debes nec dubitare quin aut reparata aliqua re publica sis is futurus 
qui esse debes aut perdita non afflictiore condicione quam ceteri. 


confirmata per nosmet| Cicero dilates 
on this point in 333. ὃ. 

pilis et gladiis| Cp. 486. 2. Non enim 
dis rebus pugnabamus quibus valere potera- 
snus, consilio, auctoritate, causa (* goodness 
of our cause’) guae erant in nobis 
supervora, sed lacertis et viribus quibus 
pares non eramus. For armis disceptari 
ep. 495. 3. 

auctoritatibus de] soGR. After auctori- 
tatibus M adds nostris. But as nostris 
could only refer to the same party as mos, 
nosmetipsos, i.e. the Pompeians, and as 
Cicero could hardly demand that the 
influence of the Pompeians alone should 
have weight, we have omitted the word 
with GR. 

Neque ... futura} A more accurate 
statement of his own powers than Cicero 
usually makes: cp. 540. 4, Quod etsi 
casu, non divinatione mea factum est, tamen 
in hac inant prudentiae laude delector. 

exploratius| Hofmann notices that this 
comparative 1s used by Cicero only in his 
letters: cp. Att. xiv. 14. 6 (719). 
Another such comparative is temperius: 
472. 8 (Ovid Met. iv. 198). Stinner (p. 15, 
note) adds many more, e.g. temperantius, 
356. 2; officiosius, Att. vi. 1. 22 (252); 
mediocrius, Att. 1. 20. 5 (26) ; placatius, 
489. 3. 

6. reparata aliqua re publica] With 


some hesitation we have adopted this com- 
posite reading. M has aliqua republica ; 
GR reparata republica. Probably, as 
Streicher (pp. 175-6) suggests, one of the 
words, having been at first omitted, was 
afterwards written over the other in the 
archetype, and by subsequent copyists 
was mistaken for a variant. For aligua 
republica, the reading of M, cp. Fam. vi. 
2. ὃ (575), nihil quod aut hoc aut aliquo 
reip. statu timeas. Streicher (p. 174 f.) 
objects to the reading of M, because there 
is no satisfactory opposition to aligua such 
as is usually found, e.g. 485. 2 nulla; 
529.3 bona; but surely perdita is suffi- 
cient. For reparare, cp. Liv. ili. 37. 5, 
gquonam modo tribuniciam potestatem, rem 
intermissam, repararent; Cic. Verr. iii. 
199, id perdere videbatur quod alio praetore 
eodem ex agro reparare posset. Either 
reading would be quite satisfactory ; the 
difficulty is to account for the variants. 
Mendelssohn considers reparata a mere 
gloss. Streicher reads recreata aliguando ; 
but we can hardly approve of it, though, 
as he points out, vecreare is found else- 
wherein this connexion, cp. 491. 5; and 
recreart aliquando is a common collocstion 
in Cicero: cp. Plane. 33; 1 Verr. 12; 
Mil. 4; Fam. vi. 2. 2 (675). Itis too far 
from the mss. ; and the meaning of repa- 
rata is quite satisfactory. 


EP. 5388 (FAM. VI. 1)... (548 


Hoe vero tempus, quo exanimati omnes et suspensi sumus, hoc 
moderatiore animo ferre debes, quod et in urbe ea es ubi nata et 
alta est ratio ac moderatio vitae, et habes Ser. Sulpiclum quem 
semper unice dilexisti, qui te profecto et benevolentia et sapientia 
consolatur, culus si essemus et auctoritatem et consilium secuti, 
togati potius potentiam quam armati victoriam subissemus. 7. Sed 
haec longiora fortasse fuerunt quam necesse fuit: illa quae maiora 
sunt brevius exponam. Ego habeo cui plus quam tibi debeam 
neminem: quibus tantum debebam quantum tu intellegis, eos 
‘huius mihi belli casus eripuit. Qui sim autem hoc tempore 
intellego; sed quia nemo est tam adflictus quin, si nihil aliud 
studeat nisi id quod agit, possit navare aliquid et efficere, omne 
meum consilium, operam, studium certe velim existimes tibi 


tuisque liberis esse debitum. 


in ea urbe, qua... vitae] ‘in that 
city (Athens) where originated and grew 
the theory of the conduct of lite’; 
alta, participle from alo: cp. Flace. 62, 
adsunt Athenienses unde humanitas, doc- 
trina, religio, fruges, iura, leges ortae 
atque im omnis terras distributae pu- 
tantur. 

Ser. Sulpiciun] 
512 ff. : also 540. 5. 

togatt ... subissemus| “ἴῃ peace we 
should have surrendered to his civil power 
rather than in war to the force of his 
arms.’ For the attitude of Servius 
during the years before the war Hofmann 
well compares 494. 1. 

7. quantum tu intellegis| Streicher (p. 
203) wishes to omit these words owing to 
the close proximity of intellego, aud the 
obscure sense which he thinks they give, 
‘quae Torquatus ipse sine Paulli Manutii 
Opera vix intellecturus fuisset.? To make 


cp. Epp. 494; 495; 


_up for the omission he proposes to read 


tantumdem, comparing Att. xil. 35. 2 
(577). Yet he quotes passages, such as 
Wath. ix. 14 4 Att. Kivi 17) Ay: (722), 
te tantum dilexerim quantum tu intellegere 
potuisti, which show that a phrase like 
that given in the text is allowable in 
Cicero. And the sense besides is quite 
plain—‘ as those to whom 1 was under 
the large obligations you know of have 
been snatched away, so you are the chief 
claimant now on my services.’ Cicero is 
referring to Lentulus Spinther and Pom- 
pey and others who had helped to effect 


‘his restoration from exile, and to whom 


(as he implies) Torquatus will acknow- 
ledge that he was especially indebted. 

aliud| neuter pronouns or adjectives 
like omnia can be used after studere: 
Fin. v. 6, ut illud ipsum quod studet 
facere possit ornatius; Ter. Andr. 58: 
even has res (= haec) studeant Plaut. Mil. 
1437. Cp. Roby, § 1094. 


544 EP. 539 (FAM. VI. 8). 


539. CICERO TO AULUS TORQUATUS (Fam. vi. 3). 


ROME ; JANUARY (ABOUT MIDDLE); A. U. C. 709; B. C. 453 
| AKT. CIC. 61. 


M. Cicero A. Torquatum eo consolatur ut cum iis bene actum esse dicat qui ante 
exitum civilis belli vita cesserint ; morte enim ipsa miserius esse post alterius utrius 
partis victoriam vivere: denique in virtute graviorem etiam esse consolationem 


positam admonet. 


M. CICERO 85. D. A. TORQUATO. 


1. Superioribus litteris benevolentia magis adductus, quam quo 
res ita postularet, fui longior. Neque enim confirmatione nostra 
egebat virtus tua neque erat ea mea causa atque fortuna ut, cui 
ipsi omnia deessent, alterum confirmarem. 2. Hoc item tempore 
brevior esse debeo. Sive enim nihil tum opus fuit tam multis 
verbis, nihilo magis nune¢ opus est, sive tum opus fuit, illud satis 
est, praesertim cum accesserit nihil novi. Nam etsi cotidie aliquid 
audimus earum rerum quas ad te perferri existimo, summa tamen 
eadem est et idem exitus: quem ego tam video animo quam ea 
quae oculis cernimus, nec vero quidquam video quod non idem te 
videre certo sciam. Nam etsi quem exitum acies habitura sit divi- 
nare nemo potest, tamen et belli exitum video et, si id minus, hoe 
quidem certe, cum sit necesse alterum utrum vincere, qualis futura 
sit vel haec vel illa victoria. 3. Idque cum optime perspexi, tale 
video, nihil ut mali videatur futurum si id vel ante acciderit quod 


conquer (cp. 640. 1), at least in writing 


2. sciam]| So we read with Lambinus. 
The subjunctive is required in such a 
final clause when the existence of the 
main predicate is denied: cp. Lebreton, 
p. 817. If scio is retained, the only 
defence which can be urged for it is that 
certo scio is a fixed phrase, and that 
possibly the two negatives virtually give 
the effect of an affirmative sentence: see 
Reisig, iii. 505 (ed. Schmalz) ; or per- 
haps he is looking at the things as in- 
dividuals, in their denotation, not their 
connotation, and hence the indicative: 
cp. Drager li. p. 533. 

alterum utrum vincere] Cicero does 
not profess himself sure that Caesar will 


to Torquatus, a declared Pompeian. But 
his cheerful correspondence with Cassius 
would seem to show that he was not very 
doubtful on the point. 

3. si id vel ante acciderit| The mss. 
add vel before ante, which may have been 
introduced owing to the succeeding ved. 
The editors generally omit it; but it is 
better to retain it and to understand it to 
mean ‘even before the victory is con- 
summated.’ Inthe nextsentence then tum 
will mean ‘after the victory.’ F. Hofmann 
wishes to read < vel simul> vel ente. 

quod vel maximum ... proponitur]) 
‘which is quite the greatest object of 


EP. 589 (FAM. ΤΙ. 3). 545 


vel maximum ad timorem proponitur. Ita enim vivere ut tum 
sit vivendum miserrimum est ; mori autem nemo sapiens miserum 
dixit ne beato quidem. Sed in ea es urbe in qua haec vel plura 
et ornatiora parietes ipsi loqui posse videantur. 4. Ego tibi hoe 
confirmo, etsi levis est consolatio ex miseriis aliorum, nihilo te 
nune maiore in discrimine esse quam quemvis aut eorum qui 
discesserunt aut eorum qui remanserunt: alteri dimicant, alteri 
victorem timent. Sed haec consolatio levis est: illa gravior, qua 
te uti spero, ego certe utor: nec enim dum ero angar ulla re 
cum omni vacem culpa, et, si non ero, sensu omnino carebo. 
Sed rursus γλαῦκ᾽ εἰς ᾿Αθήνας, qui ad te haec. Mihi tu, tui, tua 
omnia maximae curae sunt et dum vivam erunt. Vale. 


fear,’ i.e. death. For this use of ad ep. 
428. 1, cum omnia sint intolerabilia ad 
dolorem. 

ut tum sit vivendum| ‘For tolive with 
the prospect of having to live then,’ i.e. 
when the victory is consummated. 

in ea esurbe... videantur| cp. 558. 6, 
in urbe ea es δὲ nata et alta est ratio et 
moderatio vitae, also Fin. v. 2. The 
present passage shows with deep feeling 
the influence which the mere city of 
Athens had in inspiring noble thoughts 
and high resolutions: cp. Matthew 
Arnold, Essays in Criticism, First Series, 
p. xiv, on the equally grand way in 
which Oxford has ruled the spirits of her 
sons. 

4. discesserunt ... remanserunt| We 
have accepted the addition aut eorum qui 
remanserunt: for though the words are not 
found in most mss., we have discovered 
them (except that eorwm is omitted) in 
one of Mr. Allen’s ss., which he has 
most kindly lent us. ‘That the words or 
something like them cannot be omitted is 
obvious from the fact that ¢wo classes are 
named in the succeeding words alteri 
dimicant, alteri victorem timent ; and the 
aut certainly points to another clause. 
Most mss. read discesserint, but the 
indicative is better as referring to 
definite individuals, ‘the actual men 
who,’ and not meaning, as the sub- 
junctive would, ‘the sort of men who.’ 

he two contrasted parties are the 
ultras who went to Spain with Cn. and 
Sextus Pompey in order to continue 


VOL, IV. 


the contest to the bitter end (alteri dimi- 
cant), and those who, like Torquatus, re- 
tired from the civil war before the final 
effort in Spain. 

Mendelssohn, however, objects to the 
added words. He suggests quam quemvis 
corum qui dissenserint (or dissenserunt), 
supposing that awt was somehow intro- 
duced from the succeeding sentence, which 
refers to two different classes of people, 
and that, once introduced, it led to the 
old addition. This is an unsatisfactory 
reason for the addition of aut, and not at 
all in the manner of copyists. For the 
sense he cleverly refers to 486. 8, qui 
non idem quod tw consiliwm secuti sunt 
(= qui dissenserunt) eos video in duo genera 
esse distractos: aut enim renovare bellum 
conatt sunt (=alteri dimicant), aut quem- 
admodum nos victori sese crediderunt 
(=alteri victorem timent). But surely, in 
order to get this sense, we should require 
a te, or a tuo consiliv, or something like 
that, with dissenserunt. Siipfie-Boeckel 
interpret discesserint, ‘left the city with 
Pompey,’ at the beginning of the Civil 
War, and bracket aut. 

sensu omnino carebo| Cicero sometimes 
(cp. 540. 4), as here, in despondent 
moments, lets drop statements that seem 
inconsistent with the belief in the exist- 
ence of the soul after death, which’ he 
seems (0 have held: cp. vol. V?, p. cx f. 

haec| sc. mitto. For γλαῦκ᾽ eis ᾿Αθήνας, 
cp. note to 460. 2. This proverb is here 
especially apposite, seeing that Torquatus 
was at Athens. 


546 EP. 540 (FAM. VI. 4). 


! 


540. CICERO TO AULUS TORQUATUS (Fam. vr. 4). 
ROME; JANUARY (LATTER HALF) 3. A. U..C..7093 B. 0.453 can cic. 61. 


M. Cicero A. Torquatum quacumque ratione in re incerta potest consolari pergit 
elque sua Officia, studium, diligentiam pollicetur. 


M. CICERO 85. Ὁ. 4. TORQUATEO. 


1. Novi quod ad te scriberem nihil erat, et tamen, si quid 
esset, sclebam te a tuis certiorem fieri solere: de futuris autem 
rebus etsi semper difficile est dicere, tamen interdum coniectura 
possis propius accedere, cum est res eius modi cuius exitus provi- 
deri possit. Nune tantum videmur intellegere, non diuturnum 
bellum, etsi id ipsum non nullis videtur secus. Jquidem cum 
haec scribebam, aliquid iam actum putabam, non quo ego certo 
sciam sed quod haud difficilis erat coniectura. Nam cum omnis 
belli Mars communis et cum semper incerti exitus proeliorum sunt, 


1. possis] ‘you can,’ ‘ you’ indefinite 
=‘onecan.’ ‘That Cicero is not address- 
ing Torquatus specially is evident from 
the word semper, as Lebreton shows 
(p. 285). 

bellum] Lambinus supplies fore; 
but the future infinitive of the copula is 
sometimes omitted: ep. Tac. Ann. ii. 
15. ὃ, ude miscuerint manus, inane victis 
ventorum remorumve subsidium: cp. 
Schmalz, Syntax, § 10. 

non quo ego certo sciam sed quod haud | 
The words in italics in the text are not 
in MG, but they were in the codex of 
Ursinus (see Graev.), and we have found 
them in one of Mr. Allen’s codices; so 
that they may possibly be the words 
which Cicero wrote, with perhaps seirem in 
place of sciam. At any rate they indicate 
the sense of the passage. Pantagathus, 
with his usual ingenuity, suggested 2102) 
quorsum (‘not the side to which victory 
turned,’ lit. ‘not in what direction ’) 
quod (‘because’). But almost all edi- 
tors reject the words. Orelli reads non 
quo... (with an aposiopesis ‘ not that 
I greatly desire either side to conquer’) 
sed quid 2 (‘but what can I say?) . It is 
(epistolary tense) difficult to conjecture.’ 
Mendelssohn (N. Jahrb., 1891, p. 75) 


proposes putabum—non quo secundum (sed) 
quos: difficilis erat coniectura: nam, «I 
thought some decision had been arrived 
at, not that I knew in whose favour; the 
estimate was difficult, for, &c.’ For the 
ellipse with 202 gwo he compares Att. v. 
4. 1 (187), illue quidem labor non quo... 
sed inopia cogimur eo contenti esse. Schmalz, 
who approves of the conjecture, notices 
that the word actwm supports it, as secun- 
dum isalegalterm: cp. Att.iv. 2. 8 (91); 
for secundum applied to the result of war 
Mendelssohn compares Tac. H. ii. 7. 1, 
post principia belli secundum Flavianos 
data. But it must be confessed that difi- 
cilis erat coniectura, according to this in- 
terpretation, might well have been omitted. 
Wesenberg (Zim. 80) suggests non guo 
<modo> sed quid (sc. actwm esset) diffi- 
cilis erat coniectura; ‘it is not difficult to 
form conjecture as to the manner of the 
decision (1.6. that it was by a decisive 
battle), but what the issue has been is 
difficult to divine’: cp. 539. 2, etsi guem 
exitum acies (‘the battle’) habitura sit — 
divinare nemo potest, tamen et belli exitum 
video. ‘This is certainly ingenious, though 
the sentence is not attractive. 

Mars communis| Cp. Phil. x. 20, sed 
ut concedam incertos exitus esse belie 


EP. 540 (FAM. VI. 4). 547 


tum hoc tempore ita magnae utrimque copiae, ita paratae ad 
depugnandum esse dicuntur ut utercumque Vicerif non sit mirum 
futurum. Illa in dies singulos magis magisque opinio hominum 
confirmatur, etiam si inter causas armorum aliquantum intersit, 
tamen inter victorias non multum interfuturum. Alteros prope 
modum iam sumus experti: de altero nemo est quin cogitet quam 
sit metuendus iratus victor armatus. 2. Hoc loco si videor augere 
dolorem tuum quem consolando levare debebam, fateor me com- 
-munium malorum consolationem nullam invenire praeter ilam— 
quae tamen, 81 possis eam suscipere, maxima est quaque ego cotidie 
magis utor —: conscientiam rectae voluntatis maximam consola- 
tionem esse rerum incommodarum nee esse ullum magnum malum 
‘praeter culpam : a qua quoniam tantum absumus ut etiam optime 
senserimus eventusque magis nostri consili quam consillum 
reprehendatur, et quoniam praestitimus quod debuimus, moderate 
quod evenit feramus. Sed hoc mihi tamen non sumo ut te con- 
soler de communibus miseriis, quae ad consolandum maioris 
ingeni et ad ferendum singularis virtutis indigent. Illud cuivis 
facile est docere cur praecipue tu dolere nihil debeas. ius enim, 
qui tardior in te levando fuit quam fore putaramus, non est mili 
dubia de tua salute sententia: de illis autem non arbitror te 


Martemque communem, Verr. v. 132; 
Sest. 12; Mil. 56: cp. Hom. 1]. xviii. 309, 
ξυνὸς ᾿᾽Ενυάλιος καί τε κτανέοντα κατέκτα. 

ut, utercunque vicerit, non sit mirum 
Suturum] ‘so that it would be no great 
wonder whichever of the two sides 
conquered’: cp. 539. 2. 

etiam st. . . interfuturum]| For the 
sentiment Siipfle-Boeckel compare 458. 3 
(in reference to the African war), wt 
quamquam multum intersit inter eorum 
ecausas qui dimicant tamen inter victorias 
non multum interfuturum putem. 

Alteros ...dealtero] <Alteros are the 
Pompeians, especially Cn. Pompeius, of 
whose violence Cicero had experience 
after the battle of Pharsalia (Plut. Cic. 39; 
cp. Cato min. 55), and by his subsequent 
conduct: cp. Cassius 542.4. Altero is 
Caesar, who was becoming exasperated by 
the opposition that was being made to him 
and the desperate nature of the conflict 
which he was being compelled to wage in 
Spain. This seems to be the best inter- 
pretation, and at the end of § 2 he 


uses the plural iddis of the Pompeians, 
and the singular (eiws) of Caesar: but 
Gronovius and Schiitz suppose that 
Alteros are the Caesareans, and altero 
young Cn. Pompeius. But the natural 
meaning of the first clause would be 
‘we have experienced the clemency of 
the Caesareans,’ and that will not suit 
well with the statement that it will 
make no great difference which conquers : 
either will be cruel and ruthless. And 
why should Cicero, by using the singular, 
mark Cn. Pompeius as more especially the 
leader of the one side than Caesar of the 
other ? 

2. praeter culpam] 464. 4; 472. 5: 
539. 4. 

moderate... feramus] 538. 4, eaque 
(culpa) cum careamus, omnia humana 
placate et moderate feramus. 

de illis} sc. the Pompeians, see δ 1: 
cp. 538.2, ab altera te ipsum numquam 
timuisse certo scio, and Fam, vi. 2. 2 (575). 
As Torquatus had not compromised him- 
self by submission to Caesar, he would 


2N2 


548 EP. 540 (FAM. VI. 4). 


exspectare quid sentiam. 3. Reliquum est ut te angat quod absis 
a tuis tam diu. Res molesta, praesertim ab lis pueris quibus 
nihil potest esse festivius, Sed ut ad te scripsi antea, tempus est 
huius modi ut suam quisque condicionem miserrimam putet et 
ubi quisque sit ibi esse minime velit, Hquidem nos qui Romae 
sumus miserrimos esse duco, non solum quod in malis omnibus 
acerbius est videre quam audire sed etiam quod ad omnis casus — 
subitorum periculorum magis obiecti sumus quam si abesse- 
mus, etsi me ipsum, consolatorem tuum, non tantum litterae, 
quibus semper studui, quantum longinquitas temporis mitigavit. 


4, Quanto fuerim dolore meministi. 


In quo prima illa consolatio 


est, vidisse me plus quam ceteros cum cupiebam quamvis iniqua 


condicione pacem. 


(Quod etsi casu, non divinatione mea factum 
est, tamen in hac inani prudentiae laude delector. 


Deinde, quod 


mihi ad consolationem commune tecum est, si iam vocer ad exitum 
vitae, non ab ea re publica avellar qua carendum esse doleam, 


praesertim cum id sine ullo sensu futurum sit. 


Adiuvat etiam 


aetas et acta iam vita, quae cum cursu suo bene confecto delec- 
tat, tum vetat in eo vim timere quo nos iam natura ipsa paene 


of course be safe from any violence on 
the part of the Pompeians if the latter 
were victorious: cp. what Cicero says to 
Plancius 535. 4, alteros nunquam iratos 
esse. 

3. praesertim] sc. cum absis. 

acerbius est videre quam audire| 538.1. 
The opposite is urged 487. 1 fin. Both 
are in a sense true. 

longinguitas temporis| Cp. 529. 5, ipsa 
diuturnitas quae maximos luctus vetustate 
tollit, and note there. 

4. Quanto fuerim dolore| For a similar 
ablative of quality cp. Fam. xii. 16. 3 
(736), etcamsi odio pari fuerit in eos; Att. 
iv. 6.2 (110), guo dolore esse debeo; and 
note to Fam. vii. 30. 3 (694), ed. 2. 

vidisse me plus| Cp. 488. 4 and 5. 

cum cupiebam| There is a somewhat 
loose use of the indicative in temporal 
and conditional clauses of the orat. obliqua 
in the letters. Cp. note to 535. 2, 
cum... pertimescebam. 

quamvis iniqua condicione pacem| 458.2; 
488. 5. 

casu, non divinatione|] 538. 5. 

in... laude delector| For this use of 


in cp. Att. xvi. 5. 2 (770), ineredibdile 
est quam me im omni genere. delectarit 
(Quintus); Q. Fr. ii, 2. 2 (150), et aliquid 
in re publica perdita delectare (‘and get 
some amusement in the bankrupt state of 
politics’); Fin. 1. 39, illum in hae esse 
rogatiuncula delectatum. 

id] even though exitus vitae preceded, 
the neuter is used euphemistically of 
death: cp. below, id impendeat. 

delectat| used absolutely without accu- 
sative: cp. 495. 5, nihil praeter tuos 
delectare possit, and note; Att.i.11. ὃ (7), 
mire quam illius loci non modo usus sed 
etiam cogitatio delectat; and Lebreton, 
p. 159. 

tum vetat in eo vim timere| ‘forbids. 
me to fear violence in that closing scene 
to which Nature herself has already 
well-nigh led me.’ Cicero’s life was on 
the whole upright—none can say other- 
wise—and during the next two years his 
patriotism, his energy, and his genius 
shone out more brightly than ever. 
But it was just that uprightness, that 
patriotism, that energy, that genius, 
which in those bad times brought him 


EP. 540 (FAM. VI. 4). 549 


perduxerit. Postremo is vir vel etiam ii viri hoc bello occiderunt, 
ut impudentia videatur eandem fortunam, si res cogat, recusare. 
Equidem mihi omnia propono nec ullum est tantum malum quod 
non putem impendere. Sed cum plus in metuendo mali sit quam 
in ipso illo quod timetur, desino, praesertim cum id impen- 
deat in quo non modo dolor nullus verum finis etiam doloris 
futurus sit. Sed haec satis multa vel plura potius quam necesse 
fuit: facit autem non loquacitas mea sed benivolentia’%longiores 
epistulas. 5. Servium discessisse Athenis moleste tuli: non enim 
dubito quin magnae tibi levationi solitus sit esse cotidianus 
congressus et sermo cum familiarissimi hominis tum optimi et 
prudentissimi viri. Tu velim te, ut debes et soles, tua virtute 
sustentes. Ego quae te velle quaeque ad te et ad tuos pertinere 
arbitrabor omnia studiose diligenterque curabo: quae cum faciam, 
benivolentiam tuam erga me imitabor, merita non adsequar. 


Vale. 


to the death of violence from which he 
here expresses his belief that he is quite 
secure. 

desino| This verb is sometimes used 
without any infinitive when that infini- 
tive can be easily supplied from the 
context, as here timere: cp. Ter. Ad. 
853, Mi. Ah! pergisne? Dr. Lamian 
desino; Att. vii. 9.1 (800), Zum igetur 
eum venero desinam (se. litteras dare); 
Fam. vii. 1. 2 (127), noster Aesopus evus- 
modi fuit ut οἱ desinere (sc. declamare) per 
omnis homines liceret. Accordingly there 
is no need to add timere with Lehmann, 
or metuere with Wesenberg. 

5. discessisse Athenis| Servius Sulpi- 


cius (538. 6) had left Athens merely for 
a journey through his province, not to 
return to Rome; for the latter would be 
expressed by decessisse. We hear of his 
returning to Athens later: cp. Fam. iv. 
12 (613). 

hominis ... viri] If there is any 
distinction here, it is that homo refers to 
the fellow-feeling which Sulpicius had in 
the every-day intercourse of friendship ; 
vir to the strength and power he dis- 
played in the life of business and action. 

merita non adsequav| “1 shall never 
reach the level of your services,’ rendered 
during Cicero’s quarrel with Clodius. 


550 EP. 541 (FAM. XV. 17). 


541. CICERO TO C. CASSIUS LONGINUS (Fam. xv. 17). 


ROME; JANUARY (BARLY); A. U. C. 709; B.C. 453 AET. CIC. 61. 


M. Cicero queritur de tabellariis: narrat de P. Sullae morte, de bello Hispaniensi, 
de Pansae profectione in provinciam: Cassii consilium probat Brundisinae mansionis : 
litteras mutuas poscit. 


M. CICERO C. CASSIO S&S. 


1, Praeposteros habes tabellarios, etsi me quidem non offendunt. 
Sed tamen, cum a me discedunt, flagitant litteras: cum ad me 
veniunt, nullas adferunt. Atque id ipsum facerent commodius si 
mihi aliquid spati ad scribendum darent, sed petasati veniunt, 
comites ad portam exspectare dicunt. Ergo ignosces: alteras 
iam habebis has brevis, sed exspecta πάντα περὶ πάντων. Etsi 
quid ego me tibi purgo, cum tui ad me inanes veniant, ad te cum 
epistulis revertantur ? 2. Nos hic—tamen ad te scribam aliquid— 
P. Sullam patrem mortuum habebamus: alii a latronibus, alii 
cruditate dicebant: populus non curabat, combustum enim esse 


constabat. 


This letter was probably written before 
531, as in that letter (§ 1) Cicero says it is 
the third he has written without receiving 
a line from Cassius: cp. Schmidt, p. 273. 
If we suppose it written during the first 
days of January, the departure of Pansa 
(ὁ 3) will be a recent piece of news. 

1, Praeposteros}| ‘unnatural,’ doing 
just what they ought not to do. 

etst_ me quidem non offendunt|] not 
that I personally have any ground of 
complaint. But all the same, &c.’ We 
would say something like ‘not that I 
mind,’ ‘not that it is my loss.’ Some 
editors mark an aposiopesis after tamen, 
‘but yet—[they do annoy me a little].’ 
But .it is the ordinary sed tamen used in 
resumptions: cp. note to 472. 2. 

id ipsum facerent| i.e. flagitarent lit- 
teras. 

petasati| ‘with their travelling caps 
on,’ as we should say, ‘booted and 
spurred.’ For petasus, cp. Plaut. Pseud. 
739, where it is said of the young man 


Hoe tu pro tua sapientia feres aequo animo; quam- 


who has to dress up to represent a new 
arrival, etiam opust chlamyde et machaera 
et petaso; Amphitruo Prol. 143 (of Mer- 
cury’s hat), where see Palmer’s note. 
ignosces| polite imperative, ‘ you will 
kindly pardon me.’ 
alteras tam habebis} ‘One letter—this 
short one—please receive forthwith.’ M 
omits iam, but all the other ss. have it, 
and it is emphatic and necessary. 
πάντα περὶ πάντων] “ fulland com- 
plete amends’: cp. Fam. xii. 20 (930), 
quam quidem contumeliam villa pusilla 
aniquo anvno feret nisi in Cumano et 
Pompeiano reddideris πάντα περὶ πάντων. 
2. P. Sullam) Cp. 687. 3, note; 542.3. — 
cruditate] ‘indigestion,’ 473. 4. For 
deaths from eruditas cp. Pers. iii. 98 ff. 
combustum] ‘that he has passed through 
the fire.’ There may be, as Dr. Reid says 
(Sull. pp. 27, 28; cp. p. 10), an allusion to 
Sulla’s appearance in the criminal courts : 
cp. ambustus Mil. 12; De Har. Resp. 4; 
Att. v. 20. 8 (228), where see note. 


EP. 541 (PAM. XV. 17). 551 


quam πρόσωπον πόλεως amisimus. Caesarem putabant moleste 
laturum, verentem ne hasta refrixisset; Mindius macellarius et 
Attius pigmentarius valde gaudebant se adversarium perdidisse. 
3. De Hispania novi nihil, sed exspectatio valde magna: rumores 
tristiores, sed ἀδέσποτοι. Pansa noster paludatus a. ἃ. ur K. 
Ian. profectus est, ut quivis intellegere posset id, quod tu nuper 
dubitare coepisti, τὸ καλὸν δι αὑτὸ αἱρετὸν esse. Nam quod multos 
miserlis levavit et quod se in his malis hominem praebuit, mira- 
bilis eum virorum bonorum benevolentia prosecuta est. 4. Tu 
quod adhue Brundisi moratus es, valde probo et gaudeo, et 


mehercule puto te sapienter facturum si ἀκενόσπουδος fueris. 


Nobis quidem qui te amamus erit gratum. Et, amabo te, cum 
dabis posthac aliquid domum litterarum, mei memineris. Ego 
numquam quemquam ad te, cum sciam, sine meis litteris ire patiar. 


Vale. 


πρόσωπον πόλεως) ‘a prominent 
figure in the city,’ ‘ feature in the city ’ 
(Shuckburgh). 

refrixisset| ‘had flagged’: cp. note to 
537. 3. ‘The word in this metaphorical 
sense is a favourite of Cicero: cp. Att. i. 
19. 4 (25); Q. Fr. ii. 4. 5 (105); De Div. 
m 87; Att. τ. 1. 0727): Ἐν iii. 2.3 
(150); Planc. 55; Phil. v. 30. 

Mindius macellarius| Mindius the 
victualler and Attius the perfumer were 
probably rival bidders at the auctions of 
proscribed goods, where Sulla also used to 
distinguish himself. We have read ma- 


cellarius (for the word cp. Suet. Iul. 26. 


2), the ingenious conjecture of Weiske 
and Madvig, for Marcellus of the mss. ; 
the name of a trade is required to balance 
pigmentarius, Madvig (A. C. 11. 165) 
says, ‘‘ Uterque homo contemptim (sine 
praenomine) quaestus genere notatus.”’ 
It must be remembered, however, that 
there was a friend of Caesar's named 
Mindius Marcellus mentioned in Appian, 
B. C. v. 102. 

3. Pansa . 


. + paludatus] ‘in military 


uniform.’ This seems (as Schmidt, p. 272, 
holds) to have been a journey which 
Pansa made to Caesar in Spain. He 
returned to Rome again before he took 
up the governorship of Cisalpine Gaul in 
March: cp. Att. xii. 14. 4 (546) and 
note. 

nuper| For Cassius had lately become 
an Epicurean, and so a disteliever in the 
Stoic doctrine, τὸ καλὸν δι᾽ αὑτὸ αἱρετόν, 
that right was right in scorn of conse- 
quence. 

4. axevdomovdos| ‘ keep clear of idle 
pursuits.’ Cicero uses this word in 
addressing Cassius, who had lately become 
an Epicurean, to indicate that he should 
not trouble himself about such vain things 
as trying to restore the free state. Cicero 
knew that such men as Cassius ‘ be never 
ut heart’s ease whiles they behold a 
greater than themselves.’ For ἀκενόσ- 
movoos cp. M. Aurel. i. 6, where the 
Emperor says he learned from Diognetus 
τὸ ἀκενόσπουδον. 

domum |= Romam, as often, e.g. 362. 4, 
domi. See ludex. 


552 


EP. 542 (FAM. XV. 19). 


542, Ο. Se oa TO CICERO (Fam. xv. 19). 


BRUNDISIUM ; JANUARY (LATTER HALF) ; A. U. C. 7093 B.C. 453 


AKT. 


ΟΙΟ. 61. 


C. Cassius respondet duabus Ciceronis epistulis: Epicureos laudat a virtutis studio : 
C. Caesarem cupit vincere cognita eius clementia. 


C. CASSIUS 8S. D. M. CICERONI. 


1. S. V. B. Non mehercule in hac mea peregrinatione quid- 


quam libentius facio quam scribo ad te: videor enim cum praesente 
loqui et iocari. Nec tamen hoc usu venit propter spectra Catiana: 
pro quo tibi proxima epistula tot rusticos Stoicos regeram ut 
Catium Athenis natum esse dicas. 2. Pansam nostrum secunda 
voluntate hominum paludatum ex urbe exisse cum ipsius causa 
gaudeo tum mehercule etiam omnium nostrorum. Spero enim 
homines intellecturos quanto sit omnibus odio crudelitas et quanto 
amori probitas et clementia, atque ea quae maxime mali petant. et 
concupiscant ad bonos pervenire. Difficile est enim persuadere 
hominibus τὸ καλὸν δι᾿ αὑτὸ αἱρετὸν esse : ἡδονὴν vero et ἀταραξίαν 
virtute, iustitia, τῷ καλῷ parari et verum et probabile est; ipse 
enim Epicurus, a quo omnes Catii et Amafinii, mali verborum 


Casstus] There are two other letters 


from Cassius to Cicero, Fam. xii. 11 and 
12 (822, 856): but they were mere 
business despatches. ‘This, however, is a 
very interesting letter. It is in answer 
to 541, and was probably written in the 
early part of the last half of January. 

1. S. V. 8.1 =si vales bene. We gene- 
vally find s. τς δὲ δ: δ. 0. = st vales bene 
est, ego valeo. 

spectra Catiana] Ca note on 431.1; 
spectra was plainly a ridiculous tr anslation 
of εἴδωλα: cp. ὃ 2, Catit et Amafinii, 
mali verborum interpretes. 

pro quo] ‘The antecedent must be 
gathered from the sense ‘ and asa counter 
to this bad translation’ ; or perhaps Catius, 
taken out of Catiana, may be regarded as 
the antecedent. 

regeram| ‘I shall in my next letter 
fire back on you such a number of boorish 


Stoics that you will say that Catius was an 
Attic man from his birth.’ For tot... 
ut cp. 302. 5, Cum viderem tot vestigiis 
impressa ut in tis errari non posset. For 
regerere ‘to hurl back,’ ‘to retort,’ ep. 
Hor. Sat. i. 7. 28, wm Praenestinus salso 
multoque fluenti | expressa arbusto regertt 
convicia. ‘The word does not seem to be 
found in Cicero. 

Athenis natum] i.e. amost cultivated 
man: ep. Juv. ili 79, non Maurus erat 
neque Sarmata nec Thrax, qui sumpsit 
pinnas mediis sed natus Athenis. Athenae 
became almost a name for ‘ culture’ (cp. 
Juv. xv. 110, Nune totus Graias nostrasque 
hahet orbis Athenas), owing to its famous 
Schools. 

2. Pansam.. 
on 541, 3. 

Amafinii] C. Amafinius, an older 
contemporary of Cicero, was the first 


. paludatum] See note 


EP. 542 (FAM. XV: 19). 553 


interpretes, proficiscuntur, dicit, οὐκ ἐστὶν ἡδέως ἄνευ τοῦ καλῶς 
καὶ δικαίως ζῆν. 3. Itaque et Pansa, qui ἡδονὴν sequitur, virtutem 
retinet et ii, qui a vobis φιλήδονοι vocantur, sunt φιλόκαλοι et 
φιλοδίκαιοι omnisque virtutes et colunt et retinent. Itaque Sulla, 
cuius iudicium probare debemus, cum dissentire philosophos videret, 
non quaesiit quid bonum esset set omnia bona coémit: cuius ego 
mortem forti mehercules animo tuli. Nec tamen Caesar diutius 
nos eum desiderare patietur: nam habet damnatos ques pro illo 
nobis restituat, nec ipse sectorem desiderabit cum filium viderit. 
4, Nune, ut ad rem publicam redeam, quid in Hispaniis geratur 
rescribe. Peream nisi sollicitus sum, ac malo veterem et clemen- 
tem dominum habere quam novum et crudelem experiri. Scis 
Gnaeus quam sit fatuus: scis quo modo crudelitatem virtutem 
putet: scis quam se semper a nobis derisum putet. Vereor ne nos 
rustice gladio velit ἀντιμυκτηοίσαι. Quid fiat, si me diligis, rescribe. 
Hui, quam velim scire utrum ista sollicito animo an soluto legas! 


sciam enim eodem tempore quid me facere oporteat. 


Latin author who wrote in detail on Epi- 
cureanism. His books were immensely 
successful, ‘they took possession of all 
Italy’ (Tusc. iv. 7), but were barbarously 
written (Tusc. ii. 7, Fin. iii. 40): ep. 
Dr. Reid, Acad., p. 21. 


οὐκ ἐστὶν ἡδέως) Cp. Epicurus in 


Diog. Laert. x. 1382, on the connexion of 
pleasure and virtue οὐκ ἐστὶν ἡδέως (ζῆν 
ἄνευ τοῦ φρονίμως καὶ καλῶς καὶ δικαίως, 
οὐδὲ φρονίμως καὶ καλῶς καὶ δικαίως ἄνευ 
τοῦ ἡδέως. συμπεφύκασι γὰρ αἱ ἀρεταὶ 
τῷ Civ ἡδέως καὶ τὸ ζῆν ndews τούτων 
ἐστὶν ἀχώριστον. 

ὃ. Sulla} Bois D2 Ute 2s 012). ὦ. 
Cassius is speaking ironic ally when he 
says that Sulla’s judgment was worthy 
of respect. 

set omnia bena coémit| ‘did not seek 
for what. was the highest good, but 
bought up all goods’—a sharp hit at 
Sulla’s disgracefully extensive purchase 
of the goods of al ie Pompeians : 
see note to 437. 


Sullan proscriptions, see Rosc: Am. 80, 
where Cicero plays on the other sense 
of sectores, viz. sectores collorum ὁ cut- 
throats,’ nescimus per -ista tempora eosdem 
Sere sectores fuisse collorum et bonorum ? 
damnatos... restituat| Cp. Caes. Bell. 


On the ill-fame’ 
which attached to the purchasers of’ 
confiscated goods (sectores) during the 


Ne longior 


Civ. ili. 1, 4, in giving reasons why he 
restored so many banished men, Jtemque 
praetoribus tribunisque plebis rogationes 
ad populum ferentibus, nonnullos ambitus 
Pompeia lege damnatos illis temporibus, 
quibus in urbe praesidia legionum Pompevus 
habuerat, quae iudicia aliis audientibus 
iudicibus, aliis sententiam Ser entibus,. 
singulis diebus er Seas hee in integrum 
restituit. 

filium] Sc. Sulla’s son. 

4. veterem et clementem dominum] 
Caesar; for whose indulgent nature, see 
Val. Max. (vi. 2. 11), quoted on 534. 3, 
illud ipsa mansuetudine mitius pectus. 

‘ Gnaeus] sc. Pompeius. 
~fatuus| ‘silly creature.’ 

N€... ἀντιμυκτηρίσαι) ‘answer our 
chaff, as boors do, by drawing the sword.’ 
Mendelssohn compares Seneca, Suasor. i. 
5, p- 5, 10 (Kiessling), Deinde ait ‘nos 
quidem ‘lium deridemus, sed ue ne ille 
nos gladio ἀντιμυκτηρίσῃ.᾽ 

‘sollicito] lest Cn. Pompeius might 
conquer, as such a violent man would 
show little consideration to men whom 
he would regard as renegade: Pompeians 
like Cicero and Cassius. 

“quid... oporteat] Possibly Cassius 
intended in the event of young Pompey’s 
victory ‘to leave Italy for the East. ᾿ 

-longior] sc. iusto, ‘too’ long-winded.’ © 


554 EP, 5438 (FAM. 1X. 18). 


sim, vale. Me, ut facis, ama. Si Caesar vicit, celeriter me ex- 


specta. 


543. CICERO TO P. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA 


eC EAMG Th 615} 
ROMY (ΤΣ JANUARY §.-Ay.U..C.,700 5B. © 46; AET, CIC, 61, 


M. Cicero P. Dolabellam rogat ut C. Subernio Caleno et M. Planio Heredi, item 
Caleno, equitibus Romanis, reditum a C. Caesare impetret, quos scribit casu potius 
et necessitate quadam coactos quam voluntate sua Pompeianis in Hispania se adiunx- 
1556, 


CICERO DOLABELLAE 5. 


1. Ο. Subernius Calenus et meus est familiaris et Leptae nostri 
familiarissimi pernecessarius. Is cum vitandi belli causa profectus 
esset in Hispaniam cum M. Varrone ante bellum ut in ea pro- 
vincia esset (in qua nemo nostrum post Afranium superatum 
bellum ullum fore putaret) incidit in ea ipsa mala quae summo 
studio vitaverat. Oppressus est enim bello repentino, quod bellum 
commotum a Scapula ita postea confirmatum est a Pompeio ut 
nulla ratione ab illa miseria se eripere posset. 2. Hadem causa 
tere est M. Plani Heredis, qui est item Calenus, Leptae nostri 
familiarissimus. Hosce igitur ambos tibi sic commendo ut maiore 
cura, studio, sollicitudine animi commendare non possim. Volo 


As Cicero makes no reference whatever _ the subjunctive were used, that the tense 


to Tullia’s death in this letter, it was 
probably written before that event hap- 
pened. 

1. Calenus| ‘of Cales.’ For Lepta see 
Ep. 534. . 

M. Varrone| Varro commanded the 
forces of the Republic in Further Spain 
at the outbreak of the Civil War; he 
surrendered to Caesar a few weeks after 
the surrender of Afranius, which occurred 
on August 2, 49. 

in Qua... 
M has putare; (‘and no one would 
ever suppose that after the victory over 
Afranius there would be any war there’ ). 
But we confess that the vulg. pwtarat 
would suit the parenthesis better; or if 


putaret] HD have putaret, 


should have been piuperfect. But putaret 
is defensible, and so we leave it. 

Seapula| Cp. Dio Cass. xliii. 29. 
After the battle of Thapsus Caesar’s own 
soldiers in Baetica invited the remnants 
of the Pompeian faction to renew the 
struggle in Spain. ‘They were led by 
officers of their own, Scapula and Aponius, 
‘nor would they suffer themselves to be 
transferred from them to any other, 
except tothe son of the great Pompey ἢ 
(Merivale, ii. 369). 

2. Volo ipsorum causa] ‘I am inte- 
rested in them personally, and 1 am 
strongly moved in this case by my 
feelings as a friend and a man.’ 


EP. 543 (FAM. IX. 13). BBS 


ipsorum causa, meque in eo vehementer et amicitia movet et 
humanitas. Lepta vero cum ita laboret ut eius fortunae 
videantur in discrimen  venire, non possum ego non aut 
proxime atque ille aut etiam aeque laborare. Quapropter etsi 
saepe expertus sum quantum me amares, tamen sic velim tibi 
persuadeas id me in hac re maxime iudicaturum. 93. Peto igitur 
a te vel, si pateris, oro ut homines miseros et fortuna, quam vitare 
nemo potest, magis quam culpa calamitosos conserves incolumis, 
velisque per te me hoc muneris cum ipsis amicis hominibus, cum 
municipio Caleno quocum mihi magna necessitudo est, tum 
Leptae quem omnibus antepono dare. 4. Quod dicturus sum, 
puto equidem non valde ad rem pertinere, sed tamen nihil obest 
dicere. Res familiaris alteri eorum valde exigua est, alteri vix 
equestris. Quapropter quoniam his Caesar vitam sua liberalitate 
concessit nec est quod iis praeterea magno opere possit adimi, redi- 
tum, si me tantum amas quantum certe amas, hominibus confice. 
In quo nihil est praeter viam longam: quam idcireo non fugiunt 


ut et vivant cum suis et moriantur domi. 


Quod ut enitare con- 


tendasque vel potius ut perficias—posse enim te mihi persuasi— 
vehementer te etiam atque etiam rogo. 


proxime atque ile} Just as alius ac, 
contra ac mean ‘ different from,’ on the 
analogy of idem ac, ‘same as,’ so proxime 
ac (atque) is used to express ‘next to’ ; 
but we can find no exact parallel. 
Iuxta ac is quite common (e.g. Sall. Cat. 
37. 8, and very often in Livy), but it is 
not found, we think, in Cicero. 

quantum me amares| Cicero was at 
this time rather effusive in protesting 
how much Dolabella loved him: ep. 
§ 4 and 537. 1, nec mehercule habebam 
quid scriberem nisi te a me mirabiliter 
amart, 

3. calamitosos . . . incolumes| These 
are the ordinary euphemistic words to 


express the deprivation and possession of 


full civil rights: cp. 506. 2, note, and 
Dr. Reid on Sull. 15 and 61. 

cum iwpsis ... cum municipio ... time 
Leptae| For cum... cum... tum cp. 
Petit. Cons. 55 (12), ewm diliyentiam tuam, 
cum auctoritatem vimque dicendi, tum pro- 
JSecto equestris ordinis erga te studiwm 
pertimescent. 

4. In quo nihil est... viam] “ And in 
this there is nothing that stands in their 
way except the long journey.’ Cicero 
tacitly assumes that, as their fortune was 
not worth confiscating, Caesar can have no 
possible reason why they should remain in 
exile, and that the sole question is whether 
they themselves will think it worth while 
to make the long journey from Spain. 


556 EP, 544 (FAM. XIII. 16). 


544, CICERO TO CAESAR (Fam. xm. 16). 


ROME (?); EARLY IN YEAR; A. U. C. 7093 B.C. 453 AET. CIC. 61. 


M. Cicero Apollonium, P. Crassi libertum, C. Caesari in Hispania Pompeii filios 
bello persequenti, commendat. 


CICERO CAESARI 5. 


1, P. Crassum ex omni nobilitate adulescentem dilexi pluri- 
mum, et ex eo cum ab ineunte eius aetate perbene speravissem, 
tum praeclare existimare coepi, eximiis ludiciis quae de eo feceras 
cognitis. Hius libertum Apollonium iam tum equidem cum ille 
viveret et magni faciebam et probabam. Erat enim et studiosus 
Crassi et ad eius optima studia vehementer aptus: itaque ab eo 
admodum diligebatur. 2. Post mortem autem Crassi eo mihi 
etiam dignior visus est quem in fidem atque amicitiam meam 
reciperem quod eos a se observandos et colendos putabat quos ille 


As Caesar is not styled Imperator, this 
letter was doubtless written early in the 
vear. News that he had been saluted 
with that title (Febr. 19: ep. Bell. Hisp. 
19. 6) probably reached Rome about 
March 20th. 

1. P. Crassum] son of the triumvir. 
He served with distinction as one of 
Caesar’s legati in the Gallic war (Caes. 
B. G. iii, passim). He was killed at 
Carrhae with his father: cp. Plut. Crass. 
25. Cicero has a glowing description of 
him in Brut. 282, erat enim eum institutus 
optime tum etiam perfecte planeque eru- 
ditus, ineratque et ingenium satis acre et 
orationis non imelegans copia: praeterea- 
que sine adrogantia gravis esse videbatur 
et sine segnitia verecundus. Sed hune 


guogue absorbuit aestus qguidam insolitae . 


adulescentibus gloriae: cp. Fam. v. 8. 4 
(131), to the elder Crassus, guwos (sc. Crassos 
twos) quidem ego ambo unice diligo sed, in 
Marcum benevolentia pari, hoe magis sum 
Publio deditus quod me, quamquam a 
pueritia sua semper, tamen hoc tempore 
maxime sicut alterum parentem et observat 
et diligit. His widow Cornelia afterwards 
married Pompey (cp. Lucan viii. 88 ff. ). 
Cicero succeeded to his place in the 
College of Augurs (Plut. Cic. 36). 


ex 90] So the mss.: but generally 
sperare is followed by αὖ when used with 
persons (Att. 1. 18. 2 (19); Caes. Bell. 
Civ. iil. 96. 4), by ex when used with 
things (ib. 11. 6. 1; 60.1). Lambinus 
and Wesenberg read de ¢o, and that is 
certainly the usual construction : ep. Phil. 
xiii. 8. But ex eo is sometimes found: 
cp. Verr. lil. 160, guid ex eo boni sperari 
atque effict potest qui in patris luxurie sic 
vicit, χα. 

perbene| So Schtitz for per me of the 
Mss.: cp. Brut. 108, perbene Latine loqut; 
Att. vi. 1. 3 (252), perbono loco res erat. 
Lamb. conjectured optime. See Adn. 
Crit. 
eximiis| So Klotz for ex his of the 
MSS. = 

feceras| So Madvig for feceram of the 
Mss. I1f we retain feceram, we might 
translate cognitis ‘were recognized by 
the world’ or ‘ proved by the result.’ 

Apolionium| We know nothing of 
this man except what is here recorded. 

optima studia| ‘his scholarly pur- 
suits.’ 

ὦ. 6085 a se observandos ... quos ille 
dilexisset| Possibly it is because there 
is an emphasis on the agent in rela- 
tion to another person (that he should 


EP. 544 (FAM. XIII. 16). 557 


dilexisset et quibus carus fuisset, Itaque et ad me in Ciliciam 
venit, multisque in rebus mihi magno usui fuit et fides eins 
et prudentia, et, ut opinor, tibi in Alexandrino bello, quantum 
studio et fidelitate consequi potuit, non defuit. 38. Quod cum 
speraret te quoque ita existimare, in Hispaniam ad te maxime 
ille quidem suo consilio sed etiam me auctore est profectus,. Cui 
ego commendationem non sum pollicitus, non quin eam valituram 
apud te arbitrarer, sed neque egere mihi commendatione videbatur, 
qui et in bello tecum fuisset et propter memoriam Crassi de tuis 
unus esset, et, si uti commendationibus vellet, etiam per alios eum 
videbam id consequi posse. Testimonium mei de eo iudici, quod 
et ipse magni aestimabat et ego apud te valere eram expertus, ei 
libenter dedi. 4. Doctum igitur hominem cognovi et studiis 
optimis deditum, idque a puero. Nam domi meae cum Diodoto 
Stoico, homine meo iudicio eruditissimo,multum a puero fuit. Nune 
autem incensus studio rerum tuarum eas litteris Graecis mandare 


show respect to the friends of Crassus) 
that a@ se is used instead of the more usual 
sidi. Similarly Har. Resp. 5, ewm nun- 
quam a me esse accusandum putavi, 41 
have thought that J (rather than another) 
should be his accuser’: mihi would 
mean merely ‘that it was my duty to 
accuse him.” But it is doubtful if any 
such distinction is always maintained. 
On a with abl. after the gerundive 
cp. Roby ii. Introd. lxxv. 

3. Quod cum speraret] Not exactly 
the connecting guod, so common in con- 
nexion with si and nisi; rather ‘when 
quod stands before cwm and wii, it has its 
original signification as a relative pro- 
noun (in the place of the demonstrative) 
in such a way that that which is briefly 
indicated by the pronoun is afterwards 
expressed more definitely by an accusative 
with infinitive (here te quoque ita existi- 
mare), by which means the pronoun be- 
comes superfluous’: Madv. § 449, who 
compares Off. iii. 112, Quod cum audi- 
visset adulescens filius negotium exhiberi 
patri: 11.29, Quod cum perspicuum sit 
benevolentiae vim esse magnam. 

non sum pollicitus| virtually means 
‘I refused’: cp. ὁ 4, quod negaveram. 

non quin| = non quo non (Sest. 61): 
cp. note to 486. 1. 

de tuis| ‘is one of your retainers.’ 

Testimonium] ‘authorized expression.’ 


4. Doctum igitur] igitur is resumptive, 
‘Well, then, I knew the man to be 
gifted.’ Doctus is specially applied to 
poets: cp. Hor. Carm. i. 1. 29; Tib.i. 
4, 61, Pieridas, pueri, doctos et amate 


poetas. 


Diodoto| He was a friend of Cicero’s 
from the time the latter first heard his 
lectures in 88 8,0. ‘According to a 
fashion set by the Roman Stoic circle of 
the time of Scipio and Laelius, when he 
died in 59, he left his pupil heir to a not 
inconsiderable property’: see Dr. Reid’s 
Academica, p. 2, who compares Att. ii. 
20. 6 (47). 

eas litteris Graecis mandare| ‘to write 
a narrative of them in Greek.’ For man- 
dare litteris cp. De Orat. ii. 52; Orat. 
140. 38. Just as the Greek Archias was 
the panegyrist of his patrons the Luculli, 
so the Greek Apollonius, who had pre- 
viously been the panegyrist of Crassus, 
wished now to occupy the same position 
in relation to Caesar. 

Dr. Mahaffy (Greek World under 
Roman Sway, p. 125), in referring to this 
passage, says: ‘ For even yet, as Cicero 
declares in another passage, Greek was 
the world language, while Latin was 
only used by the conquering race. ‘* He 
that thinks he will attain less glory from 
Greek verses than from Latin is totally 
wrong ; because Greek is read by almost 


558 EP. 544 (FAM. XIII. 16). 


cupiebat. Posse arbitror: valet ingenio; babet usum: iam 
pridem in eo genere studi litterarumque versatur: satis facere 
immortalitati laudum tuarum mirabiliter cupit. Habes opinionis 
meae testimonium, sed tu hoe facilius multo pro tua singulari 
prudentia iudicabis. Et tamen, quod negaveram, commendo tibi 
eum. Quidquid ei commodaveris, erit id mili maiorem in modum 


gratum. 


the whole world, Latin is confined to 
narrow limits’’ (Arch, 23).’ The original 
of this passage 1s Nam st quis minorem 
gloriae fructum putat ex Graecis versibus 
percipi quam ex Latinis, vehementer errat 
propterea quod Graeca leguntur in omnibus 
Sere gentibus, Latina suis finibus, exiguis 
sane, continentur. Dr. Mahaffy also quotes 
Arch. 24, Noster hic Magnus ... nonne 
Theophanem Mytilenaewm, scriptorem re- 
rum suarum, tn contione militum civitate 
donavitt ? 


cupiebat| epistolary imperf. with nune 
as often, e.g. Att. xvi. 3. 6 (773), Brutus 
erat tn Neside etiam nune. 

studi litterarumgue| ‘literary studies.’ 

satis facere| ‘to do justice to the un- 
dying fame of your exploits.’ 

Et tamen ... eum) ‘and yet, what 
I said I would not do (3 3), Lam recom- 
mending him to sha For a similar 
declaration cp. 513. 2, Sed tamen ᾿ς... 
utrumaque ecorum quae ‘negavi mihi facienda a 
essé faciam. 


igs a 


ADDENDA TO THE COMMENTARY. 


1.—CICERO’S COMMAND IN CAMPANIA. 


Wuen, on the 7th of January, the Senate passed the Senatus consultum ultimum, 
they at once proceeded to make arrangements for resistance in case Caesar should not 
yield to their demands. As Cicero was one of the oldest consulars and an important 
man who had just returned from a provincial governorship where he had seen some 
military service, it was natural that he should have the supervision of one of the 
districts in Italy, and he chose Capua (301. 8, nos Capuam sumpsimus). We consider 
that by Capua in this case was meant the district called Campania in ordinary 
parlance (cp. Mommsen in C. 1. L. x. 498) and the coast-line up to Formiae, and 
perhaps even up to Tarracina at the foot of the Pomptine Marshes; and that by 
whatever name Cicero designates his district, it was always of the same extent, 
whether he calls it Capua (301. 3; 334.43; 848. 5; 345. 2), haee Campania et [qu. 
Campaniae, which is to be regarded as a gloss, see note] maritima ora (304. 5), ora 
maritima (310. 3), ora maritima a Formiis (812. 5), or Larracina et ora maritima 
(927. 1). 

On January 14th the news of the capture of Ariminum reached Rome. The people 
were panic-stricken. On the 17th, when news of the fall of the coast-towns and 
Arretium reached Rome, Pompey decided to leave the city. Before he did so he 
appears to have had a conversation with Cicero, in which Cicero, perhaps somewhat 
frightened at the serious nature of the crisis, expressed a wish to remain with Pompey,} 
and not to have the responsibility of administering a district when the administration 
would involve recruiting and preparations for war. Pompey seems to have overruled 
his misgivings, and to have told him that he need not take any exceptionally active 

part in the recruiting or in any other military duty, but need exercise only a general 
supervision of the district, and be an ultimate authority in case of any difficulty 


| arising; and to this Cicero, with some reluctance (cp. 338. 4, where, however, the 


reading is uncertain; and 345. 2, quoted in note 2, accipere nolut), appears to have 
consented. On January 19th he wrote, probably from Tarracina (304. 5), Zyo negotio 


Cicero was alluding when, in a letter to 


1327. 3 (February 15th), sin omnia in 
Atticus of February 28th (345. 2), he 


unum locum contrahenda sunt, non dubito 


| qguin ad te statim veniam, quo mihi nihil 
| optatius est, idgue tecum quo die aburbe 


_discessimus locutus sum: ep. 343. 5, 
maxime vellem primum semper tecum 
Suissem. 

* It is probably to this conversation that 


said negue tum peccavi cum imperatam 
Cupuam, non solum ignaviae delictum (ep. 
327. 2, si cut adhue videor segnior fuisse) 
sed etiam perfidiae suspicionem fugiens, 
accipere nolui. 


560 ADDENDA TO THE COMMENTARY. 


praesum non turbulento. Vult enim me Pompeius esse quem tota haec Campania et 
maritima ora habeat ἐπίσκοπον, ad quem dilectus et summa negoti deferatur, Itaque 
vagus esse cogitabam). Some time between January 17th and 25th Pompey seems to 
have sent a message to Cicero asking him tu go to Capua and assist in expediting the 
levy, to which no very hearty response was being made by the settlers in Campania 
(310. 2: cp. 821.3; 333.4); and Cicero started on the 25th for Capua, reaching 
that town on the 26th, where he found Τί, Ampius Balbus and Libo, two energetic 
men, prosecuting the business of recruiting with great assiduity (327. 2), though the 
results appear to have been small. He saw that he could not do anything more in 
this respect than was being done; so, after he had attended a meeting of the consuls 
and senators (Pompey himself had already departed for Larinum, 327. 2), who 
discussed the conditions which were brought from Caesar by young Lucius Caesar and 
Roscius Fabatus, he returned to Formiae, which he reached on January 29th. 

One would have expected that instead of doing so he would have remained at 
Capua, the head-quarters of his district, where the levy was being prosecuted, even 
though competent officers were engaged in conducting it. But during the previous 
week it would seem that Cicero began to cherish the hope that he might play an 
important part as a negotiator of peace, and was accordingly averse from taking any 
very marked or overt action in Pompey’s interest. Thus, writing to Tiro on January 
27th, he said (812. 5), ἴσο adhue orae maritimae praesum a Formiis. Nullum maius 
negotium suscipere volur quo plus apud illum (Caesar) meae litterae cohortationesque ad 
pacem valerent ; and a few days later, writing to Trebatius, who, at Caesar’s request» 
had written to him asking him to return to Rome, he said (315. 4) that it was difficult 
to do so just then; but that he was in one of his country houses (his Formianum), 
and was taking no part in the levy or in any active operations (neque delectum ulium 
neque negotium suscepisse). In telling Atticus of this letter he said he would continue 
to act in this way as long as there was any hope of peace, but that if there was war he 
would act as his duty and high position demanded, that is, take Pompey’s part 
energetically (315. 4): cp. 348 fin. 

As February went on Cicero perceived that Pompey’s cause was going from bad 
to worse, and specially that the levy in Campania, notwithstanding the exertions of 
Ampius Balbus and Libo, was almost a failure (321. ὃ, written on February 10th, tote 
Capua et omnis hic delectus iacet); so that, in addition to his desire to keep from acting 
vigorously against Caesar, he now became anxious definitely to resign his district. 
Accordingly he wrote Pompey a letter (Ep. 327) on February 15th, when things looked 
a little brighter than they had been, saying that he was ready to start away by sea at 
a moment’s notice if compelied to do so, but that he was still remaining at his post, 
though there were no proper forces at his disposal (ὃ 1). He also complained that 
he was ignorant of Pompey’s plans, and that if Pompey thought his (Cicero’s) mari- 
time district worth maintaining—and he (Cicero) thought it was an important one, 
favourably situated for the corn-supply and with many loyal inhabitants!—it was 
necessary to send some one to command it (opus est esse qui praesit). Of course there 
was a person in command of it, to-wit Cicero himself; but Cicero meant that he 


_ desired to hold it no longer, and that some competent military officer should be sent 4 


to take his place. It was, in fact, a resignation of his office,? and Cicero is conscious i 


1 Writing to Atticus on February 18th, 2In a letter to Pompey written on 
Cicero in a pessimistic mood dwells on February 27th, twelve days later, herefers - 


the disloyal element in his district, and (we think) to this resignation when he ~ | 


the luke-warmnessofthe constitutionalists says, 343.5, maxime vellem primum semper 


there (333. 4). tecum fuissem quod quidem tibi ostenderam 


7 
| 


ADDENDA ΤῸ THE COMM ENTARY. 561 
that critics may censure him for remissness in his administration (si cut adhuc videor 
segnior fuisse, 327. 4). In letters to Atticus written on February 16th (328. 2) and 
February 18th (333. 4) he would seem to imply that he had written more definitely to 
Pompey.! Hesaid that he declared that he would now undertake no duty unless he 
got adequate forces? and money: and accordingly he had been taking no active part 
in the military proceedings because he saw that Pompey was bent on flight. On 
February 27th he wrote a long and elaborately composed letter to Pompey (Ep. 343) 
accounting for his failure to get across Italy to join him, and remonstrating with him 
for not having informed him of the plans he proposed to adopt in the campaign ;? but 
in more than one point, as Mr. Duff has shown, Cicero has misstated facts (see notes 
to § 3 and § 4 of that letter).4 He said in that letter that he had resigned his post at 
Capua (§ 5, cum a me Capuam reiciebam), and that he was desirous to be with Pompey 
(§ 6, cecum esse cupiebam), that he advocated peace even on unfair terms rather than 
that recourse should be had to arms (§ 6, de pace vel iniqua condicione retinenda: 
ep. 810.3; ὁ 7, prae me tuli me nihil malle quam pacem); and that while there was 
hope of peace—and Pompey will remember that he himself had replied to overtures 
for peace from Caesar in a complimentary and liberal manner (honorifice et large)— 
he did not take any active part in affairs, and adopted this course advisedly: 
for it seemed probable that an arrangement might be secured and a most disastrous 
civil war avoided; and he (Cicero) had learned by experience how hostile the 
democracy was to him, and how dangerous it was for him to incur Caesar’s enmity 
(ὁ 7: ep. 326.2). But as all hope of peace was now gone, he would act with such 
courage as a good citizen and a friend of Pompey should display (§ 8). 


II.—THE NEGOTIATIONS OF LUCIUS CAESAR. 


WE read in Caesar (B. Ὁ. i. 3. 6) that one,of the censors, L. Piso, and one of the 
praetors, L. Roscius Fabatus, undertook to proceed to Caesar and acquaint him with 
the demands of the Senate ; and they said that they would go and return in six days. 
But Piso took no part in the negotiations with Caesar at this time. The companion 
of Roscius was a young relative of Caesar’s own, Lucius Caesar, and, probably, as he 
was a relative of Caesar’s own, the negotiations are principally connected with his 
name.? 


cumame Capuam reiciebam: quod 
fect non vitandi oneris causa sed quod vide- 
bam teneri illam urbem sine exercitu non 
posse, accidere autem mihi nolebam quod 
doleo viris fortissimis accidisse (i.e. to Do- 
mitius and those at Corfinium). Mr. Duff 
(Journal of Philology xxxiii(1914), p. 160) 
considers that Cicero is here alluding to 
the conversation which Cicero had with 
Pompey on January 17th, and that the last 
words mean ‘when I wished to resign 


eh charge of Capua’; and that six months 
later when all was lost for Pompey, 


ἢ} Cicero found it possible to believe that 
_ the difficulties he had raised on accepting 


- the commission amounted to a definite 


_ resignation of it. 
VOL. IV. 


1 Unless we are to suppose that a letter 
to Pompey has been lost, which is un- 
likely. 

? In his letter of February 27th (343. δ) 
he did put forward this point. 

3 This neglect of Pompey rankled in 
Cicero’s mind: cp. 319.3; 339. 1. 

4In § 5 he says he had no idea that 
Pompey would ever leave Italy. For 
other places than those mentioned in note 
to 343. 5 in which Cicero was quite alive 
to the possibility of Pompey’s leaving 
Italy, see 318. 2; 319. 2 fin.; 328. 2; 
338. 1, 2. 

5 In Cicero, Lucius Caesar is mentioned 
without Roscius several times: 308, 2; 
310. 15 S13. -1, 23 $15. 23° δ ὩΣ 


20 


562 ADDENDA TO THE COMMENTARY. 


Holzapfel (Beitrage zur alten Geschichte, or, as that journal is now commonly 
called for brevity, K/io, iii. 213 ff) holds that Lucius Caesar and Roscius went three | 
times to Caesar in January. The three occasions are these :—(1) Leaving Rome about 
the 8th or 9th, they reached Ariminum on the 11th or 12th, and were back again in 
Rome on the 14th. (2) Leaving Rome on the 15th, they were at Ariminum on the 
18th, and were back at Rome about the 21st, and arrived at Teanum Sidicinum on the 
23rd. (3) They returned to Caesar after the meeting of the Senators at Capua on the 
25th. By the 29th they presented the formal demands of the Senate to Caesar at 
Ancona or Auximum. If we suppose this, it would have been just possible for Cicero 
on Febr. 3rd to learn of the failure of the negotiations. This, no doubt, required very 
strenuous travelling on the part of the negotiators, but the times were urgent. Though 
it is also possible that Curio (317. 1), who was the original authority that the nego- 
tiations were (or would certainly be) unsuccessful, may have surmised what the 
answer of the Senate would be before the actual despatch arrived: for there had been 
two or three days’ discussion of them by the Senators in Campania, and some of 
Curio’s friends may have given him a trustworthy forecast of what the demands of 
the Senate were sure to be. The ordinary view recognizes Holzapfel’s second and 
third journeys to Caesar, but not his first. 

The main support of Holzapfel’s theory is Dio Cassius xli. 5. 


“Accordingly [as a result of the defection of Labienus: cp. c. 4], | 
Pompey, in consequence of what Labienus told him about Caesar, and because 
he himself had not as yet adequate forces at his disposal, and saw that the people 
in the city, and especially the party-men (τοὺς στασιώτας), were fearful of 
war, owing to their remembrance of what Marius and Sulla had done, and 
desirous of being safely rid of it, he altered his view, and sent envoys to Caesar, 
Lucius Caesar, a relative of his, and L. Roscius, a praetor, who volunteered for 
the service. His aim was to see if he could escape the attack of Caesar, and 
come to an agreement with him on moderate terms. When Caesar made the 
same reply as he had made in his letter to the Senate, and stated that he wished 
for a conference with Pompey, the greater number of the Senators [of πολλοί ; 
which might also mean ‘the multitude ’] heard this with displeasure, for fear that 
Pompey and Caesar would form a coalition against them. When, however, 
the envoys said much in praise of Caesar, and finally promised further (προσυ- 
πισχνοῦντο) that no one would suffer any ill at his hands, and that the armies 
would at once be disbanded, they were delighted, and sent again the same 
envoys to Caesar, and urged with constant shouts everywhere that both Caesar 
and Pompey should lay down their arms. Pompey, in fear of this, left for 
Campania.”’ 


These statements of Dio Cassius point to two missions to Caesar prior to Pompey’s 
abandonment of Rome: but they are ποῦ reconcilable with the actual dates which 
are established from Cicero, The first mission is regarded as having been sent in 


317. 1. In only one passage is Roscius lL. Caesar was a confidential envoy of | 


mentioned, 345. "2. In Caesar, too (B. C.i. Pompey ; and that Caesar in his narra- — 
8. 4), Roscius appears as the person of tive put Roscius in the background in © 


secondary importance. Nissen (p, 94) order to conceal his own plain mutiny © 
. considers that Roscius, as praetor, wasthe against the Government. 
. official enyoy of the Senate, and that 


ADDENDA TO THE COMMENTARY. 563 
consequence of the defection of Labienus; but we do not hear of that event until 
about January 18th (904. 1). Pompey left the city on January 17th ; and it is quite 
impossible that the envoys could have returned from the second mission at that time. 
Even Holzapfel (p. 224) allows that Dio Cassius has made a mistake in this. As to 
the other objection Holzapfel holds that in chapter 4 Dio is following an inferior 
authority, while in chapter 5 he is following a good authority (i.e. Livy), But this 
is somewhat arbitrary. We think rather that there were only two missions altogether, 
and that Dio has not been solicitous to inquire into and reproduce the exact sequence 
of events, but is merely stating the motives which were generally influencing Pompey 
about this time. For example, it certainly does seem as if Pompey and the mass of 
the senators were not working quite harmoniously,! and that Dio is probably right in 
laying stress on the fear that was fairly widespread, especially among the Senators, 
that Pompey might once again come to an agreement with Caesar to their detriment. 
This will account for the earnest desire of Caesar, until Pompey actually left Italy, to 
have an interview with him. But we think that at this time Pompey had no desire 
of forming any sort of coalition with Caesar: he was too conscious that he would 
now be very much the inferior partner. So he never gave any indication of any such 
desire ; and hence it is that Cicero never hints at any such possible treachery on the 
part of Pompey, or alludes at all to this desire of Caesar for a conference with him. 
There is no hint in Caesar of there having been three embassies. Holzapfel 
supposes that Caesar (B.C. 1. 8 and 9) has mixed up the first and second. But why 
should he? No doubt Caesar is not at all accurate in many of his statements as 
regards events at this time; but we can often see some reason for the several 


misrepresentations. 


1 Evidence of this is Pompey’s threat 
when leaving the city that he would 
consider anyone who did not follow 
him as an enemy (Plut. Pomp. 61; Dio 
Cass. xli. 6. 2: ep. Cicero Att. ix. 10. 2 
(365), guae (minae) denique omnibus qui 
remansissent), and his not waiting for 
the meeting of the Senators at Capna 
on January 25th (311. 3). 

2Τ is possible that Pompey may have 
told the envoys to say to Caesar that he 
had adopted the course he did adopt in 
respect to Caesar’s consulship from regard 
to the best interests of the State, and 
with no idea whatever of putting any 
slight on Caesar personally ; and that if 
Caesar felt aggrieved with him he should 
not visit it on his country in such a 
serious manner as by making war upon 
it. This was quite an honourable state- 
ment, designed to make clear that Pompey 
had no personal animosity against Caesar ; 
but on this statement Caesar may have 
chosen to lay undue stress, with an added 
insinuation that Pompey was endeavour- 
ing to treat with him individually apart 
from the Senate. But Pompey had no 
such intention. He was sensible that the 
issue must be fought out sooner or later 
(Att. vii. 4. 2 (295); 8. 4 (299)). It was 


Cicero, too, gives no hint of any earlier embassy of Lucius 


Caesar who was trying to dissociate 
Pompey from the Senate. 

3 For example, (1) he represents himself 
(B.C. i. 7 and 8. 1) as making his ap peal 
to his soldiers to direct their arms against 
the State at Ravenna before ‘the die was 
cast,’ and not at Ariminum, where they 
were in a measure committed. (2) He 
represents the tribunes as having been 
subjected to personal violence before 
they left Rome (B.C. i. 7. 2, Novum in 
remp. introductum exemplum queritur ut 
tribunicia intercessio armis notaretur atque 
opprimeretur : yet cp. Cicero, 301. 2, 
nulla vi expuisi). (3) He represents the 
senatorial demand in the final embassy 
they sent on January 25th in reference to 
the evacuation of the Italian towns 
which he had occupied (310. 1, wt de iis 
oppidis quae extra suam provinciam occu- 
pavisset praesidia deduceret: cp. 312. 3, 
ut removeat praesidia ex tis locis quae 
occupavit) as a demand that he should 
evacuate Ariminum only; desirous, as 
would seem, that posterity should think 
that he had taken no other place except 
Ariminum until the negotiations had 
finally broken down. (4) He represents 
at one time that the consuls left Rome 
when the senatus consultum ultimum 


202 


564 ADDENDA TO THE COMMENTARY. 


Caesar and Roscius than that from which they returned on January 28rd, ‘ with 
preposterous demands’ (308. 2). So we are inclined to think that it is not the con- 


temporaneous Caesar and Cicero who are in error, but that it is Dio, who wrote three 
centuries later, who has been inaccurate as to the exact course of the events; and that 


the ordinary idea is the right one that there were only two embassies, viz., those which . 


Holzapfel regards as the second and third. He seems to be right as to the dates which 
- he assigns to these embassies. 


III.—THE FORCES AT CORFINIUM AND ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD. 


Boru Caesar and Pompey are virtually at one as to the total number of cohorts in 
this region. In Ep. 322 Pompey says that Vibullius had 14, Hirrus 5, and 
Domitius 12: that is, the sum-total was.31. In B.C. i. 15. 4, Caesar says that 
Vibullius took over the cohorts which Lentulus Spinther brought away with him 
from Asculum,! and united them with the forces which had been recruited for 
Pompey in Picenum, and with 6 cohorts? which Hirrus had at Camerinum. Caesar 
says (§ 5) that the total forces under Vibullius, including the forces under Hirrus, 
were 18, and that Domitius had ‘about’ 20(§ 7). That would make a total of 88. 

In Ep. 331.1, Pompey says, Quod veritus sum factum est ut Domitius implicaretur 
et neque ipse satis firmus esset ad castra facienda quod meas xix (i.e. the 14 of Vibullius 
added to the 5 of Hirrus) δέ suas xii cohortis tribus in oppidis distributas haberet—nam 
partim Albae, partim Sulmone conlocavit. This entirely agrees with his statement in 
Ep. 322. Pompey naturally regarded as ‘his own’® the forces taken over by his 
officer Vibullius, and also the forces of Hirrus, which appear to have at the time 
when Pompey wrote 331 (viz. February 17th) ranged themselves under the command 
of Vibullius (cp. Caesar 1. c.). Naturally Pompey would state the division of the 
forces of his own party with greater accuracy than Caesar, especially as Pompey was 
writing at the time of the operations, Caesar three or four years later. 

Caesar knew approximately the sum-total of the forces which were opposed to him 
in the district, viz. ‘a little more than 30 cohorts’ (i. 17. 2, amplius xxx). They were 
exactly 31 (cp. Cicero, Ep. 322); but he made the error of supposing that the forces of 
Vibullius after Hirrus had joined him were only 13 cohorts, whereas Vibullius had 


was passed (B.C. 1. 6. 7); at another time 
that they and Pompey did so after the 
fall of Auximum (i. 14.1, 3), which did not 
occur until January 28th at the earliest— 
neither of which is true. It was well 
known in ancient times that Caesar did 
not always state facts correctly in his 
Commentaries. Asinius Pollio said so 
distinctly: cp. Suet. Iul. 56. 4, Pollio 
Asinius parum diligenter parumque in- 
tegra veritate compositos (sc. Commen- 
tarios Caesaris) putat, cum Caesar pleraque 
et quae per alios erant gesta temere credi- 
derit et quae per se vel consulto vel 
etiam memoria lapsus perperam ediderit 


existimatque rescripturum et correcturum 


Suisse. 


1 The number was not so great as 10 
cohorts, which Lentulus had when in 
command at Asculum, for many deserted. 
Caesar said that he had only ‘afew’ 
when he met with Vibullius, i, 15. 3, 4. 


2 This is not quite accurate. Hirrus 
had only 5 (Ep. 322). : 
’ 8 These expressions ‘my 19,’ ‘his 


12’ seem to show to some extent that 
Pompey was not regarded as generalissimo 
of the Optimate forces, but only held 
an imperium aequum with others of the 
nobles. 


ee 48 


ADDENDA TO THE COMMENTARY. 565 


14 cohorts before Hirrus joined him. Of the whole Optimate. forces in the district, 
there were 7 at Sulmo (Caes. i, 18.1), and 6 at Alba Fucentia (i. 24. 3), and, there- 
fore, 18 at Corfinium. All these passed into Caesar’s army, and also 3 cohorts 
of Rutilius Lupus from Tarracina (i. 24. 3), so that Caesar got possession of 34 
cohorts. 

This solution of the slight discrepancy between Pompey and Caesar is due to 
Ὁ. Ἐς Schmidt (Briefwechsel, pp. 132 £.\, and seems quite satisfactory. 


IV.—CICERO’S PERPLEXITY AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 
CIVIL WAR. 


It may be well to set forth, with a few references, the general considerations which 
influenced Cicero in deciding on the part he should play in this crisis. 


1° He did not look on permanent neutrality as a possible course for a man of 
honour: Att. vii. 1. 4 (284); 3. 2 (294); 7. 7 (298); 9. 4 (300); 315. 4. 


2° He was resolved ultimately to follow Pompey, if no arrangement could be 
‘arrived at between him and Caesar (326. 3)— 

(2) Through gratitude and affection: 328. 4; 332. 4; 333. 2; 359. 3; 361. 2 
τοῖς εὐεργέταις καὶ φίλοις) ; 362.3; 377. 2. 

(ὁ) Because Pompey was leader of the Optimates: 833.2; 353.4; 361. 2 (τοῖς 
apicrots). 

(c) Because he was about to restore the Republic: 333.2; 349. 2; 359. 3 (talem 
causam agent). 


In 318. 2 Cicero writes that the considerations which urge him to join the camp 
of Pompey are ‘his friendship with Gnaeus, the Optimate πὸ and tbe shamefulness 
of making commen cause with a tyrant.’ 


3° Though he sees the faults and errors of the Optimates— 
(a) their dilatoriness, irresolution, weakness, and abandonment of principle : 318. 1; 
833.4; 338.2; 339.2; 340.3; 342. 4 
(8) their unpatriotic and violent threats in the event of their victery: 350. 2; 
352.2; 360.7; 362.3; 382. 3. 
(c) their lust, as great as that of Caesar, for tyranny: Att. vii. 3, 4 init. (294) ; 
5.4 (297); 342.4; 365.6; 382. 4. 


4° Yet Caesar’s side he cannot, will not, join; for— 

(a) Caesar is a revolutionary, and his side is the wrong side: Att. vii. 9. 3 (300) ; 
901. 8; 304.1; 312.2; 356. 2 fin. ; 382. 2. 

(Ὁ) he could not face the odium of such a course: 305. 3; 353. 3; 356. 3. 

(c) it would be dishonourable to join Caesar: 320.2; 350.2; 390.2; 392.4; 
though he acknowledges at times the unexpected moderation which Caesar was 
displaying: e.g. 348. 1. 


Accordingly the whole state of Cicero’s mind when the crisis arose may be thus 
summed up :—What he hoped for was an arrangement (compositio, concordia). Any- 


566 ADDENDA TO THE COMMENTARY. 


thing should be surrendered rather than have war: cp. Att. vii. 5. 5 (296). War 
would bring the tyrannis, whichever side was victorious. Therefore he temporized 
(tergiverser, 305. 3), and did not openly join Pompey, whose flight from Italy he con- 
demned, while he despised and abhorred the incapacity, dilatoriness, and violent 
threatenings of his supporters. Moreover, peace was what Cicero most desired; now 
peace Pompey did not wish for; he even feared it: Att. vii. 8. 4, 5 (299). Yet Cicero 
hoped to be able to influence Pompey : ib. ὃ. 5 (294). On the other hand, Caesar was 
very powerful, very active, and very conciliatory. But he was a revolutionary ; he 
was ‘running amuck ’ (ruere, 319. 3); he is perditus (307. 1), a tyrant (318. 2) ; his acts 
were furor (310. 1), scedus (304. 1). If war was inevitable, Cicero must join Pompey ; 
not to do so would be inglorious, dishonourable, ungrateful. Yet again, to think of the 
Optimates and the dreadful vengeance which would follow their victory. No matter ; 
Pompey alone moved Cicero. What has been done by him and his side is a tissue of 
blunders; but his side is the right one. Mihi σκάφος, he writes to Atticus, vii. 
3. 5 (294), unum erit quod a Pompeio gubernabitur. 


δὰ Se Se ee ei Pa) a 


estes eee ee δ τὰ τα βίος ᾿ς 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


Ep. 301 (Fam. xvi. 11), 


1. scribit] M; seripsit HDF. 

iam| Muller; etiam codd. 

2. fuerunt. Omnino et] Vict.; fuerunt 
omnino. Kt MH Ern.; fuerunt mihi 
omnino D. 

provinciam] codd.; provincias Boot. 
Vide Comm. 

3. discriptae] M!; descriptae M°HDF. 
Confusio frequens. 
1 (723), ed. 2. 

Capuam] HDF; capiam M. 


Ep. 302 (Fam. v. 20). 


1. Quoquo] Lamb.; quo codd. 

siad me misisses] G; si admeminisses 
MR. 

me] me scito Martyni-Lag. 

2. servo] Vide Comm. 

cui] ante dedi add. Graevius. 

dedi] GR; darem M; dederam Wes. 

maxime]| codd.; maximae Crat. 

certe] certum codd. 

collatasque] R; consolatas M; con- 
solatasque G; consolidatas cod. Palatinus 
quintus (apud Graevium); cod/atas Or. 
Vide Comm. 

deferre] codd.; referre 
fort. recte. Vide Comm. 

relatis] Lamb. vulg.; 
Fort. delatis. 

quam ob rem] on integram habui rem 
vel tale quid addendum est. Nihil nisi 
detuli addere vult Orellius. 

ὃ. HS] SS codd. 

XIx] xx G. 

4. meum] meum <M. Anneium>Wes. 

Q. Leptam}] MR; om. G. 

quod] Lamb.; cum codd. 

ne cogitatam] additamentum vetus; om. 
Streicher et Hirschteld. 


Gronovius, 


latis codd. ; 


Cp. ad Fam. xii. 1. | 
| Boot. 


quidem putas] codd.; quidem refutas 
vel improbas Streicher ; eidem imputas 
Hirschfeld. 

5. Lucceio] MG; luce R; logio vel 
logeo Lamb. ; lucelio Scaliger. Vide Comm. 

auctore] G; actore MR. 

illa] Klotz; twa MG; om. R; ea Or. 

haec] hoc Wes. et ed. Neap. 

errari] G; errare M. 

6. idem} codd.; item Lamb. 

quoniam] MR; quod G; quod a me 


logaeo|] MR; legato G; Lucceio 
Egnatius ; logio vel logeo Lamb. ; ἐκλογείῳ 
Boot. Vide Comm. 

gravisum est] M; gavisum est R; 
gravissime G; gratiosum est codd. dett. ; 
provisum est Egnatius ; gratum visum est 
Corradus. 

pecuniae exactae] Μ' ; pecuniae exactu 
GR; pecunia exacta vett; pecuntiam 
exactam Wes. 

ita efferre] ista referre Crat. (marg.) 


es. 
Sed] add. nos. 


8. Myrina] R; myrina M; marinaG. 

iam] M; om. GR. 

decessimus} codd.; decessissemus Crat.; 
decesseramus Krn. 

HS] CC M;  sesterciis G; om. R. 

9. HS] Μ᾿ SS GR: 

iocatum] G; locatum MR. 

cum Tullius] MR; sé ἐμ G. 

conscindi] Hirschfeld; scindi codd. 
Vide Comm. 


Ep. 303 (Art. vii. 10). 


nec quid} Hs, vulg,; ne quid PM; 
neque quid O, Lamb. 

coartatus et stupens] 
et stupens Otto; coartatus est. 
Klotz. 


coartatus sedet 
Stupent 


568 


coartatus] O!PM!s, L (marg.) et ita 
v.c.; cohortatus HO?M?. 

et] M2; sed M10s (sed M! set). 

stupens] M?Os Zb Ant. Lamb. ; stupent 
M! 


consistet] Wes. ; consistat codd. 

consili] O?PM?s; coxsilia ΜΊΟΙ, 

certe] certa M!; incerta ΟἹ; ineerti 
O0?PM?s. 


Ep. 304 (Arr. wi. 11). 


1. Cingulum] séngulum ΜΠ, 


Honestum] Lamb. ; nisi honestum M? ; 


num honestum M?. 

apricationem]| applicationem M}. 

lucrativo| codd. ; Lucretilino Faernus: 
Lucretino Rom. ; matutino Fr. Schmidt. 
Vide Comm. . 

istius] H Crat.; linus CM. 

2. técov] nos; COCON M; σοὶ Vict., 
fort. recte; vide Comm.; σῶς ὥν Btr. 

3. Redeamus| debeamus M. 

fortunas] fortuna ΜΙ. 

Tum] tamen Ern. ; totum coni. Tyrrell. 
Fort. ἀπορῶ, cum nihil absurdius. 

nostri] et nostri Bucheler. 

4. isticine] Wes. ; istic M; an istic Ern. 

5. Campania et] H v.c. Rom.; Cam- 
pana et MEL; et Campana Sternkopf, 
fort. recte. Sed vide Comm. 

negoti] megoct M (marg.); me M. 

deferatur] Wes.; referatur codd. 

dpuh] Vict.; hora me M!; hora viae 
M? (marg.). 


Ep. 305 (Art. vir. 12). 


1. Kal.] Hal. Iu. M. 

putes] Lamb.; putas M. 

2. erroris] terroris Man. 

agendum sit] 1; agendum est M. 

3. tamne] ΗΖ]. ΜΙ (sed is me delevit) ; 
tam EOPM’s. 

4. Ut] Tw Pius. 

5. magistratus] Wes., coll. 307. 1; 
magistratum M. 

6. ecquod ...ecquae] Man.; et guod 
... et quae M. 

Romae] omaene Reid, coll. 306. 1, 
fort. recte. 
tuto] tuo M. 

velim] om. M!. 


Ep. 306 (Fam. xiv. 18). 


1. an mecum] 


D; at mecum M; aut 
mecum HF. ; 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


an aliquo] Wes., coll. 365. 6; in | 


aliguo codd. 
tuto posse] M; tuto non posse HF. 
per... posse] om. HF. 
abieritis] M; abieris HF; abientis 


nostris] mostris praediis Wes. ex cod. 
Basil. ; sed vide Comm. 

2. utrum] HFD ; verum M. 

atque etiam] om. HFD. ᾿ 

pe praedium HF; predium 


vir] codd.; zz. Schiitz. 
Formiis] formis MHD ; fortinis F. 


Ep. 307 (Att. vir. 13a). 


1. multos spe] v. ὁ. codices Bosii ; 
multa spe SA. 

sine senatu] ΜῈ; xe senatus M’. 

magistratibus| Wes.; magistratu M. 
Cf. 305. 5. 

res testis] Z; res stet M; resistet I. 

2. insidiose] Pius; invidiose M. 

invitorum] M?; invidorwm M!. 

8. amandandi] Μη; emendandi M'. 

ad urbem] M (marg.); om. ΜΙ. 

scripsit] Vict.; scripsti M. 

vestrum] vester Reid. Vide Comm. 

de me ipso ac de meis te] Z; de ipso 
ac de me ista M. 

4. litteras] Post hoc verbum novam 
ep. incipit Corradus. Melius incipit 
Schmidt post obscurius. Vide Comm. 

Oppiorum ex Velia] 560]. Schtitz. 

plane] paene Gronovius ; primo plane 
nos olim. 


numero | numeris Gronovius. 


Ep. 308 (Arr. vir. 130). 


1. tuum] tamen Schiitz; totum coni. 
Or. Fort. αἴνιγμα tuum. 

saccones| succones Bosius. Vide Comm. 

dices] MC. ;. dicis Zb. 

aestuavi] Lamb.; estu aut M. 

8. Venafri] Klotz; Venafriam M (sed 
am linea subducta delendum est): Ven- 
afri. Iam Bicheler, fort. recte. 
quod} Ern.; quid M. 
die] v. 6. Bos. ; illine M. ° 

in Marsis] om. ΜῈ; in maresis Zl Μ5 
(marg.). 

Iguvi] igniM Zl. 

Thermus] termus M. 

sae om. M. 
scribas] om. Zl. 


ΤΥ Oe ee ee a a eee ree ee 


ADNOTPATIO CRITICA. 


Er. 309 (Fam. σιν. 14). 


1. ANIMIS] 4A7Ma4zVs F. . 

- venturus 650]. HFD; om. est M. 

ipsae] D>; ipse ΜΗ; ipsi H'F. 
Si) HFD; sit M. 

esse possitis] MD ; possitis esse H. 

2. velim cum] MFD; velim ut H.. 

forti}] fortis M. 

discedit] MD; discessit HF. 

Quintus] D; quinctus Μ΄: quintius 
HF.. 
vi Kal.} vit Kal. Quintil. MH. Sed 
in mense Ianuario haec ep. scripta est: cf. 
$12.6; 308.2. Deceptus tamen vulgari 
epistularum ordine cum Fam, xiv. 13 et 
15 (489,. 485) in mense Quintili datae 
“essent, hance quoque epistulam scriptor 
eidem mensi attribuit. 

Menturnis] codd.; Mintwrnis vulg. 


Ep. 310 (Arr. vir. 14). 


1. esse] post spero om. Schutz; posse 
Moser; certe Klotz; ita esse et Kayser. 

2. A.|] Crat. Lamb. ; om. M. 

Scutorum] codd.; secutorwm Vict. 
Vide Comm. 

190] 10 Zb. 

provisum] I; profixum M; profectum 
eoni. Or. 

3. ceterae] ceteri M. 

illa] ΜΈ; ἐδ M. 

praedia] v.c. Corradus; praesidia M: 
ep. 315. 1. 

Equidem] C; guidem M. 

pacem] M3; ad pacem C, fort. recte. 

cum civibus] CZ; om. M!; tm civibus 
M (marg.); in civilibus alii. 


Ep. 311 (Arr. vu. 15). 


1. quod] Ern.; guid M. 

licet] NHF Ant. ; diceret M. 

2. is haud auditus in] Bosius; ἐδ 
auditus auditus in M (sed alterum 
 auditus deletum); is non auditus in Fr. 
Schmidt, fort. recte, nam on saepe 
omissum est in codicibus. e.g. Att. ΧΙ]. 
31, 1 (607). Post consilio addit non est 
Iunius qui dicit ‘ Sic mss. evidentissime, 


ο΄ commoda lectio’’; is auditur sine Madvig ; 


Fort. vix (ita Lamb.) auditust in. 

metuo] C; metuM. . 

Postumius] Rom; Postwmus M.. Vide 
Comm. 
_ Furfanioque]. Schiitz ; Fusanogue M'; 
_ Fufanoque M*. 
quam magni] Vide Comm. 


569 


ὃ. varietas} veritas M. 

quo ingressus est] φορά ingressus est 
Reid, fort. recte. 

Appianas] «acianas M'; actianas M?; 
Attianas vulg. Vide Comm. 

secum] cwm se M}. 


Ep, 312 (Fam. xvi. 12). 


ut, nisi] wt utrigue, nisi Lehmann. 

qui deus} HD; quidews ex quideius 
M; quis deus F. 

aliquis] aligui Btr. 

subvenerit] MD; subveniret HF. 

2. destiti] HFD; destituti M. 

habentur| Aabebantur H. 

Anconam]| codd.; Anconem Wes. ut 
in 804.1. Utraque forma invenitur ; cf. 
C. I. L. ix. p. 572 et Thesaurum. 

3. iis locis]  vett.; his locis codd. 

4. stare] stare Μ : ista re 1) ; instare 

F 


a tergo] MD; at g (=ergo) H; at 
ergo F. 

modo ut] MD; modo (om. wt) HF. 

est] add. vett. 

5. orae] MD; horae HF. 

molestiam quod] HFD; 
quem M. 

6. quom] quam M; cum HFD. 

mei] M; ¢ HF; om. D. 

poterit] MD; non poterit HY. 


molestiam 


Ep. 313 (Att. vit. 16). 


1. ac Pompei] ad Pompeiwm M. 
2. Eo die] eodem vel eodem die C. 


Ep. 314 (Fam. xv1. 8). 


1. nobis] M; a nobis HFD. 

futurus] codd.; afuturus vett.; 
Juturus Bucheler. 

es] codd.; est vulg. Biicheler. 

Ac] Wes. cf. ad 461. 1; at codd. 
Vide Comm. 

2. singula] HFD; singula eius' M 
Biicheler; singula ἀληθείας Orelli; sin- 
gula veritatis Klotz; singula dei alicuius 
Koch; singula et iusta Krauss. 

Q.... dicit] om. F. 


de- 


Ep. 315 (Atr. vu. 17). 


1. praediis] v. c. 1, (marg.) ; prae- 
sidiis M: cf. 310. ὃ. 
2. Sestio] Sextio ΜΙ, 


570 


et] codd.: et Koch; sed vide Sjogren 
ap. Comm, 

Tamen] M?; a me non M}. 
_ 8. non aspernor] M (marg.) ; monas 

pernos M. 

4, Rescripsi] rescribi ΜῚ, 

mali] CM?; malum M}. 

est] add. Lamb. Kl., sed Lamb. post 
excitatum. 

ex... ex] ad 
Boot. 

sin otium aut etiam] nos, cf. otio 
316. 2; sin autem etiam M; sin aut pax 
aut etiam coni. Wes. 


. ab coni. Lamb. 


Ep. 316 (Arr. vir. 18). 


1. pertulerunt] Ο; atéulerunt M. 

quoad] sl; guod M. 

turpi] ZEN; turpe M. 

misero] Z Ant.; misere M. 

Ita putaram}] om. M}. 

si] om. M. 

acceperit...] add. iacedit Vict., perit 
Tyrrell. Fort. addendum consul erit vel 
otium erit. Bosius coni. quae quidem si 
repudiarit repudio erit; iacebit si acce- 
perit, 

2. Ancona] M; -Ancone ΚΊ. cf. ad 
O12, 2; 

vincire] Crat. Lamb. Miiller ; vineirs 
M ; munire Gronovius. 

ΟΣ] Mal, ἐζὺ : Cf. 
Lehmann ὁ Att.’ 204. 

optima] Lipsius; opto M;.optio Gruter; 
Fort. opto ut. 

3. nos] non M. 

esset}] M?; essem CM}. 

scio| CZINOPFAnt.; om. M. 

nimis| minus M?}, 

ne... . Quintus frater] Vict.; me 
molestissimus invitoque fratre M. 

ἄς exigere|] I; exire M. 

te non] e¢ non M. 

illius] vulg.; in ildiws Klotz; nudlius 


om. o M. 


Ep. 317 (Att. vit. 19). 


quod] quid M. 

qui] coni. Lamb. ; guin M. 

dederim] coni. Lamb.; dedi M*. 

putabam, praesertim] putabant.impre- 
sertim M}, 


Ep. 318 (Arr. vit. 20). 


1, minoris....ergo] Bosius; minori 
his consulibus curae. Ego Miller, ingeni- 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


ose. Post quorum addere vult. itussu 
Lamb., vocatw vel simile Reid. Vide 
Comm. 

autem] autem <adhue, id est Nonis> 
C, fort. recte. . 

venturi] venturi <ad Nonas> Tyrrell, 
fort. recte si additamentum Cratandrinum 
reiectum est. 

inanes, imparati] Fort. mane, cui lecti- 
Oni in inanes corruptae glossema imparati 
additum est. Vide Comm. 

Appianarum] Lipsius: cp. 511. ὃ: 
itinarum M!; itinerum M? ; <Attianarum 
Vict. 

2. manendum] me nondum M}. 

duces] ducis M. 

calere| careve Rom. Muretus. 


Ep. 319 (Arr. vir. 21). 
1, Istim] Lamb.; ἐδέν M!3; instine 


emanant] ΜΈ; emant M}. 

nihil in consulibus] xihili consules 
Reid coll. 318. 1. 

adsit, contraque noster] Boot; ad se 
contra quem noster M3; adsit contra, noster 
Orelli. 

animus est] animus <ei> est Kayser. 

2. auferrent| afferrent M. 

sinat? Consul ei rescripsit] vett. ; 
sinat consulere seripsit M. 

3. Ego... deceat] Ita Tyrrell inter- 
punxit; interpungunt editores ἴσο quid 
agam ? Σκέμμα magnum neque mehercule 
mihi quidem ullum, nist omnia essent acta 
turpissime, neque eyo ullius consili partt- 
ceps : sed tamen, quod me deceat. 


Ep. 320 (Arr. vu. 22). 


1. Recte sit set censeo] add. set nos ; wt 
recte sit censeo nos olim; Recte ; sic censeo, 
aut Recte est ; censéo aut Recte sic censes 
Wes.; Terentia sibi censet Koch; Recte 
sic censes mulieribus Kayser. 


2. Oppiis] Boot; oppidis tis M; de — 


Oppiis istis nos olim. Locum ita refingit 
Moser, Rectene sic censeo + cedendum de 
oppidis his ? 
Recte sit. Censeo cedendum Oppiis. 
egeo tuo auxilio. Vide Comm. 


Hie 


isti me... hortantur] isti me? Multi — 


enim hortantur. 
ex 4. Vv. 6. 
etiam] et tam M. 
Nullo modo quidem. 
modo. 
modo. 


Fac me posse tuto Lamb. 


Nuilo-. 
Nullo 


A te] 
Equidem a te Bucheler ; 
Quid? A te Zb Orelli. 


Egeo enim consili; Boot 


pees 


~ a ee 


aL 


1 eee 


Pees Say pis ik Ae 


res 
ws 


_ fuerit Ascensius (ed. 2). 


ING Ohi iid. dt ΒΥ ab wi IR ict de 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


Ep, 321 (Arr. vir. 23). 


1. vesperi a] Crat.; vesperis M?; 
vesperi ὁ M?, 

oppressi] om. M!. 

2. ipso] Man. ; ipse M. 

vivere...] Fort. addendum est 
ἀβίωτον vel simile vocabulum Graecum. 

3. nisi qui deus iuerit] 
312. 1 post Bootium nisi qui deus fecerit. 
Sed facilius iwerit (= iuuerit, cf. Catull. 
66.18, Non ita me divi, vera gemunt, iuerint) 
in fuerit corruptum est quam in fecerit; 
nisi quid eius fuerit M ; nist quid eiusmodi 
Vide Comm. 
Caesaris] L. Caesaris M. 


Ep. 322 (Art. vir. 114). 


MAGNYys]| Z, ut videtur, codices Malas- 
pinae 1; PoupzIvs M; POMPEIVS MAGNVS 
Rom. 

xu] Wes.; xr M. 

et cum] M?; om. cwmM!?. 

4.85] om. ΜΙ. 

Vibullius] usudlius Μ1. 

_habere] om. M}. 

Hirrum cum] Ο; Hirruncum M. 

‘ tutissime] M ; tutissimo Lamb. Vide 
Comm. 


Ep. 323 (Art. vit. 24). 


Cassi] Cassii M; Cassio vy. ὁ. Bosius. 


Vide Comm. 


Vibullium] uibuillum M!; wibullum M?. 
rr milia] Bosius; wim (i.e. iit m.) M. 
Egoa} Wes.; ¢ M!; egoC; a M*. 


Ep. 324 (Art. vir. 25). 


Capua] Capuam M. 
QO] ORP Ant. Lamb. et forte Ζ ; om. 


A. Vide Lehmann ὁ Att,’ p. 204. 


regere] rege M}, 


Ep, 325 (Arr. vu. 12 B). 


1, adversario] Vict. -ios M!; -iis M’. 
ut] om. ΜΙ. . 


: ~Vibullius}] Zubullius M itemaue infra. 


progressum] Z; +ssu M. 
prius| plus ΜΙ. 
2. atque etiam ] 
advenires} M; 


add. Ursinus. 
ad me venires Otto 


coll. 322; 325. 1,3; advenias Muretus. 


copiae] copias M. 


Tyrrell coll. ᾿ 


571 


coactae] M?; quot acte M'; queat ac 
M (marg.). 

villas] Graevius; illas M. 

servent, aequum] servent eguum M?; 
servente cum M}, 

impetrare] imperare M. 

missum facias] M, vide Comm. ; missas 
facias Lamb. Pius. 


Ep. 326 (Art. vir. 26). 


1. paulum] Fort. primum paulum. 

2. mihi] Reid; me M. Vide Comm. 

viderij vulg.; videre M3; _ ridere 
Madvig. 

negavi] Vict.; navi M; nolui Rom. 

fraudem tulit] fraudi fuit coni. Miller. 

quoi} cui C; quin M. 

deferret] de ea referret M. 

pro tuis rebus] Lamb. coll. 340. 2 ; κέ 
prorsus M; pro suis rebus Bosius. 

partes] M?; parte ΜΙ. 

3. scribenti] scienti M. 

certe] corr. incertoM. 

Et ego? Nescio.] Orelli; et egone, 
nescio Wes. cf. nescio isticine 304.4; Num 
et ego, nescio Rom. 

Quod] quid M. 

faciam ut scias| sciam ut sciebam. 

futurum] om. M}. 

nisi qui] ΜΈ; nisi quod ΜΙ. 

scribis] Orelli; scis M. 


Ep. 327 (Arr. vir. 118). 


1. Vibullique] ubullique M?. 

ubi] cui Lamb. 

praecepisses] I vulg. 
cepisses Btr. 

et oram] om. et M; θέ eam (vel idlam) 
oram Miller. 

Nam] om. Μ). | 

2. vidi T. Ampinm] Vict.; vidit am- 
plum M!; vidi amplum M?. 

diligentia} dilligentia M!; intelligentia 
Μὲ 


; percepisses M ; 


edictum] Lamb.; dictwm M. 

cum] τὲ cum L (marg.). 

3. praesit] M?*; praeest M'. 

Sin omnia in unum| Klotz; im omnia 
unum M}; omnia in unum M?*; sin omnia 
unum in Btr. 

quo die] ΜΈ; quod te ΜΙ. 

videar] videor M. 


Ep. 328 (Arr. vit. 1), 


1. nec tamen tam laeta] Bosius; nec 
tamen (corr. in tam) leta M. 


972 


quam] . quam quae Orelli. 

scripserat] ΜΈ; erat M}. 

sed iam| Rom; miser iam M (mi- ex 
proximo misissem) ; nisi tam M?. 

derelicto] corr. ex velicto M; relicto 
Zb Lamb. ex 4. v. ¢. 

2. me] add. Pius. 

tutissimo] CL(marg.) ; tu pessimo M ; 
tutissime M (marg.); turpissimo Zl. 

essem] essent Charisius. Vide Comm. 

sit] add. Ern. sed post stadilis. 

stabilis] standi Madvig. 

3. mirere si] corr. ex mirere sed si 
ΜΈ; mire res et M'; mirere sei Bucheler. 

sit] M*> est Vict. 30m. M4; 

sed] M?; si M!. 

eundum] Fort. Eundem tamen, cum 
plena interpunctione post fugae, et verba 
Quo . . . fugae cum praecedentibus con- 
iungenda. Tum ratio adducitur cur in- 
vitus cum Pompeio coniuncturus sit. 

bonis] 1; omnibus M. 

locupletum] M: cf. Att. vii. 7. 7. 
(298) et 862. 4; locupletium vett. 

me... Volcati] Man.; mea ulepidi 
lucet uoleacti M1; me Auli Lepidi Lucei 
Voleaci ΜΆ. 

Sulpici comitum] Swlpicio me tum ΜΠ]. 

Domitius] Do M. 

4. habeat] habet Kayser. 

esse oportere| ΣΙ], (marg.) ; 
esse A. 

Luceriam] Nuceriam M. 

quae] gue M?; ea ΜΙ. 

sint] sunt vett. 

displicere] dispisere ΜΙ. 


oportere 


Ep. 329 (Arr. vit. 120): 


1. Calenius] Callenius M; Canuleius 
‘Corradus L (marg.). Wterque ignotus. 

istaec| istic M. 

providentia] C, et 4. v.c. ap. Lam- 
binum Wes.; prudentia M vulg. 

quot] M?; guod M!. 

aliis}] -Man.; illis M. 

sed 10015] M?; wt locis M'; at Klotz. 
ut] e¢-M. | 

2. omnibus copiis}] EORM?s; omni 
copias ΜῈ: omni copia Vict. Cf. ad 381.1. 

hoc] (= huc) M. Cf. Comm. ad 346.1; 
hue vulg. 

M. Tuscilio] Corradus; Metuscilio C ; 
metu stileo M1; metu sileo M2. 

ne] me hae Lehmann, coll. 331. 2. 

veniet] veniat Ern. 

3. deducturi] ad me deducturi Wes. ; 
Brundisium deducturi Schmidt. Sed vide 
Comm. : 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


aut in] aut hue aut in Sternkopf ; et in 
Reid. . 
. tam amplum] om. tam M}. 

summam]| sewmmae L (marg.). 

4. Sicca abs te] Boot; sic ad poete M; 
Sica a te Or. 

attulit et mandata] A; et mandata 
attulit HOR recte ut nune putamus. 


Ep, 380 (Att. vir. 12D). 


1. mihi a te] om. M!. 

ΠῚ] fore fic Me; 

te] per te M. 

expeditum| ΜΈ; 
ditum iam Bicheler. 

eonsulibus] (ὦ consulibus vulg. 

2. hoc] codd. cp. 329. 2; hue vulg. 
ut infra; e¢ huc I. 

ad adversarium| Btr. ; om. ad codd. ; 
adversariorum Rom.: cf. De Div. 11. 52; 
adversarii in unum Orelli. 

hoc] codd.; hue vulg., ut supra. 

a 


expediam M!; expe- 


Man.; guod M. . 
ne] om. Ml}. 
quidem] om. M. 


Ep. 831 (Apr. vii 1.2) Α). 


C] MM. 

1. de se dubitaret] M?; desubitaret 
Me. 
neque] M?; wut neque M!; et neque 
Madvig, fort. recte. _, 

firmus] M?; fimo M}. 

se] add. L (marg.). 

2. duas! add. vel hoc vel Scipionem cum 
duabus cohortibus Biicheler, coll. 333, 7 
(Rhein. Mus. xiii. 593). 

abessem] M?; essem ΜΙ. 

possim] possim <neque ipse possit> 
Tyrrell; possim <ipse autem fortasse pos- 
sit> Wes. 

se per montis explicare] Post expedire 
ad finem § 1 transponere vult Lamb. voc. 
<neque> praefixo. 

4, talia video] Tyrrell; altia (alcia) — 
video MZ codices Malaspinae; ace (atque) — 
video ita Man. ; atque item video L (marg.);__ 
nec alia video Reid; adhibito Madvig. 
Locum ita dat Miiller placetgue idem L. 
‘Caesari M. Marceilo. Vide Comm. 

_ censeri] codices Malaspinae Zb Man. 5 © 

censort M. Zl; censori-M!; C. ΜΞ Madvig. 

Vide Comm. E 

quodcunque] M; gwoteungue M (marg.). 

- eodem] eadem coni. Reid. a 
. Brundisium] del. Man. alii. 

vobiscum] vobis (om. cum) M}. 


ἤρα ee rho) 


| 
z 


a ata Bos oo he 


τ 


ΤΟΣ 


Me 


er publicae profueritis] rei p. fueritis 


elim] vellem M. 
quod] quot M. 


Ep. 332 (Arr. vit. 2). 


1: non. . . diligentia] vett.; non 
eredis te que digna a diligentia M. 

cum] Man.; huius M; cum haius 
(deleto Pompei) Ern. 

2. μεμψιν] Gronovius coll. Att. xiii. 
no. 2 (627) ; ; esse M! Zb; ea Malaspina L 
(marg.); 6 massa Brandt; secl. Btr. fort. 
recte utpote ex ef- ortum. 

Qui] C; quo M. 

existimem] existimo Wes. 

% domituae] domitii esse M!. 

3. urbe] add 1. 

nunc] Pius; non M. 

et] ante Petreiwm om. M. 

me] Post hoc verbum spatium 16 
litterarum in M ubi inseruit idem Schiitz, 
ἀξίωμα vel simile vocabulum Graecum 
Tyrrell, κόμψον Lamb. Nulla lacuna in 

if 


illud] illum (om. in) Gronovius ; 
Catulum et tempus rliud Reid, coll. 481. 3. 
est] Spatium in M 9 litterarum ubi 
inserit dignitas Wes.; similitudo Reid, 
ἀξίωσις vel simile vocabulum Graecum 
Orelli, συμμαχία Lamb., quo quid velit 
parum intellegimus. Nulla lacuna in Zl. 
Domi] M?*; domwi Μ1. 
4, Vibulli] ‘uibiulli MO; 
sed deletum. 
Vibullius] Zubulus ΜΙ: 
Bibulus M? sed deletum. 
ita] sitam Man. 
ut tu] add. Wes. 
uno] Bos. Wes. ; non M. 
in 607 Bos.; meo M. 
Sed cur] Sed guaeris coni. Boot; 
sed heus tu coni. Schutz; videtur Miiller 
cum praecedentibus. Fort. Sed tu. 
agetur] Vict.; ageretur M. 
4 profecturus}] Rom ; profectis ΜῈ: pro- 
 fectusM?; pracfectus v. c. Lamb. ; promp- 
 tissimus Miiller. 
‘ uid ero] videro Pius, ex codicibus 
 quibusdam, ut videtur. 


Bibuli M?, 
Vibullus et 


Ep. 333 (Arr. vir. 3). 


Ἵν, eum] Vict. ; sum codd. 
‘sag M?; est sed EO?M’s ; esset sed 


uti] ΜΈ; ut ita M}. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


(204). 


578 


excedat] EO?M’s;  «accedat 
Italiam) M101; cedat Vict. 

2. mea cum illius fortuna] add. Klotz ; 
eum fortuna add. Mal. L (marg.). 

tute] wt tute coni. Wes. 

futurus] add. sit gui fuerit TLahniafins ; 
add. sit sui iwris I; nomen futurus 
Tac. Gronovius. 


(cum 


aliquo] aliquanto Miller. 

fore] ERM; forte O*sI; fortasse 1, 
(marg.) ; so Boot; maiore Miller. 

dedecore] 5; docere ERM; dolere O?. 


3. sapienter] M*; attenter Zl; sal- 
tenter Mi). 

per vim et] M?; servi mei OM'; Servis 
met Cs; C. Metelli Ascensius (ed. 2) Crat. 

adoptando] Ascensius ; optando codd. 

propagator] prorogator cod. Maffeianus, 
Malaspina, L (marg.). 

omnibus] omnibus rebus Wes. 

idem] M?; fidem M!EOR. 

turpissima fuga] M?*; turpissimamque 
sum fuga M1; turptssima nequissima fuga 
Hofmann. . 

4. recuperabit ] M?s ; reewperavit M10R,. 

Invite cepi] EO*M?s Rom. ; inte cepi 
OLRM! ; Lente cepi Miller ex coni. Orelli; 
non recepi Hofmann, Lehmann; Hine 
reiect Sternkopf. 

sine causa] codd. quos sequitur Lamb. ; 
in ea causa L (marg.); sane causam 
Hofmann ; diffidens causae Miller; pacis 
causa Schmidt. Fort. < non > sine causa. 

solet, et] solet. Sed Schmidt. 

sensi, esset] Orelli; sensissem codd. ; 
sensi L (marg.) ; sensi quam esset Schmidt. 

multi] quam multi Schmidt. 

cupidi. Dixi] Lamb. et vulg. 
dizi Bucheler. 

5. habui] OC; habwit codd. 

sine eo] Hofmann; sine et (vel sine 
nec) codd. 

an quomodo] at quo modo Gronovius ; 
aut quo modo codices Malaspinae; an quo 
amando Lehmann. 

ecferre] Graevius; 
codd. 

scimus | 


; cupidr,. 


hee vel hoe ferre 


sciemus codd.: cf. Att. v. 14. 8. 
6. L.] add. Lamb. 

ἘΠ Ascensius Crat.; certe C codd. 
est-illa] est aligua L (marg. Ὶ: 
Philippi] secluserunt edd. praeter Leh- 

mannum ; sed iniuria. Vide Comm.; 

Thrasybuli L (marg.). 

Non....bonos] Wes. Miiller Reid ; 
Non accipere ne periculosum sit, invidiosum 
ad bonos codd. ; Non accipere < periculosum 
est ab hoe (vel apud hunce), accipere >, ne 
periculosum sit, invidiosum αὐ bonos 
Lehmann. Vide Comm.: 


574 


Quid] Klotz; qui codd. Reid. 

enim] autem Orelli. 

tieri] fervi Reid. 

7. Fausto] @ Fausto Man.: sed cf. 
330. 1. . 

a consule] Man. coll. 331. 5; ὦ cons 
sulibus codd. (sed-ae pro a Ms). 

turpe] turpiter Reid. 

deserere erit| v. c. ERM’s; deserit 
M! Reid; desererit O; deseri edd. multi; 
deseret Reid. 

Est] vulg. ; e¢ codd, - 

Trebonio] Ascensius; Petronio C codd. 

Fabium] Fadium Orelli. 

summa] codices Malaspinae, M (marg.) 
EOR ; sum (vel swam) M. 

ad Pompeium misi] Δ; misi ad Pom- 
peium KOR v.c.; quod accipere debuimus. 

et litteras] om. et codd.; eum littéris 
5. Miller. 


Ep, 334 (Arr. vir. 11¢). 
Inscriptionem Cicero Attico salutem 
habet M sed deletum. 

1,8. V. B. E.] Lamb. (sed is addit 
etiam E. V.); sub M!; om. M?. 


Ep, 335 (Atv. vit. 4). 


1. veritus] Ante hoc verbum accusa- 
tivum quemdam addit, e.g. verda Reid, 
vim Miller, auctoritatem Meyer, quod 
fieri potest, sed vide Comm. 

cuiusdam] quondam Or.; quibusdam 
Kayser; del. Ern. 

a Quinto] atgue ΜΙ. 

efferreme] Wes.; efferrem M Miller. 

dei] M?; det M!; di Klotz; cf. Neue- 
Wagener i? 165. 

honoris significantis] honori significant 
ps tars 

non unum] ΣΙ: om. M; novi unum 
Ss; vero unum Rom.; non (om. unum) 
vulg. In textu «wm inviti omisimus. 

hominem] M Rom.; om. ΣΙ. 

2. Sed est] Scilicet est vel Si est 
Miiller; Se dicit Reid. 

nulla] I; wdla'M; sine ulla M (marg.). 

3. navem]| Ascensius; autem M, 

tuas] Pius; duas M. 

Atium] Lamb.; Attiwm M. ἢ 

inde effugisse] M?; inde fugisse Ὁ ; 
in die fugisse M!; addendum credo te 
audisse vel simile aliquod coni, Wesen- 
berg, 

5018] scito Schmidt, 

Brundisium Domitium 


(glossemate 
expulsum) Reid. . ; 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


desertum]| desertwm Domitium Lipsius ; 
desert Domitium Orelli Schmidt. 


Ep. 386 (Arr. vit. 5). 


1. de Dionysio] Zb; Dionysio = Ant. 
F; om. A. 
cerritior] Bosius L (marg.); certior 


timuisse] nos; tum eum isse M; tum 
eum ῥίψαι L (marg.). Fort. twmuisse, 
Vide Comm. 

cum dixisset | 
dixisse L (marg.). 

Sed] sede RO; sed MsP; Sd OL 
(marg.) Zb ; Sed vide Miller post Lamb.; 
Sed en nos olim. 

vementem| Ern.: venientem M. 

meis] M ; meum Vict. ; servum a pedibus 
meis del. Ursinus. - Vide Comm. 

2. dere] nos; de obsidione Otto. 

decernetur] Rom; decernitur M?I; 
decerneret M!. 

Μ᾽ Man.; MC; de MarcoM. Vide 
Comm. . 

Curio inscriptus] ZbCM?; curioni 
scriptus M}, 

et ut det ei] Boot; wt ut peti M; ut et, 
ut petit Lamb. 

roges] M; eroget Man. Lamb. 


eum dixisse Bos.; tum 


Ep. 337 (ATT. vir. 6). 


1. Obsignata iam ista] Kayser; obsig- 
natam ista M!; obsignata iam M. 

praetor] P. P (non ut solet P. 2) M. 

ΔΙ Jaa. 

2. xr] Corradus L (marg.); ΥΠῚ M, 
οὗ. 343, 3. 

scribam] Corradus; sciebam M. 

tua sponte te] C; sua (corr. ex suas) 
sponte M. 

intersit] Vict.; in Μ΄ interest M 
(marg.). 

Tu] M?; sed tw M}. . 

ut] SL (marg.) Crat.; om. A. 

constitueris] I; constitueritis M. 


3. Deinde] Cicero ATTICO SALYTEM. — 


Deinde M. 


nomen imperatoris] glossema videtur _ 
esse. 


nihil . . . mehercule] 
latere timiditas (vel levitas) et negiegentia 
dispexit Madvig., Cetera vix mederi 
possunt cum, ut videtur, plurima verba 
exciderunt. Vide Comm. Hoc modo locum 
tentavit Boot spero etiam, guoniam adhue 
nihil nobis obfuit nisi levitas et neglegentia, 
hoe quod nune fit. fortiter et diligenter 


In hoc loco — 


δ΄ 
5 
= 


rs 


cyte te 


τῆς, 
ἢ 


ὯΙ 


= 


Ἦν 


᾿ φθϑδέμην iri. 


᾿ς β᾽ὀροηίαπαπι cognoyimus. 


ADNOTATIO ORITICA. 


Etiam mehercule gaudeo ; 
modo enim audivi ; et sic Madyig (A. C. ili. 


178) Spero etiam, quoniam adhue nihil 


nobis obfuit timiditas et neclegentia, hoe, 
quod cum fortiter et diligenter, twm etiam 
mehercule < bonis copiis suscipiatur, bene 


eventurum. De te quogue mehercule; > 
modo enim audivi. 
4, ate] inte M; in te decessisse coni. 


Btr. 
5. ab altera] αὖ alterna Orelli, 
verecundiam in culpa] verecundia in 


— culpam M. 


Ep. 338 (Arr. vu. 7). 


1. Domitio] M?; domitor M}. 

civem] M?; cwi est M}. 

quos una scis esse, cum] Vict.; wna 
Scisse secum (om. guos) M; qguos una seis 
secum Ὁ. 


\ 61] vulg.: ex codd, ; is Hirschfelder. 


xxx] triginta Domitius EORs Ber. 

deseret] M? (sed deletum) ; deser M ; 
de se M (marg.). 

2. meum] illud meum Wes. ; me Boot. 

dicis] ducis Bosius. 

quod dixerim] del. Cobet. 

nostra] os Gronovius. 


Ep, 339 (Arr. vit. 8). 


1. pararat] I; parat M. 


amiserat] sua amiserat Ern. 
expertis sui] experti sui M'; expertes 
‘sui M*. 


2. ταῦθ᾽ Vict.; AITO M; τοῦθ᾽ alii. 

πάντ᾽ πᾶν codices Aristophanis Ach, 
660. 

se tradidisse | 
861. 

Orem] M?; ¢o ΜΙ. 

minus] add. Bosius. 


se tradisse M; tradidisse 


Ep. 340a@ (Arr. vii. 9 §§ 1-3), 


De divisione epistulae 340 vide Comm. 

1. Ea] M?; meam M', 

quom eum] vulg.; guem M'; quoniam 
eum Btr; quo ewm M* sEP Ber, quam 
lectionem bene defendit Sjégren qui docet 
{in Χάριτες ad Fr, Leonem, p. 290) quo 
neutrum esse, ut 327. 3 non dubito quin 


ad testatim veniam, quo mihi nihil optatius 


est et alibi. 
.debuimus, sed 


Hance lectionem accipere 

serius disputationem 
Vide Praef. 

quoi] gui M. 


! 
| 
| 


575 


M; Quod Wes. 
e] I; nee M. 

pro tuis] potius M}. 

tempus| tempestas Bosius, 

quintum] VM. 

quid nunc ipsum de se] Boot (sed quid 
antea Vict.) ; guod ad (sed ad om. C) nune 
ipsum unde se MC; quo nunc ipsum unde 
861, (marg.) Wes. 

laeto| taeto M'; Jleto M! (marg.); 
tecto (sed deletum) M?; toto Zb v. ο. 

posset] possit Miiller, fort. recte. 

senatus consulta] 5. 6. M, 

3. pridie Kal.] ». PM. 

nostras errare| ostra servire M?. 


Qua] 
2: N 


Ep. 3400 (Art. γα. 9, §§ 3-4). 


minus] CER; minus movebant minus 
A. 

me illorum] melioruwm M. 

quidam] M?; quidem M}. 

4. occulta via currens|] Man.: cf, 356. 
3; 3858. 1; oceultavit occurrens M; occulta 
via accurrens Orelli. 

missu] iusse 1. - 

quoi] qui M. 

Cinneam] nos; wnam codd. ; Sullanam 
Orelli; Cinnanam Boot. Vide Comm. 

crudelitatem] credulitatem M. 

haec] M?; οὐ M!; hoc Wes. 

credis. Sed] M?*; credidisset Μ1. 

K.] add. Orelli. 

Plane] plena M!; plenum M?, 


Ep. 341 (Arr. vitt. 10). 


quod] guot M. 

in nummis] MZ; in nominibus Man. 
Lamb. 

solvere] solveret M. 

Volui] Fort. Volui id. 

et quid] codd.; om. e¢ vulg. 


Ep. 342 (Arr, vii. 11). 


1, constitit consilium aut] M?; con- 
stitit consilia ut M!; constent consilia aut 


Lamentari] M (marg.); tamen lari M. 

licet. : Illud tamen] codd. licet. Iliud 
autem L (marg.); licet illud quidem 
Madvig. Vide Comm. 

Sed] delere yult Lambinus qui cum 
superioribus vereor coniungit, et sit pro 
sim legit. 

dedecori sim] Rom.; dedecoris in M'!; 
dedecori sim in ΜΞ; dedecori sit Lamb. 


. Vict. 


576 


libris] om. ΜΊΕΡ, recte ut Sjégren 
docet ; vide Comm. 

2. Sullani] Sillani M. 

3. cuinemo] M?; convenio Μ1. 

mari] . maria M. 

quidem] vett.; gui M; del. Bucheler. 

metuunt] vett.; manuunt M. 

4, occurrimus] occurrit melius Boot. 

qaut] corr. in aut ΜῈ; e¢ quati Vict. 

proscriptio] vulg.; iptio codd. ; emptio 
v.c. Zb; direptio Muretus. 

esse dicitur] Gronovius; est igitur M. 

universam] wniversae (6) Asc. Rom. ; 
universae r. p. Biicheler; universae Italiae 
Wes. ; wniversus L (marg.); in universum 
Kayser. Vide Comm. Totum locum ita 
dat Madvig (A. C. iii. 179) Conculcari, 
inquam, miseram Italiam videbis proxima 
aestate aut alterius> aut utriusque 
unmanibus copiis (vel vi, manu, copits) ea 
omni genere collectis, nec tam direptio per- 
timescenda . . . quam universae interitus. 
Fere idem Boot, nisi quod mec tam 
<singulorum proscr >iptio et universo- 
rum. 

confligendo] Vict.; obligendo M. 

Habes] habe M. 

5. scripsit] add. nos; seripsertt, idem 
coni. Wes. 

mandata] M3; mandata dat 1; mandat 
Fort. mandata iterat (ante Iter). 

promissis] P. &. omissis M'. 

Verum, cum habeo] ΜΈ; veni cum ab 
eo M}. 

tramissurum] M?; irremissurum Δ}. 

7. necesse] M?; necis ΜΙ. 

Magnete] magni te M. 

5010] del. Man. 

velim]| vellem M. 


Ep. 343 (Art, vir. 11D). 


1. misissem] M; misi eas coni. Wes. 

D. Laelio] Corradus; dialio M. 

Quinto] QM?; que ΜΙ. 

2. Messius] Man.; Jfissius M. 

dixit] C; om. M. 

siita] st (om. ita) Nonius 298. 21. 

3. scripseras] del. Cobet. 

praesidi] vulg. ; yraesidio codd. Miller: 
ef. 337. 2. 

audiimus] Wes. ; audimus M: cf. Att. 
xvi. 16. 5 (767); Fam. x. 30. 2 (841); 
audivimus Rom. 

exciperemur| M? Nonius; exciperemus 


intenderet] Rom. I; intenderat M 
Crat. Lamb. 
4. Interim] C; inde primo M. 


.Immo 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


videbamus neque] M?; videbatur in 
iis neque M'. 

fuissent] ΟἽ, (marg.); venissent M ; 
Corfinium venissent vulg. 

regionibus| regionibus suis Wes. 

ὃ. menace summa cum OR. 

6. vel iniqua] velim qua M}. 

civili perniciosissimo bello] fort. οὐ ζῇ. 
bello perniciosissimo cum civile bellum tam- 
quam unum nomen sit considerandum. 

7. prae me tuli] premet uti M}. 

civili leviora] civile mora Μ1. 

Deinde] C; inde M. 

adea] ad eas Corradus L (marg.). 

cuitumcum] Rom. I; eut tw cum (sed 
tu deletum) M. 

subicerer}] M? v.c.; sudicere M!; 
obicerer Ursinus. 

proeliis] preliis M; procellis Madvig 
Wes. Boot post ‘ alios’ apud Corradum. 

ut mea] guod mea Miiller; cwm mea 
Reid. 

Neque] Madvig Miller; atque M. 

8. Quam brevem] Quam secl. Madvig 
utpote ex superiore versu repetitum ; 
Perquam Reid. Quam brevissimam L (marg.) 
praeter necessitatem. Vide Comm. 

vicit} M (marg.); misi¢ M. 


Ep, 344 (Fam. vii. 15). 


1. qui-tantas] guid tantas M. 

nugax] vulg.; xwgas M Lindsay (apud 
Plaut. Capt. 613), fort. recte. Vide 
Comm. 

num] Lamb.; nue M; non vett. 

‘Quid...omnia’] nos; ‘ Quid ? tam’ 
inquis, ‘gloriose omnia?’ (sc. dicis). 
Wes. ; “ Quid? tam’ — inguis 
‘ gloriose 2?’ Somnia! C. F. Hermann. 

Sed] add. nos. 

sim] Lamb.; swm M. 

derideas]| M; non.. 
vius (von post tum). 

Nam me, cum] M; Nam me Caesar 
cum Wes., sed vix necessario. Men- 
delssohn confert Fam. viii. 8..4 (223) 
ut eum (sc. Caesarem) decedere... placeret. 

Pompeium] Pompeius M. 


. devideas Grono- 


nisi si] M4; mist Crat.; mist se coni. — 


Wes. 
circumsederi | -dere M. 
2. properandi] -ando M. 


tamen quod] Wes.; twm quam M; % 


tamen quodnam vett. 


Lamb. ; adeoM; Id adeo Reid; ὦ 


aaae) 
Tinmo Lehmann. 


Intimilit] intimidi M Intemelii vulg. ὦ 
ommsen ad (C. 1. 1. Vs, © 


Sed cf. 
Ῥ. 900, a Mendelssohnio laudatum. 


‘<td 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


Billienus] Mendelssohn coll. Fam. xvi. 
22.2 (650); C. I. L. xiv. 3328, 3377; 
Bellienus M. 
' cum *) cum quattuor vett. ; cum vin 
coni. Mendelssohn. 
ἢ Venere prognatus] Vict., 
 propugnatus M. 
ie vestro] M; nostro dett. 
___—Psecade natus] Pantagathus; cf. Iuv. 
vi. 491; Psacade natus Mendelssohn ; ipse 
(vel ipsa) cadenatus M. 


venerem 


Ep. 345 (Arr. ναι. 12). 


1. lippitudo] add. vett.; λήμη coni. 
Orelli. 

quo quia tibi] M?(marg.) ; quod tid 
et guia M!; quo tibi quidem (cum < enim > 
post explicari) Madvig. 

2. imperatam iam] M?*CZL (marg.) 
Lehmann Sjogren; imparatam iam M*; 
imparatam 1. Vide Comm. 

delictum] Corradus ;_ deiectus ΔΜ: 


nostri lamentationem [fort. addas Rep. il. 


ut serius nobis persuasum est. 
L.] add. Wes. 


deliberationis res Kahnt ; sed vide Comm. ; 
et, st erat deliberatae rationis Madvig 
(A. C. ili. 180) ; etsi erat deliberatius Fr. 
- Schmidt coll. Fam. v. 2. 8 (14). 

ὃ 4, prodesse] prodesse <posse> Reid 
mecoll. 325. 1. 

sentias] M?; sententia est M!. 

i 5. salubrioribus} Ascensius ; salubribus 
ΜΖ: fort. recte; cf. Ter. Heaut, 205, 
 paullo qui est homo tolerabilis. 

6. misi] M?Zbv.c.; mitto ΜΙ. 


Ep. 346 (Art. vii. 154). 


1. Crede] M? (marg.); Redde Μὶ, 

hoc] M; hue vulg. Vide Comm. 

2. consulem] del. Weiske. 

meum]| Fort. mecum. 

ut non| Lamb. Wes.; gui non M. 

etiam atque etiam]. codd. Malaspinae ; 
et tam etiam ΜΙ; etiam et etiam M?; 
etiam Btr. 

3. te] Ursinus; me M. 

scio: et] Klotz; sciet M. 
οϑράδξηφι C; cum fieri eiet M; ‘tran- 
_ Sierit M (marg.). 
VOL. IV. 


delectum M* ; delectused. Rom. ; in dilectu | 
Moser ; dedecus Or. ; delectus (1. q. dilec- | 
tus) ignaviae i.e. ignaviae in dilectu — 
habendo, coll. Q. Fr. i. 3. 4 (66) congressus | 


27 sacrorum diligentiam] Sjogren, recte, | 
— defuerit multum M?}, 


3. etsi erat deliberationis] tsi erat | vide Comm. 


577 


scio, re] Vict.; scire M3; si re C. 
verissume|] Man. ; velis swumme CM. 


Ep. 347 (Att. ix. 7c). 


Exemplum huius cp. in Petrarchae 
‘Vita Caesaris ’’ invenitur. 

1. possumus] M ; possimus Lamb. Petr. 

muniamus| vett.; munimus M. 

suscipiatis} M?; suscipi illis ΜΙ, 

2. N.] ERM Petr.; cp. Plut. Pomp. 
63; Cn. Os. 

meo] Man.; e¢ meo M. 

fabrum] M; partiwn E?ORI Petr. 
Diiudicatio difficilis. Vide Comm. 


Ep, 348 (Arr. vir. 13). 


1. tramisisset}] ira misisset M. 
2. Nihil] ist M. 

sit] Lamb. ; es¢ M. 

evenerit|] venerit ΝΜ. 


iam] tamen Lehmann. Vide Comm. 


Ep. 349 (Att. vitr, 14). 


1. debuerit mutum] ΜΈ 


(marg.) ; 


quam tu] secludunt nonnulli; sed 

bidui aut tridui] Reid, coll. Att. v. 16. 
4 (208) ; cf. quoque L (marg.); biduam 
aut triduum M ; fort. bidwi via aut tridui. 
Vide Comm. 

Nonas] Boot: nos M. 

a] om. Btr. vix necessario. 

id est] M? Rom. AF; om. ΜΙ. 

diariis] (vel diavis) M quod (ut nune 
putamus) non sollicitandum ; vide Comm. ; 
dictis codices Bosii, Rom. ; congiariis Vict. 

2. exstitit] existis M1; existit M?. 

quantum] om. ΜΙ. 

elicere] M?; eligere M}. 

3. De} om. M!. De hoc loco lacunoso 
fusius in Comm. ea disputavimus quae hic 
repetere vix opus est. MZ dant corrupte 
modo esse in Tiburti aut Lepidi quo cum 
lepidus accessisse (accessisset Zl: vide ed. 
Graevianam i. p. 811) ad urbem; Lam- 
binus coniecit modo esse in Tiburti (vel 
Tiburtino) Lepidi, modo cum Lepido acces- 
sisse ad urbem. 

Ait] Vict.; in te M. 

itineribus}] M; itineris Muretus. 

occultis occultandi] Lamb.; occultandi 
(om. occultis) M; occultis explicandi 
Miller coll. 331. 3. 

apiscendi] ΜῈ; adipiscendi M?. 

2P 


578 


is] Madvig; id M. . 
soit]. M?; s¢ ΜΊ. 
etiam] Madv.; enim M. 

5815] om. Ml}. 

grandem] gvrandem esse M}. 
audivimus] Ascensius; audimus M. 


Ep. 350 (Arr. virr, 15). 


1. vidimus] videmus ΝΜ}. 

αὐθήμερον] Winstedt, bene; authemonis 
M; ad Chaoniam Schiitz; hine Athenas 
Gronovius; ad Thyamim Lehmann ; 
Automedontis Miiller coll. Rosc. Am. 98; 
Athenionis Corradus coll. Verr. iii. 66; 
artemonis funem tendis (= te ad navigan- 
dum paras) Lamb.; <Alcemaconis Fr. 
Schmidt; alii alia. 

intendis] F; tendis M. 

2. scribis] M: seripsi Ὁ 

ipsiiniquum] C; ipsi nicum M. 

facilius} om. 11. 

Malo] M?*; maior ΜΙ. 

Tullo] Man.; TZullio M. 


3. accessurum]  descensurum + conj. 
Lamb. 
Sufenas] Pighius;  Setenas M?; 


Setonas Μ΄. 
Voconius] Coponius L (marg.); cf. 
991, 4. 
decerno| Pius L (marg.); desero M. 
possem] possim Μ΄. 
me derideri] M? (marg.); medert M'. 


Ep. 351 (Att. 1x. 7). 


M. Crceronr] JI. Cicero meum M}. 

Nedum] M (marg.). Vide Comm. ; 
nimirum Hand. Fort. sed secludendum 
est. 

solent] om. M}, 

Nos si id] Tunstall; mos id (super- 
scriptum ‘ vel nisi’) M; nos nisi id Klotz; 
nos nisi 1, (marg.). 

non desissemus te hortari] nos, duce 
Madvigio qui te hortart non desineremus ; 
te hortart desineremus Asc., qui supra 
Nos nisi; om. non desissemus M ; debere- 
mus te hortart Lamb. ; te hortaremur 
Koch. 

etiam] ER; te M!; eum M?. 

contra] add. wt Lamb.; sed praeter 
necessitatem, vide Hellmuth, qui (p. 47) 
confert 394. 7 Suadeo videas, Fam. vii. 7. 
1 (137) et alia. 

ferres|] ferre Btr, 

2, possimus] add. Ascensius ; possi- 
mus, scribere add. Wes. 
hac re] de hac re Btr. 


ε 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


αἱ 


. quae sentiemus] M?; cum 86) ἐσηλιι8. 
ΜῈ; quad sentiamus Y..c.; quid sentiamus 
Wes. 
actioni] CM; rationi Graevius. . 
utilissima] om. M1. 3 


Ep. 352 (Art, vir. 16). 


Tet tutum] Corradus ; e¢ tum M'Z1; 
metum M*. 


ἀστρατηγητότατον)] nos; ASTPATH- 
THTOATAATON M3 ἀστρατηγικώτατον 
vulg. 


ut deo] nos, dubitanter; dewmn M!'; 
Sed postquam Commentarii plagulae ex- 
cussae erant disputatio Sjogreniana 
(Χάριτες δὰ Fr. Leonem, p. 291) nos docuit 
lectionem veram esse ad eum, neque aliam 
dare M*sEP Ber-Ham. Tum subaudien- 
dum est veniunt vel mittunt legatos: cf, 
Heidemann, p. 52. De re οὗ, Caes. B.C. 
at ee 

2. hune] add. Rom. 

putant. Quas fieri] putat eum fieri M. 

illius iracundiam] huius iracondiam M. 

de ccctx] Lunius ; iudices de cocci. M; 
iudices cccLx Wes. Vide Comm. 

Lucerias} Mj; minas C; Lucerinas 
minas coni. Btr. 

cum ipsi] eum hiis si M1; Cumis si 
M?; Cumis ipsi L (marg.). 

dominumque] Klotz, coll. 342. 2; 
domum quem codd,; dominum quidem 
Madvig; demum Man.; domitum — 
Cratander; denique quem Lamb. Fort, — 
Domitiumque exspecto. 

m1] ili M. 

quod ubi] qwomodo dubii M'. >, 


Ep. 353 (Att. 1x. 1). 


1. ille] és se Reid. 

2. optimatium] optimatum M. 

3. qua] guam M. 

ἀναπάντητον͵] ANATIANTIIKON M. | 

mihi] M3; i me Man.; inigue de me Ὁ 
Miller. 

et severe in convivlis | 
viciis M. 

4. est] Madvig; e¢ M, 3 

timore] in timore Boot; modo timore © 
M sed modo deletum. 

etiam] Madvig; e¢ tamen M. ΕΠ 

pro quaestore] Or.; progue M!; prope — 
M2 τ 


esse vere in 001 - 


liceret] Μ΄: dicet Kayser, fort. recte. τ 
accedit] C3; accederet M; accedet Man.; 
accesserit M (marg.). aA 


ADNOTATIO ORITICA, 


irasceretur], M!; irasceturx M?, fort. 
recte. 
quod] M?; quo M!; quot Schmidt. 


Ep. 854 (Arr. 1x. 78). 


1.8. V. B. £.] sub M. 

quibus] M; gua Ascensius, 

suam ,add. Wes. 

et] M?; μὲ Ml. - 

Pompei] M!; Pompeium Μ 5. 

2. exploratum | exprobatum M}. 

certe] codd.; certo ΟἹ : cf. § ὃ 
et Neue- Wagener 115. 620-621. Vide 
quoque Q. Fr. i. 1, 10 (30); Plaut. 
Amph. 698 ; Ter. Andr. 503. Sed certo 
scio longe usitatius. 

voluntate] ΟΜ" ; bonitate M! sed ‘ser- 
monis Latini ratio (ut ait Lamb.) postulat 
ut scriberetur pro sua bonitate.’ 

quam | M; qua vulg. 

petiisti | M; ; petisti I fort. recte: cf. 
Neue- Wagener 111. 435. 

3. tibi scribam .. . certe scio] om. M}. 
- ut] Man.; om. ἍΝ. 


Ep. 385 (Arr. 1x. 2). 


1111] Corradus; mz M. 

διάλειψιν)]͵ ΟΥ̓́], Gurlitt, bene ; 
AIAAHY indeM. Vide Comm. et cf, 365, 
8; λῆψιν Lamb. 

‘commeministi] CM ; meministi alii. 

sentias aut] M?; sententias ut ΜῚ. 


Ep. 356 (ATT. Ix. 24). 


1. honor] M; honos vulg. ; nam honor 
nusquam apud Ciceronem nisi Tull. 21 et 
hic invenitur secundum Neue- Wagener 
1.5. 264. 

2. de dilectibus] dilectus M}. 


tum] M; ture coni. Boot ; tum merito 
Koch. 
quoquo|] M?; guoque M!'. 


ἀσμενιστὸν] "Tyrrell; ἀσμένιστον Vulg. 
Vide Comm, 

temperatius] Wes. ; 
Vide Comm. 

Vetant] ante vita addendum videtur : 
wetant pro vita coni. Boot. Post con- 
stantia addit cogent Lehmann. 
Comm. 

socii, vires] ΜΈ; issocww tres M!; 
ambecillitas Schmidt (Rh. Mus. 1897, 
p. 147) coll. 369. 4. 


temperantius M. 


Vide 


579 


-constantia] inconstantia “Schmidt, ae 
Att. vii. 5. 4 (296). 


3. ut fugae] om..vt Ml | 


Er, 357 (Arr, 1x. ὃ rey 


-meo] Z; me codd. 

commodo] ZO'M ine F; 
O2PR. 

et feci] M*(marg.), L (marg.) ; 
COLRP ; .effectt M!; officium O78; 
et fect Lamb. (in textu). 

Reliqua . . . cognosces | EORM?S ; 
om. M'P, 


commode 


effect 


oficium 


Ep. 358 (Arr. Ix. 3), 


1. de] M!; ex M?. 

quo] guod Rav, 

2. 8d | 2. Ont, 2. 

Postumum] ΜῈ; Postumium M?. 
iam| Klotz; nam } ΜῈ sed deletum.. 
se diutius] M?; sed tutiws M'. 


Ep. 359 (Arr. rx. 5). 


1. Natali] 
Comm. 

videamur] videmur ΜΕ, 

iam| om. M. 

Postumus] ΜῈ; 

Q.] M?; que M2, 

Fufius | ‘Lamb. » fusius M. 

Curtium] vulg. : cur tum M?!; cur eum 
ΜῈ; qui ewm cod. Maffeianus ; del. Buot. 

2. quoi] gi M!; cui M?. 

movent| me movent Wes. (add me post 
enim Casaubon); sed cf. Att. xii. 35 (577). 

Alliensis] cf. Gellium iv. 9. 6, πθὸ- 
non Nonium 379. 4 (qui dant “Aliensis), 
et Hertz et L. Miiller ad illos locos. 

non} add. Vict. 1, (marg.). 

3. nisi] add. Wes. Klotz; quam add. 
vulg. 

Ego] 40 Μ. 

sicut ille] Schmidt (sicwt iam Klotz) ; 
si quid M ; st quidem Ursinus. 

officia mercanda] C; officiam (vel 
aficiam vel efficiam) et candida codd. ; 
rependenda (vel pensanda) -Madvig. 

vita] om. C invitus. 

alia] . Lamb, (vel nova) ; ea M!Z; mea 
M?; νέα nos olim; mova Klotz; sera 
Reid: meliora Kayser. 


secl. Sternkopf. Vide 


Postumius M?. 


Ep. 360 (Art. 1x. 6). 


1. putare]  putari Or. 
Curium] Curtum M. 


2P2 


580 


via Minucia] Zl codices Malaspinae ; 
om. via M!; in via Minucia M?. 

togam] M (marg.); ¢angam ΝΜ}. 

Ac tamen] Wes.; sectamen M'; sed 
tamen vulg. 

2. estet quidem] L(marg.); est quidem 
M!; est guidam M?. 

Curtium] Vict.; CuriumC ; certum M. 

simus] swuwnus M!. 

3. Capua] Capue M. 

duo et] M; et duo vulg. 

4. cogebat] M?(marg.); om. Μ|, 

cum... possem] C; om. eaplicare 
nihil ΜΙ: quo uti consilio possem M? 
(marg.). 

usus est] Wes.; usus M ; 
(marg.); uso Man. 

quorum] gwo M}. 

5. possis|] potis Kayser. 

vix lam deus. Equidem] M; via deus. 
iam equidem Z. 

6. Q.] que M. 

7. compositionis] compositiones 11, 

uti] Bosius: ut M. 

vita] Bosius; ut ea M ; fort. via. Vide 
Comm. Totum locum ita refingere vult 
Pantagathus gua facta videbam ut populari, 
wt (vel et) mea, sollicitudine senectutem 
nostram liberari, ingeniose quidem. 

liberare] coni. Wes.; ἐιδογαγὶ 
liberanti Bosius. 


usus sit 1, 


M ; 


Ep, 361 (Arr. 1x; 4). 


1. egeo| I; ego M. 

ea] Ascensius; 6 ΜΞ; om. Μ|, 

excluduntur] exeludentur ΔΊ. 

Béoes| thesis M. 

πολιτικαὶ] politice M*; pollicite ΜΠ). 

2. τυραννουμένης αὐτῆς) RP Crat. ; 
τυραννουμένης δ᾽ αὐτῆς M; <rupavvov- 
μένῃ" Tupavvoumerns δ᾽ αὐτῆς vett. 


πραγματευτέον] RPC; πρατεον M ; 
πρακτέον alii. 

ἢ] Wes.; εἰ M. 

αἴρηται)]͵ Bosius; EPPOHTAI M; 


EPEHTAI Zb ; ἄρθηται C; ἀρθῇ Malaspina 
L (marg.). 

Tupavyvoumern| τυραννοι M. 

καιρῷ καὶ λόγῳ] ZlbO Crat.; om. A; 
καιρίῳ λόγῳ H. Stephanus. 

ἢ διὰ] Vict.;. εἰ δια codd. 

αὐτὴν) Crat. Lamb.; ταύτην codd. 

συναπογραπτέον)] CM; συναποστρεπ- 
τέον alii. a 

ἢ ἐφετέον] Vict.; εἰ εφετέον codd. 

3. ambulavit] .1 Crat. Lamb.; ambu- 
laverit M Miller. 

tuum] tum M. 

incidit] «mcidet Miiller. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


Ep. 362 (Arr. 1x. 7). 


1. celeripes] Callippides Reid, coll. 
Att. xiii. 12. 3 (626); celeriter pes Z. 

quasi animulae instillarunt] Crat. 1, 
(marg.); qua stant muta est illi arunt M ; 
quasi animulae stillarunt Baiter. 

ne fecissem]| Stroth; effecissem M ;. 
JSecissem Ern. ; 

2. longiores . . . breviores] -is. . 
M. 

fecisti] addit gwod me de eius indicio 
certiorem, fecistt Lehmann (p. 48). 

et diligi] Ant. F Lamb. ; om. θὲ M. 

tua] om. M}. 

3. sana] vulg.; sane codd. Schmidt. 

mente] mente iam me (sed tam me 
deleta). 

depecisci] C3; depacisci M. 

hocne}] codd. cf. Att. xiii. 16. 2 (629); 
hocine vulg. cf. Madvig Fin. i. 34. Sed 
vide Neue- Wagener ii? 411, 422. 

ut in Milone ... hactenus] secluserunt 
Schutz ahi. In lacuna addit Sex (= Sestio) 
Popma. 

hactenus] haee hactenus Graevius. 

4. locupletum] M; locupletium Lamb., 
sed οἱ, Att. vii. 7. 7 (299): yas 1.9 
(328). Utrumgue, ut videtur, bonum: 
cf. Neue- Wagener ii® 131. 


. 1S 


non] add. vulg. 

illim] Btr. ep. 372.2; alli M!; tline 
Ν-Ξ. 

explicata] codices Malaspinae, οἵ. 


Gellium i. 7. 20; evplicita M. Cp. Neue- 
Wagener iii? 522, 523 et Att. v. 5. 2 
(188) explicatum. 

5. agamus| M. Schmidt, qui confert 
§3 (td me iam pridem agere intelleges) ; 
vagamur Malaspina, ‘ coniectura certissi- 
ma’ (ait Lambinus) ‘ quam ‘nec Momus 
reprehendere audeat; fortasse ne Vic- 
torius quidem.’ Sed vide Comm. 

putabamus] putaramus coni. Wesen- 
berg. 

ut illa] wtilia M. 

Noli] solwi M. 

iudiclis] <éudicibus> iudiciis Klotz. 

enim] enim <iam> Wes. 

6. nos] add. Bosius, L (marg.). 

profectos| profectis M. | 

7. quantum potes] M; quantum potest 
Z fort. recte. ες 


Ep. 363 (Arr. rx. 8). 


1. 11), Zl Ant. M?; Η. d. M!; prid. 
vulg. Vide-Comm. 
Statius] istatiws Μ1. - 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


quod quaeris]} CE Ant.; quod modo 
queris M. 

sed] om. C. 

Aulus] C; Jlaulus M!; paulus M?; 
maniius marg. 

alter multos} Lacuna esse videtur, 
velut < alter duos aliquos dies abest > alter 
muitos; ante multo coni. Reid. alit multi 
Lamb. (in textu). 

2. simulatam]} adsimulatam Reid, cf. 
Verg. Ain. xii. 224. 


Ep. 364 (Arr. rx. 9). 


1111] Manutius; ἐδ M. 

Adsentivo] M vulg.; Adsentior Btr. 
Vide Comm. 

commorer]| commorem M!; commoremur 


perlaboroque] nos: plabogue M Ant. ; 
perlabor 1: Jlaboque v. c.3 praelaborque 
Faernus; temptaboque Nipperdey ; palpa- 
boque Bosius; pertemptaboque Klotz; Bal- 
bogue 1, (marg.). 

possim] Faernus; possem M. 

voluntate] voluntati M. 

valere] M?; valete Μ'. 

volo] om. Μ'. . 

colligamusque] colligamus qui M. 

Σοφιστεύω)] Bosius ; festive MZ. 

simul ut rus] Bosius ; simili wrus MZ. 

atque in decursu] Z, ut videtur ; atgue 
cursu M. 

Titini) -M*; ΤΙΤΙΗ͂Ι Me. 

2. militum] M?3 smtwn M?. 


navibus] M?; manibus M}. 
consules] M?; consulem M'C. Vide 
‘Comm. 


Dispersu] M Schmidt ; dispersione F1; 
discessu Man. ; digressu Wes. 

ducetur] duceretur M. 

putent] M?; putem M'. | 

Sidone Arado] Malaspina; Sidonea 
Rodo M'; Sidone a Rodo M?. 

Byzantio] Byzanzio M. 

comparatur] om. Μ|]. 

At] adM. 

veniet] venit M. 

iratus et iis] M? (marg.); erratus eas 

1 

eum maxime salvum] M?; eum mazi- 
me salvam M!; eam (se. Italiam) maxime 
salvam Vict. 

deterrima] M; ¢eterrima v. c. Wes. 

redisse] M?; reddidisse M}. 

8. aisin] Wes.; alits M!; ais M?. 

quoi} ews M?: gui M?}. 

haberi] M?; habere Μ'. 

ille idem] Or.; il/e ΜΙ (cum idem 
superscriptum ab M?) ; idem Rom ; - idle 
quidem Bosius. 


| 


‘ 


581 


sententia] Μ΄; -ce vett. 
consulari] Corradus; -aris M vett. 
Illud] illum M. : 

coepitum] ceptum M. 

nunquam| Man.; nusguam M. 

quod maius] M?; guwodam ius M}. 
quin] _M?; cum M?}. 

4. administrari] -trare M. 

properet] M?; propter et ΜΙ. 

venerit] om. M!. Noe 
Lanuvino| Crat.; Zanuino M. 
aliquis] aliquid M. 

emeret| I Crat. Lamb. ; om. M. 

65] add. Lamb. 

Sciebam] Zb: scribam M. 

enim te quoto] Crat.; ewm de quotoM. 
Deli tuum] Οὐ; delituwn RP ; delitiuin 


digamma]| codd, sed lectio incerta ; 
διάγραμμα Malaspina L (marg.), bene. 
Vide Comm. 

antiquam quam] Rom. I; antiguam 
M; Anti, quam edd. plerique. 

HS Q] Vide Comm.; VS QM. 

per praedem . . . haberet] Gurlitt, 


᾿ς duce Marshallo; per predum ille daret 


antiquum haberet M; per praedem,. ille 
daret, Antii cum haberet Btr. : per praedem 
ut venderet Antit cum haberet. 1, (marg.) ; 
per * [nomen alicuius] praediwm ut ven- 


deret Antit cum haberet Wes. Vide 
Comm. 
venale] venare M. 


nummorum] nwmorum M? ; minorum 
1 


eius dementias] (vel eiwsdem amentias) 
codd. ; eiwsmodi dementias Reid; eiusdem 
dAntias Lehmann. 

alias] M?; twas M!; alias twas coni. 
Wes. 


Ep. 365 (Arr. 1x. 10). . 
2. in alio] Ern.; Malio M'; in alio 
M2 


scribere] Man.; scire M. 

alienantur] M Schmidt ; alienant Vict. 
L (marg.); alienamur Madvig ; alienant 
viros Tyrrell. 

immundae... sic] Vict. ; immunde 
insulis unde decore fit sic M; si quid 
immunde insulse indecore fit, sie Madvig. 

Nunc] nichil ΜΙ. 

nominatim] Vict.; nomina etiam M!; 
omina etiam M?. 

Sulla] Silda corr. in Sylla M. 

3. Porsenam] Porsinam M. . 

concitavit] add. Lehmann. Vide Comm. 

qui] om. Mv. ec. 

crudeliora] Ο; crudelior M. 


582 


et Colchorum] echoicorwm M? ; et chol- 
corum M?. 

sustentabat] vel (spes se guaedam mthi) 
ostentabat L (marg.); obtentabat M ; oblec- 
tabat Moser Btr. .. 

mens] ZM?; meas ΜΙ. 

Haéc, haec] EOZb; haec M. 

fefellerunt] fellerunt M. 

si vel periculose] 1, (marg.) cf. 328.4 ; 
ἊΝ periculose EORZb;_ sive periculo 
4VLe 
scripsisti] M ; seripsi Graevius. 
4, sub] om. M. 
ὃ. Kal.| om, Μ. 
sin] stim Mt. 
ad posterum]| del. Schiitz. 
et cum civibus] om et M. 
sim] M; sem Ascensius. 
facies] facis M. 
tali] talis M. 
6. fugamne...putem] Otto; fugamne 
fidam (corr. ex fedam) an moram defendam 
utiliorem putem M; fuyamne suadeam an 
moram defendam utilioremque putem Klotz; 
Sugamne foedam an moram desidem utilio- 
rem putem Man., qua lectione data addit 
‘al. fugamne fidam an moram foedam 
utiliorem puto,’ L (marg.). De loco incerto 
vide Comm. © oyu 

vos dispertitos et] -Rom.; eos (vos M?) 
dispertim eos et M3; non desperare rem- 
publicam timendo sed L (marg.) ut con- 
iecturam. 

sullaturit] Quintilian (viii. 3. 32): s¢ 
illaturt M. 

proscripturit jam 41} Ascensius ; pro- 
seripturt iam (om. iam M!) diu M. 

a te quaedam] a te (om. qguaedam) 


Schutz fort. recte; @ te guodammodo 
Or. 

si] om. M. 

7. remanent manendum] remanent 
dum M. 


alicubi] alieube M. 

discedunt] M?; descendunt ΟΜ}, 

dubitaras] Bos.; dubitares M; dudi- 
tabas Ern. ; 

8. Ad] M; atgue Wes. Fort. a. d. 11. 

mmr] M?’; id M!, ef. 364.1. 

ὑπὸ τὴν διάλειψιν], Gurlitt; ὙΠΟΤ- 
ΠΑΠΨΙΝ ΡΜ; ὑπογραφὴν Ο ; ὑπὸ τὴν 
λῆψιν Vict. Lamb. Sed vide Comm. et 
hic et ad 355. 

te mansisse] M- (marg.) ; 
secum M. 

9. non esse] on isse alii. 

ἀσμενιστόν) ‘Tyrrell; ἀσμένιστον vulg. 
Vide ad 356. 3. : 

10. opus est sed consciis egeo aliis] 
Bosius; opus esse conscius ego aliis M ; 
opus esse consciis aliis Ὁ. 


tamen sis 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


Ep. 866. (Αττ. rx. 11 A), 


2. fautor] Bos.; auctor-M; adiutor 
Ursinus. : 

duo delegi] CM!; duos legi ΜΆ. 

3. omnibus te] L (marg.); omnibus et 


impertias] in peritas M!. 

esse in maximi] essem maxime M}. 

et pacis et] ex paucis et Bos.; et ad 
(om. pacis et) L (marg.). 

amicum, ad vestram] add. Lehmann. 

conservari] M (marg.); conversari M. 

cum ei] guod θὲ Lamb.; sed cf. 519. 2 
gratias ago cum. 

tamen] O*Ms; twm EO!RL (marg.). 

eandem me] eandem mihi videor Klotz 
Schmidt, pwtavi nimirum non inserto. 

putavi] add. vett. 

1118] M?; πη (= 11) M!. 

esse| sese ΜΙ. 

cura] cur M}. 


Er. 367 (Art. 1x. 11). 


1. Appia] M!; Appia via M?. 
est] add. Reid (Acad. ii. 3). 


litteras. Inventus est] Jiteras sunt 
ventum est Μ'. 
suis se] sues M. 


Caesio] Schmidt; Cetio M; Caecio 
Man. Sed vide Comm. et cf. 369. 7. 

xu} Bos.; xu M. 

2. auctor oti] M?; awetoritati M?. 

hoc] haec vett. 

ope rerum] M? (marg.); opwm Mt. 

non dubitare] om. M}. 

aliquodin hac] Crat.; in hae aliguod M. 

3. 114] M; <tlline Kayser; illic Or. ; 
ilios Schutz. 

pro sua] add. Lehmann. (Madvigio 
duce). Locum ita refingere vult Boot gui 
prudentiam potius ostenderet ; Wesenberg 
quae portenta putas afferre ? 

Sullas] si id/as M. | 

4. nostri] Man. ; nostris M. 

illic] Malaspina; id/we M. 

quid Faustum] C; quidem austum 
M!; quid Emastium M*. Fort. quid autem 
Faustum. - 

μικροψυχίαν] Ο; μακροψυχίὰν M. 

praetermissurum] praemissurum M}. 

Gnaei] Vict.; nmeeM. 55Ὲ 

et Μεσοποταμίαν] v.c.P Bosius Crat.; 
om. RM. - 

iam] Wes.; in M; Italiam et Schmidt; 
in ante yyptum transponendum esse 
suspicatur Reid. 

iam tantum] Muretus; iam nostrum 
M; tam longum Corradus. Fort. tantum 
nostrarum. 


6 EH a ρου ke 


Ss 42 


«ok Pala he 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


Ep. 368 (Arr. 1x. 12). 


1, Legeram] Or.; Legerem M'!; Lege- 
bam M? Lamb. 

possum] Man.; possem M. 

Mucianum] micianum M. 

eVigilata tuis cogitationibus] evigilatae 
tuae cogitationes coni. Jiamb. 

2, haec] hee hee M. 

3. circumsedet] L (marg.) Btr. cp. 
Fam. viii. 1. 4 (192); circwmset et M; 
circumsidet M (marg.). 

vallo saeptum] vallos aptum M?. 

consequentur] OC; seguentur M. 

4. ad] qui vel quae Schmidt; an 
Starker ; ut coni. Miiller; adest Reid. 

finem] FI vulg.; jimis ΜΙ; jines M?. 
Locum ita refingere vult Lambinus Θέ 
quidnam est tui consilit 2 quid 2 finis huins 
miserrimae vitae; ita Cod. in Graevii Var. 
Lectionibus p. 280 Hequidnam est tui con- 
siliz? Eequis finis huius miserrunae 
vitae 2 

quoidam] Klotz; guidam M!; quidem 
M?; guibusdam Vict. 

mallem fuisse] madlem fuissem Btr. 

quod optem]| Ern.; guid optem M. 

liberemur] Bosius; dideretur M. 


Ep. 369 (Arr. rx.-13. 1-7). 


1. esset] Wes.; est M. 


quasi εὐημερίαν) L (marg.); εὐημερίαν | 


quasi M. 

2. potest quidquam non modo statui] 
potes guiequam istatut M) ; potest non modo 
statui M?. 

me] Corradus; mihi M. Vide Comm. 

3. ila] v.c. Man. ; tam M; dlum 
vett. 

superiorum . .. quae si] 
meminissem putarem que si M}. 

posset| M (marg.); possem M. 

at postea] nos; et posteaM ; séd postea 
Wes. ; postea (om. et) Madv. 

nee quam} Madvig; et quam M; 
ecquam Bosius. 

5010] mescio Bosius. 

inlecti sumus] idlectissimus M? ; dilecti 
sumus M*® (marg:.); lectt sumus Z. 

fecit gratissimum] (fecit, fecit gratissi- 
mum edd. nonnulli. 

possim] possum M. 

4. tu potes] wt potest M}. 

possem] possum Or.- 

discedendum] discendwm ΜΕ}. 

éadmi(ev] Z Man.; CAAMIZEN M; 
σαλπίζει vett. 

peditum 

λάπισμα 


superiorem 


σοιοο peditum Bos. 
M; σάλπισμα Ο. 


ef. Comm. ad 364. 4. 


583 


se] sex Bosius. 

Italiae] Madvig ; 
alienum Reid. mats 

ludum] MZ Ant. F; dudum Or.; eundem 
Schmidt. Vide Comm.; wt: tu seribis 
ludunt et belle seribis L (marg.). 

ce vellem. . . significasset] de vellem 
quinam hi significasses Graevius ; Ac vellem 
scripsisses quisnam hoc significasset Boot ; 
Ac vellem quispiam hoe (sc. odium Pompeii) 
significasset coni. Wes. 

Sed et iste] M; Seceditur Schmidt ; 
Sedet iste (i.e. Domitius) Boot. Totum 
locum ingeniose refingit Madvig; wt tv 
scribis wud. (= iudices) cccLtx bis iam hic 
significasse. Sed et istr (sc. iudices). Vide 
Comm. 

quia] Fort. gui. 

amatur] add. Malaspina L (marg.). 

5. occultationem| Vict. ; oceulte 720 
onem M. ἢ . 

suppeterent|] Ern.; suppetant Μ. 


alie M!; ille M?; 


sciemus] (vel scierimus) Corradus ; 
scimus M. 
6. Sextus] extus M'. 


Lanuvino Phameae] Lanuino Phamea 
M. 

somniaveram] somniabam v.c. 

Q.] (=quingentis) Bosius; gue M ; 


cuperem emere, si] Ern.; me cuperem 
me mey est M; mihi cuperem emeres, si 


| Man. Or. (sed Man. non habet mihi). 


viderem] wt de rein M. 

7. legamus intelleges|] Wes. ; intelle- 
gamus Wes. Vide adn. nostram ad Fam. 
vii. 1. 1 (127) et Q. Fr. i. 1..32 (80) con- 
sulere debemus (consulemus codd.). 

ex illo libello] ewilio dibeddi M5 addit 
tu ante ex L (marg.). 

Caesius|] Schmidt, cf. 367. 1; Cecius 
M. 

quid agat] Secl. Ern. ad ἀδημονῶν 
plenius interpungens. 

Corfiniensem] Corfiensem M}. 

prospecta re] vett.; prospectaret M ; 
perspecta re coni. Lamb.; prosperitate 
Pluygers. 


Ep. 370 (Arr. 1x. 134). 


Exemplum huius epistulae in Petrarchae 
Vita Caesaris invenitur (0. xX). 


1. scire] seripsi ΜΙ. 
CorneLIo|] CorNnELIoavE R Petr., 
alii. 


N.] vel Noniwm Petr. ; Cn. codd. Sed 
cf. 371. 8; Numerium q.v.c. apud L 


(marg. ). 
Magium] OM?S Petr.; magnum RPM?. 


584 


me conficere] me posse conficere 1, 
(marg.). 
2. proficere] ORPM?®; proficiscere ΜΙ. 
possem videri] ORPM?; possum videre. 
M!; posse mihi viderer Madvig, fort. recte. 


Er. 371 (Arr. 1x. 13, καὶ 8). 


8. Mene] Pius; nee M; Tene Bosius. 

N.] Numerium R; Numerum P; Numa- 
tinm OC; nam M!; Cn. O?M?s cf. 370. 1. 

Balbi] αἰδὲ M. 

optimi] optimi viri Malaspina L 
(marg.). ; 

ubi] Vict.; ube M; wberem alii. 

bis} ΜΈ; eius M?. 

11} 3 Crat.; om. A (Lehmann ‘< Att.’ 
72). 


merum] mecum M. 


Ep, 372 (Arr. 1x. 14). 


1. ecce [101] M?; et a te ibi M'; et ad 
Oppium coni. Or. 

9] gue ΜΙ. 

portus cornu] portu cornus M}. 

2. αὐθεντικῶς] M (marg.); OENTIKQNC 

se ambire reditionem] nos; ad ambi- 
tionem M; ad ambitionem (cum fecisset) 
<a se> Ern.; ase dari reditionem Madvig ; 
se accisse (vel accire) ad ambitionem 
Schmidt. Fort. ad (= at) [cf. § 3] @ se 
domuitionem Locum refingit Manutius 
(vide L(marg.) et p. 486 editionis Lambini- 
anae) hoc modo Ad hoe lege nova de ambitu 
608 ex urbe esse eiectos quibus exilii poena 
supertoribus legibus non fuisset. 

arma contra. Haec] Lamb. ; arma 
hec contra M. 

quis ulli] M; quis ili Z; qui πε K. 
F. Hermann; gut de suo tila Tyrrell: 
quis iia Lamb. ; qui soli (i.e. qui non uni 
soli sed multis et quibuslibet dicat) 
Turnebus. 

Anteros] Bosius; ante pios M; ante 
dies Mal. 

quidem] Btr.; quidem quin te M; 
quidem quingue Mal. ; quidem quidquam 
Klotz. 

3. Capua] Capue M. 

at] ΜΊ; ad ΜΙ; ac Rom. 

Capuae] Capua ΝΜ. 


Ep. 373 (Att. 1x. 15, §§ 1-4). 


1. Capua] Vict.; Capue M.; om. I. 
sunt] sunt litterae I Asc. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


eum hic vi Kal.] Schmidt, bene; e¢ 
hoc mihi M; et hie copiam mihi Madvig ; 
cum hoe nuntio eum Boot. 

scripsit] seripsit Q. Pedius (vel Lepta) 
Ziehen. ᾿ 

posuit] M (marg.); possit M. 

Siponti] si putem M}, 

2; 15) 42 Μ΄; 

primas eius actiones] prima eius acti- 
onis M. 

rapiemur| Romam rapiemur Boot. 

vel ut] volet Mommsen. 

vel] vel ut Wes. 

Etsi si] Btr.: δὲ si M; set si Zb L 
(marg. ). 

{et magister equitum]] om. codices 
Malaspinae et alii. Vide Comm. 

expedio| eapeditio M}. - 

Q. Mucius] ΜΈ; quod mutus M'. 

ὃ. Kuvtepoyv| «4 κύντερον Schiitz. 

Erat] Zrit M. 

hominum] omnium Reid. 

Sed quid tu? Omnia] nos; sed tu 
omnia quM; om. gui Rom. vulg. Sed 
heus tu, omnia gui Schmidt; sed tu wbi, 
omnia qui, nos olim. 

hunc] une M. 

impetrandum] imnperandum ΝΜ}, 

4. T. Rebilum] Tredilium ΖῸ ; Tra- 
bilius M; Rebilium L (marg.). 

et descripta...illaé via] Locus con- 
clamatus. set rescripta attulit Matius ; ea 
mist Madvig; set rescripta attulit L. 
(= Lucius Caesar, ita quoque Tunstall) il/a 
Sesti (vel σηστιώδη, cf. 815. 2); ea misi 
Tyrrell; quae descripta attulit M. (vel C.) 
Caesius, ea misi Schmidt; deseripta (om. 
et) ; quae attulit illa e via misi coni. Wes.; 
neque descripta attultt illa Lucius. E via 
mist Tunstall. 

ante] ORPZb; om. A. 

ὃ. sim] Vict.; sit M. . 

fidius} om. M}. 

quodam}] Pius; guonam M. 

aestimes| extimes M. 

puto] toto M. 

curasti] v.c. L (marg.) Zb Crat. ; om. 
ZA. 


Ep. 373a (Art, 1x. 15, καὶ 6). 


Novam epistolam agnovit Ziehen. 

6. pueri quos cum Matio] Malaspina ; 
guos cum Matio puert M. 

in itinere] om. M}. 

audivimus} ORPMs; eudimus Μὶ ; 
cf. 343. 3 et Att. v. 16. 2 (208). 

Pompeium] om. Μ᾽. ᾿ 

habuit] v.c. vulg.; huit M; habuerit 
OPs fort. recte. 


Sw tube eos 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


pauculos] O?M?s; paulos CM! ; paucos 
O!RP. 


habebamus] habeamus M. 

tuos] om. ΜΙ, 

sedulo] Crat. L (marg.); scevola RM. 

April. Beneventi mansurum, a.d. vir] 
add. Crat. (sed is 111) 1, (marg.) Bosius, 
fort. ex codice quodam ; om. codd. Praeter 
haec Capuae a. d. v1 quoque omisit M. 


Ep. 374 (Arr. rx. 16). 


1, quod] Mal.; quid M. 

exspectat] EO?M*s ; expecto CO'RM?. 

2. Cazsan . .. sui] in Petrarchae 
Vita Caesaris invenitur (¢. xx). 

gaudio] Lamb. ; triwmpho gaudeo M'Z ; 
et gaudeo Petr. EORM?s. 

quod 1] OM?; guod dit M!; quod duo 
E; quid hi Petr. 

discessisse dicuntur] Petr. R; disces- 
-sisse se dicuntur M! (om. se M*); discessisse 
se dicunt Os. 

3. Hancadeo, . . poterit] 
poterat Madvig. 


nec ideo... 


Bp. o7o( Aer. 1x,-17), 


1. dedi] de die M’. 

loquar] M?; loguamur M!'. 

veniam | μέ veniam Malaspina L (marg.). 

praeripio| Popma L (marg.), cf. 378.2; 
pracript Μὶ ; praeriput Schmidt ; precipit 
M?; praecipio vulg. 

istic] istwm M. 

2. Curio] Curione M; sed cf. Fam. 
xvi. 4. 2 (288). 

itaj ista ΜΙ. 

κινδυνώδη)] Ern.; ni id modo Μ΄: in id 
modo Zb; inni admodo Zl; κινδυνωδῶς 
Bos. ; inania admodum L (marg.). 

in co M. 

sollicitant] Μ΄; sodlicitat Lamb. 


Ep. 376 (Arr. rx. 18). 


1. reliquos] Vict.; deli guos ORPM. 

sinosnon] Faernus 1, (marg.); sinus 
mon ORPM?; si in his non M ; sinuessam 
MON. 8. 

veniremus] Man.; venerimus codd. 

de Gnaeo] digne eo codd. 

ista dici] M?; est adici ΜΙ. 

possem] possim codd. 
_ me amavi] Vict.; meam aut M!; me 
amabo 0? M*s. 

2. Reliqua o di!] Reliqgua odi Meyer. 

ero sceleri] Μ|ΌΞ; 9705 sceler Zl; ero 


585 


sceler' ΟἹ: ero scelerum R; Eros Celeris 
Corradus ; ἥρως Celer Lehmann ; O feras ! 
ὦ λῆροι Tyrrell; erant mera scelera Meyer; 
errat ἥρως (sc. Caesar). Ceteri—(avosi- 
opesis) W. Headlam. Vide Comm. 

Quid... ἴῃ 118] Zlb v.c. et 1, (marg.) ; 
quid Servi filius quot ut in his M ; quid 
quod Servi filius quod Titinit in iis L 
(marg.) De filio Tulli cf. 381. 2-; de filio 
Titinii cf. 360.6; 364.1; 377.2; Quid 
Servi filius, Pontius Titinianus in his 
Schmidt. . 

Sex] sed codd. Post hoc verbum addit 
habet Schitz. 

Hoe fuerat extremum] del. Meutzner 
tamquam glossema vocabuli κατακλείς. 

3. Pedanum] codices Malaspinae L 
(marg.); pelanum Ant. OMs; pellanum 
RP; Pedi Norbanum Schmidt; Fort. 
Albanum. Vide Comm. 

ego] om. M!. 

Arpinum] RPM?’s; Arpino M!0. 

Inde exspecto] Jnde — (aposiopesis). 
Exspecto Lehmann. 

quidem] egwidem Lamb. 

λαλαγεῦσαν Bosius, coll. Anth. Pal. 
x. 1; AAATEACAN M. Vide Comm. 

malim] Boot; malum M! vulg.: 
malem RP!; mailem Os; male vel maliem 
M?. .Vide Comm. 

4. quorsum| O?RPM?s; eursum ΜΙ. 

offenderim] ΜΈ; offenderem ORPM?. 


maturius] marius Μ1. 

Amabo] togam amabo OM, sed togam 
deletum in ambobus. 

exspecto] expecto agendi M; expecto 


agenda O; sed agendi (-a) deletum est in 
ambobus. 


Ep, 377 (Agr, 1x. 19). 


1. civili] fort. secludendum: cf. 343. 6. 

turpem| ΜΈ; ¢urde Mt. 

umquam] xunguam M. 

homines| <tot> homines coni. Reid. 

2. una] <statim> una Kayser. 

fuissemus|] M vulg. ; ivissemus coni. 
Lamb. ; fugissemus Gronovius. 

Italia cessit] Italiam gessit M; ex 
Italia cessit L (marg.). 

in eum qui me levavit 115] guin eum me 
levavitis M!. 

possum] Lamb. Bos. ; possunt M. 

senatus consulta] 5.6. M 

erit immitissimus] erat immitissimus 
M*; erit iniustissimus L (marg.) M 
(marg.); eriti mitissimus M}. 

sentiamus nihil nobis nisi id quod 
minime vellem] Gronovius ; sententiam 
ut nichil novi nisi id quod minimum vellem 


086 


M; sententiam terminemus ut nihil novi 
nisi td quod vellem minimum I. 
3. infero] inferwm q.v.c. apud Lamb. 
petemus] petimus M, et mox abdimus. 
rationem ... nullam] rationem non 
huius belli gerendi ullam M?}. 
4. Cephalioni] Man.; Chepaloni M. 
ut ad urbem non] Ant F. Rom. L 
(marg.) ; ad urbem ut non ΜΗ: om. ut 


Mt, 
Kp. 673 (Ave. x. 1). 
1. litteras] Jditteras <tuas> Wes. 


paulum lectis] Crat. Zb L (marg.): 
paulum M. 


ἀκλείως] ἀκλείως «ζἀπολοίμην» I, 
male; om. MRP. 

2. tuum] M?; ¢uoin M}. 

consessu] M?; concessu M!. 


senatum enim non] 
enim codd. 

suspensum meum detines] sc. consilium 
ex tuum consilium M Reid; suspensum me 
inde tenes Bosius; suspensum <animum> 
meum detines Wes. ; me detines 1. 

Quienim] Wes.; quid enim M. Vide 
Comm. 

et] add. I. 

jiamlam]| Gronov.; etiam M; iam Orelli. 

et] add. Boot. 

illim]| Orelli; fit M. 

praeripiam] M; praecipiam I vulg. 

3. alicunde] Μ΄; aliaunde I. 

nummarius| Man.; senmarius M. 
Vide Comm. swmmoerius Lamb., eodem 
contumelioso sensu ac swmmoenianus apud 
Martialem, e.g. ili. 82. 2, male. 

eant et redeant] Vict.; cantent rideant 
M; eant redeant Beroaldus, 

quod iam] Man.; gwid iam M. 

hominis] manus L (marg.). 

magnum sit] M>; e¢ magnwm Graevius ; 
et magnum τι Wes.; ut non magnum sit 
nos olim; Magnum est et Orelli ; magni 
Unum est Boot; est maximum Corradus, 
Fr. Schmidt ; e¢ wnum est L (marg.). 

curo] M>; credo Boot, fort. recte; puto 
Koch. 

Quid ...repudiavit] Ita interpunxit 
Schmidt; Quid . . . dicturus dixi; ipse 
valde repudiavit vulg. Vide Comm. Fort. 
Quicquid pro Quid, vel quod pro quid 
legendum ut supra et 380. 1. 

utique] ΜΈ; itague Μ1. 

- 4, Maconi] Vide Comm. Macwm Zb; 
μακώνιον vel μακωνεῖον nos coniecimus ; 
ἀκόνιτον Bury; μακρόν Popma; ἄκρον 
Tunstall. Sed optime coniecit Reid 
Mucianwm coll. 368. 1. 


Graevius; on 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


Aut nos... sequamur.. . insectemur] 
<ut> aut... sequeremur. .. insectaremur 
Schmidt. Pro seguamur v.c. apud Lamb. 
dat seguimur. 

turpe] Btr.; mec turpe codd.; et turpe 
Man. ; nunc turpe Klotz. 

acerrime bellum] C3; del/wm acerrime A. 

me legatum iri non] elegatum iri non 
M ; legatum iri, non me Wes. Vide Comm. : 
non me legatum iri 8111. 

leger] Corradus L (marg.); Jlegerer 
MI; legarer Rom. 


Ep. 3/9 (Atr. x. 2). 


1. ut inde] Wes.; et inde M!; om. 
Ni. 

possunt] <on> possunt coni. Reid. 

Λαλαγεῦσα)] Bos.; MMTETCA M. Vide 
Comm. 

stat] nos, coll. Att. 111. 14. 2 (70); est 
M. Vide Comm. 

2. peritorum] M; temporum Boot ; 
ventorum Gronovius. Sed nil mutandum. 

Melius si quid] si melius quid v.c. 

nollem] Wes. ; molim codd. 

esse nollem] codd; xolim Ern. 

nolo] M?!; volo M? Orelli. 


Ep. 380 (Arr. x. 3). 


quod] guid M. 

ut igitur] M?; cum igitur M! Lamb. 
Schmidt. 

scirem]| codd ; scire cuperem L (marg.); 
scire vellem Schmidt. 


Ep. 381 (Arr. x. 3). 

2. Facile... Homines] Facile patior. 
Quod . . . remisisset, homines Gronovius 
Boot. 

Tullum] vulg.; tudiwm M; Titinrum 
Koch, Miller, nos olim. 

circumsedendum] M ; circumsidendum 
vett. 

dubitarint] Wes. ; dubitarent M. 


Er. 382 (Arr. x. 4). 
1. amisimus] M (marg.); amicissimos 


2. generum] -add. Kayser. 

3. sublevabat] M (marg.); suplebat M. 
facere] facere <aiebat> Rom. 
ille] ΜῈ; idlud coni. Wes. 

4, non antepono}] om. zon M}. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


: nisi quod honestum nihil malum] om. 
ΜΙ, 

5. Praeclara igitur conscientia] prae- 
lata igitur sententia M. 

nisi pie] Bos.; nisi die EOZb:; infidie 
M!; injfide M?; nist divine I. 

quorum est] Lamb. ; guorwm ut codd.; 
ut quorum Schmidt. 

filius quam quia] 

L (marg.). Vide Comm. 

orem] opere Mi. 

Et] Sed Malaspina, Lamb. 

plura] Orelli; plurima M. 

6. multa magna] *multa et magna Asc. 
coni. Lamb. fort. recte; vide Reid ad 
Lael. 30. 

Huic tu] fort. delendum. 

vera sint] vera sunt M. 

vita et] 
(marg.); om. EM. 

diligentiam] codd. ; ¢ndulgentiam Man. 
Nil mutandum ; vide Comm. 

Nune haec] Crat.; 1. nec M1; nune 
ERM?s; haee Vict. 

sifalsa] sin falsa Reid Acad. i. 7. 

7. igitur eius modi] Rom. ; eius igitur 
modi M ; igitur mihi ertus Or. 

sermo eius] M3; eius sermo y.c. 

his] Schutz; in codd. 

8. ad] codd.; apud coni. Lamb. Vide 
Comm. 

De Hispaniis] dicis panis M}. 

interitu] interitwm Lamb. 

ili] belli Man. ; madi Orelli. 

propius factum esse nihil] De lectione 
quam M dat et de transpositis a Manutio 
et Malaspina verbis vide Commentarium : 
sed transpositio illa verbum θὲ vix expli- 
cavit; et θὲ etiam in Z fuisse testatur 
Lambinus, cuius tamen emendatio, scili- 
cet verbum enim (pro 6.) cum sequentibus 
et primo: loco positum, vix placet. Ordi- 
nem verborum in codicibus datum retinet 
Schmidt, sed nist (ni) pro et coniecit 
(Rhein. Mus. 1897, p. 164). Interpre- 
tationem quam in Comm. protulimus, qua 
et ad Pompeium Brundisii obsessum 
refertur, iam Junio et Graevio in mentem 
venisse serius vidimus. 

fuisse] CL (marg.); esse M. 

putaret} add. Rom.; putet coni. Lamb. 

clementiam] dementiam M}, 

plebem] Vict.; legem M. 

9. quem exitam] Malasp. L (marg. ) 
Madv.; guem exemplum M*; quod exem- 
plum M? Rom: quem eventum coni. Boot. 

quam remp.] guwam spem L (marg.). 

exisset] Weiske; cdi}. adesset coni. 
Reid. 

non] om. M. 

odit senatum. 


add. Malaspina 


A me] I;: odit senatwm 


OR Ant. F codices Bosi L | 


587 


ad senatum a me (om. a M!) MIZb; odié 
senatum. A senatu? A me quidam ex 
M?. 

10. causam siin] Gronov. ; causas in 
M!; causa si in M*. Hane lectionem dat 
L (marg.) Quin hune ipsum minime 
offendisses, nee eius causam, st in Italia non 
Suisses. 

recessum]| Vict. ; recessurum M. 

per tuam]| perpetuam M1). 

est profectum] Man. ; est verwm pro- 
Secto M. 

11. dixerit] Ern.; dixerim CM. 

ille quidem ad se deferri] illum quidem 
ad se deferre ν.1. apud Lamb. 

ad se] Ern.; sed OM. 

nolle|] #olle; velle L (marg.). 

facere solet] Orelli; faceret M. 

debere] cod. Helmstadtiensis ; debet M. 

inquam] Vict.; wnguam M); ingut 
M?. De loci interpunctione nostra vide 
Comm. ubi (col. b, lin. 21) errore typo- 
graphico infelici verba Scripsit ad me 
Dolabella quae Curionis sunt Ciceroni 
attribuuntur. Aliam alii dant, velut Lam- 
binus (marg.) Caesarem esse. ‘ Non dubito’ 
inquam; ‘id enim scripsit ad me Dolabella.’ 
‘ Scio,’ inquit ; affirmabatque, quod scrip- 


᾿ sisset Caesarem cupere me ad urbem venire, 


illwin quidem δὲ gratias agere maximas idque 
non modo ‘probare; Baiter Caesarem esse 
debere. “ Quid enim 2’ inquit : seripsit ad 


| me Dolabelia.” ‘ Die quid ?’ [ita Hand pro 


dico quidin M]. Adfirmabat eum scripsisse 
. probare. Koch, quem Miiller et Win- 
stedt sequuntur, Caesarem esse. * Dubito 
equidem’ inguam. ‘Seripsit ad me Dola- 
bella.” ‘Die, quid?’ <Adfirmabat eum 
seripsisse. . . probare. 

eum scripsisse] Graevius: eo (M!; 
cum M*) seripsisset M. 

Acquievi. Levata est] Bos.; atgue 
vilebat est M; atque vi lebata est Ζ ; At de 
Q. nihil habebat. Est L (marg.). 

sermonis Hirtiani] sermones Lurtiant 
(et mox Lurtio) M. 

Sed opus fuit] Sed opus quid fuit 5 
Orelli. 

que ... suspicandum] Locus non 
adhuc emendatus. Vide Comm.: et quam 
ipse meiuo ne pro illo sit supplicandum v. 1. 
apud Lamb. 

sed velim] C; se velim M. 

minimo] minimum L (marg.). 

12. Oppios] Vict. ; optimos M. 

dabis}] delegabis coni. Wes. fort. recte. 

vanum| Boot ; wnum codd.; -nullum 
Pius; fort. minimum. 

quoniam] gwo iam Or. 

statim habebo] . Fort. statim secluden- 
dum. 


588 


simul et] M!Z; simul μὲ M* Rom. I. 


Vide Comm. 


Ep. 383 (Fam. vir. 16 = ATT. x 9). 


Ma = cod. Med. 49. 18. 
Med. 49. 9. 

1. nihil nisi] Mf£P; nichil Ma!; nonni- 
chil Ma?. 


Mé = cod. 


_ perscripsisti] Ma; perseripsi ΜῈ; per- — 


scripstt Mendelssohn. 

te oro et] Ma; ovo Mf. 

praedixisse] Ma; praedixi Mf; prae- 
dixe Mendelssohn. 

mehercules] MaRP; mehercule Os; 
om. Mf. 

2. carae] MaMf; ecurae Crat. 

valet] Mf; valemus Ma. Vide Comm. 

quod offensae fuerit] Mf: quod defense 
Juerint Ma (in marg. quot offensae 
fuerint). 

subisse] Mf; sudesse Ma. 

Caesarem]|] om. Mi. 

3. Quod porro] Mf; quid porro Ma. 

4, Have] ΜΕ; hate Ma. 


percucurrissem|] ΟΝ’: yervicurris- 


sem Ma!; percurrissem ORPMfE. 

5. nete] Ma!Mf; mee te Ma’. 

erunt confecta. Id si feceris} Ma; 
erunt confeceris Mf. 


Ep. 384 (Att. x. 5). 


1. certi] certe M. 

2. Quinto] Vict.; guodam M, fort. 
recte. 

molestior] Vict. ; modestior M. 

610] pro M. 

detuli, ac] Graevius ; deculia ac M ; de 
Tullia ae Rom. 1. 

3. Vettienus] Ursinus; Vectinus M. 

promisit: ad me] promisit: <misit> ad 
me 1, (marg.). 

se HS] Or.; esse M. 

ei stomachosius| Man.; δέ istfomacho 
si vis C et simile O'RP; e¢ isto madio si 
visM. | 

ioco] loco M. 


Er. 385 (Arr. x. 8B). 


iudicarem L (marg.). 
inclinata Rom. Vide 


1. iudicaram] 
proclinata | 
Comm. 
a quo] OR; gua (corr. ea guo) M3; qua 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


abesse| te abesse debere L (marg.). 

condemnavisse] OM; condemnabis se 
ΜΙ: condemnasse s; condempnabis si R; 
condempnabis P; condemnasse videbere 1, 
(marg.). 

peto] I; puto Μ', 

2. ‘lu explorato] 
plorato M'0!. 


O?PM?s; quo et 


Ep. 386 (Arr. x. 6). 


1. tamen]| et tamen M. 

res stat: iréov| Tyrrell; recitet et 
MZb; reticeret Z1; retice Vict. ; reticebo 
al. in L (marg.); ire certum est vel simile 
Wes. ; ire licebit Schmidt ; tamen rem cito 
(sc. sciemus) Ziehen. Lambinus in adn. 


|p. 547, et Ursinus dicunt habere ‘ veterem 


librum’ et tandem excitet: quod indicaret 


tandem ἐξιτητέον. 
et tamen]|] codd. Vide Comm. : etiam 


᾿ Malaspina; sed forte δέ tamen delendum 


utpote ex proximo θέ tamen ortum. 

2. De Quinto] degue M! (ut saepe). 
filio] Corradus; fratre M. 
fit “4 Bos. ; ita M. Vide Comm. 
dein| Μ; demC. 
me mones] ©; memores M!; memoras 
2 


MF, 


Ep. 387 (Fam. rv. 1). 


i. C.] con MR; cum G. 

non vidisses .. . accessissem] om. Gh, 

nos] GR; nostro M. 

videmur] Crat.; videbimur MG ; vide- 
bamur R. 

praecepta te] GR; praecepte M. 

cum me] GR; mecum me M. 

2. habeat] habeant Graevius. 

quod sperem ... quod audeam] R; 
quid sperem... quid audeam MG. 

communi sententia] GR; communis in 
sententias M1; de communi sententia Or. 

omnis homines] codd.; omnes bonos 
Or. coll. Fam. v. 2, $ (18). 


Ep. 388 (Arr. x. 7). 


1. quin] gui M. 

modestior] ad modestipr Zb ; 
tior Gronovius. 

me] add. Lamb. 

Melitae] militiae corr. ex militia M. 
~ 8110] aliguo Rom, 

oppidulo] secl. Graevius ; sive in oppi- 


et modes- 


5. 
videbere] M (marg.); wt deberesOM; | dulo 1, (marg.); fort. vel (ul) oppido. 


videberis s Wes. 


Vide Comm, 


toil whet a οι 


Adriano] codd.; Adriatico vett. 
Preven M; Fretensi tensi Zl; freto 
Siciliensi Vict. 

2. praeclara] declara M. 

3. vixit] visit ΜΈ]. 

a] add. Lamb. 

nos] on ΜΙ. 

regemus] Ern.; regimus M. 

Oppiis| Oppio Μ. 

cum] quem Μ. 

videbamur] videamur M. 


Ep. 389 (Fam. Iv. 2). 


. misisset] M ; vent sed 
. misisset 


1. venisset . . 
πο. misit GR; venisset sec. . 


Orelli. 
2. meum] mecum codd. 
-capere] caperes codd. 
3. sit. Ergo] G; siterogo M; sit ego 
quorum] codd.: guarwm Crat., ed. 
Neap., Btr. 
4. tum] tune codd. 


statutum] GR; statum M. 


Ep. 390 (Fam. v. 19). 


1, quo] MG; quod R. 

tuum] M; om. GR. 

et ex his] Martyni-Laguna ; et his M; 
ex his GR. 

quidquam]| om. G. 

paren) om. R. 

2. videtur] védebatur coni. Miller. 

habebo| fabere codd. 

timori] <tribuam> timori Koch. 

arbitrabor| arbitror G. 

Quid rectum] quod rectum codd. 


nos ii] ost M; nos GR. 
sumus| GCrat.; simus MR. 
sunt] sint Wes. 


Quare] vett. ; guae codd.; del. Streicher. 
Vide Comm. 


poterit] poteris Crat. Vide Comm. 


Ep. 391 (Art. x. 8A). 


1. prolatus] perlatus Orelli. 
falsa] M*ORP; falsam agnosco (vel 
 agnosce) M} (agnosco punctis notatum) ; 
 falsa, falsam agnoscere Zb quod recepit 
Lehmann qui olim coniecerat (Quaest. 
Ρ. 8) magno esse dolori (vel stomacho). 
Fort. faisa, agnoscere. Vide Comm. 
magni 
ΜΝ (marg. ); magnae.curae 1, (marg ‘a 
Te iturum esse] add. Baiter ; Te iturum 


pepe og RP | 


i] M?s; magno M'ORP; in animo- 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


589 


add. I Ase. ; 
(marg.). 
et] add. Asc. 

fias] RPM?’s; fiat OM}. 

(nAorumia] zelotipia codd. 

meo meque illud una iudicare] C ;. 
om. 2A. 

Caesurem] RPM?’s; om. OM}. 

2. contra] contra ab eo L (marg.). 
Dedita] dedit Μ', 


2 transiturum v.l. in 1, 


Ep. 392 (Art. x. 8). 
O2PM?s ;yx 


1. adscribat | adscribam- 
O'RM}, 
2. non debet] PI ex interpolatione,. 


ut videtur; dicit?s oportere Lamb. (in 


textu) ; nequit Koch.; non necesse est 
Orelli; nee honestum est nec tutum Leh- 
mann. 


ab Hispania] O?RPM?*s ; ad Hispaniam. 
ΟΙΜΙ. 

Sin] Lamb. ; si cum OM! ; 
O?RPM?s; st contra Schmidt. 

et dubitantem] 2166 dubitantem Schutz, 
Frederking. Vide Comm.: et confidentem 
magis quam diffidentem suis rebus L(marg.),. 
sed Lambinus dicit ‘Quis non videt vul- 
gatam eandemque antiquam ferri nullo 
modo posse et a scriptoribus librariis aut. 
lectoribus indoctis esse depravatam.’ 

ὃ. Tacita] tanta Z) Boot. 

indignitas] Vict.; id indignitas MZ; 
in id dignitas ORPM?s. 

ren O*s ; cloelium MR. 

C. Atei] Bos. ; Cateli OPM; catelli R;. 

catulr 5. 

venditemus|] C; 
vindieemus P. 

coniuncti ne] Hervagius ; coniunetione 
codd. 

voluimus] Man.; volumus M. 

4. esse] add. Lamb. 

Itaque| Schiitz; itague quem M!;. 
itaque qui ORPs. 

cura] RPM?*s; om. OM}. 

Classibus] seclusit Man. 

maius] s; malus ZLIORM ; malum P. 

scelus aut] Malasp.; scilicet codd. 
quod malum scilicet tantum coni. Lamb. 

anuival dehic 18] M!; an qui valde 
hine codices Malaspinae ; aninvalide hic in 
OM? ; animal dehi(n)c in RP; an euius- 
adhue in Madvig ; an qui valide hic absentis 
solus ἐπι scelus, eiusdem L (marg.) 3. an 
tram huius in Hofmann; aliialia. Locus 
conclamatus, de quo quot homines tot 
sententiae. Coniecturarum acervo etiam 
aliam addamus An Hannibalis huius in 
coll. 304. 1. Vide Comm. 


δὶ 


vendicemus ORMs; 


590. 


5, turpiter facere] om. Rom.; om, 
facere codices Pii. 

Non simul. . transiimus] N ipperdey ; : 
Non simul... ‘tr ansierimus codd. 

Omnino potuimus] codd. praeter P ; 
non omnino potuimus P; omnino non 
potuimus Man. 

contendimus] . Nipperdey ; condimus 
CORMs (se, ab condire); sed locutio paullo 
artificiosior) ; respondeamus L (marg.), 

possemus| Nipperdey; possimus codd. 
Vide Comm. Pluygersius confert Fam. 
i. 8. 7 (119) ceterague .. . cum etiam plus 
contenderumus Quam possumus, minus tamen 
Suciemus quam debemus. 

ea me] Bos. ; eam ΖΌΟΙΜΙ ; 
enim 05. 

debuit, sed] RPM?’s; debui sed O; de- 
buisset ΜΙ. 

verens] O'RM? v.c.; vereris O2MIs; 


veritus P. 

incidi, Sed] O?PM?*; incidisset Mi), 

adsequor] Bos.; asseqguar codd. 

6. quadam] Ms; quedam ORP. 

Atto] Orelli; Attico codd.; ab Atio 
Lamb. ; voluitne Atto? Appio alii sc. 
libris auguralibus Appii Claudii Pulchri 
οἵ, 194. I; 

florentissimus | 
Jlorentis codd. 

vi. vir.| Man. ; wt uti codd. 

venerit| Corradus ; veniret codd. 

tam| PM?’s; tamen ORMI. 

-aerario| Vict. ; afranio codd. 

utetur| Kayser, Wes. ; wtatur codd. 

111}. πὸ [81.111 155 eal, 37's) on δὴ 
ΜΙΟΡ. Locum ita dat Madvig (A. C. iii. 
185) lam quibus utetur vel sociis vel 
ministris 2 It provincias, i rempublicam 
regent quorum nemo ...gubernare ? 

7. forte me] forte me <ii movebunt 
qui virum fortem> coni, Lehmann ut in 
suo lectulo et censuerunt retineri possent. 

Sardanapalli] ORs; Sardanapali MR. 

in suo lectulo] οἵ, 400. 3, non sollici- 
tandum; cf. Sjogren (Comm. Tull. p. 
158) ; in meo lectulo Corradus ; del. Nip- 
perdey. 

malle| PM?’s; male ORM). 

censueris| P ex coniectura ; censwerunt 
ORMs; censuerint Zb. 

in] add. Wes. 

fallit] fallet Otto. 

accidet] Man. ; aceidit codd. 

8. iste] ista O'M). 

qui]. om. O!M), 

haud] . aut ΜΙ. 

[fiat] ] OM! sed verbum secludendum ; 
om. M?; fuerit RP; iam Miiller, 

9. Nec] Hofmann ; 26 codd. 


πλουδοκῶν)] CM; ‘roby 


ea RPMs; 


Man. L (marg.) ; 


| L (marg.), 


“προσδοκῶν. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


Dausqueius ap. Wes. ; : πλοῦν καραδοκῶν 
Bury. - 

tam] ‘Ms; iam ORP. 

Est στοργή est] v.c, L (marg. > Vicks 
sit στορτης- sit 

re ne nimis | ‘Lehmann ; 
re nimis muita coni. Wes. 

10. Antonio] anio MR, 

civili bello] Wes.; Jlibello M; 
ERs, 


vremis Codd. ; 


bello 


uti] I; τέ codd. 
possim] P; possem 
Lahmeier, fort. recte. 


ORMs; 


posse 


Curione. Is] . Beroaldus L (marg.): 
curionis O\M!; ecurionis is RPs: curio is 
017. 


Ep, 393 (Arr. x. 9). 


1. Dubitabat] Vict. ; 
dubitavit ΜΞ, 

volare] tuo volare M; 
Schmidt. 

Petreius] <Dicitur > Petreius Boot. 

coniunxisset se] Bosius; coniunwxisse 
codd.; coniunxisse se coni. Boot. 

Germaniam|] M; Galliam Ursinus coll. 
386. ὃ. 

2. 1116 ergo tuus] M; ergo tuus ille Zb 
L (marg.) codices Malaspinae, Wes. 

meo| demeo Reid; sed cf. Phil. xiii, 6. 

obsecraret] obsecrare M. 

unicum filium] Corradus et Manutius 
coll. 888. 2; filiam unicam M. 

vehementius] < me > vehementius Wes. 

dignatione] dignitate cod. Bessarionis 
Vide Comm. 

3. quo] FL (marg.); quod M. 

et] sed et L (marg.). 

adigit ita] Bosius; adicit a M; 
allictt L (marg.). 

Servius filius} Bosius; servi ili M. 


dubitabit M}; 


amino volaré 


EeuIn 


Kp. 394 (Fam. τι. 16). 


1, habent] ee haberet codd. 

fugi} M; fuiG 

2. iam] M; om. Pan. 

voculas |. Μ᾿ volas GR. 

malevolorum] malevorum M. 

eum] cewm codd. 

cui iam| Martyni-Lag 
cut tamen Οἱ ; vitam R. 

3. civile] GR; civilem M; civile me 
Wes. 

_4, domesticis] Rj; modesticis MG. 

5. memoriam] Crat.; in memoria MR, 
quod fort. retinendum ; in memoriam G. 

an]. . num (vel om. ati) Wes. Vide 
Comm. q 


ἐν cui tam M; 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA, 


cum] (ante scias) vulg.; guin. codd. ; 
qui Orelli. : 
 mihimet] Orelli; mihi fuit codd. ; 
mihi vulg. 


_ 7. De re Dolabellae] Hirschfeld; Dola- 
bella M; dolo bellam GR; De Dolabeila 
Btr. fort. recte. 


Ep. 395 (ATE. x. 10). 


1. Ei] Mal. L (marg.); e¢ Μ, 

saepissime]| aequissime Madv.; amplis- 
sime Reid. 

παραινετικῶς5) Lamb. Schelle. Vide 
Comm.: MAPHNIKOCK M; παρηνικῶς ZI; 
τυραννικῶς Vict. Miller; παροινικῶς Lamb. 
ea altera coniectura, Wes. Btr.; παροξυν- 
τικῶς Reid. : 

2. quam] M?; guia M!. Vide Comm. 
ad 311. 2. 

paterer] praeterea M?}. 

petas] puto Ml. 

impetraturus] imperaturus M. 

3. audiam] Moser; audeam M; ut οἱ 
persuadeam me Wes. post Schiitzium ; 
persuadere me Schmidt. 

Clam agam] Schmidt, bene; elamabam 
M; clam ibo (vel abibo) Man. ; Locum hoc 
modo refingit L (marg.) Zemptabo audeam- 
ne properare; missurum me ad Caesarem 
clamabo. 

certe] Rom. I; carti M; cati Zb; 
caute Olivetus; furtim coni. Miller; 
καρτερικῶς Schelle ; cursim Brakman. 

Sives & τοι λεγω] Cobet; σύνες ὅ, τι 
λέγω Crat. et al. in 1, (marg.) ; Μ dat 
CINECQTOIAETO: σὺν θεῷ τοι λέγω Vict.; 
συνετῷ σοι λέγω al. in L (marg.). 

magnus dolor accessit] transposuit ante 
Δυσουρία Wes. 

ἀρχή] ἐν ἀρχῇ coni. nos olim, sed 
praeter necessitatem. 

4. Ocellam] OC; socellam M; Siciliam 
L.(marg.). 

cuperem] ecuperem <habere> Wes. coll. 
403. 2, sed vide Comm. 

5. Cytherius] addidimus nos, coll. Att. 
xv. 22 (755). . . . 

. Cytherida] Cytheridam M'. Plerum- 
que accusativus est Cytheridem: vide 
Thesaurum. 

alteram] altera vett. 

sunt] M!; eae sunt M? Btr. 

an] add. Bosius. 

Vide] deM. 

vel luntriculo] Vict. ingeniose; vel 
utriculo alii; vellunt ridiculo ΜῈ ; velo ridt- 
culo M2; vel lutridiculo Z, Vide Comm. 

6. tam nescio] tamen scio M. 


591 


Vim] <0O> vim Miller: cf, Lehmann 
‘ Att.” 208, 
. et est] ut est Wes, 


Ep. 396 (Art. x. 11). 


1, Philotimus] philomus M.° 

ea quidem] IL; equidem M. 

non flexibile] Man.; flexidile non M. 

itine] itinere Vict.; iwvene vett.; Quinto 
Tyrrell ; Quinto fratre Miller; afini 


- Schmidt. 


2. Q. Axius] ©; que anxius M. 

ex illo] Vict.; evilio M. 

utique| Man. ; wbique M. 

lentulum] vulg.; dentwn L (marg.). 

3. De eius] vulg. ; levis in M; De eius 
infido Lehmann. Sed forsitan scriptor 
praeripuerit in ex indulsit. 

nam| CZb; non Μ. 

tempora sunt ut] WOZb; om. 3A. 

sint patienda] Crat. Zb; sunt M. 

4. cum illo] Μ᾿; cwm illis Boot; Cum 
illis illo Lehmann. Fort. imbecillo. Vide 
Comm. 

actuariola] Vict.; acturiora M; ac- 
tuaria (M marg.); aetwariolo Man. 


cogitet] cogitat Wes. Boot cuius adn. 
yidé, Sed cf. Att. ni. 12. 1 (37). 

5, eram] W Corr.; erat M Crat. 
Lamb. 


iocatus] Crat. Lamb. Bos. ; locatus W : 
om. 2A. 
acceperit] accepit W. 


Ep. 397 (Art. x. 12, §§ 1-8). 


1. imperatum] corr. ex imperaturum 
ΜῈ; imperaturum Z. 

quoi} gw M}. 

teterrime] terrime M. 

putavi. Is] vett.; putabis M. 

Reginus] . Vide Comm. 

2. lacrimis] de lacrimis Wes. 

Πόρον kAerréov| Tyrrell; MAPAOT- 
AEITEON W et similia MRPZb (vide 
Lehmann ‘ Att.” p. 73) unde emendatio 
Woelffliniana παρακλεπτέον minus a ductu 


litterarum abesse videtur; παραθύρῳ 
ἐξιτέονν Cobet; παραπλευτέον Vict. ; 
παραποπλευτέν EK. Thomas. Fort. 


παροτλευτέον 1.6. “ porro perferendum’ vel 
‘obdurandum est.’ Vide Comm. 
compacto] Man.; cum pacto M. 
pollicitos] pollicitus M. 
at est]. nos; wt est M; wt μέ Kayse 
et nos olim; ec Wes. Mady. 
teneri] v.c.; tenere M, 
3. vere] Madv.; e re codd.; de re 
Rom. ; fere L (marg.). | 


592 


adhibebo] cohibebo Graevius. 
‘geet Corradus ; possem M. 
4. quidquid] WCL {marg.); guid 3A. 


Ep. 398 (Arr. x. 12, §§ 4-7). 

4, lubes de] CWL (marg.) ; tubes enim 
M; tubes enim de Zb. 

mea] ΟΥ̓ ΖῸ ; meam (et profectionem) 
M corr. ex profectione mea; me Gronovius. 

periculum sit] Lamb. ; periculum est 
codd. 

5. et hortaris] μέ hortaris M. 

et si vi forte ne cum pestate|] Ita M; 
θέ si vi forte et cum tempestate I Ant. F 
Lamb.; etsi vis fortunaest in potestate 
Madv. A. C. iti, 186; etst vt forte in 
tempestatem Schmidt (‘ Briefwechsel,’ 
p- 179) quod non penitus intelligimus ; δέ 
si vi, fortiter et tempestive Orelli. 

clamaut emistis} Ita M; clam autem 
istis L (marg.) ; clam autem istis ? Schmidt. 
Locum hoe modo temptamus et si vi, 
Savente tempestate; <si> clan autem, istis 
(i.e. Caesarianis faventibus). Vide Comm. 
Olim talia periclitati sumus e¢ si vi, fortu- 
nae est cum potestate; clam autem, illius 
(sc. fortunae). 

sit] Mal.; estM; sed Gronovius ; ergo 
Schmidt. 

6. vicini] Vict.; victi MZb. ; vieti 
Bos. 

diligentes} δειλοὶ gente (i.e. genere) 
Bosius, quem sequitur Lamb., male. 

in] add Boot. 

theatro | yes theatrum M. 

Tar). Ge M. 

a TE ati M: cf. Ter. Heaut. 
930; suppeditabimur C. 

indoles] I vulg.; indolens M. Vide 
Comm. 

in] add. Wes.; hwie pro hoc nos olim. 

AKIMOAON] Vide Comm. et Lehmann 
ΕΑ 19: ἀκιμώλιον (= non fucatum) 
coni. Corradus; ἀκίμωτον coni. Lamb. 
Utrumque verbum nobis ignotum; sed 
Κιμωλία γῆ, Cimolia terra, fuit cretae 
genus, cuius usus, sicut Chiae terrae 
candicantis, ad mulierum maxime cutem 
pertinet, ut Plinius (H. N. xxxv. 194, 
195) docet. Apud Aristophanem tamen 
(Ran. 713) Κιμωλία γῆ Videtur esse genus 
saponis (κονίας vel νίτρου). 


Er. 399 (Arr. x 13). 
1. speculam] Boot; seewn M. 


aliquam] M; aliguid 1 Rom.; aligua 
Or. ; ἀλυπίαν aliquam coni. Bos. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


ut] add Lamb. 

polliceretur] M!W; pollicetur vulg. ; 
constituit.  HKzxsulibus reditum pollicetur 
a Miiller. 

2. AQ. Axio] Biicheler; @ Dario M ; 
ab Axio vulg. 

Vettienum] Or.; Vectenum M. 

3. fuerit] Ase. ; fuerint M. 

putent] putem M. 


Curtio! Vict.; Curto M; Curione 
Gurlitt. Vide Comm. 
EKITAONON] Vide Comm. et οἵ. 
Lehmann ‘ Att.’ p. 73. 
Ep. 400 (Arr. x. 14). 
1. postridie] C; pridie M. 
mane] W (Lehmann ‘Att.’ 127) 


Lamb. ; om. codd. 
pecuniariam | pecuniam ΜΠ], 


quae, erui] Gronovius Bosius.; qua 
Srui M. 
est... vigilias] et per se odiosa’ est et 


propter vigilias Madv. 

2. consolandum] C; con * * landum 
W ; consulandum KO ; consulendum M. 

3. tardus| tardus est Lamb. 

foret] fore M. 

militia] milia M. 

id] add. L (marg.); cf. Madvig ad 
Fin, i. 93. 

fierent] Wes.; jiebant codd.; jfiant: 
Ern. , 

ad idem] <adhortandus> ad idem 
Wes. ; adhibendus Ursinus; ad id adhi- 
bendus Madv. 

Caelio] Celio M1; cesare M*, 

cogitabimus] cogitabamus WI. 


Ep. 401 (Arr. x. 16). 


1. expensum] Man.; ex. P. sus M. 

morari] Man. ; moram M. 

tabellarius . dares] Vide Comm. 

esse quas satis fecisses] esset et aliqua 
satis fecisset L (marg.). 

2. ut palam] wt clam nonnulli. 

quo] Man.; gwod M. 

3. suscipiendae] Asc. 3; suscipienda M. 

Alienus]| M; Allienus vulg. Vide 
Comm. 

4, de Quinto fratre] deque fratre M. 

versura] Ursinus; uswra M. 

his in] Hic desinit W. 

sed diistos] Zl Vict. ; sedustos M ; sed 
tu istos alii. 

a] om. L( marg.). 

panis] Boot, vide Comm. ; re M; 
penus Koch. 


ee ἐπ αι 


ADNOTATIO OCRITICA. 


gratias] gratias agas Wes.: sed vide | 


Comm. 
sit] est Vict. 


Ep, 402 (Arr. x. 16). 


1. fuit] _ venit coni Wes. probante 
Miillero: sed vide Comm, 

cui] om, ΜΙ. 

remisissem]. Μ (marg.); venissem M. 

2. dissimulavimus| -abimus Pius. 

non| add. Madvig. 

adservabimur] Lamb.; adservabimus 
codd.: observabimus alii. Wesenbergius ita 
interpunxit et—ut opinor, acerrime adser- 
vabimur—navigatio fort. recte: adsevera- 
vimus coni. Lamb. sc. nos in Italia 
mansuros. 

scieris] M?; scies M}, fort. recte. 

4, ventum] nuntiatum Reid: relatum 
Miiller; venerunt M? (marg.). 

convenire] ΟΖ], (marg.); om. 3A. 

1101] codd. quos bene defendit Sjogren. 
Vide Comm. adii Schmidt. 

a villa] Man.; ad villamM; a. d. ut 
Gurlitt ; abit clam coni. Boot. 
ες equidem] Boot; eadem codd. 

simul fieri] Fort. stmud ex proximo 
simul perperam repetitur. 

ὃ. cum] codd.; dum L (marg.) Btr. 
Wes. Miller. 

Iam] Wes. ; tam M!; tum M?; tamen 
vulg. 

6. novum] M!CZl v.c. sed in M super- 


Qo 
Comm. ; nxedum novum Or. ; non modo (m) 
veterem coni. Lamb.: cf. 403. 2. 
sed] seda Fr. Schmidt, ingeniose, 
teque] te edd. plerique. 


Ep. 403 (Arr. x. 17). 


1. Vellem cetera eius. Quam] Vide 
Comm.; Vellem cernere potuisses quam 
Schmidt (p..182); delle ut cetera eius. 
Quam (Madvig A. C. iii, 187). 

aperuissem| aperui Wes. Vide Comm. 

stricta] Tyrrell; Jecta Man. Wes. ; 
aperta Klotz Reid; scissa Orelli. Fort. 
Dein de epistula scripta cumulatissime 
cetera. Vide Comm. 

2. refricat|] refricatur Corradus. 

3. Ocellam] vett.; cedlam M. 

videntur] viderentur coni. Or. 

faciliora| faciliora futura Lehmann, 
vix, ut nunc putamus, necessario. 
Inde] Reid; id@M, - 


VOL. IV. 


criptum ‘vel nedum’; nedum Zb. Vide | 


593 


ἀκραὲς erit] Bosius; cras erit M; 
transierit Ziehen; vide Comm, —_— 

si] quo Schmidt; wt 1, (marg.). © 

ut] add Malaspina. 

adhuc erat] cf. adn. ad 301. 2. 

4. insimularim] Corradus; imsimu-' 
larem M. a, 

pueris| prtus coni. Orelli. 


Ep. 404 (Arr. x. 18). 


1. gaudeo] 
gaudebam 
Tyrrell. 

Hortensiana] Man. cf. Att. iv. 6. 3 
(110); Hortensina M. 

fuere infantia. Ita fiet] Vide Comm.: 
Suerunt inania; id ita fit. coni. Wes. ; 
fuerunt inania fidei ; homo Madvig (A. C. 
iil, 187); fwerunt φαντασία Goligher. 
Fort. fuerunt ἐναντία (sc. factis fuerunt 
verba Hortensii opposita). 

2. eodem] Z (sec. Baiterum) ; eadem 
M; eedem M (marg.); co eaedem coni. 
Kayser. 

Furiae| Z et M (marg.); furia M. 

et de] coni. Orelli; ὁ M1; de M?®; et 
de evus Klotz (ed. 1). 

purga] M!; purgavi M? vule. 

3. Ecquem] Asc. ; 60 quem M. 


Ursinus ; 


gaudeam M ; 
Man.;_ est 


quod gaudeam 


Ep. 405 (Fam. xrv. 7). 
add. vett.; ante Zulliolam add. 


id... Aesculapio] del. ut glossema 
Man. alii. 

2. Cohortarer] MD; cohortaret HF. 

quo] D Crat.; quod M; quoniam HF ; 
del. Orelli. 


fortiores] (post animo) codd. :} fortiore 
Wes. Vide Comm. 
defensuros] codd. Vide Comm. ; de- 


Sensurum vett. 

3. Tu] vett.; wt codd. 

utere|] codd.; wtare Wes. codd. dett. 
Vide Comm. 


Er. 406 (Arr. x1. 1). 
2. relinquere me] Lamb. ; relinguerem 


credere| decere coni. Reid. 
me debere] add. Lehmann; me ante 
credere add. Liinemann. 


2Q 


594 


Ep. 407 (Arr. x1. 2). 


multis meis et] ‘ sic habet plane scrip- 
tum codex Turnesianus, atque ita legen- 
dum; quod viderat Corradus, sola, ut 
apparet, coniectura ductus. Nune nihil 
opus est coniectura quando haec scriptura 
in codicibus antiquis reperitur’ (Lam- 
binus, p. 488): multis meis CO!; mul- 
tissimis ceteri codices. 

levata] Zbl; evata M. 

2. per] de M. 

culpa] cui M. 

tuis quibus] tuisque, si Boot. 

facultatibus] 560]. Ern. Boot. 

3. exegi] exegit M. 

uno iam| wnguam Schwarz. 

ne qua] neque M. 

4. Si] add. Crat. 

dices] Graevius; dices ui (de 7 non 
Baitero liquet); dices vel Rom.; dices 
tis I ; dicas velim Kahnt; dicas volo Reid. 
Fort. dices ultro. 


Ep. 408 (Fam. vir. 17). 


1. quom| quam M. 

hac parte fuisset aut in] Klotz; om. 
M. Vide Comm. 

Tu porro] Man. ; tu tu porroM; Tum 
tu porro Krn.; Tute porro Or. 

Ariminum] vett., Sternkopf; Arimini 
M; Arimino Benedict.; Arpino Grote- 
frend. 

venissem]| vett.; venissent M. 

neque mihi] Man.; neque me M. 

2. plebs] pies M; pertes dett; equites 
C. F. Hermann. 

reliqua] Lamb. ; reliquas M ; reliquias 
Ern. 

exspectate | 
specta Ern. 

Arruntanum] M; dn miramini C.F. 
Hermann Klotz; podliceor urbanum (vel 
simile) Mendelssohn; Geram alterum Or. 

qua ...qua] M: quam... quam 
Crat. 

pateamus| M ; valeamus Kiotz ; pollea- 
mus Pluygers. 

haec]| M; hwie Mendelssohn ; hac 
Becher ; habet Or.; est Ern.; quo jir- 
missimus est Gronovius. 


Or.; exspectant M; ex- 


Ep. 409 (Fam. rx. 9). 


rectissime] -ae M; -a HD. 

nunc iam inclinata victoria] Mj; cum 
tam inclinata sit victoria HD. 

in qua] om, in Wes. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


scilicet tibi] H; scilicet te ἐϊδὲ M; 
Ζ 


é 

scilicet tint Ὁ. 

possim] MH; possum D. 

autem] M; vero H. 

2. contigit] codd.; contingit dett. 

an nulli] ; anulli HD. 

te peto] codd.; a te peto Crat. Vide 
Comm. 

3. est 001] codd.; est <ut> «ἰδὲ dett. 
Lamb. Sed vide Comm. 

sequamur] codd.; seguimur Lamb. 

rusus| M; rursus H: cf. Neue- 
Wagener 115, 747-749. 

cogatur] M?; cogetur M!. 


Ep. 410 (Fam. xiv. 8). 


fecisti] MD; fecisse HE. 
Vale] del. Kleyn. 


Kp. 411 (Arr, στ, 3). 


1. ettam] Man.: etiam M. 

abruptio] Zl; abrupto M. 

curae] add. Lehmann ; /ideiadd. vulg. 
Vide Comm. 

2. incommunibus] add. Lehmann. 

incommodis] incommodum vulg. 

non] add. Corradus. 

etiam] iam Wes. 

vides et] vulg.; wt desset M ; vides ut 
sunt et ZF; vides et, ut sunt, Wes. 

me facillime vitare] ὦ me facillime 
vitari coni. Klotz. 

ut] om. M. 

diligentia] diligentiaque I; et dili- 
gentia Btr. 

3. sit a me ut est] 
Reid, fort. recte. 

6560] ego M. 

sumus] suismus M; fuimus Zl. 

opinantes] Vict.; opinante M. 

61] et M. 


sit tamen ut est 


Ep. 412 (Fam. xiv. 21). 


postulat] postulabit Wes. 


Ep. 413 ὦ (Art. x1. 4, § 2). 


De ep. 418 divisa vide Comm. Divi- 
dendam esse iam perspexit Manutius. 

2. velim] W (=cod. Wiirzeburgensis) : 
vide vol. 18, p. 112. 

ut facis] et facis Orelli. 

levata] M; Jevatius W. 


ADNOTATIO 


amicus] amicus est Orelli ; Fort. amicus 
tuus. 
in] om. W. 
Hactenus] actenus W. 
ame] ad me MW. 
| sit... iis] si. .-. his MW, 


Ep. 413 ὁ (Arr. x1. 4, § 1). 


1. perte] Man.; partim M. 

Frusinati] Frusinatis M. 

fruituri] Lehmann ; future M ; futuri 
vulg. 

Hic tua ut] Zl. Vict.; Juctua ut M; 
hic tu aut W. 


Ep. 414 (Fam. χιν. 6). 
suis] MHF; 77. T. CI suis D; tuLiivs 
suis Btr. 


nullum] MD; om. HE. ᾿ 
extrudas] MD; extra idas HE. 


Ep. 415 (Fam. xiv. 12). 
nihil est] MD; nihil est HF. 
video quid] MD; videbo quid F ; 
widebo quod H. 
Ep. 416 (Arr. x1. δ). 


1. quodam] Asc.; coram codd. W. 


tantae ut] vulg.; tanta (vel tantum) 
enim fuit codd. W. 
effecerint] WORP; effecerunt M. 


subita re quasi] WC; sud vel subi M. 

3. incredibilem] om. W. 

Basilo] W ; dasilio M. 

videbitur...ut] om. W. 

scripsi, his] Wes. ; seripéi’s codd. W ; 
scripti, his Reid. 

intellegis] intelieges Wes. 

desse de qua] des sede quam M!; des 
sed equa W ; deesse de qua M*. 

4. desset] Miiller; de est MW; deesset 
Bos. 

Quintus] Vict.; gue MW. 

aversissimo] M; acerbissimo W. 


Ep. 417 (Fam. xiv. 19). 


0 
qua] qua H. 
etiam] Scheller; etiam codd. 


CRITICA., 595 


Ep. 418 (arr. ΧΙ. 6). 


picit] MW; om. Os. 

1. sibi] WRPsM?; ¢idi M10. 

quicquam] RPsM?; huic quam WOM). 

habeant] M; habebant W. 

dolerem| ΜΈ; dolorem ΜΙᾺ, 

2. minui] O*RPsM?; minus WO'M!. 

victoriae] victoria W. 

est] vulg.; si MW; sensi M (marg.) 
ORPs. 

aliquo] fort. alio quo. 

me] om. W. 

in omnis partis] i” omnibus partibus W. 

adimi| hic desinit W. 

tnon| nunc Tunstall; modo Reid. 

Recipio. ..nunc] Reliquo tempore me 
domo (domi) tenui Hofmann, Sternkopf ; 
Recipio (sc. lictores) tempore. Sed oro te 
nune ut Kayser; Recipiam (sc. lictores) 
tempore idoneo. Mitte nune coni. Boot; 
Recipin tempore me domum nos olim; 
Recipio tempore (sc. lictores). Quare prome 
te nune (vel Quare meo nomine nonne) 
Schmidt (Briefw. 209, 373). 

3. Ad Oppium] C edd. recentes; ad 


- oppidum eodd. Hofmann. 


et Balbum scripsi] add. Lehmann, et 
fere idem Lamb. 

quonam iis] Boot; et quoniam his 
(vel iis) codd. ; ecquonam <eum> his (sc. 
lictoribus) Sternkopt; qguoniam iis Lamb. 

lis] OR; his ceteri codices. 

modo] modo<me> Lamb. : 

Credo] Rs; cedo OPM. 

ingero] pergo Reid: non integra Koch. 

quo magis] RPs; guod magis OM. 

6. hostium numero] hostiwm <ins 
numero Btr. coll. 404. 2; Sed cf. Asinium 
Pollionem ap. Fam, x. 31. 6 (824) guod 
Samiliarem meum tuorum numero habes. 

7. Alexandrea] Boot; Alerandreas 
ORPM; Alexandrinas 5. 

Quintum] Q.v.c. Zb Crat. ; om. codd. 

an] codd.; om. vulg. 


Ep. 419 (Fam. σιν. 9). 


etde] HDF; et (om. 46) Μ ; ex Wes. 
nec quid] MD; ne quid HF. 
Vale| Valete H. 


Ep. 420 (Arr. x1. 7). 


1. es. Et... istis] Sternkopf; est 
ea factum igitur ut scribis istis placere 
isdem istis M; es [ea]. Factum igitur 
nostrum (sc. reditum in Italium) scribis 
istis placere, itsdem istis (sc. placere) 


2Q2 


596 


ictoribus me-uti O. E. Schmidt (p. 210); 
es. Faciam igitur ut seribis istis placere 
<etsi rationem eorum non proho: significas 
enim placere> risdem istis Madvig. (A.C. 
ili., p. 187 n.); es. Fucetum est igitur ut 
scribis istis. placere [tisdem istis] coni. 
Boot; es. Factum est igitur ut seribis δ. 
C. senatui placere iisdem istis coni. Or. ; 
es. Facteon igitur ut scribis, &c., nos olim, 
sed forma locosior est quam quae Ciceronis 
gravitati hic conveniat. 

tribunorum] 47. 20. Ν- 

Lamiam] tam iam Μ1.- 

3. offensiones] offensionis M. 

iudicium] tudicum M. 

magis| malim M}. 

quam| om. M. 

ut] add. L (marg.). 

sint] “ὅν samt Btr. (wt non inserto). 

4. Sulpici] sepplict M. 

meo]. me 

est] si M; sit alii. 

tamen] Hic iterum incipit W. 

in loco] om. in W. 

in] add. vett. 

perge|] W: per M3 pro alii. 

5. quae erunt] guaerunt W. 

Multos} maulto ΜΙΝ, 

ita esse] W Crat.; om. esse SA. 

in eo est] add. Madvig., del. Sed. 

plane] plene Moser, 

6. T. efflagitare] (= Tudliam) Klotz ; e¢ 
flagitare ΜΙ; efflagitare M?3s; Tulliam 
Jlagitare Malaspina; te flagitart L (marg.) 
codices Bosii ; stam efflagitare Or. : Teren- 
tiam te flagitare Vict. Vide Comm. 

velim] volam Or. 

tempore isti] Koch; temporis te M1W ; 
temporis tut M?; temporis tibi Klotz. 

7..opus esse] Μ΄; esse opus W. 

vidi qui Sami] wt diguisami ΝΜ. 

patrem Sicyone] patre sichone W. 
viderint] Corradus ; viderunt M; vider. 
me W; videbunt Graevius. 

adiutum] W;. ad tutwn M1; actutum 
M?. 

8. RIE | xt We 

Tan] iun MW. 


Ep. 421 (Fam. xtv. 17). 
sint] Lamb.: sant codd. 


adfectus | HDF; adfictus M; 
dett. 


adflictus 


Ep. 422 (Arr. x1 8). 


1. conficiar] CW; afficiar Sa, fort. 
recte cf. Att. 1. 18. 1 (24), vi. 8. 2 (264). 
quo minus] guod minus M}. 


ADNOTATIO: CRITICA. 


per litteras} om. per WM. 

est] W Crat.; om, 3A... 

2. Furnius] Fufius Man. ; 
(i.e. Crassipes). 

illic] iddue MW. ᾿ 

Quintus] Vict: ;- gwe M'!W ; -qui-M?. 

eius| ius ΜΙ. 

in me] 8; id me ceteri codices. 

incredibile] ineredibili W. 

xu] Schmidt; x11 Sternkopf ; 
codd.; vi vulg. Vide Comm. 


fort. Furius 


Xvi 


Ep. 423 (Arr, xr. 9). 


1. sedulitate}] Μ΄; sed utilitateW. . 
benivolentie valiceret] M1; Jdenivo- 
lentiae qua liceret W 3 benivolentia tua 
liceret M? vulg.: benevolentia Va< tini > 
liceret vel benevolentia intempestiva liceret 


Sternkopf. Fort. benivolentia prava (vel 
iniqua). De forma benivolentia saepe a 
Cicerone usurpata vide Thesaurum ΠΣ 
pp. 1893-4. 

ab 60] M3; habeo W. 

Cotidie] vett.; die MW; In dies 
Klotz. 

multaeque] smuxltae quae W. 


casus] Man. ; causa M; causas WZ. 

culpa] om. W353 mea culpa codex 
Longolii. 
statueram] Madvig; sit veram ΜΊΟΙΝ ; 
sciveram M?07ERs ; quieveram Man. 

2. Cessi meis|] Bosius; cessimus M; 
cessim his WZb. 

esset litterarum] Jitterarum esset W. 

illum tamen] em tamen Wes. ; hune 
éamen Hermann Peter. 

favisse] M?; fuisse M'1W. 

sed etiam tantam] cod. Balliol. ; sed eé 
tantam M ; sed et tam tantam W. 

- percrebruisset] Μ΄; percrepuisset WW. 

quas si] quasi ΜΙ. 

laedet] Jlaedent Wes. 

navigationis|] navigationi W. 
3. pro] prae Or. 

patrimonio} M?; yer (vel par) trim- 
trimonio M! ;- pertu vel partu M (marg.) ; 
parte matrimonio W; patre matrimonio 
Schmidt (Rh. Mus. 1898, p. 211); patre 
patrimonio Graevius. 

relinqguam] M3; religuam W. 

ut] vett.; quod Rom.; om. M (spatio 
duarum litterarum relicto) W. 

ea] MW; eam Crat. L (marg.) Wes. 


Er. 424 (Fam. xrv. 16). 


quod] yett.; guid codd. 
litterarum ] del. Ernesti. 


ὴ 
: 
᾿ 
: 
: 
Ef 
Ὁ 


ADNOTATIO, CRITICA. 


. Volumnia] M ; voluwnina HF; ; volumna 


ut ii] ed. Neap.; uti. ei codd. ; ut tet 
Lachmann (ad Lucr. ii. ays cf. Neue- 
Wagener 113, 383. 

mea] M; sua HDF. 

Cura ut]. HDF; curant M, 


Ep. 425 (Arr, x1. 10). 


1. aegritudines] ΜΈ; ΠΩ itudo M'W. 


de QQ.] M!; degue Q. W ; de Q. M?. 
magistro] magno MW. 
Is] his M. 


Q. F.], (= Quintum filium) M!; Ὁ. 
Sratrem M2. : 

percontaretur] CWL (marg.) ; conta- 
retur MOR. : ' 

multa ase] M?; om. a M'W. 

Patris simili] Or.; patris eius similt 
MW ; Patris consimili Vict. 

scelere] scelera W. 

Q. P.] M3; Quintum p. W, ut videtur. 

certo W: certe M. 

2. Italia] CWI; alia Sa. 

quo] pe Me 

ut ne ; ut M'EOR; ne M’s. 

eae M?; potest M1W. 

esse] om. M. 


Ep, 426 (Arr. xt. 11). 


1. cruciatu] eruciatum W. 
possim] Bosius; possem MW. 
hoc minus] <nune> hoe minus Wes. 


iam] M; etiam W. 
quoi des] guodesM; quoides W. 
Longo] M; longe 


immutata ] M; mutata W. 

debeant | debent vel debebant coni. 
Wes. ; debilia erant coni. Boot. Sed vide 
Comm. 

pendere. P.] pende reip. W. 

2. Sallustio] Salustio MW. 

_ scirem]  scire 

quo] quod W. 


Ep. 427 (Arr. σι. 12). 


1. vespere] vespert Wes. 

iam] tamen C. 

eare] Ἢ; eo M?; om. ΜΙ. 
. Θὰ} om. W. 


ratione] oratione W. 
me] Crat. (Lehmann ὁ Att.’ 74) ; 
om. 3A. 


cum | quom (= cum) μ' quod legere 
debuimus itemque mox ; quem W. 


597. 


cum] Man.; guam MW, 

etsi multa] δέ simulata M. 

dixerat | Hic desinit W. 

et fecerat] Vict. ; effecerat Mi. ; 

nihilo minus his] , Graevius ; J. lomeous 
ΜΙ; J. meo iis M*; de eo his ‘Pantagathue, 
Man. 

2. abs] a Ml. 

quod te oro]. guod debeo Reid ; quod 


| potero Miiller ; quoad te videro Koch. 


quantum] tantwm M}. 
_ obsim] opsim Μ', 
3. etsi] s¢ ΜΙ. 
confirmari] conformari Orelli. . 
4. erectiorem| Vide Comm.. 
accessisse| Man. ; accepisse M. 
_ generi] ΦΘΉΘΥΘ M. 
Puto enim cretionem] ©; duto enim 
crucionem M. 


Ep..428 (Atv. x1. 13). 


1. Quintum] que M. 

certe] RPM; certo Os. 
et cf. 441. 4. 

sint] swnt Man. 

venisse me] venissem M!. 

ut sola] wt ea sola Lamb. 

2. scripserit]  Bosius; scripsit M. 

sed parcissime C.F. Hermann; spur- 
cissime codd. ; sed spurcissime nos olim. 

ὃ. aequum | aecuum M. 

putarem] putaret M. 

4. tam] twm Graevius. 

desperatum iri] Zb Reid; desperaturi 
ita MIL; desperatum ita Graevius. 

videbantur] M; videbatur Graevius 
Reid fort. recte ; videbamur I. 

Id] is M. 

fiat, tu] Vict.; flatu M. 

cum] nune Miilier. 

queritur|] Madvig; quereretur codd. 
Vide Comm. 

de omnibus] de omnibus rebus Wes. 

5. aliquos] L (marg.); guos codd. 

nolim] vulg.; velim codd. ; velim ne 
coni. Btr.; velim neminem cod. Ballio- 
lensis ; velim non cod. Helmstadtiensis. 


Vide Comm. 


Ep. 429 (Arr, xz, 14). 


1. meliore in causa] meliorem casu M! ; 
meliore in casu M®. . 

2. laetius}] Jatius M!}.. 

quo} Btr.; om. M'; ringer M?. 

aliud] aliguid M. ) | 

3. Quintus] que M. 

Tarentum] Gronovius; parentum M. 

num quid] . namiquid M. ΤΕ, 


598 


egerim] M; egerit Klotz. 


Et advideo] sed avide Wes. ; sed aveo 
Or. 
tamen] tamen te Lamb. 


quam] quem Zb Vict. 

post enim res] pocest (ita Zb)— 
<poscit> enim res—Graevius; potes venire 
Lamb. Plura vide in Commentario. 

pervellem] pervelim 1. 

ibi ... existimare] ib: tibi facile 
est <iudicium facere> quod quale sit hic 
gravius est existimare coni, Wes. Fort. 
verba transponenda sunt, quod quale sit 
abi (sc. Romae) facile est, hie gravius 
existimare, 

quod] M: quid Zb. 

hic gravius] C; gravis M ; grave est I. 


Ep, 430 (Arr. x1. 15), 


1. quod] vulg.; guid M ; quor (= cur) 
Ursinus. 

videre] dere ΜΙ. 

quaeso|] imperativo quodam opus est 
ut videtur: coyita add. Miller coll. 375. 
2. Fort. quaeso, quid est mihi faciendum 2 
vel <quaere>, quaeso, quid sit mihi faci- 
endum. Vide Comm. 

Illeenim] M (marg.); idle cum M. 

Alexandream] Alexandriam M. 

Achaici] Malaspina; achei M. 

igitur] agitwr M!. 

2. Quintus] gee M. 

ego] eos Corradus. 

ea] M?; om. M!. 

qui quocunque modo] L (marg.) ; gui 
quocunque sunt modo M; qui, quicunque 
sunt, modo Klotz. 

quidem] equidem M. 

3. non ut queas tu demere] M (marg.), 
vulg.; non ut quem: tuam demere M ; non 


ut queam tuam demere v. c.; non ut querar 


tecum de mea (cum sollicitudine) Miiller. 
Fort. non quo queas tu vel paullo audacius 
non ut augeam tuam deme, Vide Comm. 

ecquid] et guid M. 

τὰ 84] wad M, 

ad quae] atgue M. 

filius] FM. 

occultene] M?}; occultem Μ1. 

4, De] om. M. ᾿ 

Hoc] Σ5 Ber; haec Μ. 

malle] Ὁ Crat. L (marg.) ; om. MsRP ; 
velle Corradus Madvig. 

Vale] om. Ο.: 


Ep, 431 (Arr. x1. 16), 


-1, fit) ἡμέ M. 
exigue] ambigue Pluygers, 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA: 


ulla de] Lamb.; valde M; valde de 
Vict. ; valida de coni. Btr. 

in Italia] om, im M. 

2. abillo] Ascensius; ab udlo M. 

Achaici] M?; achat M}. 

spem] spem nullam coni. Wes. 

adferunt] auferunt Man. ; differunt 
Gronovius. 

3. superioribus] tut privribus M. 

iactor] tactor aut reicior Crat. |. (marg.), 
glossema vocabuli iactor ut videtur. » 

4. ad Quintum] atgue M. 

Etsi quidam scripsit] guidam seripsit 
etst M. 

Patris] patis M. 

5. debet] Ascensius L (marg.) ; debeat 
codd, 

sentias] Wes.; scribas M. 

qua] Wes.; guo δ, 

6560] ego M. 

excogitas| excogites Wes. 

desperato] explorato codices 
miani, 


Mem- 


Ep, 432 (Arg, x1. 17). 


1. nostros}] M!C; meos M?. 

pridie] P.#. M. 

ipsius| his vis M}. 

voluptatem] voluntatem Μ1. 

tematiam] matri eam Bosius; eam ἐὐδὲ 
iam 1, (marg.); in Emathiam Rom, 1; 
Egnatia eam Schmidt. Vide Comm, 


eram] eam Μ, 
Pro ea] Paeto Schmidt, Miller. 
fque. .. scripsiti] quam ad modum 


consolantis scripsisti vulg.; qui ad modum 
consolantis scripsit mihi Schmidt ; quem ad 
modum consulenti scripsistt Miller. 

P. tanta eo] codd.; putato ea Mala- 
spina, bene; pudet ea C. Quo modo haec 
lectio orta sit ingeniose disputavit Lehmann 
(‘ Att’ 59, 60). Pro epistula quam ad me 
consolandum scripsisti mpadtata, putato ea 
coni, Boot; (sed πρᾳότατα iam Bosius). 
Pantagathus ita emendavit Pro ea quem-~ 
admodum consolando scripsisti, putato ea 
me scripsisse, 

2. subeam | 
subeam Gronov. 

3. molestum] 8? molestum M 3; scilicet 
molestum Klotz; Fort. scito, molestum. 

ab] sed. Baiter, - 

Alexandrea] alexandria M. 

illim] codex Ant., Victorius; illic M. 

intellegis illud] Muretus; ἐμά intel- 
legis illud M, ὦ 

emissus] C; me missus Μ. ° 

De HS x, ut scribis, faciam] CM; de 
his rebus quas mihi notas esse voluisti, ut 


ne subeam Wes.; non 


oF: των ΣΡ, 


ADNOTATIO 


scribis, faciam I interpolatione satis larga. 
De textu in I interpolato vide Lehmann 
(‘ Att.” 49-51). 


Ep. 433 (Fam. xrv. 11), 


factum esse] esse factum D. 
Sallustium] M; salustium HDF. 


Ep. 484 (Arr. x1. 18). 


1. Alexandrea] alexandria M. 

futurum est sive] futurum et sive M? ; 
Suturum est et sive M*, © 

2. ira] C. F. Hermann; via M. 

flectas] jflictas M. 

ut] om. M. 


Ep. 435 (Fam. χιν. 15). 


nihil erat] MD; nihil erit HF. 
Sicca] sica F. 

mecum teneo] MD; teneo mecum H. 
xu} MD; va HF; cf. 434 fin. 


Ep. 436 (Arr. x1. 25). 


1, consistere| add. Lehmann; esse add. 
Wes.; te habere add. Klotz. Vide Comm. 

rem| M (marg.); eam M. 

cuiusquam| wusquam Madvig (A. Οἱ ii, 
239). 

2. discessisse | cessisse 
Μ’, 

Alexandrea| alexandria M. 

cuncti] eunti M; euntes alii. 

nescio| vett.; scio codd. 

3. seripsi] Zb; scripsit M. 

epistolas. . . adversas| De hoe loco 
paene desperato vide Comm.  Praeter 
coniecturas ibi prolatas adde apud Vestales 
velim depositum adservari (Shuckburgh 
coll. Suet. Aug. 101); apud ἐπισφαλῆ (sc. 
hominem cuius haud extra periculum 
huius belli fortuna est: cf. 441. 2), vereor 
ut possit adservari Tyrrell ; apud εὔπιστόν 
τινα velim ut possit adservari Boot. 

possim|] M; possiné Bosius; possit 
Kayser. 

adversas] MZb.; advertas Bosius. 

miserrimae] Ern.; miserwm ea M. 

facilitate] Reid; facultate M; fatui- 
tate Rom, ; infelicitate Orelli; vacuitate 
Klotz: facultate confecta Schmidt ; fecun- 
ditate Koch. 

simile] mile M. 


ts cesisse M!; 


CRITICA. 599: 


admoneri] © admori ΜΙ, 

dando] Pius; date M, 

aliud] Ascensius; aliwnm CM. 

quid] gui Μ, 

ex| est M}. 

atque] Schutz; ¢egue M; neque Vict. 

si] add. nos. 

condicio] condicto M, 

loquere| cod. Ball. Ascensius ; loguere 
tu (vel logueretur) Μ΄; loguere, utinam 
Schmidt; Jloquetor Ant. ; loguetur I; 
loguitor coni. Man. Lamb. ; loguere dum 
Klotz; loguare Vict. : 

opportune] oportuna M. 

Non 4160] ΜΞ (marg.); nongue M. 


Ep. 437 (Arr. x1. 23). 


1. Camillo] camillio MW. 

Camillus] camillius WM?; camillio M’. 

Scripsit te secum] Rom. ; seripsisse 
cum MW, 

aliter est] WI; om. est M. 

et] atque Lamb.; sed cf. ad 396. 1. 

ab illo] W et Corradus; a nillo M. 

valeres] W ; valere M. 

2. Agusius] M; augusius W ; Acusius 
Bosius. 

Quintum filium | Q. F. MW. 

Agusium] Vict.; augustwn MW ; 
Acusium Bosius. 

audies|] audiens MW. 

[eo]] del. Graevius; ego Klotz; has 
Rom. ; meo celeripedi pro eo celeriter eunti 
Orelli, coll. 562. 1. 

Quintus frater] Q. F. M; ¢. f. W. 

ne cogitatione] negotiatione MW. 

3. omnia] tempora vel omina Schmidt. 

timuimus| M; ¢idi W. 

ut viri] Pantagathus; wé wiut codd. ; 
vel vini coni. Wes. 

nomine] M; nominis W. 

vel (ante Metellae)] 3A; vel in WZ1; 
velim Zb ; vel nomine Schmidt ; villae coni. 
Orelli; om. Wes. 

malorum] WZ; maiorwn M. 

Nune] Hic desinit W. 

denuntiare] renuntiare Gronovius. 

de statua Clodi] nos in editione prima 
(1894); et postea Ziehen (Rhein. Mus., 
1896, p. 592) sine dubio Marte suo; de 
staturi elodi M (Clodi pro elodi in Z et I) ; 
de statu ret p. Odi! Man. 

vel hoc] Miiller; wt hoc M. 

et item Orelli; est idem M. 

cum] Man.; vim M. 

abipso] Ant. Faern, 1; abuso M. 

haec| hoe Wes. 

mea| Ern.; me M. 


600. 


Ep. 438 (Fam. xiv. 10), 


Quid] quod F. 
Pomponium] pompinium M. 
scribi] MD; seripst HF. 


. Quinctilis} quintiles MD ; guint int HF. 


Er. 439 (Fam. xiv. 18). 


as nuntio] - ie nuncia F: jee iH: 

Si] MD; sed HF. 

quiesces : ‘tamen] MD ; quiesce tamen 
H 3 .quiesce tantum F; quiesces: <res> 
tamen Orelli sed cf. 437 fin. Fort. quiesce : 
sed tamen. 

minime miserum] M ; miserwm minime 


HDF 


Ep. 440 (Arr. x1. 19). 


1. possem] possim M. 

quid] Μ᾿; guod Ern. 

quidquid] Klotz; quid M; 
Ascensius; geod Man. 

cogis] coges M. 

2. Id, Sextil. | 

tantum temporis | 

qui] cud ΜΙ, 


si quid 


idus sextiles M. 
secl. Sternkopf. 


Ep. 441 (Arr. xr. 24). 


1. Quae dudum] Quedam M. 

ad me vis—ad] Lehmann; ad me visat 
M;. ad me bis ad Zb; ante bis ad Vict. 
Btr. ;. dis ad (om. ad me) Wes.; ad meos, 
id est ad Miller; quae eadem (pro etiam) 
bis ad Sternkopf. Fortasse scriba indi- 
care voluit ad me bis insertum fuisse, et 
Cicero scripsit et quae etiam ad Tulliam. 
Vide Comm. 

miserior—etsi] miseriore si M. 
. licet] Ern.; liceat M. 

ut] om. M. 

2. redeo: erunt] Wes. ; reddiderint M ; 


vedit ; dehine Klotz; redit : sunt Lamb. 
agenda] Rom.; acceda M. 
querere| haerere Pius; quert de me 


succurrit Miillero, bene ut putamus; 
ruere Schmidt. Fort. quaerere. Vide 
Comm. 

te commovit: neque enim rogavit] 
ee et commoti neque enim rogari 


fortuna sit. Equidem] Man. ; fortunas 
te quidem 
vellet] velit Wes. 
3. nobis] om. Ascensius, 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


nostra et tua] mostre et tue M, 


Tulliae] L (marg.) 5 terentie M > “et 


Terentiae Schmidt. 

esse? De] esse si de M: 

permutaret|] M ; permutarem Corradus. 

fecerit] fecerit § ἢ (cum nota interroga- 
tiva) vulg. 

4. sed ne| 

aut] wt M. 

seeum]| secumM. — 

puto eum habere quod] bis habet M. 

aut adeo mein malis] Madvig (4. C. 
111. 189): ; ut eo me magis M ; “aut 60 me 
magis Ursinus; ut 60 me magis Klotz 
Wes. 

ut etiam si . . . curet] Madvig Btr.; 
ut eram si... curet M3; aut etiam, si 
soe ἔνα, Klotz Wes. (curat in 1, 
(marg.) ) 

certe] RPML (marg.); certo Os: ef. 
ad 428. 1. 

5. ad tempus] 
Rom. ᾿ 

accommodanda]| accommodandam M. 

putare] putare te Graevius ; te putare 
Lamb., sed vide Comm. 

vellem|] LErn.; velim M. 


sed se M. 


C; attem M; ad rem 


Ep. 442 (Fam. xtv. 24). 


S. V. BLE.) Be. Vel ey 
Wes. itemque 412, 421, 424, 442, 443, 
447, 


Ep. 443 (Fam. σιν. 28). 


opinione] om. HF. 
D. pr. Id. Sext.) MD; 4. or. sep H; 
om. F. 


Ep. 444 (Arr. xr. 20). 


Pieria] Peria M. 

Trebonius] vulg.; TZreboni. u M; 
Trebont 1. (= libertus) Schmidt, proba- 
biliter. 

Quintum fillum] Q. F. M. 

de Quinto] deque M. 

ab aliis Quintisque] Lehmann; αὖ 
aliisqgue M ; ab aliis Ascensius. 

2. Sallustio ignovit] Μ΄ (sed rursus 
deleta) ; Salustius novit M1. 

notionem eius] mentionem mei Reid 
coll. 445. 3 fin. 

eo] Ὁ Man. ; et M. 

Vale] Hic iterum emergit W. 

xvi] M; xm W. . 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


Ep. 445 (Arr. xr, 21). 


1, Quinti] @.M; 9g. W. 

cepi] corr. ex accep M; caepi W. 

etsi] M; wt W. 

_Ad ea] adia W. 7 

“seripsit ut eget scripst tu ego M; 
seripsit ut et ego W. ᾿ 

ὥς Legio] corr. ex legeo M; legeo W. 

primam] Gronovius; primum M. 

Sulla] W; si ila M'; sydla M?; cf. 
446. 2. 

egisse eiecisse Orelli ; abegisse Kayser ; 
EXCGISSE (vel e castris egisse) Wes. 

commoturam] M3; commoraturam W. 

arbitrabantur] M3; arbitrantur W. 

illim} Orelli ; 
Fort. illue (se. in Siciliam). 

reliquis; religuos MW. 

huic miserrimae] WZ ; huie miserrime 
M ; hie miserrime Lamb. 

3. ea quae] me meague Koch; ea 
videam quae I. 

_ quae] quae agam Klotz; quae loguar 

es. 
_ad tempus] ad tempus accommodanda 
Lehmann. Vide Comm. 

genere|] genera W. 

mei] Man.; om. MW. 

multoque] mittogue MW. 

quorum ...iunxi] M; gworwm utili- 
tatem eam iuncei W; quoruwn utilitati 
meam iunzi Ascensius; quam quorwmn 
utilitati meam iunzi Madvig, et nunc 
putamus guam addendum esse ; guam quod 
dis ad quorum utilitatem me 


Miller; quorum utilitatem meam duxi 
Graevius. 
tamen] om. W. 


velim] vellemn MW. 

me Quinto] meque MW. 
antea] ad ea MW. 
Quinto 8110] Q. 2. MW. 


Ep. 446 (Art. x1, 22). 


1. Balbi] bis in W. 
. nec] add. Man. © 
. quod] guas Kayser. 

ne] ORP; nec Δ. 

quasi quo] M; del. quasi Ern. ; quasi 
qui Miiller, fort. recte : sed vide Comm, 

improbitate] improbitatem MW. 

eique rei mederi] eigue ret < me vis 
(vel inbes)> medert Madvig. Fort. eigue 
rei mederit <me debere> .. 

.nerogari] Vict.; negari MW. 

2. Sulla] W>; si idia M'; sylia M?: 
οἵ, 445, 2 


veniet] venit et W. 


illum M; ; illine Klotz. 


adiunxt 


601 


Ν oppidum | uno oppido Peerlkamp,; oppi- 
dis Lamb. ; in oppidor um legationibus coni. 
Wes. 

quoquo modo] M; quod quomodo W. 

quae] Lamb. ; qui M; quid (sed ἃ 
ices, W 3 quia aria : al (vel quod) 
Corradus. ; 

laborem] 1 MW: ‘languorem Ursini vetus 
codex, fort. recte: οὗ, mente (A. 6, iii. 
188); dolorem Boot. 

in dolore] in dolorem W. 

saepe rogatus| seperibatus Mw. 

in] add. Beroaldus. 


\ Ep. 447 (Fam. xiv. 22). 
Nos cotidie] .os cotidiae Mindex ; nos- 
todie M ; nos tota die HDF. 
te statim] MD; ¢estamenti HF. 
Ep. 448 (Fam. xv. 15). 


1. [necessaria]] M!; del. M?; om. 


HDF; non: necessariti Madvig. Vide 
Comm. 

eius] MD; om. HF. 

at] MD; aut HF. 


praeter eos] praetereo codd. 
arbitrantur] arditrabantur Crat. 


imminutam] immunitamn MHF; im- 
mutatam D. 
reliqulis| 7eliguis codd. 


2. quasi] guase codd.: cf. Quintilian 
1. 7. 24; Lachmann (ad Lucr. ii. 291) et 
Neue- Wagener 113, 968. 

et victores . . . vellent] om. HF. 

consuli ] re consule M; consulere 
D (marg.). 

positum] vett.; - propositum codd. 

arbitrabar] HDF; arbitrari M ; arbi- 
trarer Hofmann. 

te] D; εὐ MHF. 

legato] allegato Gronovius. 

3. arbitrabamur] vulg.; 
codd. : 

afui] MHD; aufugi F. 

auctor] actor codd. 

4, scribas|] scridis H'F. 

retinuissem] retinuissemus HF. 


arbitramur 


Ep. 449 (Fam. xrv. 20). 


Tbi ut] di; 
Comm. 
Labrum si] MD ;. labrum sit HF. 
ut sit] om. H?F. 
Pe ccters ] MDH'; item sint: cetera 


<fae> ut Miiller. Vide 


602 


de Venusino ] devensino MD; 
vensina H; dev. F. 


de- 


Ep. 450 (Fam. xv. 21). 


1. incendisses] MD ; accendisses H?F ; 
accepisses Hi}, 

relinquas| D ; relinguar MHF. 

spondere| respondere F. 

2. mea] MD; me HF. 

quom] quam HDF; cum M. 

mei] om. HF. 

perferrentur] MD; perferentur HF. 

tanti] M; canta HDF. 

quantam| quantum M. 

habet] om. HF. 

sic] codd.; secus Corradus, Lamb. 

3. fuit] fui M. 

de uno| bis in M. 

cogitare non potueris] MD ; cogitaris 
HF. 

ceteris] HDF; certis M. 

futurum] jfacturum Man. 

4. ego] om. HF. 

mittimus] amittimus M. 

maioribus| Ern.; melioribus codd., 


Btr., Mendelssohn; amplioribus coni. Or. | 


id vere] corr. ex idere M. 

probarat| Nipperdey ; probaret codd. 

eam| MD; eum HF. 

laudes|] Jlaudas 1). 

cohortere] Μ΄; cohortare HF; cohor- 
taro D. 

5. Reliquum est tuam] Religuum est 
<ut> tuam Lamb.: sed vide Comm. 

amore| amare M. 

absentem] absentiam Lamb. ; absentem 
<te> Boot. 

tua in me] in me tua H. 


recordere| M; recordare HDF. 


Ep, 451 (Fam. xu. 10). 


2. inillum] M; om. HD. 

etiam nunc] etian nune M, contulit 
Mendelssohn xiii. 15, 2 (571) et Velium 
Longum (ed. Keil vii. 78. 19). 

publicorum] MH; pudlicanorum Ὁ 
Btr. Wes. 

causa| HD; om. M. 

3. et usui; nam] HD; eius winam M. 

hominem] homines M. 

pudentem] Corradus; prudentem codd. 
Vide Comm. . 

4. nec] HD; μὲ Μ. 

dubitarim] M; dubitaverim HD, 


ADNOTATIO 


CRITICA. 
Ep, 452 (Fam. xu, 11). 


1, Arpinatis] del. Bake, Cobet, 

misimus Q.] misimusgue M. 

Faucium] M; lucium HD. 

Mamercium] codd.; Mamercum vett., 
sed cf. C. I. L. ix. 668, 1159. 

3. etiam] 60 etiam; etiam eo D, 

studio diligentia] studio diligentiaque 
Wes., sed vide Comm. 


Ep. 453 (Fam. xii. 12). 


1. deminuam] MH; comminuam D. 

hanc|] H; ad hane MD; ad <illam> 
hane Btr. 

2. utinea] M; om. wt HD. 


Ep, 454 (Fam. x1u. 13). 


tum} HD: tam M. 

prorsus]| HD vulg.; prosus M fort. 
recte; cf. Neue- Wagener 118, 747. 

commodaveris| HD ; commendaveris Μ, 


Ep, 455 (Fam. xu. 14). 


1. Titio] DM (Index); ticio H (et 
Index): titione M. 

Romano] 7M; &H. 

P. Cornelius] pupillus Cornelius codd. 
cf. Fam. x. 33. 4 (890). 

Voleatio] Vulcatio vel Vulcacio codd. 

2. quo] M; quod HD. 

aequum] HD; aecum M. 


Ep. 456 (Fam. 1x. 1). 


l. ate] H: adteM; adse D. 

ut] om. M. 

2. suppudebat] MD; suppigebat H. 

Videbar] videbam M; videbant HD. 

mihicum] om. H. 

infidelissimis] -mas M. 

demisissem]| ett. ; demisswm codd. 
Error ortus est ex demissem ut videtur. 
Totum locum ita refingit Usener Videbam 
enim invitum me .. . demissum non satis 
. + » paruisse quod placet si modo imvi- 
tum omiseris, cui omissioni patrocinatur 
Mendelssohn qui etiam nimirum pro enim 
dat. 

in ea] Lamb. Wes.; in eo codd. 

ea quae...eaquae| HD; aequae... 
aequae M. ᾿ 

laturum] D; turum M!; transiturum 
M?; sciturum H. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


ad te] M; stare tidt H; adire D. 
diiudicetur] H; diwidetur M3; diui- 
diatur D; wuideatur Crat. 


Ep. 457 (Fam. xu. 29), 


1. sint] MD; sunt H Wes. fort. recte. 

habent| Crat.; Aabeant codd. Lamb. 
Or. ; habent aliquam coni. Koch. 

tenentur] MH; ceneantur Lamb. Or. 

coli] HD; cogi M. 

eorum] vett.; meorwm codd,. 

3. quam ad] quam ut codd. 

cum] om. codd. 

4. non possum dicere eum profuisse] 
non (om. H) possum dicere ewm non prae- 
fuisse HD. 

an] aut HD, fort. recte. 

acastris]| D; a gastris M et infra; 
castris (om. a) H. 

|xxx|] Mendelssohn; xxx vulg. Vide 
Comm. 

5. nullam rem] Wes.: muldlam (om. 
rem) codd.; non Lamb. 

petissem] vulg.; potuissem MD ; potu- 
isse H ; voluissem Klotz. 

6. ipsum] M; ipse HD. 

7. munitus| inimicus Man. 

intellexi] codices nonnulli, Madvig ; 
intellexerim codd. 

id fecisse] D; id “οὶ MH. 

quod] gwo codd. 


Ep. 458 (Fam. v. 21). 


1. te] GR; et M. 

esse mihi communia omnia, ita quae | 
Graevius (ita transponens quod voc. in 
codicibus aut ante aut post esse invenitur). 
Pro communia dant commoda vett, omnino 
Or. Addit post communia <et propria 
commoda> Lehmann : del. communia Vict. 
Wes. Vide Comm. 

Etenim] Lamb. ; ut enim M3; tu enim 
G; ut tuenim R; tum enim Klotz. 

2. existimare] explicare G. 

quam illum .. . effeceram] om. R. 

quavis tuta] quavis tota M; quamvi. 
tota GR; quavis tolerabili Miller, coll. 
Pro Quinct. 97; quavis statuta Ramain. 

3. animus] animus <meus> Wes. 
. luvitque] /uitque codd. 

vitam ingenuam] Or, Wes.; vita in- 
genua codd. 

[in] libera] om. im Ern.; in libera 
<rep.> Wes. Miiller. 

4, debebamus] Man.; debeamus codd. 

propterea . . . debeamus] om. G, 

5, fruere] fuere M, 


603. 


ac peccatum] del. Kleyn et Btr. coll. 
538. 4; 540. 2. 

inhonorabile] GR; honorabile M; 
horribile codices nonnulli, fort. recte ς 
Mendelssohn confert Sull. 59. Vide 
Comm. . 

aut] MR; weG. 


Ep. 459 (Arr, x11. 2). 


1. rumores tamen] rumor est Statium 
Orelli ; rumor est 7. (vel LZ.) Lamb. 

I, navis] Vide Comm. 

delatas|] Crat.; delata in MOI. 

reflatu] reflatur M. 

Paciaecus] pacietus M. 

sint] = Lamb.; sunt M: cf. Att. iv. 
2. 6 (91) Quoniam acta quae sint habes. 

2. non recta] CORP; om. M. 

tfructum] peractum Moser ; confectum. 
Schiitz ; elwetwm Ellis; fore actwm con. 
Reid; πεπρᾶχθαι nos olim. Fort. φευκ- 
téov. Quomodo edd. nonnulli fruetum 
detendere conentur vide in Commentario, 


Ep. 460 (Fam. 1x. 3). 
1. Caninio] HD; animo M: cf. 470. 


nos] mon codd, 

tanto incendio] 
Kayser. 

Qnid refert ?] 
ratione vide Comm. 

2. persequar] HD; persegquure M3 
persequar te Benedictus. 


tanto <in> incendio 


De tota huius loci 


in realia] increalia M. 

medicinae]|~ codd.; medicina Lamb. 

cuius domi] codd.; cui domi coni. 
Mendelssohn. 


Ep. 461 (Fam. 1x. 2). 


1. tuus et idem noster] Manutius, 
Wes. ; idem et idem noster M; idem et 
Frater (om. noster) D; idem eidem noster 
M (Index) ; frater noster H ; idem frater 
noster H (Index). Bene Mendelssohn 
‘¢malim ¢tuus eidem mnoster—scilicet in 

᾿ tdem 
archetypo videtur fuisse tuus eidem noster 
(m7, quae nota in parte codicum abiit in 
Sr. = frater) adseriptumque idem expu- 
lisse postea non eidem sed tuus.’? Mase. 
sing. eidem saepe in libris invenitur Fam. 
xiii. 1, 3 (199) ; Att. i. 11. 1-(7); i. 14.1, 
5 (20): cf. Lachmann ad Lucr. i. 120, 
p. 24. 9 


604 


pervesperi] forma incerta. Fort. ves- 
peri pervenisset vel heri vesperi: cf. Fam. 
xi. 1. 1 (700). 
Σ postridie] postera die HD. 

litterarum aliquid] HD; om. iittera- 
rum M. 

Actamen] H; attamen MD. 

ut cum] Graevius ; et cum codd. 

tui] post amantissimo et erasum in M ; 
tum (post amantissimo) HD. 

2. autem] HD; ante me M. 
_ possimus] codd.; posswmus ed. Neap. 
Wes. 

nostros] MD; os H. 

aint |: dy; sunt ΜΙ. 

est tam] MD; est enim tam H. 

3. possent | Crat. ; possunt codd. 
— diurna} diuteurna edd. nonnulli. 

callum iam] calumniam codd. 

4. effervescit ] codd.;  defervescat 
Lamb.; defervescit Graevius. ᾿ 

intererit | HD ; interit M. 

5. enn HD; hic M. 

quam] H (supra lineam manu recenti): 
om. MD. 

haec| hoc Wes. Vide Comm. 

modo nobis stet illud, una] M3; xodis 
astee modo illud una D; nobis ἐρῶν unin 
allud modo TH. 

potius} HD; 
Hirschfeld. 

πολιτείας] politias codd. 

genavare] Mendelssohn (iam Billerbeck 
navare); gravare codd.; gubernare Vict. 
vulg. Formam gnavus defendunt codices 
Verr. iii. 53; Leg. Manil. 18, vide 
Georges Wortformen s. v. 

erit] M; om. HD. 


patius M; protinus 


Ep. 462 (Fam. rx. 7). 


antea te M; ante a te 


1. ante] edd. ; 

D. 

esse] HD; esset M; esse te Or.; esses 
Lamb. ; esse ut C. F. Hermann. 

2. scimus] vett.; sosmus codd. ; Sosinus 
vel Sosius (337.1; 353. 2) cum sequenti- 
bus coni. Gurlitt (Philol. 19038, p. 89) se. 
Sosius narrat idem istuc de ’Baiis, i.e. 
Baias adventurum esse Caesarem. 

Veliam] M; vel iam HD quod defendit 
Gurlitt (Philol. 1903, p. 90); sc. ¢ arbitror 
per Siciliam Baias Caesarem esse adven- 
turum; brevissimo tempore sciemus.’ 
Nescimus an hoe sit verum. 

. sed iam] Wes.; om. codd.; iam Btr. 


Er. 463 (Fam. 1x. 5). 


1. sequar] seguatur codd. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


2..ne si] nisi codd. 
secuti locuti codd. 
habet] haberet codd. 


Ep. 464 (Fam. vit. 3). 


1111 | Me ; urcodd. Vide Comm. 

2. loquor] Jocorwn HD. 

reliqui] veliquos... rapacis .. 
delis Wes., Btr. 

nullus imperator] MG ; nu2liws imperis 


. con ° 


tirone]. M; tipone G; tirones R.. 
3. fractos] fractos < nos > Wes. 


tamquam] del. Mendelssohn utpote 
illatum ex § 4. 
consciscenda | conscidenda M. 


4. aliqua] GR; aliquae M; cf. 538. 4, 
sin nulla] _R; si nullam M; si. non 
ulla G. 


5. obsisti] obsisti <ei> Wes. vix 
necessario. 

Mytilenas] M3; wmitilenas R; mili- 
tenas G. 


me contulissem] R; om. me MG.. 

6. malueram] De hoe usu plusquam 
perfecti indicativi malueram (cf. putarum) 
in Commentario disserere debuimus. Olim, 
inquit Cicero, malui tecum coram disse- 
rere, sed nunc video id non posse fieri ; 
ef. Att. 11. 19. ὃ (46) malueram αὖ illis 
transivt; Tac. Ann. xv. 2. 3 aeqguitate 
quam sanguine... retinere parta maioribus 
maiueram, ubi Furneaux laudatis his 
Ciceronis locis addit Lucanum viii. 520 
feriam tua viscera, Magne: Malueram 
soceri, ubi vide Postgate. 

τὰ nonesteM. . 

fortasse ...longiorem] om. GR. 


Ep. 465 (Fam. vi 22). 


1. Sunt nunc [etiam] atque etiam] secl. 
etiam Lamb. Btr. Wes. ; sunt nunc etiam, 
atque etiam Seyffert, Mendelssohn ; sunt, 
nune etiam atque etiam Or. 

2. vivendi] wiwendi G (sed alterum % 
correctum) ; vinciendi R. 

quaeque] vett. Wes.; quigue MG; 
quaque R; quaecunque Miller; cwiewi- 
modi coni. Mendelssohn dubitanter. 

eum tibi] eundem tibi G. 

ex te] vett. Wes. Btr.; ¢ (om. te) M; 
ex G; de (ex te manu prima) te R. 
Streicher. _ Vide, Comm. 


Ep. 466 (Fam. 1x. 4). 


esse te venire]. H; esset evenire M; 


est evenire R. 


τις ὃς eS S SND 


so 


as 
a 


ith a Nai tage aie cai 


--es}| D; est MH. 


ἀδύνατον» Crat.; ἀδυνάτων codd, ; 3 τῶν. 


ἀδυνάτων vulg. 
~te-venire] MD; evenire H. 


Chrysippi an haec] Man. ; Chry ysippias | 


haec codd. 
nonnulli. 
- concoquebat] Μ΄; coquebat MD. 

Coctio] Cocceio Corradus. ᾿ 

nos] add. Vict. 

bybliotheca] codd. quod legere debui- 
mus; cf. Fam. vii. 23. 2 (126); sed alibi 
codices dant Jbibliotheea Fam. vii. 28. 
2 (477); Q. Fr.iii. 4.5 (152). Utrumque 
bonum. 


Xpvoirmelane an haec edd. 


Ep. 467 (Arr. x1. ὃ: 4). 
4. misi Tironem] mutironem M. 
- De] om. M. 

ei] Orelli; e¢ M. 

Nicasionumque] CL (marg.); me assi- 
onumque M; ne occasionumque Zb.3 exac- 
tionumque Schmidt. 

longae] Jlongas M. 


Ee. 468\(Atr. χη; 3). 


Alterum huius epistulae exemplum (m) 
exstat in M xvi. 5. 3 (770) post voc. 
revertar (ubi vide Comm.) ; quo intruso 
multa ex illa ep. extrusa putat Reid 
(Hermath. 1903, p. 267). 

1. quam me] M?m; om. Μ|. 

et] M; aut τη. 

me hoc} M ; hoe me m. 

ne vivam] OM ; veniam τὴ ; 
Rom. see lib. xvi). 

tot] τὰ; ¢otos M. 

auctione] Μ΄; auctore m. 

hace me] M; vennone m. 

2. illud, quod a] Om ; aliud quid M., 

a mancips | m; om. q M. 

annua die] M; annuad te τὰ. 

iste]. m5 ipse M. 

Metonis] Μ΄; mentionis m. 

Vettieni| Orelli; vectent M; veteni 
m. 

condicione semissem] Rom. ; condi- 
tiones emissem M ; conditionis emisse m3; 
condicionem semisse Lamb. 

sed Judis] Man. ; sedulis m; et sedulo 
iis M. 

atypo] vel ἀτύπῳ (sc. Balbo) Popma ; 
elypo MZ; κτύπῳ Bos. ; Olympom. Vide 
Comm. 

Tu...plurimam] Rom et m (nisi quod 
is plurimum habet); om. M. 


peream 


ADNOTATIO CRITIC A.. 


605 
πο Ep; 480 (ArT. xt. 4); 


ip gratas] gras M, 
Tiro] civo M. 
᾿ gravius 


ἐνερευθέστερονῦ] CM); προ δ σαι δὰ 
M? marg. ἘΠ 
menaax 
2. WAGsque] PerAwsque M!Z! ; ψευδῶς - 
que M? marg. 


istis] Bosius; est ΜῈ; es¢ its M2. 


Ep. 470 (Fam. 1x. 6). 


1. Caesaris scilicet] del. Vict. et edd. 
multi. 


Ostiae] HD, optiae M.. 


2. ut] om. codd. 
utrubiqne] utar ubique M; utrobique 
HD: cf. Neue- Wagener 115, 660. 


sit] M; est HD. 

ostentavi] M ; ostentatur Ἡ ; ostentare, 
volut Bake. 

equidem] qwidem codd. 

nescio} D; scio MH. 

3. videremus] HD; viderimus M. 

quom]| quam codd. 

interitum] vett.; interitu codd. 

otiosissimi] HD ; oftosi si M3; otiosis 
vulg. ; o¢sosissimis Krauss. 

vel emori] veile mori codd. 

at aliqua] M; awt aliqua HD. 

4, duxerim] codd.; duai twm Graevius. 

anteponenda : equidem] anteponendae. 
quidem M ; anteponendo (-dus D). equidem 
HD; 


ὃ. quandam] Gebhard ; 
Vide Comm. 

6. Caninius] HD; 
460. 1. 
iure | 


eandem codd. 
animus M: ef. 


defendant Gurlitt (Philologus. 
(1903), p. 89) et Shuckburgh, fort. recte ; 
is ed. Neap.; idle Klotz; pure Madvig ; 
seriberem Krauss ; Tute (cum rogaras) 
Frederking. Vide Comm. 

scirem] HD; scire M. 

sint] sunt Wes. 

quae e re tua] nos; guae tua codd. ; 
quantum Ο. Hirschfeld ; quaecumque 
Madyig (A. C. iii. 162); guae vera Klotz. 
Emendationes nonnullas additamentis. 
confectas dedimus in Comm. 


Ep. 471 (Arr. xir. 5, §§ 1, 2). 
et Statio] ORP; et Stathio C; tes- 
tario M. ᾿ 

dedecore ] decore M. : 

os, in] Lamb. ; osin ΜΖ. 


606 


et] add. Malaspina; aut Lamb. ; con- 
iunctionem non_ requirit Lehmann 
(p. 27). 

in te κρήνῃ] Lehmann (p. 110); IN- 
TEPHNHN M; νετρηνην Z; in te [κρήνην] 
Baiter; del. in te κρήνην Lamb.; in- 
tegrum coni. Boot ita ut apodosis incipiat 
ad ποῖ ταῦτα. 


Ep. 472 (Fam. 1x. 16). 


Paprrrio] om. Indices MH. 

1. amavi] Boot, Becher ; animadverti 
Kleyn; sed amavi rectum esse demon- 
stravit Lehmann, p. 86, coll. Att. ii. 10 
(38), Fam. xiii. 62 (234). 

antea] M; ante HD. 

bis} M; his HD. 

quo modo] gwoquo modo Btr. Wes. 

2. fieri potuerit] fiert poterit codd. 

conciliandam et conligendam] HD; 
conciliandum et conligendum M. 

a Caesare] H; om.a MD. 

ut] M; om. HD. 

Nam etsi] tametsi Crat. 

incidit] M!HD; incidat M?. 

aliquo...argumento|] om. H. 

3. aiure] om. a HD. 

Effugere| effungere M. 

opinionem] HD: om. M; famam 
Vict. ; offensionem alii. 

id] secl. Lamb. 

4. multa quae] 
quod 1). 

deme] dem M. 

Oenomao] denomao MD; de oenomao 


multaque MH; muita 


Accianos] Attianos Wes. vix recte. 

5. esse| posse Wes. 

et quod cum] Crat. ; δέ gui cum codd. ; 
et quia cum Andresen. 

est ne quid] est ut ne quid Wes. 

aut faciam] HD; μέ faciam M. 

6. modo] 5606]. Ern. 

7. Atellanam] atellanum MH; atel- 
laum D. 

popillium] MH; popilium D; pompilum 
Rutilius ; polypum Corradus; Popillium 
(hominem quemdam simplicem cui oppo- 
nentur lauti illi viri Hirtius et Dolabella) 
Gurlitt. Rh. Mus. (1902), 339 sqq. 

denarium] thynnarium Rutilius ; thyn- 
num Schiitz; cantharum Mendelssohn 
coll. Ov. Hal. 103; naritam (= νηρείτην) 
Schoell: narita (vel narica) dicitur esse 
genus piscis minuti (apud Plautum): cp. 
Festus, p. 166, ed. Miller. 

apud me declamitare, me apud illos] 
HD; om. M. 

habebas] augebas Lamb. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA, 


quaesticulis] guaesticulus Orelli ; ques- 
tiunculis HD. Vide Comm. 

faciebat] MD!; faciebam HD?. 

non est quod non eo sis consilio] Leh- 
mann (sed is animo pro consilio); non 60 
sis consilio codd.; non 60 possis consilio 
uti Madv.; non est quod 90 sis consilio 
Wes.; mon 60 sis censeo animo coni. 
Miller olim; non 60 fit consilio Gurlitt. 

etiam] et tamen Orelli Wes. ; etenim 
C. F. Hermann. 

8. revocare] M?HD; revore M!. 

miniati] Lamb.; Miniani codd. Men- 
delssohn; riciniatt Reich. Vide Comm. 

debilitari] H; delibitari MD. 

oleis] hillis Heinsius. 

9. calfacias] Μ΄; cale fatias D; facias 


10. Seliciana] MD; seciliana H. 

saniorum]| nos dubitanter ; sannionum 
D Wes. Miller; sannonum M ; sannio- 
rum H; sanorum Hofmann. Locus ob- 
scurus. Vide Comm. 


Ep. 473 (Fam. 1x. 18). 


Totam hance epistolam om. H; quam- 
quam elus rationem habet Index. 

L. ῬΑΡΙΒΙΟ] om. Indices MH. 

1. propterea] dett.; praeterea MD. 

quibus] D; qui M. 

sublatis iudiciis] del. Bake, Kleyn. 

2. consilium me] consiliome MD ; con- 
silia me dett. 

3. delectas] D; delectat M; delectato 
dett. 

116] mihi MD. 

disce ame] Bengel; disceam M; disce 
aD; disce iam alii. 

προλεγομένας quas] προηγμένα quae 
Boot ; ἀποπροηγμένα quae Gurlitt. 

tSed quomodo video. Si aestimationes] 
MD (sed st om. D); sed quomodo videro. 
Si aestimationes Bengel, fort. recte; sed 
quoniam, ut video, aestimationes Or.; si, 
guomodo (coll. Rosc. Am. 7) video, aesti- 
mationes Mendelssohn; sed si, quomodo 
video, Gurlitt Rh. Mus. (1892) 344. 

4, remigrandum] vulg.; remigandum 
M; remeandum Ὦ. 

idem istuc] item istic Or. Wes. 

Actum] factum MD. 


Ep. 474 (Fam. vu. 33). 


1. invideres] invides Nipperdey. 
causa] om. GR. 
invideres] MR; invideret G. 


ee δι κ᾿... ..- 


eS en 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


ingemescamus| M ; ingemiscamus GR 
ex corr. 

Accium] Attiwm Wes. 

gloria] ὦ gloria codd. 

2. venies}] Junta, Btr., Wes.; venis 
codd. Mendelss. 

quas si] gwasi codd. 


exceperimus| expedierimus Madvig. 
iisdem ] 3 hisdem R; (studir) si 
idem G. 


huc] hie vel adhue Madvig. Vide 
Comm. 

in eis] nos; meis M; eis (arcte cum 
quibus coniungendum) Lamb. ; del. Ern. ; 
tuis Wes. Vide Comm. 

pluribus] vix defendendum, sed vide 
Comm. ; per librarios Or.; pigrius Madvig ; 
perinvitus Vict. Alii alia, quae apud 
Baiterum invenies. Graecum latere putat 
Mendelssohn. 


Ep. 475 (Fam. rx. 20). 


1. oneratum] honeratum H. 

quae] quam codd. 

abierunt] HD; habierunt M. 

Nam] D: non M; om. H; Nune 
Crat.; Nos Klotz. 

castra] HD; cassatra M. 

coniecimus] HD 3; coiecimus M. 

2. et edaci] M; om. e¢ H; enim et 


sportellae] MD?*; sportulae MD'. 

artolagani] artolagynt codd. quod re- 
tinuit Gurlitt; qui interpretatur ‘ Brod- 
krug’ ‘bread crock’; sed λάγυνος, ut 
lagena, vas erat in quo liquida, non solida, 
imponi solebant. 

exquisitae artis] Wes. coll. Fam. x. 29 
(911) ubi M ben pro benevolentia exhibet, 
sed in fine versus; ἐς artis MH; etiam 
artis codd. dett. Forte ex artis praeceptis 
coll. Hor. Sat. ii. 4. 2; vid. Comm. : ex 
areis Vict. quod quid significet vix in- 
telligimus ; ‘ genus quoddam,’ inquit Vict. 
ipse, ‘possessionum est ex quo certi 
quaestus capiebantur’ (qu. ‘ threshing- 
floors’). Gronovius eandem lectionem, 
ut videtur exponit his verbis ‘ex hortis 
in areolas distributis tantum delicatorum 
olusculorum colligo ut Verrium et Camil- 
lum saepius invitem ’; e” artibus Or. ; ex 
arte ἰδέα Krauss. ; exercitationis Busch ; 
Graecum quoddam latere suspicantur et 
Mendelss. et Boeckel ὀψαρτυσίας vel potius 
ὀψαρτυτικῆς ; ἑξάκις ‘sexies tantum’ coni. 
Gurlitt; ἐξοχῆς ‘leading position,’ coll. 
Att. iv. 15. 7 (143), Tyrrellius, ingeniose, 
neque melius Graecum propositum est: 
om, ¢% Ern. ; pro ew dat etiam Klotz. 


607 


etiam] om. HD. 

non] add. Or. 

3. perofficiose] perfitiose H. 

audiunt| audiant ed. Neap. Wes. 

comedim] M: cp. Nonium, p. 86, et 
vide Comm. ; comedam HD. 


Ep. 476 (Fam. vit. 27). 


1. enim] om. G. 

tein] te, inguis, in Lamb. 
ut re om. te GR. 

tu] M; wt GR. 
Tribunatum] tribunum codd. 
2. fuerunt] MR; sunt G. 
quid mihi] om. guid M. 


Ee. 477 (Fam. vit. 28). 


1. nobiscum] modis G. 

fuit} add. Wes. 

Patrae|] patre MG; patrem R. 

qui] quod GR. 

2. albamj aluam M. 

dicere] discere Madv. ; 
Graevius. 

3. suis erga me] vett.; a suis R; a 
me α : om. M. 

meis| @ meis codd. 

vita mea] add Wes. 
add vita Kleyn. 

valere] valeret M. 

quae stultis] GR; qua est witis M. 

id] M; ad GR. 

etiam] etiam in codd. 

de] om. M. 

prima] primam G. 

redeo] om. GR. 


delere vult 


Vide Comm. ; 


Ep. 478 (Fam. 1x. 18). 


L. Parrrio] om. Indices MH. 

1. a] Index MH; om. codd. 

discedis 9] discedis (sine nota interro- 
gativa) Graevius ; fort. recte. 

eum] Lamb. (marg.); enim codd. 

venisse. Neque] venit. Negue Schiitz 
fort. recte ; venit—sed (vel ets¢) <neque id 
glorior> neque id admiror Wes, 

ad suam| wt swam Mendelssohn de qua 
lectione vide Comm. ; ad suum (sc. Caesa- 
rem) Benedict Btr. 

eerie atiurans M. 

umquam|] HD; ewm quam M. 

2. disertos] dissertos M. 


608. 
Ep. 479 (Fam. rx. 26). 


1. harum] harum litterarum Klotz. 

excruciem me?] exeruciemne me M*. 

possem] posse Starker. 

CAtnua| zetema codd. 

2. aspectabant] aspectabam codd. 

Grai ora] Grai lora codd. 

inquit} inguit, < Laida> Wes. 

a Laide] sed. Wes. 

interpretabere] M?H; interpretauere 
Mt. 

in risus] et in risus codd. 

3. in| del Crat. 

quicum] Wes. ; cum (sine gui) codd. ; 
cumque Lehmann ; e¢ cwm Ern. 

si quis quid] H; si quis quidquid MD. 

quaesiturum unum] 6 guaesiturum 
<utrum> unum Cobet. 

Quid ad te] Quid <id> ad te? Btr. 
praeter necessitatem ; vide Comm. 

At] om. HD. 

num quid] vulg.:; non guid codd; 
nimium quantum Schutz; non est negh- 
genda Wes. (vel simile). 

ibi] vulg. Schiitz; ¢ii MD Wes. ; 
om. H. Vide Comm. 

4, multi] sed mudté Crat. Lamb. 

ioci] D; Jocs MH. 


Ke. 480 (Fam. 1x. 17). 


L. Parrrio|] om. Indices MH. 

1. Non] We Gronovius. 

ego] add. Wes. Btr. 

siqui] MH; si quis D. 

2. Veientem] M3; velentem HD. 

idemquej| idem quod codd. 

3. rescripsi| perseripsi coni. Miiller, 
vix necessario. 

adscribam] Μ᾿; ad te seribam D; ad- 
seribam post verissimum H. 1 

sapientia] prudentia 1). 


Ep, 481 (Fam. rx. 18). 


1. quadriduo] M!; quatriduo M?D; 
triduo H. 

acceperam] MD; coeperam H. 

Phileros] pileros codd. 

tibi esse] D; tidi MH. 

curam meam.. . tibi] HD; om. M. 
Post twae add. Crat. et Lamb. ex codicibus 
quibusdam ut videtur animumque erga te 
meum, tum quem. 

perspectam] HD; perspectum M. 

reapse] reabse M; re ipsa HD. 

2. Latio] duto O. Hirschfeld, bene ; 
Latit Madv. Vide Comm. 


ADNOTATIO CRITIC A- 


etiam] etiam <in> Madvig. 

Laelios] dAelios Or. qui, ut videtur, 
respicit ad L. Aelium Stilonem Praeconi- 
num (‘Teuffel-Schwabe ὁ 148) cui Caelius 
Antipater librum suum historicum ‘in- 
scripsit; sed is vir fuit doctus, non 
facetus. 

festivitatis] H ; et festivitatis MD. 

3. moderationis |] commorationis Lamb. ; 
demorationis Gulielmius. 

urbane] Madvig, optime ; 
codd. Vide Comm. 

neque ego] neque ego quidem Wes. 

intellexi] et intellext Nipperdey. 

4, ad scribendum] adfuisse scribendo 
Man. 

5. noster hic] om. hic H. 

parebo] corr. ex probo 1) ; probo MH. 

quom]| qgwum codd. 

perspicias| perficias H. 


urbanae 


Er, 482 (Fam. xu. 68). 


1. relicuum]| M ut in poetis liberae 
reip.; reliquum HD. 

2. re. p.] ἠδὲ p. Crat. 

Quid... saepius] quid autem agatur 
sepius seribam H. 

debet esse] om. esse H. 

3. arbitrabor summo tudio] arbitror 
studio summo H. ᾿ 


Ep. 483 (Fam. tv. 13). 


1. tale] tale ἐϊδὲ GR. 

Quod] Vict. ; guzd codd. 

adfectus] GR; adiectus M; abiectus 
Or. ; adflictus vett. Miller. Fort. deiectus 
ef. ad in M pro de Fam. iv. 6. 2 fin. (574) 
et infra § 2 de ipsum pro id ipsum. 

2. nihilominus eis] vett.; mihil eis 


codd.; nonnihil eis Btr.; multeis Klotz. 


ut ipsum] μέ id ~psum Btr. : sed vide 
Comm. 
idipsum] GR; de ipsum M; id ipse 
Or.3 om: Crat. : 
quidem omnibus] GR; qui demonibus 


summam] swmma M. 

quam vis et] R; quam vis est G3 
quamvis est M. 

3. nullam] om. R. 

possum] G; possim MR. 

4, Relicum] M; Reliquum GR. 

consoler] te consoler Lamb. 

quae ab| GR; φωΐ αὖ M. 

semper] <non> semper Crat. 

5. Videor] video codd.- — 


ee 


Fe οἰκο ee eel 


Sh Spit ashe Get Fe se SRE 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


sed possit] sed <plus iam> possit 
Wes. ; sed vide Comm. . 

necessest |. mnecesset M; necesse est GR. 

a quibus] add. a Lamb. 

6., pollicear] polliceat M. 

in ipsius] in ipsius <me> Lamb. 
haud bene. 

pervenire|] yerveniri Lamb. : 
me addunt alii. 

Ceteraque] M!; cetera M?G. 

certo] M; certe GR. 

Hac] acM; eaGR. 

7. orem] GR; orbem M; horter alii. 

sis} si M. 

colliges| colleges M; colligas GR. 

optime]| codd.; optima Madv. 

et quae... vel optime] om. R. 


nos vel 


Ep. 484 (Fam. rv. 14). 


1, quam] GR; quem M. 

si scissem] G; siiscissem M3; si scis- 
sissem R. 

2. hoc tempore] hoc te tempore Wes. 
Vide Comm. 

breviter] drevi te Krauss. 

periculo| in periculo Lamb. 

et praecipuam] aut praecipuam codd. 


Ep. 485 (Fam. tv. 8). 


1, unumque] Μ΄; virwmgue GR. 

ita abundo] tam habundo G. 

Relicuum] M; religun G; reliquum R. 

reeum] M?; rewm M!; re GR. 

praestemque et] Lamb; praestemque 
ut codd. 

tui] M: tua GR. 

omnia] MG; iam R. 

tua causa sed tcausa quoque etiam] 
tua causa < quae possim in tua causa > sed 
etiam Lehmann. Alii alia haud dissimilia ; 
tua causa sed posse quoque etiam Miller. 
tua causa sed ea quoque, etiam (Klotz ed. 1). 
Fort. fratris (vel tuworwm) pro causa ab 
hoc verbo expulsum legere possis. Vide 
Comm. 

possim putem] potest G. 

2. veltu] Crat.; wultu 

vel censuisse] M; vel consulisse G; 
om. R. 

reque principem] M3; reique. p. prin- 
cipem G; rei. p. R. 

ergo] ego M; om. GR. 


M; multum 


Ep. 486 (Fam. Iv. 7). 


1. non quin] M; ne guin GR. 
VOL. IV. 


609 


iudicem] iudico Kleyn Btr. Vide 
Comm. 

quae et] que ut M. 

2. malorum] maiorum codd. 

videris] auderes G. 

8. victori sese] Vict.; victores esse M ; 
victos se esse GR. 

crediderunt] dediderunt Bentleius ad 
Hor. Carm. iil. 5. 33 (qui perfidis se credi- 
dit hostibus). 

desse] dese M; deesse GR. 

4. tamen, si] ¢tametst Ern. 

abesse] GR; esse M. 

Qui si] quasi codd. 

cuicuimodi] Lamb; cwiwsmodi MG: 
huiusmodi R, 

Mitylenis] Μ; mitulenis G; mitilenis 
R. Inter Mytilenae et Mitylenae codices 
et inscriptiones variant, nummi fere sem- 
per Mytilenae. 

vivere] videre codd.: cf. 496. 2. 

5. dissupari] M; dissipare GR. 

potest] otes Vict. 

6. te] pro te Lamb; sed cf. Leg. Agr. 
ii. 100, Plane. 102. 

quantum] GR; quantum M; forma 
nimis antiqua. 


Ep. 487 (Fam. rv. 9). 


1. Q.] q. (i.e. gue) MG; om. R. 
Mucio] mutio MR; muito G. 

eum ad te... litteris] om. R. 
igitur] M; ergoG. 

te] de codd.; te de Lamb. 


2. id est necessitati parere] del. 
Ruhnken. 
id viti] id vitii M; inducit G.; inditi 


sumus] GR; simus M. 
incertis in] %m ceteris G. 
nunc] MR; nec G; hune Martyni- 
Laguna. 
3. melioris] M; maiores G. - 
impotentioresque] impotentiorisque M ; 
impacientioresque GR. 
reddit] M; reddidit GR. 
etiam si... necessitate] om. R. 
tunc] MG; tune quidem R; tum Wes. 
videres] Μ᾿; videre GR. 
minimis! M?; minimas M'; minimo 


nec] om. G. 

ullus dulcior] om. G; nudlus dulcior R. 

4. esse] isse coni. Or. 

si sapientis] om. si codd. 

est] del. Madvig. 

stultum est] del. Madvig; stultwm 
(om. est) Heusinger; stultwm sit coni. 
Wes.; stuléi Martyni-Laguna. 


28 


610 


‘videatur] M; videtur GR. 

ne tutior non sit] om. R (om. mon G). 
certe] cer M in fine versus. 
proximus] proximis M. 

temporibus] om. G. 


Ep. 488 (Fam. vr. 6). 


A] Antonio G. 


1. Vereor] <non> vereor Martyni- 
Laguna. , 
parium] Vict.; partum codd.; et 


partium alii. 

et saepe misissem] et se demisissem M ; 
etst di misissem G ; et se di misissem R. 

id] i codd. 

2. putarunt] codd.; putabant coni. 
Wes. ; putarant Lamb.; putarent Martyni- 
Laguna. 

3. mira Tuscae] mira tusce R; ira- 
tusce M ; tusce G; Etruscae vett. 

monumentis] monitis Kayser: cf. Leh- 
mann, p. 83, qui laudat Off. iii. 121. 

4. selungeret] se diiwngeret Kleyn. 

5. quod] guid M. 

7. involatu] volatu ταί. in violatu G. 

soniviis] M3; sonitu is R; somniis G. 

8. duco] M; duce G; dico R. 

9. Eodem e] Btr.; om. 6 codd.; 
eodem Lamb.; Hodem de Klotz. 

intelleget] Klotz; intedlegest M; in- 
tellext G; intellexisti R; intellegit Btr. 
Wes. 

equo] M; ex equo R; quo (om. e) G. 

cuivis| cwiusvis H; eni R. 

prohiberi] prohibere M. 

10. melius] M; potius GR. 

11, mutata] mutw codd. 

12. debere] decere Kayser. 

modo posse] GR: modo deposse M. 

13. valebo] M; conciliabo GR. Vide 
Comm. 


Hx 


“Ep. 489 (Fam. vr. 13). 


1. feceram] fecerim codd. 

2. quorum... proficit] quorum quidem 
et virtute et pietate et amore in te singulari 
... profecit Or. Wes. (sed is proficitur, 
quem sequuntur Btr. Miiller); quorum 
quidem et virtus et pietas et amor in te 
singularis ... proficit Pluygers. Verba et 
virtute et pietate posse tamquam glosse- 
mata eliminari putavit Mendelssohn. 

3. fit] M; si¢G; si R. 

4. velim] vellem codd. 

. Si] _Martyni-Lag. Wes. ; δέ si codd.; 
ego si Miiller, bene. 

incommodis] commodis codd. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


gratia] fort. secludendum: vide Comm. 
Si retinetur fortasse addere debemus es 
ante fides cum Wesenbergio. 

5. de] om. codd. 

nunc] Lamb.; ecwm MR; non G, 


_ Ep. 490 (Fam. vr. 12). 


1. Vincebatur] vincebantur GR. 

2. Tillius] <il¢ius codd. 

Valent tamen] Valent enim Lamb. 

quam quia] quas quia Crat. Lamb. 
Vide Comm. . 

3. quam] MR; quem G Orat. Btr. 
Vide Comm. 

gaudeant] doleant G. 

verum] M; sed GR. 

ablaturum] adlecturum GR. 

declarabant] R; declarabunt MG. 

cum a te abessent ipsae] M (sed ipse) ; 
cum ad te adessent ipse GR; guoniam pro 
cum Or. 

Quare] vett.; quam codd. 

ere] add. Guilielmius; referre add. 
Miller. 

perscribi] perscripsi GR. 

4. nisieam] isi eius Lamb. 

victus] victus ut codd. Sed fortasse 
per errorem vocabulo wt usus est Cicero 
ipse ; cf. Madvig Gram. Lat. 480 Obs. 2; 
Fin. iii. 43. 


Ep. 491 (Fam. vr. 10, δὲ 4-6). 


4. idque—hortor] om. Taur. i.e. Pa- 
limpsestus T'aurinensis [vide Kriigerum 
ap. Hermes v. 147-149], qui exstat, sed 
cum magnis lacunis,-ab vi. 9.1 (hune a 
puero) ad vi. 10. 6 (pollicert), parvi, ut 
videtur, momenti. 

5. et omnis] om. θέ Lehmann. Vide 
Comm. 

et in rebus] secl. e¢ edd. post Orellium. 

diuturnam} Taur. Crat. Wes. Miiller ; 
diuturne codd. Mendelssohn. Vide Comm. 

mihi] codd. magis mihi Taur. 

ad rerum naturam] ad verum natura 
Madv. Vide Comm. 

quae ... potest] quae iacere diw non 
potest Taur. . 

revivescat] M>; reviviscat GR Taur. 

atque] δέ aliquando Taur. 
timebamus]| timemus Taur. 

6. ut etiam pollicert] wut aliquid etiam 
pollicert Taur.,qui hic desinit. 


Ep, 492 (Fam. vi. 10, §§ 1-8). 


TreBiano] trebonio Taur.. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


1. quantique] R Taur.; guanti GM 
in fine versus . . 
me... fieri] om, R. 
aequum] aegum M ; aecum Taur ; eguum 


et Postumuleno . . . putent| om, Taur. 

patefeci] partefecit M. 

haec] foe Martyni-Laguna. 

liberis ... scribas] om. G. 

certe] om. G. 

2. deberem] debebam Wes. 

dignissimus| dignus Taur. 

tibi et illa ... pertinet ut (ἢ 3)] 
Taur. 

reliquiis] R; religuis M; om. G. 

casu! om. Heumann. Sed vide Comm. 

aditus] M; additus G@; auditus R. 

38. nihil...te] mihil erit saltem quod 
non pro te Taur. 

susceptum iucundum] susceptwm maxi- 
mum semper ac iucundum Taur. 


om. 


Ep. 493 (Fam. x11. 17). 


1. et honestum] HD; exhonestum M. 
Caesari] HD; caesa M. 
2. Me scito] me citoM; merito HD. 
absis] abes Lamb. 
‘aj] om. HD. 
suffragere] M; suffragare HD. 
probabis] probaris Ernesti. 
sit] est Wes. 
8. mecumamori] D3; me cum amore 
H; mecum mori M. 
intellegam] intellego Wes. ex codice 
Dresdensi 3. 
tribuam] ¢ribuere Lamb., et fieri potest 
ut tribuere propter proximum intellegam 
in tribuam mutatum sit. 


Ep. 494 (Fam. Iv. 3). 


Ser.] servilio MG. 

1. delectari) delectare M. 

laborare: Me quidem] M?; /aborarem 
equidem M1; laborare equidem GR. 

iam] M; me iam GR. 

praedicendo] MR; praedicando G; 


praecidendo Ross et Boot coll. Hor. Epist. , 


ἐρῶν ΟΝ 
‘ipsi] G; ipse R; sed M. 
2. sint] sunt G. 


me ista] mesta M; me sta (= ista) 
forma antiqua (Neue-Wagener 115, 402. 3) 
Mendelssohn coll, 542..4.. Non credimus 
Ciceronem quidém tali forma usum esse. 

‘parietinis| GR; partetinis M. 

sic] GR; si M. 

meliore] medior codd. 


611 


3. ut quidem]. R; aut quidem MG, 
multo] sed multo Btr. 
a sapientissimis] add. viris Martyni- 
Laguna, Wes.: sed vide Comm. ὦ 
possent] possunt Kleyn. 
in quo acquiescamus. Nihil] om, R. 
4, viderem] viderim Btr. 
ingenuis] R; inyeniis MG. 
excellat] .G; expellat M; exce 
cum] quod Wes, ; quam Bake. 


lleat R. 


Ep. 495 (Fam. tv. 4). 

Ser.] servilio M. eo 

1, admodum] Μ; adeo GR. 

2. dignissimae] GR (sed is -me) ;. et 
dignissimae M ; et <dignitate> dignissi- 
mae (propter et in M) Lehmann (p. 98). 

sis] MR; sit G; esses Wes. 

perculsa] perclusa codd. 

et sibi] Liinemann ; wt sidi MG; om. R. 

quo] GR; quod M. 

civilibus] in civilibus Boot coll. 487. 
3 init. ; 

3. vicimus] vincimus Ern. Wes. 

postquam] GR; potest quam M. 

armis] M3; armis civilibus GR. 

est] Madvig (Fin. p. 144) ; sit codd. 

ne ominis|] RM?; ne hominis G vulg.; 
nominus M. 

ΟἹ Btr.; eum codd. ; cum C Klotz. 

4. Caesari] om. Ih. 

Sed tamen.. . serviam] Haec verba 
adfert Gellius xii. 13. 22. 

offensionem] occasionem Gellius. 

5. decessione| discessione R. 

nihil praeter] οὐλὴ te praeter Lamb. 
Vide Comm. et Corrigenda. 

possit] possis GR, etiam M! sed eadem 
manu in possi¢t mutatur. 

Caesare] R; cesare et G; ceteri et M 
Btr. Wes. Kl.: del. Streicher et Boot. 

alterum utrum] alterutrum G. 


ea] GR; « ΜΙ. 


Ep. 496 (Fam. rv. 11), 


1. Plurimum] GRM? et Index G: 
plurimam M et Indices MR. 

tum] GR; tune M. 

C] consul codd. 

quemadmodum . .. gratulatio] om. GR. 

ab] M!(corr.); ad G; om. R. 

mei] mei esse Wes. 

2. γίνου] GRM?; videre Μ'. 


Εν. 497 (Fam. 1x. 21). 
1. Ain tandem] M; in tantum H; 


N tantum D (tandem 1)" marg.). | 
2R2 


612 ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


ἀπότευγμα] ἀπόφθεγμα Cante » 

eodem modo] ᾿ eodem <decet> modo 
Kayser. 

capitis] M?; captis M!. 

2. quicensor] Man. ; qui consul codd. 

ante consul] Man.; ante censor codd. 
Similis transpositio adnotatur Att. vi. 1 
17 (252). 

‘fuerunt sella curuli] codd. ; sederunt in 
ella curuli Wes. Vide Comm. 

primum] primus Crat. Wes. 

Papisius| papiius codd. 

K,. Duilio] 6. duillo codd. 

Masso . . . Massones| Maso... 
Masones Schiitz Btr. Wes. 

3. insecuntur] inseguenter M. 

C. Cn. ΜΈ} D3; gaius, CN. marcus 
MH. 

condemnatus est] Wes.; om. es¢ 
codd.; fort. condemnatust. 

fuit] add. Wes. 


Ep. 498 (Fam. vi. 14). 


1. meum] om. G. 
110{6}15] om. G. 
ex] om. GR. 


vitium est] vitiwmst M; vitinm sit 


non carere| om. non G. 

2. idem tamen] M; quidem tamen R; 
tamen idem G. 

omnem] R; ad omnem MG. 

fratres et] fratre sed M. 

hac opinione] hane opinionem codd. 


Er. 499 @ (Atr. x11. 6, §§ 1, 2). 


Lain). ἜΝ 

collubo] colubo M. 

detrimenti] C; detrimento M. 

Tu] cum M!; cui M?. 

2. fuit] C; fui M. 

λει δ μονοῖ vett. ; PIAEAHMON M ; 
φιλόδημον O et ita Crat. Vict. 

refertur] referitur M. 

es] add. Lamb. 


meo] meo quidem % Zb L (marg.), quod — 


recipere debuimus. 
Et] A¢ Man. 1, (marg.). 
quo] guod M. 


Ep. 499 ὁ (Arr. x11. 6, ῥ᾽ 3, 4). 


8. Chremes] M: cf. Nene-Wagener 
i3, 449. 

tantumne]| tantamne M. 

est oti] esto tu M!; est otit M?. 


est] add. Orelli. 

libris tuis] Μ΄; tuis libris Σ Crat. 

4. erat] erat et ER Crat. 

et urbanum. Ita] M marg.; ὁ turbe. 
minuta ΝΜ. 

tolleret] tuleret Μ1. 

Atticam] atticiam M. Fort. Atticulam. 

tam diu]’ I; om. tam M. 


Ep. 500 (Arr. x1. 7). 


1. attulisti] abstulisti ΜΙ. 
ex ipso velim, si modo tibi] Vict. ; ex 
ipso modo velim si tibi M. 
ad] 1, (marg.]; ea codd. 
detulisse] detulisses M. 
requireret] reguiret M. 
et quid... et quidj pee . ecquid: 
(teste Wesenber gio). 
Publilius] Bos. ; paudlins M. 
esse] Man.; est M. 
angeretur] ageretur M. 
Vellem magis] Boot; vel imma M'+ 


μ- 


vel nimia M*; Velim magis 1 Wes. ; vellet 


magis Orelli; 216 ewm malle Miller. 
nimis] minus M. 
res est] reset M. 
2. simulac redierit] simula credi erit M.. 


Er. 501 (Arr. x11. 8), 


Fenicularium ] M; Foenicularium Wes. 
Et scire] ᾿ om. M. 
et Piliae] cepilie M. 


Ep. 502 (Arr. xr. 11). 


Sulpici] Μ; supplicem C. 
Atticae hilaritatem] athice hilaritate M. 


Ep. 503 (Fam. vu. 4). 


xuut]} Schiche ; vrirr codd. 
ante te] Μ; ante GR. 
Vides. . . simus] om. GR. 
simus } vett. ; sumus M. 
Cura igitur ut valeas] del. Cobet ; om. 
ut valeas GR. © 
exspecta] M3; specta GR. 


Ἐν. 504 (Fam. rx. 23). 
Here] Μ; deri HD: οὗ, Neue- Wage- 


ner 118 644. 
Etsi] Μ; εὐ sis HD, 


Tog eh Pte 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


Ep. 505 (Arr. xi, 1). 


Epistulas huius libri omnes uno tenore 
sine divisione dat M. Acumine luculento 
divisae sunt et quaeque ad suum mensem 
et diem quantum potest. adscripta est a 
Schichio et O. E. Schmidtio, quos viros 
dovtos libenter fere semper secuti sumus, 
Vide Comm. ad singulas epistulas, 

1. in Anagnino] ix agnino Μ. 

Atticae] athice M et in § 2. 

sin rusticatur] Vict. ; sin rusticetur M ; 
in rusticatu M. 

aut scribes] M?; κέ seridis M!; 
(om, aut) C. 

aut nuntiabis] M’; 
aut nuncia C. 

2. noctuabundiis] nocte « vag> abundus 
(1.8. νυκτιπλαγκτόΞ) Reid. Fort. noctu- 
ambulus, Vide Comm. 

γεροντικόν] add 1, {marg.). 

quo die] I; φιοέϊάϊο M. 

V. Kal.] codd.; II vel pridie edd. 
Vide Comm. 

habebis] habes Kayser. 


scribes 


renunciabis M?; 


quidquid] ΜΈ; guid M!; quod C, fort. 
recte. 
collocutione] ecwm locutione M}. 


Ep. 506 (Fam. xu. 66). 


* debebat] MD; debeat H. 

Ate] Nune ate Wes. ct. § 2; Ltaque 
a te Kayser; sed cf. Lehmann, p. 68. 
Fort. A te tamen vel Attamen ate. Vide 
Comm. 

tantum] tam tuum Thierbach, Madvig. 

calamitosum] MD Madvig Miiller; 
et calamitosum Ἢ : tamque calamitosum 
Lehmann, p. 61; e¢ tam calamitosum 


Ihierbach; del. Ursinus Kleyn. Vide 
Comm. 
tutissimum] tufissimam M, 
reliquiis] *reliquis codd. 
iuves] iuwues HD; ines M (cf. 507. 2) 


fort. recte: cp. Catuil. 66. 18; Prop. ii. 
29. 22. Ter. Phorinz 537 5 Plaut... Rud: 
305; Enn. ap. De Senect. init. 


Ep. 507 (Fam. xu. 67). 
1, accommodatum | -tam Μ. 
decessi] M; discessi HD. 
.2. eum in] "HD ; dum in Μ΄." 
aditveris] adiuueris HD; adiuerisM : 
cf, 506 fin. 
Ep. 508 (Fam. xurr. 69). 


1. Postumi]  Postwmbi alii: 


613 


illum] om. HD. 

experirer] M >; expererer D; expertus 
sum Η. 

cuipiam} D; cupiam M; quipp iam H. 

vulgari more] Klotz; vulgare codd. ; 
vulgariter vett.; palpare Or.; vulgarem 
in modum (vel vulgart commendatione) 
Wes.; volgari cum ambitioso Reid (Cl. 
Rev. xi. 351); vulgarie Miiller, cf. σεῖς 
garius ap. Nonium, p, 488. 

2. ei] HD; τὲ M. 

ut de] HD; wide M; uti de alii. 

adeptum| ademptum M. ᾿ 


Ee. 509 (Fam. xu. 70). 


sic] del. Wes. 

tribuo] <id> tribuo Wes. Vide Comm. 
ut hoc] Crat,; in hoe codd, 

T. Ampium] tam piwm HD}. 


Ep. 510 (Fam. x11. 71). 


T. Agusius] LL. Augusius H. 
usu] codd.; «sui M*. Vide Comm. 


Ep. 511 (Fam. xi. 72). 


1. facturum] MD; esse facturwm H. 
2. hoc] D; hac MH. 

commodandi] commendandi codd. 
relicuum] M3 reliquum HD. 
benigne feceris}] M: denefeceris HD. 


Ep. 512 (Fam. xu. 17). 


1, Μ᾽] m. codd. 

venit] veni M. 

2. cognosti] M ; cognovisti JAD. 

potest aed Man.; postea codd.; post 
mea Lamb, Miller; postea mea vel postea 
hac coni. Miiller: possit, mea Schiitz. 

aut quae] M; aut qua D; atque H. 

"ΜΡ m. codd. 


Ep. 513 (Fam. xi. 18). 


1. qui, si] quasi Vict. vix recte. 
respondisses] sespondisses <gratwm no- 
bis fecisses> Lehmann, p. 61. 
non erat —] non erat — « nobis satis 
Secisses > Btr. . 
_ eique nec] MD; atque quae nec Fi 
2. ego] om. HD. . 


614 ADNOTA 


Ep. 514 (Fam. xi1r. 19). 


1. ΡΟΣ HD; patrem si M. 

est] add Lamb. 

‘commendationeque] om. gue H. 
absentis] ᾿ apsentis M; praesentis HD. 
-tuerere] HD; verere M. 

‘estet] M; est D; et H. 
reliquorumque] om. gue HD. 

2. summo studio et cura] HD; studia 
summo cura M; studio summo curaque ed. 
Neap. Btr. : swmmo studio summaque cura 
Ascensius; studio summo,cura (Harl. 2591) 
asyndeton bimembre. Certa lectio vix 
invenienda est. 

Maenius] M: 
vett. Vide Comm. 

cliens] diens H. 

3. est ut] est e¢ codd. 

feceris] MD!; legeris HD? marg. 

videbere] Μ; viderere H; viderer effe- 
cisse D. 

putet] pute M. 


menius HD; Memmius 


Ep. 515 (Fam. xu. 20). 


des] dese ἢ). 


magno 5101] οὐδὲ magno Wes. 


Ep. 516 (Fam. xu. 21). 


SEervio] Octavio codd. et Index M; 
octaviano Index H 

1. Avianius] Klotz ; awianus M ; aui- 
nianus HD: cf. 522. 2. 

diligendus] dligens Man. Btr.; dili- 
gentissimus Lamb. Ern. Or. 

arbitrarer| arbitrer H. 

Sicyone] Sycione H et § 2. 

eum] om. H. 

Cibyrae] Cybire H. 

plura] plurima H. 

2. Avianium] avinianum H. 

tum etiam] ¢wm guodetiam Ern. ; twm 
etiam quod Lamb. 

Hammonium]  secludere vult Man. 
sed vide Sjégren ‘Comm. Tull.,’ p. 161. 

quem tibi commendo] del. Ern. Btr. 

pudentem|] M; prudentem HD. — 


Ἐν. 517 (Fam. xu. 22), 


ie diligentissimeque] om. gue H. 


. commendabat] commendarat Ern., fort. 


recte. 
quam] om. μὰ 
2..cui]) M?HD: om. M}, 
iuveris] iuweris HD; iueris M: . cf, | 


506 fin. et 518. 2. 


110 CRITICA. 


Ep. 518 (Fam. xu.’ 23). 


1. tuo] 
recte. 

2. et est] om. θέ vett.; is Klotz.. 

ei] om. HD 

iuveris|] <iuueris HD ; 
517. 2. 

et mihi] om. e¢ HD. 


meo cod: Bact: sae haud 


iueris M: cf. 


Ep. 519 (Fam, χισῖ. 24), 


1. memineram] ed. Neap. ; meminerim 
codd. 

2. gratias] grates H. 

cum] quod Wes., praeter necessitatem. 
Vide Comm. ad 494. 4. 

3. itaj om. HD. 

unisque] D3; unusgue H; wisque M. 

officiis liberalitate] officiis et liberalitate 
Ascensius, male. 


_ Ep. 520 (Fam. χιπι. 25). 


Hagesaretus] Hegesaretus Ern.: cf. 
Caes. B.C. 11. 35. 2; Hegesaratus Ursinus; 
Hagesistratus Pluygers. 

hospitem] Lamb.; 
codd. . 

familiarem meum] M Lamb. ; 
meum HD. 


hospitem meum 


om. 


Ep. 521 (Fam. xu. 26). 


1. ea mecum necessitudine] MD; ea 
causa et necessitudine mecum H; e0 mecum 
necessitudine Krn., quod Boot (Obs. Crit., 
p- 24) respuit quia eo . . . guod pro ideo 

quod étsi saepe in Caesare et in Livio 
reperiatur, non sit Tullianum: addit ipse 
re ante mecum. Fort. ea <causa> (i.e. ed) 
mecum necessitudine. . 
accepi semper gravem] accepissem per'- 
gravem M. 

te] δέ codd. 

magnum] magni Mendelssohn. 
Comm. 

pondus habituras] add. codices de- 
teriores. 

2. Eli] 


Vide 


‘codd. (forma rarissima) ; ΤΩ 


‘(forma usitata) Lamb., fort. recte: sed 


vide Comm. 


3. possis] codd.; posses Ern. Btr. 
Wes. Miiller, fort: recte, Vide Pon, 
id] om. HD, 


arbitramur | arditrabamur Lamb.” 


ADNOTATIO ORITICA. 


: Ep. 522 (Fam. x11, 27). 


‘1. vos soletis] | Vict.; voletis MD: 
videtis H; al..videt D? marg. 

2. ΟΣ; Avianius] -M; cauinius HD: 
of. ad 516.1. . 

Aemili Aviani] aemili auianiani M; 
emiliant HD}; al. Emuli Auiani D? marg. 

iucund. et coni.] HD; om. e¢ M fort. 
recte: ef. 523 fin.; iucundissimo con- 
iunctissime Vict. 


Ep. 523 (Fam. xi. 28 a). 


1. cuipiam] HD; cupiam M. 

grata, sed} grata <sunt> sed Wes. 
haud necessario. 

2. 16] HDs eM. 

sed sunt duo quae] nos; sed duo quae 
codd.; sunt duo quae Wes.; sed duo 
quidem vett.; sed duo Lamb. 

adiuves| adiuwes HD; adiues M ut 
fere semper: cf. 506 fin. 

3. tibi confirmo] HD; om. M. 


- . Ep, 524 (Fam. xu. 28-3). 


Novam: epistulam primus incepit Ma- 
nutius. 

1. meei] HD; mei M. 

2. iudicasse | Wes. ; iudicare codd. 

quom] vett.; quam M; om. HD. 

postulabit iis] coni. Wes. ; ; postulat 
ut his codd. 


78). 


Haec et omnes epp. ad finem libri xvi° 
inveniuntur in codice Erfurtensi (F), nunc 
Berolinensi. 

1. Sicyonius] Sycionius H ut saepe. 

liberalitas| MD; Uidertas FH. 

2. ego} Ὧν: ergo HF. 

τυ λο patefacto codd. 

eum] ‘om. HDF. 

peto ut] peto etiam ut HDF, 

complectare] MD; amplectare HF. 


Ep. 525 (Fam. x11. 


Er. 526 (Fam. xu. 79). 

_Avianium] avinium codd. 

audieram] HF forma usitatiore apud 
Ciceronem : cf. N eue- Wagener 1119, 459 ; 
audiueram MD.’ 

patre] patri M. 

Avianius] MHF; avinius Ὁ. 


| , 


615 
Bp. 627 (Pau. vt. 8). 


i, fgnont) GR; quod M. 

conuessent] «οὶ» consuessent Streicher, 
p. 187. 

eorum animos ] atiam negare R, insigne 
exemplum verborum verbis proximis re- 
petitis expulsorum. 

_Togationi] M; rationt GR; rogationt 
<vel eflagitationi> Wes. coll. 390. 2, vix 
necessario. Vide Comm. 
᾿ς ut esses in Sicilia] wut esse singuli a M ; 
te esse in sicilia R; et in es G. 


Ἐ quuoad velles | guoad vellet G; quo aduelles 


2. subsidas] Μ; <ut> subsidas Wes. 
Btr. ; subsideas GR. 
- commorandum} commemorandum M. 

adiuvat] GR; adiuat M ut fere semper ; 
adiuvabit Ern. Wes. 

quod ] GR; aut quod M. 

3. Furfanio] furfano MR; fursano G, 
idemque ad 528. 

diligentissime] dignissime G. 


Ep. 528 (Fam. vi. 9). 


Furranio] oe MR; fursano G. 


1, patre]_ M; poe G; pater R. 

usi sumus ] GR; sumus M ; sum usus 
Biicheler. 

hune] Incipit. fol. palimpsesti Tauri- 
nensis (Taur.). 

ut non ullo] R; ut non nullo MG; 
nullo ut (Taur.), quod tolerari potest, sed 
R melior est. Vide Madvig ad Fin. iii. 
50, p. 430. 

2. Nihil attinet ...tueri] om. Taur. 

sit] Lamb. ; est codd. 

vides] Taur.; wtdes M; μὲ des GR. 


Relicuum] — relicum Taur. ; ; reliquum 
codd. 
est] esse Taur. 


cognorim] M ; cognoverim GR; εν 
nouim 'l'aur. © 

pluribus rebus] om. Taur. 

sentias| Taur.; sentires codd. : 

es] Taur. Wes. ; esses codd. 

Hoc... vale] om. Taur. 


Ep. 529 (Fam. y. 16). 


Titto] «ΥΣ Titio edd. nobel: fort. 
recte. . 

1. accommodatus] accinoddlien M; 
accommodandus R. 

maerore] MG; dolore R. 


616 


adhibere] GR?; hibere MR!. 

2. proposita sit] GR; propost M. 

vivamus] GR; vituamus M. 

eos casus] GR; 60 casu M. 
' 8. Neque] Sed neque Wes. fort. recte. 

perturbatio] perbatio M ; probatioGR; 
prolatio Graevius. 

4, si tuarum] 
rum GR. 

ex quasi] Bengel; e¢ quast codd; in 
gua si codices deteriores nonnulli. 

rectis studiis] GR; recti si studiis M. 

adis] M; ad diis GR. 

5. referetur] R; referretur MG. 

6. umquam] R; wmgquam si M; nun- 
quam si α. 

anteferre] codd.; ante afferre Streicher ; 
antevertere Cobet. Fort. ante referre. 

functum viri] Orelli; funetwrum codd. 
(sed 6! functum). 

velim] vellim M. 


st duarum M ; assidua- 


Ep. 530 (Fam. xv. 18). 


1. autem, si] omittere st vult Mendels- 
sohn ; etiam si vett.; autem <si fuisset 
nihil ni>si Miller. , 

habuisset] habuissem Lamb. 

in culina] Fort. iwcunda. Vide Comm. 

molesta est] in palaestra est Man.; in 
oleo est. coni. Btr.; in duto est Mendels- 
sohn; in molestia est Lambini amicus 
(ap. Graevium ii. p. 419); in molis est 
vel ad molas est Schoell. 

facio] facile patior Boot; sed vide 
Comm. 

2. tua] om. HDF. 


Ep. 531 (Fam. xv. 16). 


1. iam] del. Ernesti. 

quem] Gronovius; cum codd. 

ante] ante te (retento cum) Btr. . 

oppressit] HF; operis sit M; oppres- 
serit Ὦ. 

scidam] M3; scedam HF; cedulam D. 

Sed non... exigam] ap. Nonium 
p- 291. . Vide Comm. 

exspectabo]  spectabo codd. Nonius. 
Vide Comm. 

nescio qui] mescio guid codd. 

Insuber] insuper codd. 

᾿Επικούρειο5 Mendelssohn ; epicureius 
codd, 

nominat] Μ΄; nominatus HDF. 

2. possent] MHF; possint D; possunt 

es. ; 

quod quae] nos; om. quae codd.; guod 
cum Man. Lamb. 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


velis] vel iis Vict.; vel Ern.; velis 
nolis Koch; nobis Klotz; quod velis (ex 
véla -orum) currunt criticus quidam in 
‘Athenaeo’ Londinensi coll. Tusce. iii. 25. 

incurrunt] HDF; currunt M; accur- 
runt vulg.; occurrunt Vict. 

sit] μέ sit codd. (sed wt ortum est ex 
proximo ut). 

ovcurrat| accurrat Lamb. Wes. 

coepero| cepero FH; coero M, 

3. stomachabere| stomachavere M. 

αἱρέσει] Or.; heresi codd. 

iam biennium ,.. voluptatis] ap. No- 
nium, p. 278, sed is omittit aut triennium. 

postea quam] possessaguam MD; pos- 
sessa HF. 

putaram] Wes.; putarim codd. 

Quiid] Schiitz; guid codd. 


Ep. 532 (Fam. vi. 7). 


1. inepte] 
Martyni-Laguna. 

cum mendum] R; commendum M ; com- 
mentum G. 

litura | 

multetur] 

25 nos 
non GR. 

optaret] GR; obtaret M; 
vett. 

persuasus est | 
Comm. 

sunt] G Wes. Btr. ; διέ MR Mendelss. 
Miller. 

3. refugiens] M; fugiens GR. 

incitatum] Μ΄; mutatum GR. 

beneficium] om. Lamb. 

vinctum] M; unetum G; victum R. 

4. contremesco] contremisco G. 

num] MR; zon G. 

porro] potero G. 

offendam]| *reprendo aliquem vel re- 
prendam (cum volet) Wes. Vide Comm. 

sentire] om. Ern. 

et auferret|] et aut auferret Btr.; et 
offerret GR. 

5. summa] swmma me Lamb. 

vides] M; videas GR. 

adeius|] apud eius vett. 
saepe invenitur: vide Comm. 

omnis] familiaris omnis Kayser. 

6. esse onus] M; est onus GR. 

in amicitia] inimicitia codd. 

impudenter] imprudenter G. 

consuesti] M; consueris R ; censueris G. 


impense Wes.; inepto 


lit(¢jera codd. 
Μ΄; multet R: mulcet G. 
. quin|] quinon... qui 


optarit 


Ad = apud 


Ep. 533 (Fam. σι. 5). 
A.] Antonio G, . 


Non mutandum: vide 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


1, tuumvideo] M?; tuum vidi codd, 

2. prospiciam] proficiam G. 

puto] M3; putes GR. 

3. Qua re .. . summamque virtutem] 
Locus difficilis, de quo quantulacunque 
dicere possumus diximus in Comm, 

fvirtutem] eloguentiam Schitz; <di- 
cendi> virtutem Koch ; venustatem Klotz. 
Alii alia. Vide Comm. 

vivunt] G?R; vivum MG!. 


Ep. 534 (Fam. vi. 18). 


1. Simul atque] G et M (Index) ; 
simul MR, : 

senatum] Lamb. ; senatu codd. 

2. nos} GR; wos M; swos Biicheler 
bene, quem sequuntur edd. recentes praeter 
Mendelss. Btr. confert Att. v. 11. 6 
(200), ubi δὲ ad wos correctum est a Cor- 
rado in is ad suos.- 

_ Paciaeci] M; paciaeti R; pacifiear 
(sed -ficar man. sec.) G. 

illas] <d¢t alii. 

Salasso] MR; salustius G. 

eius| M; om. GR. 

deducere] adducere G. 

3. De] M; om. GR. 

4, mel iudici] RM? ; me iudici M'G. 

tamen personare| Vict. ; tam imperso- 
nare codd. 

5. sum] om. G. 

delectant] R Miiller; 

es. 

Domus] nunc domus Ern. Wes. (cum 
delectabant). Excideret facilius iam. 

6. etcetera] del. vett. Sed vide Comm. 


delectabant MG 


Ep. 535 (Fam. tv. 1+). 


1. Coreyrac] corcyre codd.; Coreyra 
Martyni- Laguna. 

gratulabare] GR; gratulabere M. 

possis] posse M?. 

relicuum] relicum M; relictum GR. 

ostentat] M?G cf. 496, 2 (carebam) ; 
ostendat R; ostentet M!, quod verum esse 
potest. 

2. metum] M; mecumG; mewm R. 

saluti suae | MR; salutis suae M'; 
suae salutis G. 

3. sed ego] MG; quod ego R. 

videam]| video Wes. 

peri M!; guids sim M?GR. 


Ep. 536 (Fam. tv. 10). 
1. erat] ' GRM (Index); om. M.. 


617 


2. nisi] om. GR. 

idque] Vict.; atque codd. ; : atque: id 
Orelli. 

valeret]. M; pres eet GR. 

quid mihi] quod mihi codd. 


Ep. 537 ΠΕ 1x. 10}. 


1. Vidium] Μ΄; widicwm H; ; tudicum 
D; nidium 1) (marg. ). 

Aristarchus| ut Aristarchus Kayser. 

2. te] add. Aldus. 

Oblitusne] od/itosne M. 

cularum] cwlinarum vel cochlearum vel 
gallinarum vel ferculorum vett.; sqguillarum 
Gronovius; salarwm (‘trout Ἢ Gurlitt ; 
ieientaculorum (pro ingentium cularum) 
Palmer. Fort. caulium (i.e. brassicarum) 
ita ut putare possis σοφίαν iliam, quam 
Septima, uxor fortasse Niciae, loquacitate 
inepta in cena professa sit, eam esse quam 
praeceperit rusticus ille Offellus ‘ abnormis 
sapiens crassaque Minerva’ (Hor. Sat. ii. 
2, 3) nempe quanta sit virtus parvo vivere. 
Sed potest quoque ea esse quam Nasidienus 
docuerit (ib. 8. 92): vide Comm. 


sophia] sepia Pantagathus; σοφίας 
Gurlitt. 
Septimae] septume HD; Septimiae 


Pantagathus ; ἐπιτομῇ Gurlitt. Nobisin 
mentem venit cum σοφιᾳ πεπτικῇ. In tali 
loco insanabili fas est ingenio vago in- 


dulgere. 

quidem] om. M. 

ne habeat] wt habeat Wes. Vide 
Comm. 


3. in aliqua] wt in aliqua Hy; aut in 
aliqua D. 

Sullae] syllae MH. 

ceteroqui] M!; cetera gui ΜΗ. 

hasta Caesaris refrixerit] Nimium sa- 
gaciter odoratur Gurlitt (cf. Rh. Mus. 
(1902) 350) obscenitatem sub honestis his 
verbis sublatentem (hasta = mentula: cf. 
fortasse, Att. xvi. 11.1 (799), certe Priap. 
xiii. » etsi Sulla plane vetulus fuisset, 
ut O. KE. Schmidt indicavit. 


Ep. 538 (Fam. vi. 1). 


nemo qui MG, 


1. nemoque 
M ; wi segbam G ; ubi 


ubivis quam 
unquam R, 

ubi sit] Wes. ; ubi est εὐ 

quisquis] : codd.; guisque Wes, Miiller. 
Vide Comm. 

cogunt], GR; coguntur M,: 

2. ab altera...interitu] om. GR. 

selunctum] vett.; iunctum M. ᾿ 


618 ADNOTATIO 
_ certo] certe GR. 

8. loco] dono M. 

sentire | sentire voluerimus G. 


videbamur sequi] videbatur sed sequi 
codd. 

tam] tamen codd. 

4. putarimus] M; 
putaremus G. 

aliqua rebus ] GR. Btr. ; ; aliqua e rebus 
ΟΜ; aliqua de rebus Wes. ; aliquae rebus 
Miiller. Vide Comm. ; 

5. veniebat] veniebant codd. 

quae] GR; quem M. 

auctoritatibus | GR ; 
nostris M. Vide Comm. 

alterum utrum] alterutrorum G. 

6. quod] GR; quid M. 

nec] om. G. 

reparata aliqua] nos; aliqua M; re- 
parata GR; vrecreata aliquando coni. 
Streicher (p. 176). 

sis is] Klotz (cf. 390. 2, δὲ nos τὶ 
sumus); st sis codd. ; sis vett. 

ea es ubi nata| Μ; es ubi nata Ri; 
cet a G. 

. debebam] M; debeam GR. 
cata) Vict. ; gui codd. 
navare] navigare G (quiom. aliquid). 


putaverimus R; 


auctoritatibus 


Ep. 539 (Fam. vi. 3). 


A] Antonio G. 

1. ut] GR; aut M. 

2. sclam | Lamb. : sevo codd. 

divinare nemo] M: divinari non GR. 

ὃ. tale] <tum> tale Wes. 

‘vel ante] del. vel Kayser; vel simu 
vel> ante Hofmann. 

sit] erit Pluygers. 

dixit] codd. ; duait Crat. 
~ 4. aut eorum] MG; auctorum R ; vic- 
torum Streicher. 
- discesserunt | 
eodd. 
- auteorum quiremanserunt]| Haec sup- 
pleverunt codices nonnull: deteriores, 
velut cod. Balliolensis ut traditur et codex 
Alani et nostratis et nostri (sed is om. 
eorum) ; om. codd.; del. Mendelssohn, qui 
scripsit guam-quemvis eorum. qui dissense- 
vint (vel dissenserunt) sc. a consilio tuo 
post pugnam Pharsalicam in exsilium 
abeuntis.. Ingeniose confert 486. 3, sed 


Benedict;  discesserint 


vide Comm. Fort. scribendum est quam — 


Ατηρ victorum qui <vivi> discesserint. 
te uti] te ut M; ut.teG; vite R. 


y Er. 540 Ldecane i vi. 4), 
ῬΈ ‘Untonve αι: τον 7 


ORITIC A. 


.l. quod] R; quid MG. εν A: 

bellum] . bellum < ‘fore> Lamb. 

videmur] MG.; videtur R Vict. 

- non quo ego certo sciam, sed quod haud] 
Codex Ursini (teste Graevio) et codex 
quidam Alani; non quo sed quod M (in 
margine lacunae signo posito) GR (sine 
ullo signo); mon -quorsum quod Panta- 
gathus; on quo (cum aposiopesi velut 
‘alteri utri.victoriam optem’) . . . sed 
quid 2? Orelli; non quomodo sed quid coni. 
Wes. ; sed quid Schiitz, et fieri potest ut 
non guo .adnotatio sit lectionis variae 
(sc. guo pro guod) reiciendae; non quo 
secundum (sed) quos (coll. Tac. Hist. iii. 1) 
Mendelssohn. 

quam] cum coda. . 

2. levare] elevare Bake. 

debebam| Lamb.; debeam codd. 

malorum| matorwn M. 

quae ad] quae et ad Lamb. (marg.). 

putaramus| Lamb. ; putaremus codd. 

illis} aliis Ern. Madv. (A.C. ili. 158). 

exspectare| eaispectare M. 

3. velit] velim M. 

qui] quod (cum miserrimum) vett. 

miserrimos] GR Madvig ; miserrimo 


ΜῈ; miserrimum M?. 


quam si] G; guam et si MR. 

4. dolore] % dolore Lamb. 

plus] _prius codd. 

in hac] om. in Crat. 

Adiuvat] GRM*; adiuat Μι ut fere 
semper. 

etiam] vett.; iam codd. 

acta iam]. M; ea GR. 

cursu] cw Μ. 

delectat] Wes. ; delectatur codd. 

vetat] om. GR. 


impudentia] impudentis Lamb. 

desino] <timere> desino Wes. (Em. 
p. 85), Lehmann (p. 106): sed vide 
Comm. ᾿ 

longiores] Jlongioris M. 


5. quaeque] RM?; quae gui M!,; 


| quae G. 


Ere. 541 (Fam. xv. 17). 


-1. petasati] M3; ‘petunt statim ut 
HDF. 
alteras iam habebis] HDF; om. iam M. 
2. tamen] M; wt tamen HDF. . 
Ρ. ] Aldus; d. codd. ; del. Bengel.: 
cruditate] MD; erudelitate HF. 
hasta] asta M. 
Whigcinen Weiske, Madvig; MMar- 
cellus codd. ᾿ Vide Comm. 
et Attius) M; et atinis D; : Lhe F; 


 ettuus. H}; ‘etstuns H?, 


ADNOTATIO CRITICA. 


gaudebant] DF; gaudebunt H; gaude- 
bat M. 

3. De Hispania novi] MD; de his- 
paniano H?F ; de hispanio H!'. 

K.]  codd. praeter F ; Non Εἰ. 

coepisti] cepisti codd. 

eum] MD; om. HF. 

4. Tn] om. HDF. 

amaimus] MD; animus HF. 


Ep. 542 (Fam. xv. 19). 


1. Catiana] catina codd. 

2. exurbe|] exur M. 

nostrorum] M; nostrum HDF. 

omnibus] hominibus codd. 

ea] MD; om. HF. 

3. Epicurus] ipicurus M. 

φιλόκαλοι et} om. HF. 

quaesiit] MD; guaesivit HF. 

set] Orelli; e¢ codd. Miller; del. 
Wes. : 

sectorem] M; sertorem D ; sectatorem 
HF, ji 

4. quid} MD; om. HF. 

rescribe] MD; vescribere HF. 

Gnaeus| en. codd. 
_ fatuus}] MD; facius H; facilius F. 

scis ... putet] om. HF. 

derisum] M; «wrisum 1). 

Hui, quam] M; wt quam HDF. 


ista] HDF; sta M Mendelssohn: ef. 


ad 494. 2. 
me] meque ed. Neap. Wes. 


619 


Er. 543 (Fam. 1x, 18). 


1. Subernius] M3 5. 
ubernius 10. 

putaret] HD; putare M; putarat vulg. 

2. item] item ut H; item uti D. 

maiore] M; maiori HD. 

3. incolumis] om. H. 

cum municipio] twm municipio Btr. ; 
sed vide Comm, 

Caleno] om. ΗΠ’ 

4, dicere] om. HD. ; 

contendasque] M; contendas quod D: 
om. H. 

ut perficias] om. μέ H. 


ubernius HH: 


Ep, 544 (Fam. xiri. 16). 


1. ex] de Lamb. Wes. Vide Comm. 

perbene] Schiitz ; per me codd. ; optime 
laamb.; praeclare Klotz; mnuper optime 
Krauss. iy 

eximiis] Klotz ; ex his codd.; its Ern. 

feceras| Madvig ; feceram ccdd. quod 
fortasse defendi potest. Vide Comm. 

libertum] HD; diberum M. 

2. quod eos] HD; quos M; quo cod. 
Med. (49. 7). 

3. arbitrarer] M; arbitrer HD. 

mei] meum codd. 

ei] HD; eH. 

4, cupiebat| cupit Ern. 

iampridem| iam diu pridem H. 

Opinionis] opiniones M 

‘mihi] HD; om. M. 


LIS! OF ABBREVIATIONS, 


FREQUENTLY USED, ESPECIALLY THOSE USED IN ADNOTATIO 


CRITICA. 

M = codices Medicei; in Epp. ad Fam. 49, 9; in the other Epistles, 
49,18. (See Introduction to Vol. 1%, pp. 94 ff., 101 ff.) 

M!} = codices M a prima manu. 

gu = codices M a secunda manu. 

marg. = codices M secundum correctionem marginalem. 

G = codex Harleianus 2773, formerly belonging to Graevius. (See 
Introd. to Vol. I’, p. 96.) 

R (fin Fam.) = codex Parisinus 17812. (See Introd. to Vol. 15, p. 96.) 

H (in Fam.) = codex Harleianus’'2682. (See Introd. to Vol. [3, p. 97.) 

F (in Fam.) = codex Erfurtensis, now Berolinensis. (See Introd. to Vol. 1", 
p. 98.) 

D = codex Palatinus Sextus. (See Introd. to Vol. I’, p. 99.) 

C = codices Cratandrini. (See Introd. to Vol. 15, pp. 100 and 113.) 

Crat. = Cratander’s edition, 1528. 

E = codex Ambrosianus, Εἰ 14. ' 

N = codex Florentinus, n. 49. ᾿ 

H (in Att.) = codex Landianus, n. 8. 

O = codex Taurinensis, i. v. 34. 

P = codex Parisinus 8536. 

R (in Att.) = codex Parisinus 8538. 

Rav. = codex Ravennas. (See Boot, ed. 2, pp. xiv—xxiii.) 

8 = codex Urbinas 322, bibl. Vatic. . 

= = agreement of ENHOPor of EOR or ORP. (See Introd. to Vol. 15, 
pp. 107-112.) 

Δ = agreement οἵ M and 8, 

Vie. = codex (perhaps the Tornesianus) referred to in the margin of the 
second ed. of Lambinus. 

Z = codex Tornesianus. (See Introd. to Vol. 15, p. 114.) 

Zl = codex Tornesianus teste Lambino. 

Zb = codex Tornesianus teste Bosio. 

Zbt = codex Tornesianus testibus et Bosio et Turnebo. 

Ber. Ham. = codex Berolinensis ex bibliotheca Hamilton 166. 


Ant. = codex Antonianus. 


LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. 621 


F (in Att.) = codex Faérninus. 
codd. τ = agreement of either all or most of the principal codices. 
vett. = the older editors. | ie 
vulg. = the reading adopted in most editions. 
- Rom. = editio princeps Romana (Rome, 1470). 
Ι ᾿ = editio Iensoniana (Venice, 1470). 
Asc. = Ascensius (Paris, ed. 1) 1511; (ed. 2) 1522. 
Vict. = Victorius (Venice, 1534-15387). 
Mur, = Muretus (Variae Lectiones, Venice and Paris, 1559-86). 
Mal. = Malaspina (Venice, 1563). 
Lamb. = Lambinus (Paris, 1546; 2nd, 1584, with notes of Orsini). 
L (marg.) = Readings in the margin of the second edition of Lambinus. 
Man. = Paulus Manutinus (Venice, 1563). 
Bos. = Simeo Bosius (Epp. ad Att., Limoges, 1580). 
Graev. = Graevius (Amsterdam, 1684). 
Gron.: - = Gronovius (Leyden, 1692). 
Ern. = Ernesti (Leipzig, 1737). 
Sch. = Schiitz (Halle, 1809). 
Bill. =,Billerbeck (Hannover, 1836). 
Or. = Orelli (Ztirich, 1845). 
Boot =I.C. G. Boot (Epp. ad Att., Amsterdam, 1865; ed. 2, 1886). 
Btr. = Baiter and Kayser (Leipsic, 1867). 
Wes. = Wesenberg (Teubner text, 1872, 1873. 
Mendelssohn = Ludovicus Mendelssohn, Epp. ad Fam. (Leipzig, 1893). 
Hofm. = Fr. Hofmann, Ausgewahlte Briefe von M. Tullius Cicero (3rd ed., 


by George Andresen, 1895). 
Siipfle-Boeckel = Ciceronis Epistulae Selectae, ed. K. F. Siipfle, 10th ed. by Dr. 
E. Boeckel (Karlsruhe, 1893). 


Bardt = Ausgewahlte Briefe aus Ciceronischer Zeit von C. Bardt. 1896. 

Miller = Miiller’s Teubner text, 1896-1898. 

Boissier = Gaston Boissier’s Cicéron et ses amis (ed. 7), 1884. 

Boot ‘‘ Obs. Crit.’? = Boot’s Observationes Criticae ad Cic. Epp. (Amsterdam, 1880). 

Conway = R. 8. Conway’s The use of the singular mos in Cicero’s Letters. 
(Cambridge, 1899). 

Ferrero = Guglielmo Ferrero, The Greatness and the Decline of Rome, 
vol. ii (English Translation), 1909. 

Heidemann = Ad. Heidemann’s De Ciceronis in Epistulis verborum ellipsis usu 
(Berlin, 1893). 

Hellmuth =H. Hellmuth, Ueber die Sprache der Epistolographen S. 
Sulpicius Galba et L. Cornelius Balbus, Wiirzburg Programm, 
1888. 

Lange = Ludwig Lange, Rémische Alterthiimer, vol. iii (ed. 2, Berlin, 
1876). 

Lebreton = Jules Lebreton, Etudes sur la langue et la grammaire de Cicéron 


(Paris, 1901). 


622 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. 
Lehmann = Karl Lehmann, Quaestiones Tullianae (Prague and Leipzig, 
ὦ - 1886). . 

Lehmann ‘ Att’ = Karl Lehmann, De ΕΓ ad Atticum epistulis recensendis et 
emendandis (Berlin, 1892), 

Madv. = Madvig’s Latin Grammar, Eng. Trans. (ed. 3), 1856. 

Madv. (A. C.) = Madvig, Adversaria Critica (Copenhagen, vol. ii, 1873; vol. iii, 
1884). 

Marquardt = J. Marquardt, Rémische Staatsverwaltung (Leipzig, ed. 2, 1881). 

Neue-Wagener = F. Nene’s Formenlehre der lateinischen Sprache, 3rd ed., von 
C. Wagener, 1902. 

Nissen - =H. Nissen, Der Ausbruch der Burgerkrieges (Historische 
Zeitung, xlvi (1881), 48-105). ; 

Otto : = A. Otto, Die Sprichworter der Rémer, 1890. 

PV = Pauly’s Real-encyclopadie, ed. G. Wissowa. 


Riemann-Goelzer = Grammaire comparée du grec et du latin par O. Riemann et 
H. Goelzer, 1897. 


Roby = H. J. Roby’s Latin Grammar, 1886. 

Schmidt = 0. ἡ. Schmidt, Der Briefwechsel des M. Tullius Cicero ΓΕ. 
1898). ' 

Sjogren = H. Sjégren, Commentationes Tullianae (Uppsala, 1910). 

Stinner = Aug. Stinner, De eo quo Cicero in epp. usus est sermone (Oppeln, 
1879). 

Sternkopf = (1) W. Sternkopf’s Quaestiones Chronologica de rebus a Cicerone 
gestis (July 30, 50 B.c. to June 7, 49 B.c.), Marburg Disserta- 
tion, 1884. 

(2) Zur Chronologie und Erklaérung der Briefe Cicero’s (48- 

47 x.c.), Dortmund Programm, 1891. 

Streicher = Oscar Streicher’s De Ciceronis Epp. ad Fam. emendandis (in 
Comm. philol. Ienenses, 1884). 

Wes, (Em.) = A. S. Wesenberg, Emendationes M. Tullii Ciceronis Epistolarum 

(Copenhagen, 1840). 
Wes. (EH. A.) = A. S. Wesenberg, Emendationes alterae ad Ciceronis Epistolarum 


editionem (Leipzig, 1878). 


ORDER OF LETTERS, 


Parr VE. 
᾿ 
: ; Year of Place at 
aes Vulg Date. ce ) Cicero’s which 
᾿ ᾿ es Life. written. 
801 Fam. xvi. 11 January 12 705 (49 57 | Before Rome. 
302 ἊΣ γ. 20 in (middle), 5 ᾿ 4 
303 Att. vir. 10 ‘3 8 ne Ἔ Leaving Rome 
304 ΠΕ WETe bk - 10S τ i ‘Tarracina (Ὁ) 
305 je Wile 12 5 21 or 22, Ἢ se Formiae. 
306 Fam. xiv. 18 es 22, - as "ἢ 
907 ΙΑ Vit. loa τι 23, - ΡΒ Minturnae. 
308 ὙΠ, 190 μι 23 or 24, 3 3 "ἢ 
809 =| Fam. xiv. 14 e 23, Ἢ a a 
310 ἍΤ. Vine 11 " 25, ie Σ Cales. 
311 ΠῚ ΤΟ - 26, ᾿ ae Capua. 
312 Fam. xvi. 12 5 24, am ἊΝ 5 
915. |.Att. VII. : Ἂ 28, δι iv (4165. 
314 Fam. XVI. February 2, - ᾿. Formiae. 
Va Cicero to "Tiro) 
315 Vu. Li ὃ; 2, ᾿ τ “ 
316 a ὙΠ 18 τ 3(eany), Ἢ τ at 
317 ” vir, 19 ” 3, ” ”9 ; 3) 
318 + NID. 20 i 5, | - Capua. 
319 x VELL 5 8, . 7 - Cales, . 
320 {i WE ὧν 5 9, ᾿ς », | Formiae. 
321 ΓΤ 2.) 0: ᾿ξ iy Re 
322 ap | VEL a δ go LU, nn », | Luceria, 
Ἶ (Pompey) | | . 
323 >> | Wit. 24 Feb. 11 (morning), i, re lormiae. 
324 .|. 5; 1 VII. 25 5, 11 (afternoon) s. a Sino F 
325 », | VIII. 128 5, (between 10 ᾿ ᾿ Luceria, 
(Pompey to Do- and 16), 
mitius) : 
826 git Wile 26 δ. 10; ὶ x Formiae. 
327 5, τες ΤῈΒ τ "Ἢ re pial 
328 Paige WET, 1 ” 16, ᾽; ᾽ν 27 


624 ORDER OF LETTERS. | 
Part VI.—contenued. 
: Year of Place in 
This Vulg. Date. A,U-C. | Cicero’s which 
Edition. (B-C.) | Tite. | ° written: ἢ 
329 Att... vim, 12'¢ | Feb, 16, 705 (49)| 57 | Luceria. 4 
(Pompey to Do- ; 
mitius) 
990 », VIII. 12D ” 11, 32 37 ” 
(Pompey to Do- 
mitius) | 
331 », Vil. 12a 9 1a, e tie | ; 
(Pompey to the | | 
Consuls) | | 
90. i Waa te array ore - »» | Formiae. 
Sue sj EEL Ὁ », 18-19, night οἱ - Ὥ Cales. 
334 Ὁ SOL 110 », 20, ἣν 9 | Canusium. 
(Pompey) | | 
990 ΡΥ ΤΙ Ἢ [dg Ὁ: (morning), | ἣν 7» Formiae. 
336 i, oN 0 | 4, 22 (evening), | : μ᾿ ean 
$337 ea. Ὁ x | ea e ὧν ss 
338 by | MTT Lae | fe δ ὃν 
339 ee ἀὉ | 24, τὶ δὲ ie 
$840 (a)} 5, VIII. 9 (1-3), ‘Marchi 30, Ἧ - Aquinum. 
340 (δ), >, Vill. 9 (9,4) February 25, s 4 Formiae. 
341 a2 VIII. 10 27 26, 9? 79 2) 
342 jock Vil ao Ὁ oF, i " τ 
343 pe Wink, 10 : ai, a4 2 ἣν 
1344 Fam. viii. 15 March 9, Ἢ ig North Italy. 
- (Caelius) 
345 Att. vir. 12 February 28, - "ἢ Formiae. 
346 ai τὰ Α ἣ ᾿ (end), a e | Rome. 
albus 
+347 0 March 8, τ Me Canusium(?). 
(Caesar to Oppius 
and Balbus) 
348 », Viir. 13 ee ey, 1 Formiag 
349 39 vin. 14 99 2, 4) ᾽᾽ 39 
380 an WAIL Lo a 3, ἠδ Ἢ ss 
+351 So ak TA 55  ¢ (about), Ἧς Ἔ Rome, 
(Balbus and 
Oppius) 
352 Wi, 16 Ἶ 4, ΕΣ 2 Formiae. 
353 ” Ix. 1 9 6, ” 3.) wD 
7354 ”? Ix. 7B 23 9) 39 ” Rome. 
350 ( Balbus) 
Pies aaa” ΕἾ ie εῇ ᾿ Formiae. : 
306 » IX. 2a ” 8, ” | ” 9 


+ These letters are left in the places in which they stood in the first edition, in 
order that the references throughout the other volumes and the Index may not prove 
untrustworthy. 


ORDER OF LETTERS. 


! 


Part V1.—continued. 


625 


Ϊ 
fi Year of Place at 
ἘΝ : Vulg. Date. vere Cicero’s which 
᾿ Ἴ Life. written. 
+357 Att. Ix. 6A ,| March 6 (about), | 705 (49)} 57 |On march to 
(Caesar). Brundis im. 
358 τ Xx. 5 rege iy $6 Formiae. 
359 oo ae » 10, 2 . ” 
360 32 Ix. 6 29 11. 99 2} 3» 
861 λυ She », 12, ᾽» »» ᾽» 
962 ne) TX at 9 10, 5 ” ” 
363 A χ᾽ 9 11 ” ys » 
364 3) ΙΧ. 9 79 11, 4 3} 3) 
9θὅ io) το », 18, ᾿ ” 9 
366 i. UR LA », 19 or 20, : » ” 
367 ” Ιχ 11 3) 20, ” ” ” 
368 ἽΝ ix, 12 ey 29 ” ” 
369 eel OT) yg Ὁ; ᾽» »» ” 
+370 ee dS A »» 22, » », | Rome. 
(Balbus) 
371 ” Ix. 13 (8) 29 24, 9 ” Formiae. 
372 79 Ix. 14 3 295 ” ” 2) 
373 ” 1x. 15 (1-5) ” 25, 2} 9 ” 
373 a ” Ix. 15 (6) 39 26, 29 ” ” 
374 Jt) ΙΧ. 16 39 26, Eh ) 3) tH 
3785 9 ΤΧ 17 ” 27, ” ” ” 
376 So I Ὁ 20 or 29, a ms Aquinum (?), 
BY i a Ix. 19 April 1, ΕἾ Ἢ Arpinum, 
378 5 x 1 See oh oe ἊΞ Laterium. 
379 » x. 2 oo Or, ΓΕ ms Arcanum. 
380 ” p Agee. ” 7, ” ” ᾽9 
381 jn 2 Be Oe oo ds 9 ᾿ 
982 ” x 4 ”» 15: ᾽) 4) Cumae. 
383 na x. 94 3 AO, = - Intimelium. 
= (Fam. vis. 16) 
(Caelius) 
384 ” xX. ὅ ” 16, 29 ” Cumae. 
885 χὰ x. 88 - 10; ΓΕ " Intimelium. 
386 ": x. 6 », between 17 Ἢ 5 Cumae, 
and 21, 
387 Fam. Iv. 1 » 22 (about), ” ” ” 
388 Att. ΧΟ] 2} ’ ” 2) ” 
389 Fam. Iv. 2 ” end, ” ” ” 
490 25 γ 19 », end, ” ” ᾽» 
391 Att χ. BA May 1 (about), os - Campania. 
(Antony) 
992 is x. 8 93° ay Pe 3 Cumae. 


+ These letters are left in the places in which they stood in the first edition, in 
order that the references throughout the other volumes and the Index may not prove 
untrustworthy. 


VOL. IV. 


28 


626 ORDER OF LETTERS, 
Part VI.—continued. 
: : Year of | Place at 
Socal Vulg. Vulg. ΕἾ: 4 Cicero’s which 
: δ: Life. written. 
{ 
393 Att. x. 9 May 3, 705 (49) 57 Cumae. 
394 Fam, ὙΠ 10 », beginning, - ae ἐν νον αι 
99ὅ Atle. χ ᾿ῦ ὙΠΟ ἊΝ Ἂ rm 
396 ” > ey | ” +, ” ” 3} 
397 ”? xX. 12 (1-3) ” ὃ, ” ” ” 
398 eee ee ara een Η i 
399 2) x19 ” Ἷ, ” 37 ” 
400 se ee tee 9 δ, τὶ 5 ᾿ 
401 3} x. 16 i 12, 39 39 ” 
402 ” x. 16 ” 14, 2) ” ” 
403 ” x. 17 ” 16, ” ” yo > 
404 rr ΕΠ ΠΡ © a + eae 
405 Fam. xiv. 7 June 7, ee By Off Formiae. 
0 ag es Mae Oa | | January, 706 (48) 58 Epirus. 
407 egy ον ον After February 4,,; _,, a ΗΕ 
408 Fam. γα11. 17 February, eee a Rome. 
(Caelius) | 
409 rf 1. '2 May, δ pes Caesar’s camp 
(Dolabella) ‘in Epirus, 
+410 eee Oke June 2, 107 (47)| 59 | Brundisium. 
411 Att. xi, 3 i τιυ: 706 (48), 58 | Pompey’scamp 
in Epirus. 
+412 Fam, xIv, 21 June, 707 (47); 59 | Brundisium. 
413a | Att. x1. 4 (§2) oe June 14 706 (48), 458 Pompey’s camp 
and 18, 
4150 ΧΙ 18, 1) π|ν 10: τὴ Ἢ Dyrrhachium. 
414 Fam. xIv. 6 ᾿ς a a " 


+ These letters are left in the places in which they stood in the first edition, in 
order that the references throughout the other volumes and the Index may not prove © 
untrustworthy. 


co Pee ee ee een ee eee es ee eee ee a ore 


ORDER OF LETTERS. 


627 


1 
Parr VII. 
ἥ Year of Place at 

This Vulg. Date. A-U-C. | Cicero's which 
Edition. (}.6.) Life. written. 

415 Fam. xiv. 12 November 4, 706 (48); 58 | Brundisium. 

416 Att. ὙΠ, Ὁ 2) 4͵ ” om) 2) 

417 Fam. xiv. 19 Ἢ 27, i » 7) 

418 Att. ΧΙ Ὸ 3} 27, ” 9 ” 

419 Fam. xiv. 9 December 17, » ” ” 

420 | Ath. x1. 17 ‘ 1) »» » ," 

421 Fam, xiv. 17 2) 18, ” ” ” 

422 Att χε ὃ ᾿ 18, : 7 ᾿: 7) 

428 ἜΣ ον ὦ January 3, 707 (47)| 09 2 

424 Fam. ΧΙν, 16 23 ὃ ” ” 2} 

425 Att. XI. 10 29 10. 29 3) 3.9 

426 ΟΣ | March 8 (morning) a i 79 

427 eee. comb 5, 8 (evening) “a » 9 

428 ” x1. 19 Soon after Mar, δὲ ” ” | 22 

429 ee ce es April (end), Ἢ 3 

430 τ χις 10 May 14, Ἂν ra 3 ep. 410, 

431 Be ees June 3, | sd 3 ᾿» [412 

432 ais ΧΙ 17 39 13 and 14, ” ” ” 

433 Fam. xiv. 11 oe iy 7} ” 

434 Att. x1. 18 93 10 9} 9 ” 

435 Fam. xIv. 15 SC 19, ” ” ” 

436 ἈΠῸ Size July 4, a ” ” 

437 ” Ὁ Ὁ Ὁ Ὁ 32 Ὁ 9 399 3) 

438 Fam. xiv. 10 Mee ae Ὁ $8 9 

439 So, eave Vs cele: ” ” ” 

440 Att xr, 19 yo ees ” ” 22) 

441 3 ΧΙ: 24 August 6, ” ” 2) 

442 Fam. ΧΙΥ. 24 Ἢ 11} A ” ” 

443 1, Ls 20 apiece, er ‘ 

444 Ait χι ou ” 16, ᾽} 9 ” 

445 9? XI. 21 99 25, 3) ay 39 

446 ” ΧΙ, 22 4) (end), 3) > 2) 

447 Fam. xiv. 22 September 1, Ὁ ry) ” 
+448 ee 6 Ὁ ΠΟ August (last half), " ” ” 

449. creme 48 fer) ‘October 1, Ms "ἢ Venusia. 
450 ae 4 Δ] End of 708 (46), | 708 (46) 60 Rome. 

451 ,., ie -10 Beginning of 708 5» τ ” 

. (46), 
452 5) weit .11 ind, uncertain, ae »" 45 439 


+ These letters are left in the places in which they stood in the first edition, in 


order that the references 


untrustworthy. 


throughout the other volumes and the Index may not prove» 


628 ORDER OF LETTERS. 
Part VII—contenued. 

. Year of Place at 
This Vulg. Date. A-U-C. | Gicero’s which 
Edition. (B.C.) Life. written. 

453 Fam. ΧΙ 12 Month uneertain, | 708 (46); 60 Rome. 
454 joe PILED 9 ” ” ” 
455 og ee ee νὰ » Bn τ 
456 a 4 Early in year, τ: es Ἢ 
457 gi ERI 9 Ἔ ” ᾽» 2) 
458 on v. 21 April (first half), s " .: 
+459 At Sie May 4 or 5, + . ‘9 
460 Fam. Ix. 3 Betore April 20, ἊΝ " ” 
461 "ἢ Pee Soon after Apr. 20, ἢ ‘9 ” 
462 te. ioe May (end), ᾽» » ” 
463 τῇ << ὃ ” >? 2} 
4θ4 ὩΣ Ὁ Ji (? _ “i ” 
465 si Views Month uncertain, ἐν. re 9 
466 eo ee Ἢ June, Ἢ - Tusculum. 
467 Att. xt. 6,4 |June 12, i. 5 - 
+468 i at? 2 April 29, τ bs ἣΣ 
1469 4 MIL 4 May 1, ms 5 9 
470 Fam. Ix. 6 June (latter half), a ΞᾺ Rome. 
471 Att. xi. 5.1, 2! July (beginning), Ἢ τ Tusculum. 
472 Pam. ix, 10 July (first half), Es “ἢ - 
473 i158 About July 23, ᾿" is ἢ 
414 ap Sore WA aes July (about middle) Ὁ 3 ᾿ 
475 ee © Ὁ Aug. (beginning), πὴ ‘i Rome 
476 Ra γι Month uncertain, Ἢ Ὁ "ἢ 
477 va ce Ws ee August (?), = a . 
478 τὸ 1x, 19 Aug. (latter half), e - 9 
+479 - 1x. 26 November (?), Ἔ ‘3 ᾿ς 
480 ea ΣΤ Sept. (beginning), ἐξ Ἴ 3 
+481 ot ee 1 First intercalary < - ne 
month, 
482 a, a. GS September, τὰ = a 
483 -- Iv. 13 August or Sept., τ 9 » 
484 τ Iv. 15 Month uncertain, π᾿ i τ 
485 τὶ ΤΥ, 8 August or Sept., a " ‘4 
486 See ay | September, ᾿ 3 i 
487 ΗΣ Iv. 9 Ἢ ᾿ Ἢ τ 
488 Se ks Sane: ¥ (end), s vs 3 
489 ΤΑ. ΜΈ August or Sept., 5 " 9 
490) » {1.12 | | September, δὰ es i 
491 δ vi. 10, 4-6 Ἢ Pe "3 . 
492 ΤᾺ vi. 10, 1-3 o es yy és 
493 ” XII. 17 ”» ” 27 99 


t These letters are left in the places in which they stood in the first edition, in 
order that the references throughout the other volumes and the Index may not prove 
untrustworthy. 


ORDER OF LETTERS. 629 
Part VII—contenued, 
' Year of Place at 
tate Vulg. Date. “ ΠΡ] Cicero’s which 
t10n. eo Life. written. 
494 Fam, Iv. 3 September, 708 (46) 60 | Rome. 
495 2) IV. 4 3) 2) ” ” 
496 ee oe | October (middle), ; τ Mytilene. 
(Marcellus) 
497 ἣν ἘΧ | Es Ἢ τ Rome. 
498 er NE 14 Nov. 26 (old style) fe ᾿ " 
1499 (4}) Att. x11. 6, 1-2) June or July, - Tusculum, 
499 (Ὁ) ,, xu. 6,3-4| First or second 5 - 5 
intercalary month, 
500 ines 4 5 Ree Second intercalary " 2 Pe 
month, 
601 ΧΙ. Ὁ ‘5 i ᾿ i 
502 Peas cc 1 vi. Kal. Decembr. "Ἢ Ἢ 7. 
503 Fam. vi. 4 XIIII. 5 ie ἐξ Cumae. 
504 ΠΤ ΙΧ. 20 iit, Ἢ τ τ a 
505 AtG. XTi: 1 VIII. fs i Ὄ ΑΥΡΙΠΌΤΙΩ, 
+506 Fam. XI1l. 66 January, 709 (45)| 61 | Rome. 
507 ee ee 1) ἢ Month uncertain, | 708 (46)| 60 Σ 
508 », XIII. 69 ‘a " Ry ‘3 
509 es 10 is = τ 
510 i rE al re ΩΣ _ ᾿ 
611 feo ΠῚ ἢ. Ἢ - a a 
512 eee. G6 dhe of Ἂ % Ὥ ‘5 
513 uee.4 98 nl Us fs “Ὁ - a 
014 rey. 6 8 a 19 ” 27 ” 32) 
δ1 Ἐκ ΧΤΙΙ re a e oe 
516 yy Sill. 21 »» 7} " 7» 
517 sf 22 ” 25 ᾽» ” 
518 joe ea + ay ni 
519 so RE 256 29 3) ᾽») ” 
520 590 ΧΠΙ 20 ” ᾽» » ” 
521 50 ES 20 9 3 Ἢ as 
522 ee 8 re % 9 = " 
523 sar mkt: 28:0 Ἢ ” ‘3 ” 
524 ΧΕΙ 280 ἢ 45 a » 
525 ~ STS . "ὸ - + 
526 ., kit. 79 Ὗ "Ἢ Fe - 
527 ie v1. 8 December, ἊΡ is pe 
528 ” Wi, Ὁ ” ” ? 32 
529 = v. 16 Month uncertain, te) : > te 
530 a ιν End of year, τ Τὰ 


+ These letters are left in the places in which they stood in the first edition, in 
order that the references throughout the other volumes and the Index may not prove 
untrustworthy. 


630 ORDER OF LETTERS. 


Part VII—continued ; 


3 Year of Place at [ἢ 
ae Vulg. Date. Gio) Cicero’s which | 
: ee Life. written. q 
, ff 
} 631 | Fam. xv. 16 January (middle), | 709 (45); 61 | Rome. ; 
7532 OARS. 5 | », (early), ἊΝ Sicily. 
(Caecina) ; 
533 aes. ae “Ὁ (middle), , "ἢ Rome. 
534 ‘ ” Vi. 18 ? 22) ᾽) ᾽) ” 
535 Iv. 14 ‘a (?) Ἔ a ει 
536 55 Iv. 10 is ? τι Ἐ ΓΝ 
1691 Ἔχ January (early), Ἢ . τι ' 
538 a aay ΔῊ », (middle), Ἢ " i 
539 27 vi. 3 99 33 32 Le 9 
540 a νι. 7.4 Jan. (latter half), Ἢ τ ie 
7641 ee © ee », (early), , a Ἔ 
542 Se AD 5, (latter half), ἐπ Brundisium. 
(Cassius) 
543 te eae bo τι ᾿ 4 ‘3 Rome (?). 
544 ot ANTI. 18 Early in year, eo kes a Σ 
| 


+ These letters are left in the places in which they stood in the first edition, in 
order that the references throughout the other volumes and the Index may not prove 
untrustworthy. 


ORDER OF LETTERS. 


632 
1. 
LETTERS AD ATTICUM. 
Vulg. This Edition. Vulg. This Edition, 
Ti, 303 Ath. ~ 1k.-. 4 353 
304 2 355 
305 2a 356 
307 3 358 
308 4 361 
310 5 359 
311 6 360 
313 6A 367 
315 «| 362 
316 ΤΑ 961 
317 7B 354 
318 10 347 
319 8 363 
320 9 364 
321 10 365 
323 11 367 
324 11A 366 
326 12 368 
13 (1-7 369 
Att. VIII. 328 13 (8) 371 
332 134 370 
333 14 372 
335 15 (1-5) 373 
336 15 (6) 373 a 
337 16 374 
338 7 375 
339 18 376 
340 a 19 377 
340 ὁ 
341 ἘΣΤῚ 378 
342 2 379 
322 3 380 
327 3a 381 
— 9384 4 382 
948 5 984 
345 6 386 
331 7 388 
325 8 392 
329 8A 391 
330 _ SB 385 
348 9 393 
349 9a 383 
350 10 395 
346 11 396 
_ 852 12 (1-3) 397 


632 ORDER OF LETTERS. 


LETTERS AD ATTICUM—continued. 


Vulg. This Edition. Vulg. This Edition. 
Ath. 8. 12 (4-7) 398 ACs οσχῖ. .10 431 
13 399 17 432 
14 400 18 434 
15 401 19 440 
16 4()2 20 444 
17 403 21 445 
18 404 22 446 
23 437 
24 441 
Ate, UR ΠῚ 406 25 436 
2 407 
3 411 
4. 1 418 ὁ A. ἢ 505 
4.2 413 a 2 459 
5 416 3 468 
6 418 4 469 
“4 420 ὃν 1 Ὁ 411 
8 422 (to sua) 
9 428 ὅ. 4 | 467 
10 42 ὑριυ 499 a 
11 426 6, ὃ, 4 499 ὃ 
12 427 7 500 
13 428 8 501 
14 429 1 502 
15 430 


ie en ee ey 


ORDER OF LETTERS 633 


LL 
LETTERS AD FAMILIARES. 
Vulg. ‘This Edition. Vulg. This Edition 
Fam. wu. 16 394 Kani, i, 1 456 
2 461 
Fam. iv 1 387 3 460 
2 389 4 466 
3 494 5 463 
4 495 6 470 
1 486 d 462 
8 485 9 409 
9 487 10 O37 
10 536 13 043 
11 490 15 481 
13 483 16 472 
14 530 17 480 
15 484 18 473 
19 478 
Fam. v. 16 529 20 475 
19 ae) Pat 497 
20 302 23 004. 
21 458 26 479 
Pam. yi.- i 5388 Fam, xi, 17 493 
3 539 
4 540 Fam. xi. 10 451 
5 533 ii 452 
6 488 12 453 
| 532 13 454 
8 δ21 15 Ὁ 455 
9 δ28 16 δ44 
10(1-8) 492 17 512 
10 (4-6) 491 18 513 
12 490 19 514 
15 489 20 515 
14 498 91 516 © 
18 004 22 δ17 
22 465 23 O18 
24 519 
Fam. vil. 3 464 25 520 
4 003 26 621 
ry - 476 97 522 
28 477 28 a 523 
33 474 28 ὃ 524 
29 457 
Fam. vill. 1 344 66. 506 
16 383 67: 507 
17 408. mec 6G: 482 


VOL. Iv. sT 


634 ORDER OF LETTERS. 


LETTERS AD FAMILIA RES—contenued. 


Vulg. This Edition. Vulg. 1 

Fam. xu. 69 508 Fam. xiv. 17 
70 009 18 
a1 610 19 
7 oll 20 
78 025 21 
79 526 22 
| 23 
| 24 

Fam. xIv. 6 414 
7 405 Fam, xv. ‘16 
8 410 16 
9 419 17 
10 438 18 
ll 433° 19 
12 415 91 

19 439 
14 309 Fam, xvi. 9 
15 435 11 
16 424 12 


END OF VOI. IV. 


a ΨΝΝ ϑσοὉ 
— a Ύ  ΎΥΉ 


Cicero 


Correspondence 


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