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Full text of "Correspondence of the American Revolution : being letters of eminent men to George Washington, from the time of his taking command of the army to the end of his presidency"

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CORRESPONDENCE 



OF THE 



AMEEICAN REVOLUTION 



VOL. IV. 



.:•..•••.:•. •• 



CORRESPONDENCE 



OF THE 



AMERICAN REVOLUTION; 



LETTERS OF EMINENT MEN 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 



THE TIME OF HIS TAKING COMMAND OF THE AR^IY 



TO 



THE END OF HIS PRESIDENCY. 



EDITED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS 

By JARED sparks. 



VOLUME IV. 



BOSTON: 

LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY 

1853. 



PK 



I -ufc- SEW YORK 

'public LIBRARY! 

591604 

ft 1912 ^ 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, 
By Jared Sparks, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 



\ RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE: 

STEREOTYPED AND PRI>^TED BY 
n. O. IIOUGHTOX AND CO^IPAXY. 



COERESPONDENCE 



RELATING TO THE 



AMERICAN REYOLUTION 



FROM ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. 

Philadelphia, 12 March, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 

The Washington packet arrived tliis morning. I 
have not yet had leisure to read all my letters; but 
as an express is ready to go early to-morrow, I rather 
choose to rely upon your goodness to excuse a letter 
written in extreme haste, than to hold myself inex- 
cusable, by not informing you of what we yet know 
of the state of our negotiations. None of my letters 
is of a later date than the 25th of December. All 
difliculties IkuI then been removed with respect to us, 
and the preliminaries were signed; they consist of 
nine articles. 

The fird acknowledges our independence. 

The second describes our boundaries, whieli are as 
extensive as we could wisli. 

The Hard ascertains uur rights as to the iishery, 
and puts them upon the same footing that they were 
before \\\(\ war. 

V(U.. IV. 1 



2 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

The fourth provides that all British debts shall be 
paid. 

The ffth and sixth are inclosed for your perusal, 
as they are likely to be the least satisfactory here.* 

The seventh stipulates that hostilities shall immedi- 
ately cease, and that the British troops be withdrawn, 
without carrying off any property, or dismantling for- 
tifications ; that records and archives shall be restored. 

The eighth stipulates that the navigation of the 
Mississippi shall be open to us and Great Britain. 

The ninth, that all conquests, made in America after 
the ratification, shall be restored. 

These preliminaries are only provisional upon the 
determination of a peace with France, whose negotia- 
tions have not made such progress as ours. I believe 
they find themselves very much embarrassed by the 
demands of their other allies. 

The Count de Vergennes, in a letter of the 25th 
of Decem^ber, says, "I cannot foresee the issue, for 
difficulties arise from the disposition we have shown 
to remove them. It would be well. Sir, to prepare 
Congress for every event. I do not despair -, I rather 
hope; but all is yet uncertain." 

But, Sir, whatever the event of the negotiations 
may be, I persuade myself the enemy will leave these 
States. Mr. Oswald has made some propositions to 
our Ministers upon this subject, proposing that they 
might be permitted to embark without molestation, 
and endeavour to recover West Florida from the 
Spaniards. This last communication, wdiich you will 
consider as confidential, I thought might be import- 
ant to your Excellency. By attending to their con- 
duct, you will be able to judge if they mean to pur- 

* Relating to the restoration of confiscated estates, and the prosecu- 
tions for past crimes. 



THE AMERICAN KEVOLUTION. 3 

sue this system; or if it was only tliro\Yn out to de- 
ceive. 

I inclose also, for your perusal, extracts from tlie 
Addresses, not having time to have them copied at 
large. They are mere echoes to the speech. Supplies 
were voted without one dissenting voice. 

I must pray your Excellency to send on the in- 
closed packets. Any expense it occasions, will be 
paid by the Governor. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Robert R. Livingston. 



FROM MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 

Head-Quarters, Charleston, IG March, 1783. 

Sir, 

I have been honored with your Excellency's de- 
spatches of the 18th of December and 29th of Janu- 
ary. I am made happy by your full approbation 
of my conduct, and the army under my command, 
during the southern operations. The evacuation of 
Charleston, and the proposals of peace, are matters 
highly interesting to this country, w^hose finances and 
political arrangements are in the most deplorable situ- 
ation. Charleston remains without a platform, or a 
single cannon for its defence. The subsistence of tlie 
troops, for some time after the evacuation of tliis 
place, depended on military collections ; but, happily, 
we have made a contract for their future subsistence. 
On this subject I should feel easy, but for the criti- 
cal situation the Financier writes me his do[)arliiicnt 
is circumstanced. 

The States have rejected the five per cent, duty 
act generally, and few pay any thing into the Con- 



4 LETTERS TO AV A SIIINGT ON. 

tinental Treasury any other way. I wrote a letter to 
this State on the subject, a few days past, stating 
some facts respecting the discontents prevailing in 
the Northern army respecting pay, and what might 
be expected in this to the southward. I thought it 
my duty to warn the State of Avhat I apprehended. 
The impost act w^as rejected, notwithstanding, and 
the Assembly offended. I will ever speak my senti- 
ments, and act with candor. I wish to know the na- 
ture and extent of the discontent prevailing in the 
northern troops. Matters are represented here in 
dark colors. The report spreads among our troops, 
and threatens a convulsion. I shall give you the 
best information on the subject in my power; but 
these things often come to a crisis from accident and 
indiscretion, before one expects it. I could wish to 
be fully informed respecting the temper of the North- 
ern army; it would enable me to counteract many 
aggravations here. 

I have communicated to the Assembly your orders 
for marching the troops to the northward; but I am 
much at a loss how to act in the matter. Your Ex- 
cellency seems to leave a latitude of discretion re- 
specting the tranquillity of these States; but your 
comment upon a desultory and predatory war, appears 
to be intended to limit my discretionary powers to 
matters of serious invasion. We have none at present, 
and yet there are parties continually making inroads 
upon different sides of both Georgia and South Caro- 
lina, from St. Augustine. 

If I put the troops in motion, as you mention, it 
leaves the Southern States a prey to every invader. 
A small force, in their present distracted state, would 
overrun the country, and Charleston may be repos- 
sessed, at any time, by a few frigates, with a regi- 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 5 

ment or two of infantry. I would wish to follow 
your intention. If I could conceive you had a clear 
idea of the weakness and distress of this country, the 
troops should march immediately; but the prospects 
of peace, and the possibility of New York being eva- 
cuated, if the war should continue, induce me to 
wait until the arrival of the next despatches. In the 
mean time, I shall have every preparation made for 
their marching as soon as may be. The men are 
well clothed, and pretty well disciplined. Some few 
days before the arrival of your last letter, from an 
appearance of an invasion upon Georgia, I put the 
Virginia troops in motion for the protection of that 
quarter ; and, as their numbers are small, and will be 
of little consequence in the siege, I shall not march 
them until your further orders. 

The people of this State are much prejudiced 
against Congress and the Financier. Those who came 
from the northward think they have been amazingly 
neglected by both in their distresses. Their general 
disposition leads more to an independence of Con- 
gressional connection, than I could wish, or is for 
their peace or welfare. This State has contributed 
more than any other State, it is true, towards the 
Continental expenses; but necessity obliged them. 1 
wish all the States could see how much the tranquil- 
lity of each depended upon giving effectual support 
to Congress. I have the honor to 1)0, with great 
respect. 

Your Excellency's most obedient, luimble servant, 

Natiianael GllEKNi:. 

1* 



6 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON 

FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS. 

Philadelphia, 17 March, 1783. 

Sir, 

I am duly honored with your Excellency's letters 
of the 4th and 12th instant. It is much to be re- 
gretted, though not to be wondered at, that steps of 
so inflammable a tendency have been taken in the 
army. Your Excellency, in my opinion, has acted 
wisely. The best way is ever, not to attempt to 
stem the torrent, but to direct it. I am happy to 
find you coincide in opinion with me on the conduct 
proper to be observed by yourself I am persuaded, 
more and more, it is that which is most consistent 
with your own reputation and the public welfare. 

Our affairs wear a most serious aspect, as well fo- 
reign as domestic. Before this gets to hand, your 
Excellency will probably have seen the Provisional 
Articles between Great Britain and these States. 

It might, at first appearance, be concluded that they 
will be the prelude to a general peace. But there 
are strong reasons to doubt the truth of such a con- 
clusion. Obstacles may arise from different quarters; 
from the demands of Spain and Holland; from the 
hope in France of greater acquisitions in the East; 
perhaps still more probably from the insincerity and 
duplicity of Lord Shelburne, whose politics, founded 
in the peculiarity of his situation, as well as in the 
character of the man, may well be suspected of in- 
sidiousness. I am really apprehensive, if peace does 
not take place, that the negotiations will tend to sow 
distrusts among the allies, and weaken the force of 
the Common League. "We have, I fear, men among 
us, and men in trust, who have a hankering after 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 7 

British connection. We have others, whose confidence 
in France savors of credulity. The intrigues of the 
former, and the incautiousness of the latter, may he 
both, though in dilTerent degrees, injurious to Ameri- 
can interests, and make it difficult for prudent men 
to steer a proper course. 

There are delicate circumstances with respect to the 
late foreign transactions, which I am not at liberty to 
reveal, but which, joined to our internal weaknesses, 
disorders, follies and prejudices, make this country 
stand upon precarious ground. Some use may be 
made of these ideas, to induce moderation in the 
army. An opinion that the country does not stand 
upon a secure footing, will operate upon the patriot- 
ism of the officers against hazarding any domestic 
commotions. 

While I make these observations, I cannot forbear 
adding that, if no excesses take place, I shall not be 
sorry that ill humors have appeared. I shall not re- 
gret imjwrtunitf/, if temperate, from the army. 

There are good intentions in the majority of Con- 
gress, but there is not sufficient wisdom or deci- 
sion. There are dangerous prejudices, in the parti- 
cular States, opposed to those measures which alone 
can give stability and prosperity to the Union. There 
is a fatal opposition to Continental views. Necessity 
alone can work a reform. But how produce tliis ne- 
cessity; how apply it; how keep it within salutary 
bounds ? I fear we have been contending for a shadow. 

The affair of accounts I considered as having been 
put on a satisfactory footing. The particular States 
have been required to settle till the 1st of August, 
1780; and the Superintendent of Finance has been 
directed to take measures for settling since that pe- 
riod. 1 sliall innncdiately see him on the subject. 



8 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

We have had eight and a half States in favor of 
a commutation of half-pay for an average of ten 
3^ears' purchase; that is, five years full pay, instead 
of half-pay for life, which, on a calculation of annui- 
ties, is nearly an equivalent. I hope this will nov/ 
shortly take place. We have made considerable pro- 
gress in a plan, to be recommended to the several 
States, for funding all the public debts, including 
those of the army; which is certainly the only way 
to restore further credit, and enable us to continue 
the war by borrowing abroad, if it should be neces- 
sary to continue it. 

I omitted mentioning to your Excellency, that, from 
European intelligence, there is great reason to be- 
lieve, at all events, peace or war. New York will be 
vacated in the spring. It will be a pity if any do- 
mestic disturbances should change the plans of the 
British Court. I have the honor to be, with the 
greatest respect and esteem. 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

Alexander Hamilton. 

P. S. Your Excellency mentions, that it has been 
surmised the plan in agitation was formed in Phila- 
delphia ; that combinations have been talked of be- 
tween the public creditors and the army ; and that 
members of Congress had encouraged the idea. This 
is partly true. I have myself urged on Congress the 
propriety of uniting the influence of the public credit- 
ors, and the army as a part of them, to prevail 
upon the States to enter into their views. I have 
expressed the same sentiments out of doors. Several 
other members have done the same. The meaning, 
however, of all this, was simply that Congress should 
adopt such a plan as would embrace the relief of all 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 9 

the public creditors, including the army, in order that 
the personal influence of some, the connections of 
others, and a sense of justice to the army, as well as 
the apprehension of ill consequences, might form a 
mass of influence on each State in favor of the mea- 
sures of Congress. In this view, as I mentioned to 
your Excellency in a former letter, I thought the 
discontents of the army might he turned to a good 
account. I am still of opinion, that their earnest, 
hut respectful applications for redress will have a 
good effect. 

As to any combination of forces it could only be 
productive of the horrors of a civil war, might end 
in the ruin of the country, and would certainly end 
in the ruin of the army. 



FROM ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. 

Philadelphia, 24 March, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 

You will by this express receive the agreeable in- 
telligence of a general peace, upon which I most sin- 
cerely congratulate you and the army. Harmony, a 
regard for justice, and fidelity to our engagements, 
are all that now remains to render us a happy peo- 
ple. The vessel that brought these despatches was 
sent out by the Count d'Estaing to recall the French 
cruisers. As the Minister tolls me he will forward 
the orders and passports to your Excellency, I will 
not detain the messenger till I have mine copied. 
This should, in my opinion, be immediately sent either 
by Congress or your Excellency to Sir Guy Carlcton. 

A private letter to me mentions, tliat tlio Bahama 



10 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Islands are also ceded to the British. Holland seems 
to have come worst off, and France, by getting little 
for herself, has laid in a store of reputation, which will 
be worth more than much territory. I must request 
your Excellency to send on the inclosed letters by 
express to the Governor. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Egbert E. Li^tlngston. 

P. S. I have thought proper to send Mr. Lewis 
Morris to New York, to inform General Carleton of 
the happy re-union of the powers at war ; and also 
of a resolution of Congress of this day, directing their 
Agent of Marine to take proper measures to stop all 
further hostilities by sea. 



Philadelphia, 25 March, 1783. 

Sir, 
I wrote to your Excellency a day or two ago by 
express. Since that, a Committee, appointed on the 
communications from you, have had a meeting, and 
find themselves embarrassed. They have requested 
me to communicate our embarrassments to you in 
confidence, and to ask your private opinion. The ar- 
my, by their resolutions, express an expectation that 
Congress will not disband them previous to a settle- 
ment of accounts, and the establishment of funds. 
Congress may resolve upon the first, but the general 
opinion is that they cannot constitutionally declare 
the second. They have no right by the Confedera- 
tion to demand funds; they can only recommend; and 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. H 

to determine that the army shall be continued in ser- 
vice till the States grant them, would be to determine 
that the whole present army shall be a standing ar- 
my during peace, unless the States comply with the 
requisitions for funds. This, it is supposed, would 
excite the alarms and jealousies of the States, and 
increase rather than lessen the opposition to the fund- 
ing scheme. 

It is also observed, that the longer the army is 
kept together the more the payment of past dues is 
procrastinated, the abilities of the States being ex- 
hausted for their immediate support, and a new debt 
every day incurred. It is further suggested, that 
there is danger in keeping the army together in a 
state of inactivity, and that a separation of the seve- 
ral lines would facilitate the settlement of accounts, 
diminish present expense, and avoid the danger of 
union. It is added, that the officers of each line, 
being on the spot, might, by their own solicitations, 
and those of their friends, forward the adoption of 
funds in the different States. 

A proposition will be transmitted to you by Colo- 
nel Bland, in the form of a resolution to be adopted 
by Congress, framed upon the principles of the fore- 
going reasoning. Another proposition is contained in 
the following resolution ; — 

" That the Commander-in-chief be informed, it is the 
intention of Congress to effect the settlement of the 
accounts of the respective lines, previous to their re- 
duction; and that Congress are doing, and will con- 
tinue to do, every thing in their power towards pro- 
curing satisfactory securities for what shall be found 
due on such settlement." 

The scope of this, your Excellency will perceive 
without comment. I am to request you will favor me 



12 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

with your sentiments on both the propositions, and, 
in general, with your ideas of what had best be done 
with reference to the expectation expressed by the 
officers; taking into view the situation of Congress. 
On one side, the army expect they will not be dis- 
banded till accounts are settled, and funds established. 
On the other hand, they have no constitutional power 
of doing any thing more than to recommend funds ; 
and are persuaded that these will meet with moun- 
tains of prejudice in some of the States. 

A considerable progress has been made in a plan 
for funding the public debts ; and it is to be hoped 
it will ere long go forth to the States, with every 
argument that can give it success. I have the honor 
to be, with sincere respect. 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

Alexander Hamilton. 



FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON, m CONGRESS. 

Philadelphia, 25 March, 1783. 

Sir, 

The inclosed I write more in a public than in a 
private capacity. Here I write as a citizen zealous 
for the true happiness of this country; as a soldier, 
who feels what is due to an army which has suffered 
every thing, and done much for the safety of Ame- 
rica. 

I sincerely wish ingratitude was not so natural to 
the human heart as it is. I sincerely wish there 
were no seeds of it in those who direct the counsels 
of the United States. But while I urge the army 
to moderation, and advise your Excellency to take 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 13 

the direction of their discontents, and endeavour to 
confine them within the bounds of duty, I cannot, as 
an honest man, conceal from you, that I am afraid 
their distrust has too much foundation. Republican 
jealousy has in it a principle of hostility to an army, 
whatever be their merits, whatever be their claims to 
the gratitude of the community. It acknowledges 
their services with unwillingness, and rewards them 
with reluctance. I see this temper, though smothered 
with great care, involuntarily breaking out upon too 
many occasions. I often feel a mortification, which 
it would be impolitic to express, that sets my pas- 
sions at variance with my reason. Too many, I per- 
ceive, if they could do it with safety or color, would 
be glad to elude the just pretensions of the army. 'I 
hope this is not the prevailing disposition. 

But, supposing the country ungrateful, what can 
the army do ? It must submit to its hard fate. To 
seek redress by its arms, would end in its ruin. The 
army would moulder by its own weight, and fur want 
of the means of keeping together; the soldiery would 
abandon their officers ; there would be no chance of 
success, without having recourse to means that would 
reverse our revolution. I make these observations, 
not that I imagine your Excellency can want motives 
to continue your influence in the patli of moderation, 
but merely to show why I cannot myself enter into 
the views of coercion, which some gentlemen enter- 
tain ; for, I confess, could force avail, I should al- 
most wish to see it employed. I have an indi Heron t 
opinion of the honesty of this country, and ill fore- 
bodings as to its future system. 

Your Excellency will perceive I have written willi 
sensations of chagrin, and will mako allowance for 
coloring; luit the general picture is too true. (Jod 

VOL. IV. 2 



14 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

send us all more wisdom! I am, very sincerely and 
respectfully, 

Your Excellency's obedient servant, 

Alexander Hamilton. 



FROM THEODORIC BLAND, IN CONGRESS. 

Philadelphia, 25 March, 1783. 

Sir, 

Many events have lately occurred, which have oc- 
casioned me to trouble your Excellency with my 
correspondence of a private nature. I now take the 
liberty of writing to you, by desire of a Committee, 
of which I have the honor to be one, to whom your 
very interesting despatches to Congress, of the 15th 
of this month, were committed. 

You will, without doubt, have been informed. Sir, 
and have received with pleasure the intelligence, of 
the vote for the commutation having passed Congress, 
the same day on which your Excellency's despatches, 
containing the truly sensible and patriotic resolutions 
of the officers of the army, convened by your Excel- 
lency's authority, were received. On that happy 
event I most cordially congratulate you. Sir, and my 
quondam brother officers. I think it must give the 
most sensible pleasure to every friend of this coun- 
try, that an event so interesting should take place 
at the very moment that a certainty of peace was 
announced ; and that the civil and military, at that 
critical juncture, should so harmonize on the capital 
object of their wishes. This event will, I trust, era- 
dicate from the minds of every generous and think- 
ing man in the United States, in whatever station he 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 15 

may he, every vestige of suspicion^ which those of 
an op23osite complexion might have endeavoured to 
implant. 

If my conceptions of the sense of Congress are 
right, I think I can assure your Excellency, that all 
those suspicions, which may have been entertained of 
want of gratitude to the army, or a desire to do 
them complete and ample justice, are totally ground- 
less. Your Excellency, I hope, knows too well my 
candor to imagine I would attempt to deceive. If I 
have built my opinions, on this head, on an errone- 
ous idea of Congress, the moment such error is dis- 
covered by me, I shall think myself unpardonable not 
to disclose it. You will perceive. Sir, by the inclosed 
rough copies, numbers One and Two, which the Com- 
mittee have had under their consideration, what is 
their sense, and, what they have reason to think is 
the sense of Congress. We have thought it neces- 
sary to make to you, Sir, a confidential communica- 
tion of our sentiments, in hopes that you will favor 
us with your opinion thereon at large. 

Our doubt arises solely from this consideration, 
namely, — that the enormous expense of keeping the 
whole army in the field, until their " accounts are li- 
quidated, the balances accurately ascertained, and funds 
established for the jpai/ment^' would be productive of 
the most ruinous consequences to the United States ; 
might occasion clamors among the citizens, embarrass 
the measures which Congress mean to take, and so 
affect their finances as to render it impossible to 
comply with wdiat the army most desire, namely, a 
punctual discharge of the debt due to them on set- 
tlement. Your Excellency will, I think, require no 
argument to show the force of these observations. 

I will say nothing of tlic effects, which ever have 

2-.:: 



16 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

and ever will arise from keeping a large army in the 
field, in a state of inactivity, without any other ob- 
ject to employ their minds on, than their past suffer- 
ings and present distresses ; a relief of wdiich must be 
inevitably removed to a further distance by the very 
means they appear to point out to procure it. Al- 
though the resolutions of the army, on the address to 
them by. your Excellency, are perfectly explicit, and 
breathe the most entire confidence in the justice of 
Congress, and the sincere intentions of that body to- 
wards them ; yet, lest some latent spark of suspicion, 
undiscovered by the Convention, should unexpectedly 
discover itself, and lay hold of an ambiguous expres- 
sion, or even the silence of Congress on some mate- 
rial point, does not your Excellency conceive an ex- 
plicit and full declaration of Congress, not only of 
their intentions to do ample justice, but of the mode 
by which it is to be done, as far as depends on 
them, will be proper ? Should you, Sir, think proper 
to offer any amendment to either of the inclosed re- 
solutions, or to start any new idea, that may be 
thought more effectual than those they contain, you 
may be assured of their being laid before the Com- 
mittee in the most confidential manner, and of re- 
ceiving all possible attention. 

Although I write now at the request of the Com- 
mittee, you will be pleased to consider this communi- 
cation as not of a public, or official nature, and com- 
municable only to those in whom the most entire con- 
fidence is reposed. I need not inform your Excel- 
lency of the earnest desire which the Committee have 
to make their report on this subject as speedily as 
possible, as you are fully apprised of the necessity 
of it, rendered, in my opinion, the more necessary, by 
the great and glorious event, which has been so lately 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 17 

announced to us of a general peace ; on wliicli occa- 
sion, I most cordially and sincerely congrcttulate your 
Excellency, with an assurance that peace or war will 
never change in me the unalterable affection and 
esteem, with which I am your Excellency's 

Most obedient, and most humble servant, 

Theodoiug Bland. 

P. S. You will excuse. Sir, the hasty manner in 
which this has been written, as a fear of losing the 
opportunity by the post has deprived me of the power 
of revising it. 



FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON, IN CONGRESS. 

11 April, 1783. 

Sir, 

I have received your Excellency's letters of the 
31st of March, and 4th of April ; the last, to-day. The 
one to Colonel Bland, as member of the Committee, 
has been read in Committee confidentially, and gave 
great satisfaction. The idea of not attempting to se- 
parate the army before the settlement of accounts, 
corresponds with my proposition. That of endeavour- 
ing to let them have some pay, has also appeared to 
me indispensable. The expectations of the army, as 
represented by your Excellency, are moderation itself 
To-morrow we confer witli the Superintendent of Fi- 
nance on the subject of money. There will be difli- 
culty; but not, we hope, insurmountable. 

I thank your Excellency for the hints you are so 
obliging as to give me in your private letter. I do 
not wonder at tlic suspicions that have been infused j 

9:1: 



18 LETTERS TO WASPIINGTON. 

nor should I be surprised to hear that I have been 
pointed out as one of the persons concerned in play- 
ing the game described. But facts must speak for 
themselves. The gentlemen, who were here from the 
army, General McDougall. who is still here, will be 
able to give a true account of those who have sup- 
ported the just claims of the army, and of those who 
have endeavoured to elude them. 

There are two classes of men, Sir, in Congress, of 
very different views ; one attached to State, the other 
to Continental politics. The last have been strenuous 
advocates for funding the public debt upon solid se- 
curities ; the former have given every opposition in 
their power, and have only been dragged into the 
measures, which are now near being adopted, by the 
clamors of the army and other public creditors. 
The advocates for Continental funds have blended the 
interests of the army with other creditors, from a con- 
viction that no funds, for partial purposes, will go 
through those States to whose citizens the United 
States are largely indebted ; or, if they should be 
carried through, from impressions of the moment, 
would have the necessary stability ; for the influence 
of those unprovided for would always militate against 
a provision for others, in exclusion of them. It is in 
vain to tell men, who have parted with a large part 
of their property on the public faith, that the ser- 
vices of the army are entitled to a preference. They 
would reason from their interest and their feelings. 
These would tell them, that they had as great a title 
as any other class of the community to public justice ; 
and that, while this was denied to them, it would be 
unreasonable to make them bear their part of the 
burden for the benefit of others. This is the way they 
would reason ; and as their influence in some of the 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 19 

States was considerable, they would have been able 
to prevent any partial provision. 

But the question was not merely how to do justice 
to the creditors, but how to restore public credit. 
Taxation in this country, it was found, could not sup- 
ply a sixth part of the public necessities. The loans 
in Europe were far short of the balance, and the pros- 
pect every day diminishing ; the Court of France tell- 
ing us, in i^lain terms, she could not even do as 
much as she had done ; individuals in Holland, and 
everywhere else, refusing to part with their money, 
on the precarious tenure of the mere faith of this 
country, without any pledge for the payment either 
of principal or interest. 

In this situation, what was to be done? It was 
essential to our cause that vigorous efforts should be 
made to restore public credit* it was necessary to 
combine all the motives to this end, that could ope- 
rate upon different descriptions of persons in the dif- 
ferent States. The necessity and discontents of the 
army presented themselves as a powerful engine. 

But, Sir, these gentlemen would be puzzled to sup- 
port their insinuations by a single fact. It was, in- 
deed, proposed to appropriate the intended impost 
on trade to the army debt, and, what was extraordi- 
nary, by gentlemen who had expressed their dislike 
to the principle of the fund. I acknowledge I was 
one that opposed this; for the reasons already as- 
signed, and for these additional ones. That was the 
fund on which we most counted. To obtain further 
loans in Europe, it was necessary we should have a 
fund sufficient to pay the interest of what had been 
borrowed and what was to be borrowed. The truth 
was, these people, in this instance, wanted to play off 
the army against the funding system. 



20 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

As to Mr. Morris, I will give your Excellency a 
true explanation of his conduct. He had been, for 
some time, pressing Congress to endeavour to obtain 
funds,^ and had found a great backwardness in the 
business. He found the taxes unproductive in the 
different States ; he found the loans in Europe mak- 
ing a very slow progress ; he found himself pressed, 
on all hands, for supplies; he found himself, in short, 
reduced to this alternative, either of making engage- 
ments which he could not fulfil, or declaring his re- 
signation in case funds w^ere not established by a 
given time. 

Had he follow^ed the first course, the bubble must 
soon have burst ; he must have sacrificed his credit 
and his character ; and public credit, already in a 
ruined condition, must have lost its last support. He 
wisely judged it better to resign. This might increase 
the .embarrassments of the moment, but the necessity 
of the case, it was to be hoped, w-ould produce the 
proper measures ; and he might then resume the di- 
rection of the machine with advantage and success. 
He also had some hope that his resignation would 
prove a stimulus to Congress. 

He w^as, however, ill-advised in the publication of 
his letter of resignation. This was an imprudent 
step, and has given a handle to his personal enemies, 
who, by playing upon the passions of others, have 
draw^n some well-meaning men into the cry against 
him. But Mr. Morris certainly deserves a great deal 
from his country. I believe no man in this country, 
but himself, could have kept the money machine a-go- 
ing during the period he has been in office. From 
every thing that appears, his administration has been 
upright, as w^ell as able. 

The truth is, the old leaven of Deane and Lee is, 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 21 

at this day, working against Mr. Morris. He liap- 
pened; in that dispute, to have been on the side of 
Deane, and certain men can never forgive him. A 
man, whom I once esteemed, and whom I Avill rather 
suppose duped than wicked, is the second actor in 
this business. 

The matter, with respect to the army, which has 
occasioned most altercation in Congress, and most dis- 
satisfaction in the army, has been the half-pay. The 
opinions on this head have been two. One party was 
for referring the several lines to their States, to make 
commutation as they should think proper; the other, 
for making the commutation by Congress, and funding 
it on Continental security. I was of this last opinion, 
and so Avere all those who will be represented as 
having made use of the army as puppets. Our prin- 
cipal reasons were, — first, by referring the lines to 
their respective States, those who were opposed* to 
the half-pay would have taken advantage of the offi- 
cers' necessities to make the commutation far short 
of an equivalent ; secondly, the inequality which would 
have arisen in the different States, when the officers 
came to compare (as has happened in other cases), 
would have been a new source of discontent; thirdly, 
such a reference was a continuance of the old wretch- 
ed State system, by which the ties between Congress 
and the army have been nearly dissolved, by which 
the resources of the States have been diverted from 
the common treasury, and wasted ; a system Avliich 
your Excellency has often justly reprobated. 

I liave gone into the details, to give you a just 
idea of tlie parties in Congress. I assure you, upon 
my honor, Sir, I have given you a candid state of 
facts, to the best of my judgment. The men against 
wlioin ilie suspicions you mention must be directed. 



22 LETT:t:RS to Washington. 

are, in general, the most sensible, the most liberal, 
the most independent, and the most respectable, cha- 
racters in our body, as well as the most unequivocal 
friends to the army. In a word, they are the men 
who think Continentally. I have the honor to be, with 
sincere respect and esteem. 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

Alexander Hamilton. 

P. S. I am Chairman of a Committee for Peace 
Arrangements. We shall ask your Excellency's opi- 
nion at large, on a proper military peace establish- 
ment. I will just hint to your Excellency that our 
prejudices will make us wish to keep up as few 
troops as possible. 

We this moment learn an ofiicer is arrived from Sir 
Guy Carleton, with despatches; probably, official ac- 
coutits of peace. 



FROM ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. 

Philadelphia, 12 April, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 

I congratulate your Excellency, most sincerely, upon 
the cessation of hostilities, which you will learn from 
the inclosed proclamation. You will doubtless have 
heard directly from General Carleton on the subject, 
so that it will not be necessary to trouble you with 
the substance of his letter to me. 

Congress will this day, upon my report, take into 
consideration the propriety of discharging the prison- 
ers, and the manner in which it is to be done. Sir 
Guy Carleton presses hard, in his letter, for the exe- 
cution of the fifth of the Preliminary Articles. I 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 23 

have replied that it cannot be executed, till the treaty 
is ratified ; and in the mean time endeavoured to con- 
vince him that the recommendation of Congress will 
be received with much more respect, when the per- 
sons, who compose our Legislatures, have returned to 
their respective homes, and the asperities, occasioned 
by the war, shall be a little worn down by the en- 
joyment of peace. It is a very capital omission, in 
our treaty, that no time has been fixed for the eva- 
cuation of New York. 

It were to be wished that General Carleton's inten- 
tions on this head could be sounded by your Excel- 
lency. 

I have the honor to be, dear Sir, &c., 

Robert R. Liwngston. 



FROM THEODORIC BLAND, IN CONGRESS. 

Philadelphia, 16 April, 1783. 

Sir, 
I have been honored with your Excellency's two 
favors of the 31st ultimo and the 4th instant ; the 
latter, accompanied with your full and explicit answer 
on the subject on which I addressed your Excellency 
in my last, at the request of the Committee. It has 
been, according to your desire, communicated to Colo- 
nel Hamilton and the other members who compose 
the Committee, confidentially, and is now under consi- 
deration. We have conferred with the Superintend- 
ent of Finance, and be assured our utmost, endea- 
vours shall not be wanting to bring to a speedy, 
and, I hope happy conclusion, the objects your Ex- 
cellency has pointed to with so much clearness, can- 
dor, and energy. 



24 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Confident I am, that there is every disposition in 
Congress to appreciate the services and sufferings of 
the army — unquestionably the most meritorious class 
of citizens in this long, and, at length, successful con- 
test. I am not less persuaded, in my own mind, that 
what depends on the States respectively, to put the 
finishing hand to a complete compensation of their 
long and meritorious services and sufferings, will be 
cheerfully complied with. But these. Sir, are the ex- 
pectations, or opinions, of an individual strongly im- 
pressed, and ardently (perhaps too sanguinely) hoping 
for that desirable event; in which expectation if I 
am disappointed, I shall, with you, Sir, have to la- 
ment the most fatal infatuation and the grossest in- 
gratitude, that ever seized the heads, or corrupted 
the hearts of a nation and its counsels, towards a 
body of men to whom they owe their political exisir 
ence, and all those blessings which every good man 
wishes to see flow from our Union and independence. 

We hope to have the answer to-morroAV from the 
Superintendent of Finance, on the practicability of 
the measure, which, should it be even in the nega- 
tive (which I do not expect), I think I can assure 
your Excellency, such is the interest the Committee 
take in the w^elfare of the army, that they will not 
stop in their endeavours to devise such measures as 
may, in the end, prove as beneficial and satisfiictory 
as those which your Excellency has thought of, if in 
their power. 

Your Excellency's observations on the necessity of 
establishing a national character, stamped with the 
indelible traits of justice, gratitude, and faith, carry 
with them the irresistible force of conviction, and 
meet with my most cordial concurrence. Nor have I 
a doubt that, when the tumult of war has subsided, 



THE AMERICAN EEYOLUTION. 25 

this enlightened country, although at present youno- 
in politics, will soon discover the importance and 
truth of your observation, and adopt it as the surest 
basis on which must be founded the future greatness 
and prosperity of these rising and important States. 
It is with infinite pleasure that I think I have ob- 
served such ideas succeeding rapidly to those of 
chicane, which so strongly marked the counsels, as 
well as manners, of the people at large in the days 
of paper and depreciation. 

From these considerations, I am led to form the 
most pleasing augury of our future greatness and re- 
spectability among nations, which has, in a great 
measure, dispelled the fears and bodings of those 
e^dls, which a jarring of interests among so many 
sovereignties, united in one federal chain, seemed to 
threaten. I am happy to think, that local interests 
and prejudices ivill give iiwj to a great and general good^ 
when clearly seen and ivell understood, and priidentlg and 
constitutionallg jmrsiied. These, Sir, are, in my appre- 
hension, the grand objects of our general council ; a 
steady pursuit of which, without turning to the right 
or to the left, from local considerations, party animo- 
sity, partial views, or corrupt influence, will certainl}^ 
guide the vessel of the State to a safe anchorage, 
and reward the pilots with the estimation and ap- 
plause of their fellow citizens, and the admiration and 
respect of foreign powers. 

I am happy to inform your Excellency, that a re- 
quisition to the States, on such principles as the Fe- 
deral Constitution will autliorize,- if adopted, and on 
such liberal principles as I hope will facilitate, if not 
insure, the adoption, is now so far advanced as to be 
on the point of its passing through Congress, wliiih 
will afford the means t)f providing ample and pernia- 

VOL. IV. o 



26 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

nent funds for the payment of the interest, not only 
to our army, but to foreign and domestic creditors 
of every description, as well as for sinking the prin- 
cipal. I cannot here omit suggesting to your Excel- 
lency, that your personal interest with some of the 
leading members of our Legislature, and perhaps with 
some of the other States, might give a happy turn 
to those requisitions when they are laid before the 
Assemblies; especially if grounded on the feelings 
and true situation of the army, with which you. Sir, 
are universally acknowledged to be better acquainted, 
and more conversant, than any other person can pos- 
sibly be. 

Embarked in the same cause, and, I flatter myself, 
on the same principle as your Excellency, I hope I 
need not apologize for the length of my letter, as its 
contents will fully demonstrate the interest I have 
in the successful issue of our common endeavours, 
that peace shall not arise without its blessings, con- 
tent and happiness, to those by whose exertions it 
has been principally procured. Nor need I give an 
additional proof, I hope, of that entire confidence and 
esteem with which I am, your Excellency's 

Most obedient and very humble servant, 

Theodoeic Bland. 

P. S. I have not yet received any answer from 
Sir Guy Carleton to my letter, which you were so 
obliging as to send in. Should I receive it, I shall 
certainly communicate its contents to your Excellen- 
cy ; or should any letter come from him through 
your hands, directed to me, your Excellency will be 
pleased to open and peruse it, for your satisfaction 
on the subject you mention. 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 27 

FROM BRIGADIER-GJiNERAL HUNTINGTON. 

AVest Point, IG April, 1783. 
SiRj 

In making military arrangements for a peace, a 
possible war lias the first consideration- next, our 
finances; but I should suppose the necessary disposi- 
tions and institutions need not be expensive. If the 
system is perfect in its formation and execution, it 
will have such effects on the minds of those who are, 
or wish to be, our enemies, as to deter them from 
hostilities and even from secret machinations. 

West Point has been held as the key of the United 
States. The British viewed it in the same point of 
light, and will, it is presumed, keep their eye upon 
it, as long as they regret the loss of the country, or 
have a passion for power and conquest. West Point 
is exposed to a coiip-de-main, and ought therefore to 
be always in a complete condition of defence. With 
a little more expense than that of maintaining a gar- 
rison of fi\Q hundred or six hundred men, it may be 
made a safe deposit where every military article may 
be kept in good order and repair; and, with a small 
additional expense, an academy might be here insti- 
tuted for instruction in all the branches of the mili- 
tary art. 

To provide the garrison, in the first instance, retain 
the tlnee years' men until their terms of service ex- 
pire. In the mean time take boys of fourteen years 
of ago, of whom there will be a sufficient number 
among the poor, whose circumstances will compel 
them; if not, among the middle and higher ranks, 
whose inclination will lead them, to engage for seven 
years for the sake of subsistence, clothing, mechanical 



28 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

trades, and other useful learning; and to devote a 
part of their time to arms and garrison fatigue. 

The next, and perhaps only other object worthy 
the attention of Congress, are some barriers against 
the Indians. The first measures with relation to them 
will make deep and lasting impressions, and ought 
therefore to be taken with caution. In the first in- 
stance, as large a body of troops as the British 
usually kept up in their country, Avould from us give 
them no alarm or uneasiness ; but, whatever the In- 
dians may think, it will behoove us to keep pace with 
the British, so far as to secure the country from their 
encroachments, awe the Indians, protect and enjoy 
their trade. Five or six hundred regular troops, in 
the western country, may be sufficient for those pur- 
poses, and at the same time greatly facilitate the 
settlement of it; and that, in turn, will supersede 
the necessity of regular troops in that quarter. 

I am, &c., 

Jedediah Huntington. 



FROM GOVERNOE, CLINTON. 

(Confidential.) 

Poiighkeepsie, 17 April, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 
The subject of your Excellency's letter of the 14th 
instant, is of such extensive importance, that it would 
require more information than I am possessed of to 
form the opinion you request of me, and more leisure 
than the present situation of affiiirs admits of, to ar- 
range my thoughts (which, at best, I would offer 
with great diffidence) into system. 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 29 

It appears to me indispensably necessary tliat some 
troops should be kept in service in time of peace, 
for the purpose of garrisoning the posts, which it 
may be thought expedient to maintain on the fron- 
tiers, and to protect the public magazines. The num- 
ber must be determined by the posts which it may 
be necessary to occupy, of which I can form no judg- 
ment. But^ as these will by no means be sufficient 
for defence in case of war; and as the modern sys- 
tems of military arrangements that obtain in Europe 
would be totally inadmissible with us; and as our 
own experience has abundantly evinced that it is 
hazardous and expensive to the last degree to leave 
the defence of a country to its militia, some plan, in 
my opinion, ought to be adopted, which would pre- 
serve the great outlines of an army, in such manner 
as that it may not only be readily completed and 
drawn forth for action, whenever the exigencies of 
the nation shall require, but so as that it can be 
most speedily reduced to order and consistency. 

For this purpose I would therefore propose, — that 
a sufficient number of officers to compose such an 
army be retained in service, by continuing to them 
their rank. That promotions should take place, and 
vacancies be filled up, in the same manner as at 
present. That they should not receive pay, except 
when in actual service, but be entitled to certain en- 
couragements of the negative kind, such as exemption 
from serving in the militia, or in any of the burden- 
some offices of society; together with some such po- 
sitive distinctions (if any should be necessary) as 
would not tend to give the most distant cause of 
jealousy or apprehension among the most scrupulous 
repul)licans, and at the same time would be sullicicnt 
io induce the present gentlemen to retain their ranks, 



30 LETTERS TO WASHINGTO. 

and be at the call of their country, and others solicit- 
ous to obtain commissions. 

And, in order that we may always have a suc- 
cession of officers well versed in the tactics of war, 
I would farther propose, that, at one seminary of 
learning in each State, where degrees in the arts and 
sciences are conferred, a professorship should be es- 
tablished, lectures read, and degrees conferred in the 
military science. These Professorships to be under 
the inspection of some officer of high rank, and dis- 
tinguished abilities in the profession, who should have 
an adequate allowance of pay from the public, and 
be obliged to visit the several seminaries at stated 
periods, and report to the proper office the result of 
his visitations. From these seminaries all vacancies 
should be filled up as they occur, and no person 
should receive a commission, unless he had attended 
a certain number of courses of lectures, and been ad- 
mitted to his degree. 

A proportion of these officers will necessarily be 
employed with the troops for garrisoning the posts, 
&c. And I would propose that this duty should be 
performed by a certain routine, to be established for 
the purpose ; that, in turn, all should share the ad- 
vantage which may be derived from actual service, 
on the one hand, and, on the other, the mischiefs, 
which in time of peace might arise from too long a 
continuance in command at fixed posts, would there- 
by be obviated. 

In all our peace arrangements, we ought, I con- 
ceive, to have an eye to the support of the Federal 
Union, as the first and principal object of national 
concern. Influenced by this consideration, I would 
prefer an establishment (however feeble it might ap- 
pear) that is calculated to maintain that intimate 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 31 

connection between the different States, which gave 
us success in war, and upon which I am persuaded 
our happiness and importance will depend in peace. 
And it is this which would induce me to wdsh to pre- 
serve even the name of a Continental arnvj^ as well as 
to cherish that sense of military honor, which is so 
nearly allied to public virtue as not to admit of 
distinction, but ^vhich, from the peculiar situation of 
our country, may otherwise be too soon extinguished. 
I have the honor to be, with the greatest deference 
and respect. 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

George Clinton. 



Philadelphia, 15 April, 1783. 

Sir, 

There are two resolutions passed, relative to the 
restoration of the British prisoners, and to making 
arrangements for the surrender of the posts in the 
possession of the British troops ; the first of which is 
to be transacted by you in conjunction with the Se- 
cretary of War, the latter by yourself alone. I will 
explain to you some doubts which have arisen in 
Confjfress, with rco-ard to the true construction of the 
provisional treaty, which may be of use to you in 
transacting the jjusiness aljove mentioned. 

The sixth article declares that there shall be no 
future confiscation, &c., after the rafljiculion (>f the 
treaty in America ; and the seventh article makes the 
surrender of prisoners, evaciialinii (.(' posts, cessation 
of hostilities, &c., to dc[)(Mi(l on that event, to wit, 
the ratification of tJie treaty in Anierica. Now I lie doubt 



32 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

iS;, whether the irecdy means the provisional treaty 
already concluded^ or the definitive treaty io le conclud- 
ed. The last construction is most agreeable to the 
letter of the provisional articles ; the former, most 
agreeable to the usual practice of nations; for hos- 
tilities commonly cease on the ratification of the pre- 
liminary treaty. There is a great diversity of opi- 
nion in Congress. It will be, in my opinion, advisa- 
ble, at the same time that we do not communicate 
our doubts to the British, to extract their sense of 
the matter from them. 

This may be done by asking them at what period 
they are Avilling to stipulate the surrender of posts, 
at the same time that they are asked in what man- 
ner it will be most convenient to them to receive 
the prisoners. 

If they postpone the evacuation of the different 
posts to the definitive treaty, w^e shall then be justi- 
fied in doing the same with respect to prisoners. The 
question will then arise, whether, on principles of 
humanity, economy, and liberality, we ought not to 
restore the prisoners at all events, without delay. 
Much may be said on both sides. I doubt the ex- 
pedience of a total restoration of prisoners, until they 
are willing to fix the epochs at which they will take 
leave of us. It will add considerably to their strength; 
and accidents, though improbable, may happen. I con- 
fess, however, I am not clear in my opinion. I have 
the honor to be. 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

Alexander Hamilton. 

P. S. The provisional or preliminary treaty is ra- 
tified by us, for the greater caution. 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 33 

FROM MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 

Head- Quarters, Charleston, 20 April, 1783. 

Sir, 

I beg leave to congratulate your Excellency upon 
the returning smiles of peace, and the happy esta- 
blishment of our independence. This important event 
must be doubly welcome to jouy who have so suc- 
cessfully conducted the war, through such a variety 
of difficulties, to so happy a close. If universal re- 
spect, and the general affections of a grateful country, 
can compensate for the many painful hours which 
you have experienced in your country's cause, you 
are richly rewarded. Every heart feels, and every 
tongue confesses, the merit and importance of your 
services. The polite attention, which I have experi- 
enced since I have had the honor to serve under 
your command, claims my particular acknowledg- 
ments ; and I feel a singular satisfliction in having 
preserved your confidence and esteem through the 
whole progress of the war, notwithstanding mau}^ jar- 
ring interests. 

This pleasing event has relieved me from a load 
of anxiety on account of this country. I was much 
perplexed about withdrawing the troops from these 
States. 

I wished to comply fully with the spirit of your 
orders on this subject, but was at a loss how, with- 
out involving us both in difficulties. Happily for us, 
tln.'se arc removed. I have sent an express-boat to 
Philadelpliia, to get your final orders respecting the 
troops, and to see if transports can be got to take 
the army to tlie northward, as I am anxious to get 
it away from liere as early as possible. I hope this 



34 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

may find you in Philadelphia, and that you will be 
able to return me an answer in a few days. The 
cavalry must march by land, unless the horses are 
sold here. I suppose I shall have liberty to come to 
the northward, as soon as I can make it convenient, 
where I have many calls, both of a public and pri- 
vate nature. I have the honor to be, with great re- 
spect and esteem. 
Your Excellency's most obedient, humble servant, 

Nathanael Greene. 



FROM JOSEPH JONES, IN CONGRESS. 

Philadelphia, 6 INIay, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 

We have at length got through the plan of funds 
to be recommended to the States for their adoption. 
It has been the most difficult and perplexing discus- 
sion of any that have engaged the attention of this 
body for some time. The various objects to be com- 
bined, and the different interests to be reconciled, to 
make the system palatable to the States, was a work 
not easily or speedily to be effected ; and although it 
was the wish of many to settle the plan upon clear 
and unquestionable principles of finance, yet such 
were the prejudices of some States, and of some indi- 
viduals, and such their jealousies, we were obliged to 
"take a middle course with respect to its duration, and 
the appointment of collectors, or hazard ultimately 
the loss of the measure. As it stands, I believe it 
will answer the purposes intended, if the States will 
grant their concurrence. A copy will be transmitted 
to you for your and the army's information. 

As the state of our finances at present is such as 



THE AMERICAN KEVOLUTION. 35 

to make it difficult for the officer now at the head 
of that department, much more so for any new hand 
who might succeed him, to form the necessary ar- 
rangements for obtaining money sufficient for disband- 
ing the army, Mr. Morris has agreed to act until that 
business is accomplished, and will, I hope, be able to 
effect it to the satisfaction of the army. But from 
appearances, the period of disbanding will be more 
distant than many at first apprehended, if that mea- 
sure, as it seems to be proper it should, goes hand 
in hand with the evacuation of our country by the 
British forces. By this time you are better able to 
judge of the views and designs of Sir Guy Carleton, 
or of those who direct his movements, as I presume 
the intended interview took place, though, I confess, 
I thought there was indelicacy in the manner of that 
gentleman's mentioning his proposed attendants. In 
every thing else but that of evacuation (and they 
may be doing all they can in that, for any thing I 
know), they seem to act with flurness and liberality; 
and I should be sorry to find them in that, or any 
other instance, practising the old game of deception. 
We have reports that something of this sort appears 
in their conduct respecting the negroes in their pos- 
session, claimed by our citizens. These relations come 
from men of character, and, until the contrary is as- 
certained of what they assert, credit will be given to 
their reports. No proclamations can autliorize a refu- 
sal of property to those who claim under the article 
of the treaty, and establish their right by satisfactory 
proof 

Culonel F. Thornton, aljout two years ago, lost 
many of his negroes, who went on board some of tlie 
British ships of war, up the Potomac. Mo wrote to 
me, the other day, a])out them. Those, 1 believe, are 



36 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

not sanctioned by proclamation, and yet, I suspect, if 
the old gentleman was to send a person to claim 
them, his labor would be lost. If what we are told 
respecting the conduct of those in power in New 
York, concerning the claimed property of the Ameri- 
can citizens, be true, it will prove an effectual bar to 
the restoration of confiscated estates, had there been 
a disposition in the States before to render this. I 
wished to have seen the treaty faithfully executed on 
both sides ; but when , arts and prevarication take 
place on one side, they are apt to prevail on the 
other. 

I proceed immediately to Virginia, in order to at- 
tend the Assembly now convening, and shall thank 
you for any information respecting these matters you 
can properly communicate, that the truth may be 
knoAvn, and misrepresentations, if any prevail, remov- 
ed. If any thing occurs to you, wdiich you do not 
choose to communicate directly to the Executive, with 
respect to the arrangements necessary to be made on 
a peace, and shall confide them to me, proper atten- 
tion shall be paid to your observations. With perfect 
esteem and respect, I am, dear Sir, 

Your affectionate, humble servant, 

Joseph Jones. 



FROM COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU. 

Paris, 13 July, 1783. 

The letter you honored me with, my dear General, 
of the 10th of May, has given me the greatest plea- 
sure. I see you at the glorious end of all your toils, 
and with the desire to come to France. Try, my 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 37 

dear General, to effectuate this project. Let notliino- 
oppose itself to the idea. Come and receive, in a 
country which honors you, and which has admired 
you, the plaudits due to a great man. You may be 
assured of a reception without example. You will he 
received, as you deserve to be, after a revolution 
which has not its like in history. Everybody smiles, 
already, at the hopes you give me in your letter, 
and my heart beats with pleasure at the tliought of 
embracing you once more. 

It seems to me you should embark about the begin- 
ning of October, so as to be here about the beginning 
of November. You will then find the Court returned 
from Fontainbleau. You will pass your winter in the 
midst of the gayeties of Paris and of Versailles; and, 
in the spring, we will carry you to our country seats. 
Come, my dear General, and satisfy the desires of a 
nation whose hearts are already yours. You will 
eclipse all the English, who arrive in crowds here for 
a change of air, and whom we receive well, because 
we are polite and civil. But the reception of General 
Washington will be in the hearts of the French. 
I have the honor to be, &c., 

Le Compte de Rochambeau. 



FROM MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 

t Charleston, 8 August, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 
When I wrote you last, I did nut expect to ad- 
dress you from tliis place again ; but Colonel Carring- 
ton has detained me ii[)\\ar(ls of a week, to complete 
the business of his denarliiionl. On Tliursdav next 
we set off, by land, for the northward. 

VOL. IV. 4 



38 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

The Assembly of this State have rejected the im- 
post act recommended by Congress. Had ^^our cir- 
cular letter been printed a fortnight earlier, I am 
persuaded it would have brought them into the mea- 
sure. On once reading in the House, it produced an 
alteration of sentiment of more then one quarter of 
the members. The force and affection, with which it 
was written, made every one seem to embrace it with 
avidity. You were admired before ; you are little less 
than adored now. The recommendation of Congress 
had but a feeble influence until it was supported by 
yours. Although the State did not come into the 
plan recommended by Congress, they have laid a tax 
of five per cent, under the authority of the State, to 
be solely for the Continental use. This I attribute 
entirely to your letter. Its effects have been asto- 
nishing. 

I see, by the papers, the Northern army does not 
choose to be furloughed. The people here begin to 
be alarmed at it. I hope every thing will terminate 
both for the honor of the army and satisfaction of 
the people, notwithstanding. There have been seve- 
ral little mobs and riots lately in this town, owing 
to the indiscretion of some of the British merchants, 
and to the violence of temper and private views of 
some of the Whig interest. Tranquillity now prevails, 
and there is little probability of any further distur- 
bances. I hope to be at Mount Vernon in about 
three weeks ; but, from all I can learn of the north- 
ern affairs, there is little probability of my having 
the pleasure of meeting your Excellency there. Pre- 
sent me, respectfully, to Mrs. Washington, if with 
you, and to all the family. I am, with esteem and 
affection. 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 

Nathanael Greene. 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 39 

FROM FREDERIC HALDIMAND^ GOVERNOR OF CANADA. 

Sorel, 11 August, 1783. 

Sir, 

I Lave had the honor to receive, by the hands of 
Major-General Baron de Steuben, your Excellency's 
letter of the 12th of July last, communicating to me 
your having received instructions from the Congress 
of the United States to make proper arrangements 
with the Commanders-in-chief of the British forces in 
America, for receiving possession of the posts in the 
United States, occupied by the troops of His Britannic 
Majesty, agreeably to the seventh article of the pro- 
visional treaty ; and your having appointed the Baron 
de Steuben to form the said arrangements with me, 
for receiving the posts and fortresses under my direc- 
tion ; and also acquainting me, that the Baron is 
charged with instructions from your Excellency to 
visit the posts within the boundary of the United 
States upon the river St. Lawrence and the Lakes 
above, for the purpose of having a report made to 
you of the measures necessary for the garrisoning and 
support of them. 

In answer to your Excellency's letter, I beg leave 
to assure you. Sir, that few things w^ould aflbrd me 
greater pleasure than to manifest my readiness to 
comply with your Excellency's wishes, as far as it is 
consistent with my duty. Persuaded that your Ex- 
cellency docs not expect I should do more, I proceed 
to acquaint you, that His Majesty's proclamation, dc- 
claring a cessation of hostilities with the i)owcrs at 
war, and particular orders to comply with it, are the 
only instructions I have yot received upon the im- 
portant subject of peace. Thus situated, a strict <'l'- 



40 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

servance of my duty, and of the rules of war prac- 
tised by all nations, leaves me no alternative, but 
that of deferring a compliance with your requests, 
until I shall be properly authorized to receive them. 

While I regret the unavoidable disappointment, 
which the Baron de Steuben has met with in the 
execution of your Excellency's commands, I feel my- 
self indebted to an occurrence, which has procured to 
me the acquaintance of an officer of so much repute 
in the line of his profession, and who stands so high 
in your Excellency's esteem. 

As the Baron will communicate to your Excellency 
the substance of our conversation upon the subject 
of his commission, I shall add no more here, than to 
assure your Excellency that every measure, which 
obedience to the commands of my sovereign, and the 
most humane inclinations, could suggest, and which the 
indefatigable endeavours of my officers serving in the 
upper country, and the force of presents, could effect, 
has been unweariedly employed in restraining the 
Indians, and reconciling them to peace. And it is 
with sincere pleasure, I acquaint your Excellency, 
that my effi)rts have been completely successful, not- 
withstanding the hostile attempts, which were made 
against the upper country, long after their happy 
effects had been experienced upon the frontiers. I 
have the honor to be, Sir, your Excellency's 

Most obedient, and most humble servant, 

Frederic Haldimand. 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 41 

FROM BARON STEUBEN. 

Saratoga, 23 August, 1783. 

Sir, 

I have the honor to inform your Excellency that 
I arrived here last night, and, had my health permit- 
ted, should have continued my journey until I could 
have had the honor to inform your Excellency, in 
person, of the success of my mission. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Villefranche will present this ; 
to him I beg leave to refer for such observations re- 
lative to the situation of certain places, as I have 
been able to make during my tour. I esteem myself 
very unfortunate that I could not succeed in the 
business with which I was charged, and am only 
consoled by the idea that your Excellency will be- 
lieve that every thing wdiich was in my power to do 
Avas done, to answer the wishes of your Excellency 
and of Congress. 

I arrived at Chamblee on the 2d of August, from 
whence I sent ]\Iajor North to announce my arrival 
to General Ilaldimand. Inclosed is a copy of my 
letter, and his answer, which did not meet me till 
I had reached Dechambeau. According to General 
Ilaldimand's appointment, we met at Sorel, on the 
8th, where I presented your Excellency's letter, and 
opened the business on which I was sent. To the 
first proposition which I had in charge to make, Ge- 
neral Ilaldimand replied, that he had nut received 
any orders fur making the least arrangement for the 
evacuatiun of a single post ; that he had only receiv- 
ed orders to cease hostilities; those he had strictly 
complied with, not only 1)y restraining the Ihitish 
troops, but also the savages, from committing ibc 



42 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

least hostile act; but tliat^ until lie should receive 
positive orders for that purpose, he would not evacu- 
ate an inch of ground. 

I informed him that I was not instructed to insist 
on an immediate evacuation of the posts in question, 
but that I was ordered to demand a safe conduct to, 
and a liberty of visiting the posts on our frontiers, 
and now occupied by the British, that I might judge 
of the arrangements necessary to be made for secur- 
ing the interests of the United States. To this he 
answered, that the precaution was premature ; that 
the peace was not yet signed ; that he was only au- 
thorized to cease hostilities ; and that, in this point 
of view, he could not permit that I should visit a 
single post occupied by the British. Neither would 
he agree that any kind of negotiation should take 
place between the United States and the Indians, if 
in his power to prevent it; and that the door of 
communication should, on his part, be shut, until he 
received positive orders from his Court to open it. 

My last proposal was, that he should enter into an 
agreement to advise Congress of the evacuation of 
the posts, three months previous to their abandon- 
ment. This, for the reason before mentioned, he re- 
fused, declaring that, until the definitive treaty should 
be signed, he would not enter into any kind of agree- 
ment or negotiation whatever. 

Although General Haldimand's answers to my de- 
mands v/ere sufficiently clear not to be misunderstood, 
I requested his definitive answer in writing, a copy 
of which, together with a copy of my letter, is in- 
closed. Not having any thing to hope from a con- 
tinuance of the negotiation, I left St. John's on the 
13th. In a few days, I hope to be able to inform 
your Excellency more minutely of every thing which 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 43 

passed between us. With the greatest respect, I have 
the honor to be, Sir, 

Your Excellency's obedient servant, 

Steuben. 



FROM THOMAS PAINE. 

Bordentown, 21 September, 1783. 

Sm, 

I am made exceedingly happy by the receipt of 
your friendly letter of the 10th instant, which is this 
moment come to hand ; and the young gentleman 
that brought it, a son of Colonel George Morgan, 
waits wliile I write this. It had been sent to Phila- 
delphia, and on my not being there, was returned, 
agreeably to directions on the outside, to Colonel 
Morgan at Princeton, who forwarded it to this place. 
I most sincerely thank you for your good wishes and 
friendship to me, and the kind invitation you have 
honored me with, which I shall with much pleasure 
accept. 

On the resignation of Mr. Livingston in the win- 
ter, and likewise of Mr. Robert Morris , it 
was judged proper to discontinue the matter which 
took place when you were in Philadelphia. It was 
at the same time a pleasure to me to find both 
these gentlemen (to whom I was, before that time, 
but little known), so warmly disposed to assist in 
rendering my situation permanent; and Mr. Living- 
ston's letter to me, in answer to one of mine to him, 
wliicli I inclose, will serve to show that his friend- 
ship to ine is in concurrence with yours. 

By the advice of Mr. Morris, I presented a letter 
to Congress expressing a request that they would be 



44 LETTEKS TO WASHINGTON. 

pleased to direct me to lay before them an account 
of what my services, such as they were, and situa- 
tion, had been during the course of the war. This 
letter was referred to a Committee, and their report 
is now before Congress, and contains, as I am inform- 
ed, a recommendation that I be appointed Historio- 
grapher to the Continent. I have desired some mem- 
bers, that the further consideration of it be postponed, 
until I can state to the Committee some matters 
which I wish them to be acquainted vdth, both with 
regard to myself and the appointment. And as it 
was my intention, so I am now encouraged by your 
friendship, to take your confidential advice upon it 
before I present it. For, though I never was at a 
loss in writing on public matters, I feel exceedingly 
so in what respects myself 

I am hurt by the neglect of the collective, ostensi- 
ble body of America, in a way in which it is proba- 
ble they do not perceive my feelings. It has an ef- 
fect in putting either my reputation, or their gene- 
rosity, at stake ; for it cannot fail of suggesting that 
either I (notwithstanding the appearance of service) 
have been undeserving their regard, or that they are 
remiss towards me. Their silence is to me something 
like condemnation, and their neglect must be justified 
by my loss of reputation, or my reputation supported 
at their injury ; either of which is alike painful to 
me. But, as I have ever been dumb on every thing 
which might touch national honor, so I mean ever to 
continue so. Wishing you. Sir, the happy enjoyment 
of peace, and every public and private felicity, I re- 
main, your Excellency's 

Most obliged and obedient, humble servant, 

Thomas Paine. 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 45 

FROM THOMAS PAINE. 

Philadelphia, 2 October, 1783. 

Sir, 

I have drawn up the inclosed with a design of 
presenting it to the Committee, to whom a letter of 
mine to Congress was referred, and who have deli- 
vered in a report, as mentioned in my former letter 
to your Excellency. I have not read the narrative 
over, since I wrote it. A man's judgment in his own 
behalf, situated as I am, is very likely to he wrong, 
and between the apprehensions of saying too little or 
too much, he probably errs in both. 

What I can best say in favor of it is, that it is 
true, and contains matters which I wish Congress to 
know; and though there is an awkwardness in the 
information coming from me, yet, as it cannot coDie 
from anybody else, I feel an excuse to myself in 
doing it. I have shown it to no person whatever, 
nor mentioned it to any one except Mr. Robert Mor- 
ris, who advised the measure, and for that reason 
wished it to be done without his knowing any thing 
further of it. Therefore, as it is yet in embryo, 
should there be any thing in it that might be thought 
improper, I shall be much obliged to you to point it 
out to me. 

The case, as it appears to me, turns thus. If Con- 
gress and the country are disposed to make mo any 
acknowledgments, it is right and necessary that they 
should know what the narrative mentions ; and if not, 
it will serve to exculpate mc, in the opinion of fu- 
ture Congresses, from llio implied demerit which the 
neglect of former ones serve to lay me under. And 
these are the points I cliicfly had in view in draw- 



46 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

ing it up. Mr. Clarke, and Mr. Peters, who are of 
the Committee, were earnest with me to communicate 
myself to them freely ; and had proposed my meet- 
ing them on the Monday on which the alarm of the 
soldiers happened at Philadelphia. This, of conse- 
quence, preyented it, and I then proposed doing it 
in writing; and, therefore, as I am under the obliga- 
tion of presenting something to the Committee, from 
whom it will probably come before Congress, my 
wish to your Excellency is, that you would give me 
your confidential opinion whether I am acting in or 
out of character, in what I have drawn up for that 
purpose. 

My landlord, where I lodged at Philadelphia, hav- 
ing removed from the house, occasioned my coming 
to town, to pack up my things; after which I shall 
return to Bordentown, and hope, in a few days, to 
have the happiness to see you well at Rocky Hill. 
I am now at Colonel Biddle's. General Greene is 
come to Annapolis; and I hope for the opportunity 
of seeing him before I leave town, as I understand 
from Colonel Pettit that his health is on the reco- 
very. 

We have no news here. The definitive treaty and 
treaty of commerce are long in completing. I sup- 
pose the British begin to find out the weak part of 
America. The imprudent conduct and publications 
of Rhode Island have, among other things, served to 
show it. The British, I believe, would have had no 
idea of superior advantages in a treaty of commerce, 
had they not discovered that the authority of Con- 
gress was not sufficient to control or prevent them. 

Though I am most exceedingly obliged to you for 
your good opinion and kind disposition towards me, 
yet I have not a great deal of expectation from Con- 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 47 

gress. The constant coldness they have shoAvn in 
every thing which respects me, does not, I am apt 
to think, arise from my not having done enough, hut 
too much. Many of them, hitherto, were not friends 
to fame in individuals, and perhaps less so to me, 
because that which I gained, or rather, could not 
avoid, though a service to them, was in a line which 
bordered too nearly on their own. So far as this is 
a reason, it makes the case the harder ; yet I can- 
not help thinking there is some truth in it. I am, 
with every wish for your health and happiness, your 
Excellency's 

Much obliged, and obedient, humble servant, 

Thomas Paine. 



FROM governor CLINTON. 

Pougbkecpsle, 14 October, 1783. 

Dear Sir, 
This is the first moment I have found myself 
able to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's 
obliging letter of the 11th ultimo, and to express 
the grateful sense I entertain of the concern which 
you are so kindly pleased to express for my reco- 
very. The severity of my disorder had so far abated 
as to enable me to leave my room, and attempt a 
little moderate exercise ; but, after two or three days, 
it was succeeded by a slow fever, attended witli a 
disagreeable cough and depression of spirits, which 
came upon me every afternoon, and continued until 
morning. Its long continuance has reduced me very 
low, and my recovery is ahnust imperceptible, so that 
I have little reason speedily to expect a return of 
my usual health. 



48 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

I am sorry to leariij that the peace establishment 
is so long delayed ; though it is what I expected, nor 
do I believe one will ever be agreed upon that will 
give respectability to the nation, and security to the 
frontiers. Some States appear now to be exceedingly 
jealous of the Confederation; and, I observe, even 
towns are giving instructions to their representatives 
to guard against any infringement of it. It would 
become them to reflect, that, not long since, when it 
suited their interest and their humor, a violation of 
it, in a very essential instance, was so far from being 
disagreeable, that it was strongly advocated by those 
States who now appear the most scrupulous. I am 
fully persuaded, unless the powers of the National 
Council are enlarged, and that body better supported 
than it is at present, all their measures will discover 
such feebleness and want of energy, as will stain us 
with disgrace, and expose us to the worst of evils. 

We have as yet no certainty when the British will 
leave the southern district of this State, though all 
accounts agree that their stay will not exceed the 
10th of next month. As my correspondence with 
Sir Guy, since your Excellency left this quarter, has 
ceased, I am something apprehensive that he may 
not give me timely notice, as he promised to do in 
his first letter, for the establishment of the jurisdic- 
tion of the State over that district on his departure; 
and disorders will consequently take place, before mea- 
sures can be taken by the State to prevent them. I 
could wish, therefore, that the troops on the lines in 
Westchester county might have orders to move to 
the neighbourhood of the city the moment the British 
leave it, and, if there should be no impropriety in it, 
be subject to my direction while they remain there. 
And I would be much obliged to your Excellency;, 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 49 

if you will be pleased to inform me Ijy express (the 
expense whereof the State will cheerfully pay), of the 
first advice you may receive of the time proposed by 
Sir Guy for his departure. 

We were under much anxiety on hearing of Mrs. 
Washington's indisj^osition, and w^ere made extremely 
happy by your account of her recovery. Mrs. Clinton 
joins me in requesting you to accept and to tender 
to Mrs. Washington our most respectful compliments. 
I am, with the highest sentiments of respect and 
esteem, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

George Clinton. 

P. S. Your Excellenc}^ will be pleased to excuse 
this scroll's not appearing in my own hand. I at- 
tempted to copy it, but found it too much fur me. 



FROM JOHN HANCOCK, GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS. 

Bo:iton, 1j Octobur, 1783. 
vSiR, 

My feelings as a private friend, and tlie very great 
personal regard fur yuur Excellency \\itli wliirh I 
have been penetrated ever since T lind the hunur of 
an acquaintance with yuu, wonld liy nu means aUuw 
me to see yuu retiring frum yuur important emi)loy- 
mcnts williont p.'iying }'(»u my piiiticiilar atlentiuns. 
But wlicn, as a public man, warndy attarlicd tu tlie 
interest of my cunutry, I consider tlie nature oi' thu.^e 
services which you have roiulered tu that cuuntry ; 
wlicii I iccullrcl tli(^ cares you Inni^ sustaiiictl, tlic 
fatigues you hdw uuduroij. aii<l tlw dangers y<»u \in\r 

VOL. iV. O 



50 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

confronted^ for the public safety ; when I call to mind 
the many instances in which your abilities, your pru- 
dence, your fortitude and patience, have been superior 
to the severest trials ; and when I now see the great 
object of all so completely obtained in the establish- 
ment of the independence and peace of the United 
States; — my heart is too full to forbear to congratu- 
late your Excellency in the most respectful and affec- 
tionate manner, upon an issue so happy to them, and 
so glorious to yourself 

To all your services, as Commander-in-chief of an 
army that has, in a manner astonishing to the whole 
world, efficaciously supported the freedom of America, 
you have constantly added, and particularly in your 
late circular letter to the States, the result of your 
uncommon wisdom and experience as a statesman, to 
assist us in improving, to the happiest purposes, the 
advantages gained by our arms. 

After such services, which consecrate your name 
to all posterity, with what home-felt satisfaction must 
your future days be blest ! Heaven crown them with 
every favor ! May you long live, my dear General, 
and long have the joy to see the increasing splendor 
and prosperity of a rising nation, aided by your 
counsels, and defended by your sword! Indulge me 
the pleasure to believe that I have a place in your 
recollection, and still honor and make me happy in 
your friendship. I have the honor to be, with the 
most perfect sentiments of regard and esteem, dear 
General, your 

Most obedient and very faithful, humble servant, 

John Hancock. 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 51 

FROM MAJOR-GENERAL GREENE. 

Philadelphia, 3 November, 1783. 
SiRj 

I return your Excellency many thanks for your 
polite letter, accompanying the resolution of Congress, 
complimenting me with a couj^le of cannon. I am 
not very certain where those cannon are, but I be- 
lieve tw^o are in Virginia, and three in South Caro- 
lina; and it is no less difficult for me to determine 
where I w^ould wish those sent wdiich are made choice 
of for me. If those in South Carolina should be fixed 
upon, I would wish them to remain in Charleston. 
But if those in Virginia should be appropriated for 
this purpose, if agreeable, let them be sent to New- 
port. Should any thing happen before this business 
is executed, which should enable me to be more ex- 
plicit on the subject, I shall take the earliest oppor- 
tunity of signifying to your Excellency my further 
wishes in the matter. I am, Avith the highest respect, 
and greatest esteem. 

Your Excellency's most obedient, humble servant, 

Natranael Greene. 



FROM JONATHAN TRUMBULL, JR.=== 

Lebanon, 15 November, 17S3. 

Sir, 
It may be a matter of curiosity to your Excel Kmu'V 
to see the address of Governor Truml)ull to the Ge- 
neral Assem])ly and frf^MncMi of Hk^ State, declining 
any rurllicr election to public olHce. As such, I tako 



• III' hail bt'in for some lime one of General Washington's Aidsnlc- 
camp, and was afterwards Governor of Connecticut, 



52 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

the liberty to inclose it to you, with the reply of 
the Legislature on the occasion. 

To show your Excellency the cautious jealousy of 
oui Legislature, w^hich takes its tone from the people, 
and has arisen to a pitch of very extraordinary ex- 
cess, I inclose also a paragraph, which was reported 
by a Committee of the General Assembly, as part of 
their reply, but which was rejected by the lower 
House of Assembly, lest, by adopting it, they should 
seem to convey to the people an idea of their con- 
curring with the political sentiments contained in the 
address; — so excessively jealous is the spirit of this 
State at present, respecting the powers and the en- 
gagements of Congress, arising principally from their 
aversion to the half-pay and commutation granted to 
the army. Principally, I say, arising from this cause, 
because it is but too true that some few are wicked 
enough to hope that, by means of this clamor, they 
may be able to rid themselves of the whole public 
debt, by introducing so much confusion and disorder 
into public measvires as shall eventually produce a 
general abolition of the whole. 

Lamentable as this idea is, I fear the sentiment is 
but too growing a one. What from the interested 
motives of some, and the wicked designs of others, 
there is too much reason to apprehend its prevalence. 
But Providence is wdse; and that same Divine super- 
intendence, which has so remarkably watched over 
our Revolution, will, I trust, still guard us from the 
machinations of wicked men, and prevent the fatal 
consequences of the ill-judged policy of interested and 
designing ones. 

You will pardon me, Sir, for troubling you with 
this gloomy tale. For myself, I have not lost my 
confidence in the final issue of our political establish- 
ment; and your Excellency's firmness and resolution 



THE AMEKICAN REVOLUTION. 5 



o 



I know to be superior to any desponding ideas. I 
give it to you, as the present temper of the people 
only, which, though for a time misled by the artful, 
interested, and contracted views of the designing part 
of the community, too many of whom, mounted upon 
the hobby-horse of the day, have rode into confidence, 
yet must take a turn soon, overcome by the superior 
good sense of the virtuous part of the public, some 
of whom already begin to perceive the delusion. 

Our Assembly, who did nothing in their last ses- 
sion, stand adjourned to January. The popular clamor 
against commutation, which alone prevented a com- 
pliance with the recommendations of Congress, is on 
the decline ; and it is hoped that the next Assembly, 
following the example of Massachusetts, will pass the 
impost without restriction. 

I expect this will reach your Excellency at your 
own seat; the long wished-for place of your retreat 
from public cares and business. In this happy retire- 
ment may you enjoy many pleasant days and years 
of unenvied felicity, partaking every domestic and 
social happiness that your exalted virtues and merits 
so justly entitle you to ! May I beg your Excellency 
to present my most respectful compliments and re- 
gards to Mvs. Washington, for whose health and fu- 
ture happiness I feel a very particular desire. Witli 
the most respectful attachment and sincere regard, I 
liave the honor to be. Sir, your Excellency's 

Most obedient and obliged humble servant, 
Jonathan Trumbull, Jk. 

[\ S. 1 have in charge to convey to you the Go- 
vernor's very sincere respects and compliments, witli 
his earnest wishes for your I'ulure health, prosperity, 
and every fidiciiy. 



PART SECOND; 



CONTAIXIXG 



(J O R R E S P O N B E N (] E 



FROM THE TIME OF 



WASHINGTON'S RETIREMENT FROM THE ARMY, 



END OF HIS PRESIDENCY. 



CORRESPONDENCE 



AFTER THE 



AMERICAN EEYOLUTION, 



FROM GOVERNOR HARRISON. 

Richmond, G January, 1784. 

My dear Sir, 
It gives me great pleasure to inform that the As- 
sembly yesterday, without a dissenting voice, compli- 
mented you with fifty shares in the Potomac Com- 
pany, and one hundred in the James Eiver Company, 
of which I give you early notice to stop your sub- 
scribing on your own account. As this compliment 
is intended by your country in commemoration of 
your assiduous cares to promote her interest, I hope 
you will liavc no scruples in accepting the present, 
and tliereby gratifying them in their most earnest 
wishes. I most sincerely tender you and your good 
lady the compliments of the season, and many happy 
renewals of it ; and am, dear Sir, 

Your aliectionatc servant, 

Benj^vmin Uariuson. 



58 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM HENRY KNOX. 

Boston, 21 February, 1784. 

Agreeably to my promise, my dear Sir, I write 
you from this place, and flatter myself with the hope 
that, although my letter contains no important intel- 
ligence, yet it may not be unpleasing to you. 

Your calm retreat of Mount Vernon must be a 
source of ineffable delight to you. You can from 
thence take a retrospective view of the critical exi- 
gencies of the war, and see a thousand ways by 
which the issue might have been the reverse of Avhat 
it is. And your happiness must be in proportion to 
the extreme difficulties and dangers of the contest, 
and the immense blessings secured to your country 
by the glorious peace, contrasted with the miseries 
consecjuent upon an unfortunate termination. 

We have little or no politics; all commerce frozen 
up by the uncommon severity of the season ; but bet- 
ter prospects in the spring. There are now upon the 
stocks, in different parts of the State, for the fisheries 
and other branches of trade, upwards of eight hun- 
dred vessels, which will be at sea early in the summer. 

New Hampshire and this State have come into the 
impost exactly as proposed by Congress; and it ap- 
pears to be pretty certain that Ehode Island and 
Connecticut will be induced to come into it. Many 
sensible men are for the powers of the Union being 
high braced ; but no measures are proposed to ef- 
fect it. 

The Cincinnati appears, however groundlessly, to 
be an object of jealousy. The idea is that it has 
been created by a foreign influence, in order to 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 59 

change our forms of government. And this opinion 
is strengthened by a letter from one of our Ministers 
abroad. Burke's pamphlet has had its full operation. 
The cool, dispassionately sensible men seem to approve 
of the institution generally, but dislike the hereditary 
descent. The two branches of the Legislature of this 
State, namely, the Assembly and Senate, have chosen 
a Committee, " to inquire into any associations or 
combinations to introduce undue distinctions into the 
community, and which may have a tendency to create 
a race of hereditary nobility, contrary to the Confe- 
deration of the United States, and the spirit of the 
Constitution of this Commonwealth." They have not 
yet reported, and perhaps they will not. The same 
sentiments pervade New England. The Society here 
have had a respectable meeting in Boston, on the 
10th instant, at which General Lincoln presided. Ge- 
neral Heath was not present. A Committee was 
chosen to attend the general meeting at Philadelphia 
next May ; — General R. Putnam, Colonel Cobb, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Hull, Major Sargent and myself Pro- 
bably only two will attend. It was thought prudent 
not to make any honorary members at present. The 
officers and soldiers conduct themselves in an exem- 
plary manner, and are generally as industrious as any 
part of the community. 

I wrote your Excellency from West Puint on ihv 
3d ultimo, inclosing the returns, and a particular ac- 
count of matters there, wliicli I hope met your apj)ro- 
bation. And I also wrote you a line on the lUh of 
the same month, the day I set out from thence. W(' 
reside at Dorchester, about five miles from town, in a 
very agreeable situation. I sliall Impo i'nr ilio j»l»\'i- 
suro of hearing from you at your leisure. Mrs. Knox 
presents her sincere and ardent .'ilVeetion to ^Irs. 



60 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Washington, and proposes to write particularly to her 
soon; and I also beg my respectful compliments may 
be added. I am, my dear Sir, your truly 

Respectful and affectionate, humble servant, 

Henry Knox. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, 9 March, 1784. 

My dear General, 

Had I not so perfect a confidence in your friend- 
ship, I should very much fear to tire you with my 
scribbling of this day; but cannot leave my pen be- 
fore I have again mentioned my tender, respectful 
affection to my dear General. I want to tell you 
that Madame de Lafayette and my three children are 
well, and that all of us, in the family, heartily join 
to present their dutiful, affectionate compliments to 
Mrs. Washington and yourself. Tell her that I hope 
soon to thank her for a dish of tea at Mount Ver- 
non. Yes, my dear General, before the month of 
June is over, you will see a vessel coming up the 
Potomac, and out of that vessel will your friend 
jump, with a panting heart, and all the feelings of 
perfect happiness. 

I intended to have gone sooner ; but a few com- 
mercial matters will keep me here; for, since nobody 
meddles with them, I have undertaken, in my private 
capacity, to do what is possible for one who has 
neither title nor instruction. It is at least a comfort 
that, in my private capacity, I cannot commit Con- 
gress; and that I never speak but of what I know. 
Four ports having been declared free, I send Mr. 
Morris a letter respecting the duties to be paid there; 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 61 

and I hope Congress will also publish that all duties 
have been removed for the exportation of brandies. 

Most of the Americans here are virulent against our 
Association.^-^ Wadsworth must be excepted, and Dr. 
Franklin said little; but Jay, Adams, and all the others, 
warmly blame the army. You easily guess I am not 
remiss in opposing them. However, if it is found 
that the heredity endangers the true principles of de- 
mocracy, I am as ready as any man to renounce it. 
You will be my compass, my dear General; because, 
at this distance, I cannot judge. In case, after better 
consideration, you find that heredity will injure our 
democratic constitutions, I join with you, by proxy, 
in voting against it. But I do so much rely on your 
judgment that, if you think heredity is a proper 
scheme, I shall be convinced that your patriotism has 
considered the matter in the best point of view. To 
you alone I would say so much ; and I abide by 
your opinion in the matter. Let the foregoing be 
confidential; but, I am sure, your disinterested virtue 
will weigh all possible future consequences of heredi- 
tary distinctions. 

There are no news at this moment that are wortli 
relating. What respects balloons, M. L'Enfant Avill 
tell.f The present English disputes are somewhat 
ridiculous ; they must end in a dissolution of Parlia- 
ment, or a union between Pitt and Fox. Adieu, ni}' 
dear General. Accept, with your usual goodness, the 
affectionate tribute of a heart so entirely devoted 1" 
you, that no words can ever express the respect, the 
love, and all the sentiments, with which you know it 



* Society of the Cincinnati. 

t AUudin" to the r<'«int I'xjx'iiinonts of Montgolfior in the con- 
struction of balloons. 

VOL. n'. i) 



62 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

is glowing for you^ and that make me, until my last 
breath, 

Your obedient, humble, and affectionate friend, 

Lafayette. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Annapolis, 15 March, 1784. 

Dear Sir, 

Since my last, nothing new has occurred. I sup- 
pose the crippled state of Congress is not new to 
you. We have only nine States present, eight of 
whom are represented by two members each; and of 
course, on all great questions, not only a unanimity 
of States, but of members, is necessary ; a unanimity 
which can never be obtained on a matter of any im- 
portance. The consequence is, that we are wasting 
our time and labor in vain efforts to do business. 
Nothing less than the presence of thirteen States, re- 
presented by an odd number of delegates, will enable 
us to get forward a single capital point. 

The deed for the cession of western territory by 
Virginia, was executed and accepted on the 1st in- 
stant. I hope our country will, of herself, determine 
to cede still further to the meridian of the mouth of 
the great Kenhawa. Further she cannot govern ; so 
far is necessary for her own well-being. The reasons 
which call for this boundary (which will retain all 
the waters of the Kenhawa) are, — that within that 
are our lead mines. Secondly, this river, rising in 
North Carolina, traverses our whole latitude, and offers 
to every part of it a channel for navigation and com- 
merce to the western country. But, thirdly, it is a 
channel which cannot be opened but at immense 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 63 

expense;, and with every facility whicli an absolute 
power over both shores will give. Fourthly, this 
river, and its waters, form a band of good land, 
passing along our whole frontier, and forming on it 
a barrier, which will be strongly seated. Fifthly, for 
one hundred and eighty miles beyond these waters 
is a mountainous barren, which can never be inhabit- 
ed, and will of course form a safe separation between 
us and any other State. Sixthly, this tract of coun- 
try lies more convenient to receive its government 
from Virginia than from any other State. Seventhly, 
it will preserve to us all the upper parts of You- 
ghiogany and Cheat Eivers, within which much will 
be to be done, to open these, which are the true 
doors to the western commerce. 

The union of this navigation with that of the Po- 
tomac is a subject on which I mentioned that I 
would take the liberty of writing to you. I am sure 
its value and practicability are both well known to 
you. This is the moment, however, for seizing it, if 
evGv we mean to have it. All the world is becoming 
commercial. Was it practicable to keep our new 
empire separated from them, we might indulge our- 
selves in speculating whether commerce contributes 
to the happiness of mankind. But we cannot sepa- 
rate ourselves from them. Our citizens have had too 
full a taste of the comforts furnished by the arts and 
manufactures, to be debarred the use of them. We 
must then, in our own defence, endeavour to share 
as large a portion as we can of this modern source 
of wealth and power. That offered to us from the 
western country is under a competition between 
the Hudson, the Potomac, and the Mississippi itself 
Down the last, Avill pass all heavy commodities ; but 
the navigation thruu<rh the Gulf of Mexico is so 



64 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

dangerouS; and that np the Mississippi so difficult 
and tedious, that it is not probable that European 
merchandise will return through that channel. It is 
most likely that flour, lumber, and other heavy ar- 
ticles, will be floated on rafts, which will be them- 
selves an article of sale as well as their loading; the 
navigators returning by land, or in light bateaux. 

There will, therefore, be a rivalship between the 
Hudson and the Potomac, for the residue of the com- 
merce of all the country westward of Lake Erie, on 
the waters of the Lakes, of the Ohio and upper parts 
of the Mississippi. To go to New York, that part of 
the trade, which comes from the Lakes or their waters, 
must first be brought into Lake Erie. So also must 
that which comes from the waters of the Mississippi, 
and of course must cross at some portage into the 
waters of the Lakes. When it shall have entered 
Lake Erie, it must coast along its southern shore, on 
account of the number and excellence of its har- 
bours ; the northern, though shortest, having few har- 
bours, and these unsafe. Having reached Cuyahoga, 
to proceed on to New York, will be nine hundred 
and seventy miles from thence, and five portages; 
whereas it is but four hundred and thirty miles to 
Alexandria, if it turns into the Cuyahoga, and passes 
through that. Big Beaver, Ohio, Youghiogany (or Mo- 
nongalia and Cheat), and Potomac, and there are but 
two portages for the trade of the Ohio, or that which 
shall come into it from its own waters or the Mis- 
sissippi. It is nearer to Alexandria than to New 
York by seven hundred and thirty miles, and is in- 
terrupted by one portage only. Nature then has de- 
clared in favor of the Potomac ; and through that 
channel offers to pour into our lap the whole com- 
merce of the western world. But, unfortunately, the 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 55 

channel by the Hudson is ah^eady open and known 
in practice ; ours is still to be opened. This is the 
moment in which the trade of the west w^ill beo-iu to 
get into motion, and to take its direction. It be- 
hooves us, then, to open our doors to it. 

I have lately pressed this subject on my friends 
in the General Assembly, proposing to them to en- 
deavour to have a tax laid, which shall bring into a 
separate chest from five to ten thousand pounds a 
year, to be emj)loyed, first, in opening the upper 
waters of the Ohio and Potomac, where a little 
money and time will do a great deal, leaving the 
Great Falls for the last part of the work. To remove 
the idea of partiality, I have suggested the propriety 
and justice of continuing this fund, till all the rivers 
shall be cleared successively. But a most powerful 
objection ahvays arises to propositions of this kind. 
It is, that public undertakings are carelessly managed, 
and much money spent to little purpose. To obviate 
this objection is the purpose of my giving you the 
trouble of this discussion. You have retired from 
public life ; you have weighed this determination, and 
it would be impertinence in me to touch it. But 
would the superintendence of this Avork break in too 
much on the sweets of retirement and repose ? 

If they would, I stop here. Your future time and 
wishes are sacred in my eye. If it would be only a 
dignified amusement to you, wluit a monument of 
your retirement would it be ! It is one which woukl 
follow that of your public life, and bespeak it the 
work of the same great hand. I am confident, that 
would you either alone, or jointly with any persons 
you think proper, be willing to direct tliis Inisiness, 
it would remove the (tnly objection, the weight of 
which I apprehend. Tliou^h th(; tax should nut cume 
'■■■ 



66 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

in till the fall, its proceeds should be anticipated by 
borrowing' from some other fund, to enable the work 
to be begun this summer. When you view me as 
not owning, nor ever having a prospect of owning, 
one incli of land, on any water, either of the Poto- 
mac or Ohio, it will tend to apologize for tbe trouble 
I have given you of this long letter, by showing, 
that my zeal in this business is public and pure. 
The best atonement for the time I have occupied 
you, will be, not to add to it longer than while I 
assure you of the sincerity and esteem with which I 
have the honor to be, &;c., 

Thomas Jefferson. 

P. S. The hurry of time, in my former letter, 
prevented my thanking you for your polite and 
friendly invitation to Mount Vernon. I shall certain- 
ly pay my respects there to Mrs. Washington and 
yourself, with great pleasure, whenever it shall be in 
my power. 



FROM GOVERNOR TRUMBULL. 

Lebanon, 20 April, 1784. 

Dear Sir, 
Having had the satisfaction to accord with you in 
the sentiment of retiring from the busy cares of pub- 
lic life, to the tranquil scenes of private enjoyment, 
I anticipate, with much pleasure, the reflections which 
such a state will enable us to make upon the happy 
issue of those anxious and perplexing vicissitudes 
through which, in the course of an eight years' un- 
usual war, you and I have had the lot to pass, and, 
in the cares and solicitudes of which, we have borne 
no ignoble part. 



rniVATE LETTERS. 67 

I felicitate you, Sir, with great cordiality, on your 
having already reached the goal of your wishes, and 
most devoutly invoke the Divine benediction on your 
enjoyments and pursuits. A month more, I trust, will 
bring me to the haven of retirement ; in the tranquil- 
lity of which I hope to have leisure to attend to and 
cultivate those seeds of private friendship, which have 
been planted during the tumults of war, and in the 
cultivation of which I promise myself to reap much 
pleasure. 

Indulging these prospects, I am induced to wish, 
and even to hope, that the correspondence between 
you and me, which commenced under the pressure 
of disagreeable circumstances, may not wholly cease 
when we find ourselves in a happier situation. Al- 
though enveloped in the shades of retirement, the 
busy mind cannot suppress its activity, but will be 
seeking some employment, which wdll indeed be ne- 
cessary to dispel that languor which a scene of inac- 
tivity would be apt to produce. Subjects will not be 
w^anting ; fir diflercnt, and more agreeable, I trust, 
than those we have been accustomed to dwell upon; 
and occasions will present which may serve to beguile 
a lingering hour, and afford some pleasing amusement, 
or instructive information. Let not the disparity of 
age, or the idea of a correspondent seventy-three 
years advanced on liis journey through life, chill 
your expectations from this proposal. I promise you 
my best endeavours; and Avhen you perceive, as too 
soon, alas ! you may, that your returns are not pro- 
portional to your disl)ursements, you have only to 
cease your correspondence ; I shall submit. 

The iVuiis of our peace and independence do not, 
at i)rcscnt, wear so promising an appearance as I 
had fondly painted io my mind. Tlie jealousies, the 



68 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

prejudices^ and turbulence of the people, at times, 
almost stagger my confidence in our political esta- 
blisliment, and almost occasion me to think that they 
will show themselves unworthy the noble prize for 
which we have contended, and which, I had pleased 
myself, was so near our enjoyment. But again, I 
check this rising impatience, and console myself un- 
der the present prospect, wdth the consideration that 
the same beneficent and wise Providence which has 
done so much for this country, will not eventually 
leaA'O us to ruin our own happiness, to become the 
sport of chance, or the scoff of an admiring world; 
but that great things are still in store for this people, 
which time, and the wisdom of the Great Director, 
will produce in its best season. In this better confi- 
dence, I bid you adieu for the present, wishing you 
every felicity, wMe I subscribe myself, with sincere 
esteem, and the most affectionate regard, &c. &c., 

Jonathan Tribibull. 



FROM HENRY KNOX. 

Annapolis, 28 May, 1784. 

My dear Sir, 
I have now been here nearly one week, and no- 
thing of importance has been decided upon, owing to 
the contrariety of sentiments concerning the powers 
vested in Congress to raise troops, in time of peace, 
for any purpose. There appears but one sentiment 
respecting the necessity of having troops for the fron- 
tiers ; but the difficulty is, how to obtain them. The 
Southern States are generally of opinion that the 
Confederation vests Congress with sufficient powers 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 69 

for this purpose; but the Eastern States are of a dif- 
ferent opinion. The eastern Delegates are willing to 
recommend the raising troops for the western posts. 
But the gentlemen from the southward say this would 
be giving up a right, which is of importance to pre- 
serve, and they cannot consent to recommend, when 
they ought to require ; so that, from this cause, it is to 
be feared that there will not be any troops raised; 
and there are many difficulties as to sending those 
which are raised, and at West Point, &c. I shall 
stay until the point is finally decided, or until Con- 
gress adjourn, provided it be on the 3d of next month, 
as it is agreed. 

I am, &c., 

Henry E^ox. 



FROM BENJAMIN IIAAVKINS. 

North Carolina, 10 June, 1784. 

Sir, 

I have the honor to inclose to your Excellency 
some acts passed at the last session of our Legisla- 
ture, by which you will see, in some measure, the 
disposition of this State to comply with the views of 
Congress, as well as to grant such further powers as 
may render the Confederation more competent to the 
purposes of the Union. 

The act for the levying our proportion of one mil- 
lion five hundred thousand dollars, exclusive of the 
impost, and empowering Congress to collect the samo, 
will ])y no means raise so large a sum; it being only 
a land-tax of sixpence on every hundred acres ot land, 
and a poll-tax of one shilling and sixpence on all 
white males from Iwciity-one upwards, and on all 
slaves from twelve years old to fifty. II establishes 



70 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

the principle recommended by Congress ; and, I trust, 
the good sense of this, and the other States, will 
soon, if they do not already, see the necessity of es- 
tablishing solid and effectual revenues to enable Con- 
gress to perform their engagements. 

The members of the Legislature could not consent 
to A^ote the full sum required, after they had ceded 
all the lands westward of the Appalachian Mountain. 
They urged it was not necessary, since Congress were 
in possession of the cessions of New York, Virginia, 
and North Carolina. The cession of our western 
lands was much debated and opposed. The House 
of Commons were long divided whether to make the 
Tennessee, Cumberland Mountain, or the Appalachian, 
our Western boundary ; but finally passed the act as 
you see it, fifty -three against forty-one. There are, 
within our cession, more than three thousand men 
able to bear arms. 

The recommendation of Congress, respecting the 
fifth article of the treaty, is not complied with, nor 
is there any thing done to carry the treaty into ef- 
fect ; and I suspect it will be difficult to induce us 
to think aright on this subject (although our citizens 
seem well disposed), while we have ambitious, discon- 
tented spirits, whose popular existence depends on 
fanning the passions of the common people against 
the refugees. The stale cry of peculation and em- 
bezzlement of the public money, aided by complaints 
of hard times and heavy taxes, was never listened to 
with more avidity, than the clamors against the refu- 
gees and payment of British debts ; and this, too, by 
men who cannot possibly be gainers if all bond fide 
debts were wiped off with a sponge ; but who must, 
assuredly, share in the disgrace of their country, by 
such shameful, unwarrantable conduct. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 71 

I have not, in this State, heard a single objection 
to the commntation, or rendering ample justice to the 
army. Early in the spring there was circulated the 
pamphlet said to be written by Burke, of South Caro- 
lina, against the institution of the Cincinnati, which 
gave some uneasiness to some people, who were ap- 
prehensive the institution would be productive of an 
aristocracy dangerous to the principles of our Go- 
vernments. But a little reflection, with the remem- 
brance of the patience, perseverance, and sufferings 
of the army, in defence of their just rights and liber- 
ties, has worn down the suspicions in some measure, 
and will, I hope, teach them to put their trust in 
those who, in the worst of times, stood the constant 
sentinels over the liberties of their country, and to 
suspect those who have screened themselves in the 
hour of danger, and now step forth to revile the vir- 
tuous well-doer, and his endeavours to adopt wise and 
equitable measures. 

The Legishxture has changed the annual election 
from March to August, and the annual meeting will 
be in October. I hope they then will amend such of 
our acts as are imperfect, and pass such others, re- 
specting the treaty, as may be consonant with the 
wishes of those who are for wise and erjuitable mea- 
sures. 

I have tlie lionor to be, &c., 

Benjamin ITaavkins. 



FROM JAMES MADISON. 

IvlclinioiKi, i! rliilv, 1 7S I. 



Dear Sir, 
The sanction given hy your favor of the llMli in- 
stant to my desire of ronuincniting the genin.^ which 



72 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

produced "Common Sense/' led to a trial for the pur- 
pose. The gift first proposed was a moiety of the 
tract on the Eastern Shore, known by the nauie of 
"The Secretary's land." The easy reception it found 
induced the friends of the measure to add the other 
moiety to the proposition, which would have raised 
the market value of the donation to about four thou- 
sand pounds, or upwards, though it would not, pro- 
bably, have commanded a rent of more than one 
hundred pounds per annum. In this form, the bill 
passed through two readings. The third reading prov- 
ed that the tide had suddenly changed, for the bill 
was thrown out by a large majority. An attempt 
was next made to sell the land in question, and ap- 
ply two thousand pounds of the money to the pur- 
chase of a farm for Mr. Paine. This was lost by a 
single voice. 

Whether a greater disposition to reward patriotic 
and distinguished exertions of genius, will be found 
on any succeeding occasion, is not for me to prede- 
termine. Should it finally appear that the merits of 
the man, whose writings have so much contributed to 
infuse and foster the spirit of independence in the 
people of America, are unable to inspire them with a 
just beneficence, the world, it is to be feared, will 
give us as little credit for our policy as for our 
gratitude in this particular. The wish of Mr. Paine 
to be provided for by separate acts of the States, 
rather than by Congress, is, I think, a natural and 
just one. In the latter case, it might be construed 
into the wages of a mercenary writer; in the former, 
it would look like the returns of gratitude for volun- 
tary services. Upon the same principle, the mode 
wished by ]Mr. Paine ought to be preferred by the 
States themselves. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 73 

I beg the flivor of you to present my respectful 
compliments to Mrs. Washington, and to be assured 
that I am, with the profoundest respect and sincerest 
regard, &c., &c., 

James Madison, Jr. 



FROM OTHO H. WILLIAMS. 

Baltimore, 12 July, 1784. 

Dear Sir, 

After I had the pleasure of seeing you in Phila- 
delphia, I made an excursion to New York, and from 
thence up the North River as far as Saratoga. One 
motive for extending my tour so far that course, was 
to visit the springs in the vicinity of Saratoga, which 
I recollected you once recommended to me as a re- 
medy for the rheumatism. They are now much fre- 
quented by the uncivilized people of the back coun- 
try; but very few others resort to them, as there is 
but one small hut within several miles of the place. 
Colonel Armstrong and myself spent one week there, 
which was equal to a little campaign ; for the ac- 
commodations were very wretched, and provisions 
exceedingly scarce. The country about the springs 
being uncultivated, we were forced to send to the 
borders of the Hudson for what was necessary for 
our subsistence. 

During our stay, we made a few little experiments 
on the waters. Bark of a rcstringent quality turned 
them to a purple color very suddenly, and we thought 
that iron was discoverable even to the taste. They 
have certainly a very groat quantity of salts. A 
quart of tlio water, boiled down, produced a spoon- 
ful, which ))eing diluted in common water, there rc- 

VOL. IV. 7 



74 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

mained on the surface a quantity of insipid, tasteless 
matter, like chalk, which we collected ; then pouring 
off the w^ater into a clean vessel, we found remain- 
ing at the bottom something like slacked lime. The 
water, in w^hich the first production was diluted, be- 
ing boiled down, produced half a spoonful of ver}^ 
acute salt. But that which distinguishes these waters, 
in a very conspicuous degree, from all others, is the 
great quantity of fixed air which they contain. They 
are exceedingly pungent to the taste, and, after being 
drank a short time, will often affect the nose like 
brisk, bottled ale. The water will raise flour sooner 
than any other thing, and cannot be confined so that 
the air will not, some how or other, escape. Several 
persons told us that they had corked it tight in 
bottles, and that the bottles brake. We tried it v/ith 
the only bottle we had, which did not break, but the 
air found its way through a wooden stopper, and the 
wax with which it was sealed. A trout died in the 
water in less than a minute, or seemed dead, but re- 
covered in common w^ater. This experiment was re- 
peated with the same effect. We observed, in digging, 
that the rocks which are about the springs, and 
which, in one or two places, project themselves above 
the earth in a conic form, go not deep into the 
ground, but are formed by the waters, which (the 
man who lives at the place informed us) overflow 
once per month, when not disturbed, and the earthy 
parts, being exposed to the air and sun, petrify, and 
increase. This opinion is strengthened by the shells 
and bodies of insects which we found in broken 
parts of the rock. 

I have given you my observations, because, I 
think, you told me what you knew of these extra- 
ordinary springs was from information. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 75 

At Clermont, Mrs. Livingston charged me with a 
letter for Mrs. Washington, and with her most re- 
spectful compliments to yon, Sir. All that amiable 
family joined in affectionate compliments to yon, and 
to Mrs. Washington; and I beg you will permit me 
to add my own. 

I am, &c., 

Otho H. Williams. 



FROM RICHARD HENRY LEE. 

Chantilly, 22 July, 1784. 

Dear Sir, 

The letter that you did me the honor to write to 
me, on the 12th of June last, I did not receive until 
two days ago. I impute this to my having been 
obliged to leave the Assembly, by the ill state of my 
health, a fortnight before it was adjourned. 

The very great respect that I shall ever pay to 
3^our recommendations, would have been very suffi- 
cient to have procured my exertions in favor of Mr. 
Paine, independent of his great public merits in our 
revolution. I have a perfect knowledge of the extra- 
ordinary effects produced by that gentleman's writ- 
ings ; effects of such an important nature, as w^ould 
render it very unworthy of these States to let him 
sutler any w^here ; but it would be culpable indceil, 
to permit it, under their own eye, and within tlicir 
own limits. I had not tlio good fortune to be pre- 
sent when Mr. Paine's business was considered in the 
House of Delegates, or, most certainly, I should have 
exerted myself in his behalf I have been told, that 
a proposition in liis favor miscarried, from its ])eing 
observed that he lind sliuwn enmity to tliis State, by 



76 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

having written a pamphlet injurious to our claim of 
western territory. It has ever appeared to me, that 
this pamphlet was the consequence of Mr. Paine's 
being himself imposed upon ; and that it was rather 
the fault of the place than of the man. 

ThiS; however, was but a trifle, when compared 
with the great and essential services that his other 
writings have done for the United States. 

I am, &c., &c., 

Richard Henry Lee. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Philadelphia, Tuesday evening, 10 August, 1784. 

My LEAR General, 
I have already had the pleasure to acquaint you 
with my arrival in America, and am endeavouring to 
reach Mount Vernon as soon as possible. My first 
plan was only to stay here two days; but the affec- 
tionate reception I have met with in this city, and 
the returning some compliments to the Assembly, 
render it necessary to stay one day longer. On Fri- 
day, I will be at the Head of Elk ; the next day, at 
Baltimore ; and by Sunday, or Monday, I hope at 
last to be blessed with a sight of my dear General. 
There is no rest for me until I go to Mount Vernon. 
I long for the pleasure to embrace you, my dear Ge- 
neral; and the happiness of being once more with 
you will be so great, that no words can ever express 
it. Adieu, my dear General ; in a few days I shall 
be at Mount Vernon, and I do already feel delighted 
with so charming a prospect. My best respects wait 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 77 

upon Mrs. Wasliington ; and^ not long after yon re- 
ceive tliis^ I will tell you myself how respectfully and 
affectionately I have the honor to be, my dear Ge- 
neral, 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 

Lapayette. 

P. S. In case your affairs call you to the Springs, 
I beg leave to go there after you, or to accompany 
you in your journey. 



FROM JACOB READ. 

Annapolis, 13 August, 1784. 

Sir, 

This day's post brought me your flivor of the 11th, 
which I have the pleasure of answering from Anna- 
polis, having been prevented leaving Maryland by a 
variety of occurrences in the last week. I think, 
however, I shall, at all events, get away in the course 
of the next week, and probably so early as to com- 
plete my journey to Philadelphia. 

I thank you for your opinions. They concur per- 
fectly with my own sentiments on those subjects, 
and, I am sorry to add, there is too much trutli in 
your observation on the management of our affairs. 
Let tlic blame fall where it ought, — on those, wliose 
attachment to State views. State interests, and State 
prejudices, is so great, as to render them eternally 
opposed to every measure that can be devised fur 
the public good. The evil is not, however, as yet, 
entirely incurable. I hope and trust the next Con- 
gress will be mure willing and able to avert the mis- 
chiefs that appear to me to threaten the Union. If 
7 ■'=' 



78 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

that cannot be done, we must look about, and see if 
some more efficient form of government cannot be 
devised. I have long entertained my doubts of the 
present form, even if the States were all disposed to 
be honest, and am sorry to say, such a conclusion 
would, however, be against premises. I will deter- 
mine nothing rashly, and hope for the best. My most 
strenuous endeavours shall not be wanting to secure 
the peace and stability of the Federal Union, and 
the government, as long as it is possible ; but, I own, 
I shall not hesitate to join in attempting another, 
when I see, from experience, that we have instituted 
is not adequate to the purposes for which it was or- 
dained. Congress either have too little or too much 
power. To be respectable, they must be enabled to 
enforce an obedience to their ordinances ; else why 
the farce of enacting what no State is bound to exe- 
cute ? If this is denied, Congress is, I think, an un- 
necessary and useless burden, and should not hold 
from the individual States a great many powers, 
which they cannot exercise, and had better be remit- 
ted to the individual sovereignties. Of this, more at 
another time. I ask your Excellency's pardon for so 
long trespassing on your patience at this time, with- 
out treating the subject more copiously and conclu- 
sively. 

Colonel H. J. Laurens is arrived at New York; is 
seven weeks from London, and brings advices, that 
the King and Ministry of Great Britain are very 
favorably disposed towards the United States, and 
wish to have a liberal commercial treaty. 

The Marquis de Lafayette came to Philadelphia on 
the 9th instant. Advices from our Ministers abroad, 
by his hands, were by him delivered to Mr. Mifflin, 
at New York, and are not yet come to hand. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 79 

What think you of the )State of New York imder- 
taking to hold a treaty^ of its owu authority, with 
the Six Nations, in defiance of our resolves, and the 
clause of the Confederation restricting the individual 
States? The Governor is actually now at Albany for 
the purpose. Such a step will render all our endea- 
vours abortive, and be attended with worse conse- 
quences, with respect to the Indians, than almost any 
other that State could take. It is said to be under 
an express law of the State. If this conduct is to 
be pursued, our Commissioners are rendered useless. 
As long as the savages believe there are distinct, in- 
dependent, and perhaps jealous powers, to treat with 
them, they will certainly avail themselves of the cir- 
cumstance, much to the disadvantage of the Union. 
New York has taken no steps, with regard to the 
troops required for garrisoning the north-western fron- 
tier. 

I beg my best respects to your lady, and that you 
will always believe me to be, &c., &c. 

Jacob Read. 

P. S. The Committee of the States is broken up; 
the members from the Eastern States, and from New 
Jersey, having gone off on Wednesday in a most ex- 
traordinary manner. 



FllOM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Albany, 8 October, 1781. 

My DEAR General, 
Everywhere I have met witli delays; but so agree- 
able were they in tlieir nature, that I cannot c<.m- 
plain of them. It is not (luite the same with the 



80 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Indian treaty, altliougli the hope to be useful has 
kept me there longer than I had expected. My pre- 
sence at the opening of it had been desired. Many 
circumstances kept it off. At last it began, and my 
influence with the Indians was found greater than I 
myself could expect. I was, therefore, desired to 
speak, to hearken, to answer. I took the liberty to 
caution the Commissioners upon such points as you 
had mentioned to me, and did not leave the ground 
until they thought they had no farther occasion for 
me. But, as the business is just beginning, I cannot 
give you any further intelligence, but that a great 
deal of intrigue is carried on by some Tory Indians 
of Brant's party, and that the Whig and Tory dis- 
tinctions are kept up among those tribes to an 
amazing degree of private animosities. 

This day, my dear General, I am going towards 
Hartford, Boston, and Newport, where the French 
ships now are; and as, if I went by land, I should 
be so much kept off by my friends as to be very 
late at our appointed meeting, I intend submitting to 
the little inconvenience of going by water from Bhode 
Island to AVilliamsburg, where I hope to be about 
the 26th, and where I shall be happy to receive the 
orders of my dear General. 

Waiting upon the Assembly at Bichmond, and 
visiting Fredericksburg in my way to Mount Yernon, 
would be my plan ; but I expect your orders, to know 
where I am to meet you. It is possible you had 
rather not go to Bichmond. In a word, my dear 
General, as your paternal goodness to me cannot 
stand upon any kind of ceremony, give me your or- 
ders; tell me what I had best to do, and I shall be, 
as you well know, happy to obey them. 

One thing, my dear General, I very much wish 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 81 

you miglit grant me. As the time of my stay in 
Virginia will depend upon your advice respecting 
French letters which I am to receive there, as it will 
be there a last visit for this American trip of mine, 
I shall be happy if, without inconvenience to your- 
self, you may come with me so far at least as Phila- 
delphia, where your friends depend upon me to have 
an opportunity to see you. 

Could you pay the Virginia visits with me, could 
I meet you somewhere, at Fredericksburg I suppose 
(where in that case I would go before I visit Eich- 
mond), it would be to me a most heartfelt happiness. 
I beg your pardon, my beloved General, but I want 
to see you, and no heart can better feel the pleasure 
to be with you, than the filial heart of 
Your respectful and affectionate friend, 

Lafayette. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Boston, 22 October, 1784. 

My dear General, 
On my arrival at Boston, I have been so friendly 
received, that no words can express my truly affec- 
tionate gratitude. To these enjoyments I have added 
the heartfelt pleasure to contemplate the effect a sud- 
den appearance of your picture had upon a people, 
whose love to you is as great at least as in any 
part of tlic world. Circumstanced as I am, I could 
not, with any propriety, set out so soon as I expcctr 
cd. I am sorry our meeting again is deferred ; but, 
when you are absent, I endeavour to guess what you 
wouhl have advised me to do, and tlieu do it. I Jiiii 
sure you would advise my staying here some time 



82 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

longer. I therefore will not go until the 1st or 2d 
of next month, and then I embark from Boston in 
the Nymph frigate to go to New York. M. de 
Grandchain, who commands her, begs to be respect- 
fully remembered to you ; and as he expects reaching 
York about the 8th or 10th, he will, in company with 
me, wait upon you wherever you may be found. 

The bearer I send to Mount Vernon, in order I 
may receive your commands at the moment I arrive. 
So late in the season, I think you will advise my 
going immediately to Richmond. I hope you will 
let me know where we are to meet ; and I also hope, 
my dear General, you will not deny my affectionate, 
pressing request, to induce your visiting with me our 
friends in Philadelphia. 

The Chevalier's respects and mine wait upon Mrs. 
Washington, and wish to be remembered to all the 
family. Adieu, my dear General. With the most 
affectionate and devoted sentiments of filial love and 
respect, I have the honor to be, yours, &c., 

Lafayette. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Paris, 10 December, 1784. 

Dear Sir, 
Every thing on this side the water seems to indi- 
cate a certainty of war. The Emperor seems decided 
in not receding from the right to navigate the Scheldt, 
and the Dutch as determined not to yield it. I sup- 
pose that this Court, and that of Berlin, will take 
part with the Dutch. The Turks, of course, become 
parties in a war against the Emperor; and it seems 
as probable that the Empress of Russia will join him. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 83 

There are many who believe he will yet retract; but 
every public appearance is against this supposition. 
I own myself astonished he should have gone so far; 
but I should be more so, w^ere he now to retire. He 
is indeed in a perilous predicament. If he recedes, 
his character, which his public acts have placed on 
very high ground, dwindles to that of a petty bully, 
and is marked, as his enemies denote it, with eccen- 
tricity and inconsistence. If he persists, the probable 
combination against him seems to threaten his ruin. 
When the season arrives for opening a campaign, we 
shall know decidedly, and probably not before. 

The disposition of Great Britain does not seem 
very favorable to us; all information from thence re- 
presents the people, and still more the merchants, as 
extremely hostile. I think it probable we shall take 
a trip to that Court, in order to bring their inten- 
tions to a decided issue. It seems probable, also, 
that Spain will refuse to treat at this place, and 
oblige us to visit Madrid. I had lately a letter from 
Mr. Carmichael, at Madrid. He informs me that a 
;Mr. Harrison, of Cadiz, had, on your behalf, applied 
to him to procure permission to send you a jack of 
the best race ; and that, on his making the appli- 
cation, the King had ordered two of the very best 
to be procured and sent you as a mark of his re- 
spect. Besides the pleasure I receive from every 
testimonial of this kind, I view this present as likely 
to be of great public utility. I had before iutended 
to endeavour to procure a male of that race, but shall 
now change my object to the procuring one or more 
females, tliat we may be enal)led to propagate and 
preserve tlie lirood. Slioiild I go to Spain, I shall 
surely be able to cllect this. 

The Executive of our State have remitted to Dr. 



84 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

Franklin and myself the care of having the statue 
made, which the Assembly directed as a mark of 
their gratitude to you. I was unwell when I received 
the letter, and have not yet been able to see and 
confer with Dr. Franklin on the subject. I find that 
a Monsieur Houdon, of this place, possesses the re- 
putation of being the first statuary in the v/orld. I 
sent for him, and had some conversation with him on 
the subject. He thinks it cannot be perfectly done 
from a picture; and is so enthusiastically fond of be- 
ing the executor of this work, that he offers to go 
himself to America for the purpose of forming your 
bust from the life, leaving all his business here in the 
mean time. He thinks that being three weeks with 
you would suffice to make his model of plaister, with 
which he will return here ; and the work will employ 
him three years. If Dr. Franklin concurs with me, 
we shall send him over, not having time to ask your 
permission, and await your answer. I trust that, hav- 
ing given to your country so much of your time 
heretofore, you will add the short space which this 
operation will require to enable them to transmit to 
posterity the form of the person whose actions will 
be delivered to them by history. Monsieur Houdon 
is at present engaged in making a statue of the 
King of France. A bust of Voltaire, executed by 
him, is said to be one of the first in the world. 

I beg leave to present my respectful compliments 
to Mrs. Washington, and to assure yourself of the 
high esteem and veneration with which I have the 
honor to be, &c., &c., 

Thomas Jefferson. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 85 

FROM JAMES DUANE. 

Trenton, 16 December, 1784. 

Dear Sir, 

I entertained the pleasing hope of meeting you at 
this place ; on no better authority, indeed, than re- 
port, and yet I feel the disappointment in proportion 
to my affection for your person, my gratitude for 
your public services, and the kind attention with 
which you have always indulged me. Be pleased to 
take in good part the address which I have the ho- 
nor to transmit, with the freedom of our city in a 
golden box. It can add nothing to your glory ; but 
we flatter ourselves it may not be unacceptable as 
a permanent testimony of the esteem and gratitude 
of citizens, who, of all others, have been most dis- 
tinguished by your care and solicitude. 

I once flattered myself that the dignity of our Go- 
vernment would have borne some proportion to the 
illustrious achievements by which it was successfully 
established ; but it is to be deplored that federal at- 
tachment, and a sense of national obligation, continue 
to give place to vain prejudices in favor of the inde- 
pendence and sovereignty of the individual States. I 
have endeavoured, in pursuance of the great motive 
which induced mo to continue in public life, to in- 
culcate mure enlarged iind liberal principles ; but the 
spirit of the times seems opposed to my feeble efforts, 
and I have lost credit with our Assembly ; though, 1 
hope, not with the world. \[' opportuniiy oOors, 1 
."^hall take the liberty to submit to your ])eiusal 
the judgment pronounced in the Court where I pre- 
side, which has i)roduced the censure promulgated in 
the i»aper.> ; in cllect, "that we had the pre.funi[»ii(»n 

VOL. IV. 8 



86 LETTEPvS TO WASHINGTON. 

to control the operation of an act of the Legislature, 
from a respect to the treaty of peace and the law 
of nations." I trust you know me too well to think 
that I can be otherwise concerned for this event than 
as it may injure the reputation of my native State, 
of which I have so long been a faithful and confi- 
dential servant. Mr. Jay, Mr. Dickinson, and other 
great men, from public considerations, have honored 
us with the highest approbation. Their comments are 
calculated for the public eye, and will appear when 
they can do the greatest good. 

I have too long been indulged in writing to you 
with unreserved freedom and confidence, to suppress 
this detail ; and, if it was ever so immaterial, your 
goodness would pardon it. 

Do me the honor to make my most respectful 
compliments acceptable to Mrs. Washington, and to 
assure her that, in the circle of her numerous friends, 
there are none who remember her with more sincere 
regard than Mrs. Duane and all the branches of our 
family. With every sentiment of the most perfect 
and affectionate attachment, 

I have the honor to be, &c., &c., 

James Duane. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

On board the Njmpli, New York Harbour, 
21 December, 1784 

My dear General, 

I have received your affectionate letter of the 8th; 

and from the known sentiments of my heart to you, 

you will easily guess what my feelings have been in 

perusing the tender expressions of your friendship. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 87 

No, my beloved General, our late parting was not by 
any means a last interview. My wbole soul revolts 
at the idea ; and could I harbour it an instant, indeed, 
my dear General, it would make me miserable. I well 
see you never will go to France. The inexpressible 
pleasure of embracing you in my own house, of wel- 
coming you in a family where your name is adored, 
I do not much expect to experience ; but to you I 
shall return, and, within the walls of Mount Vernon, 
we shall yet often speak of old times. My firm plan 
is to visit now and then my friend on this side of 
the Atlantic ; and the most beloved of all friends I 
ever had, or ever shall have anywhere, is too strong 
an inducement for me to return to him, not to think 
that whenever it is possible I shall renew my so 
pleasing visits to Mount Yernon. 

Since I have left you, my dear General, we have 
passed through Philadelphia to Trenton, where I was 
happy to find a numerous and well-chosen Congress. 
Their testimonies of kindness to me, and my answer 
to them, you will see in the newspapers. As to my 
services abroad, it has been (on motion respecting 
what I told you) universally decided that public con- 
fidence in me was a matter of course, a doubt of 
which ought not to be expressed. But, as I know 
the sense of the Congress, and as Mr. Jay has ac- 
cepted,"-' and Mr. Jefferson will be Minister in France, 
my situation in that respect will be very agreeable. 

Orders have l)een sent to Canada to rcenforcc the 
Lake posts, put the vessels in commission, and repel 
force by force. But I think that if once Congress 
liavc the trade to regulate, mercantile interdictions 

* The appointment of Secretary of Foreign Afiairs, as successor to 
Mr. Livingston. 



88 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

will set these people to rights. Although party spirit 
had a little subsided in New York, yet that city is 
not by any means settled. How far from Boston ! 

Although your nephew is not arrived, I will hope 
for the pleasure to see him in Paris. General Greene 
was in Hartford when the letter reached him, from 
where he came to New York, and I had the pleasure 
to spend some days with him. Inclosed I send you 
a small cipher. Should any public political business 
require a fuller one, I will write to you a complete 
cipher I have had long ago with Mr. Jay's present 
department. 

Mr. Carey, printer of the Volunteer journal, has been 
obliged to fly for his life, and now lives at Mr. Sut- 
ler's, hatter. Front street, in Philadelphia, where he is 
going to set up a paper. A letter from you, becom- 
ing a subscriber, and telling him I have mentioned it 
to you, will the most oblige me, as I have promised 
him to recommend him to my friends. He is now 
an American; and w^e have nothing to do with his 
quarrel with the Duke of Rutland, which disputes, 
by the by, seem to subside, and vanish into nothing. 
The French packet is not yet arrived. 

The Chevalier de Caraman and Captain Grandchain 
beg leave to offer their respects to you, Mrs. Wash- 
ington, and all the family. My most tender, affec- 
tionate respects wait upon Mrs. Washington and all 
the family. I beg she will give a kiss for me to 
the little girls, my friend ; and I beg Mrs. 

Stuart, the Doctor, Mr. Lund Washington, and all our 
friends, to receive my best compliments. I hope Mr. 
Harrison will be soon appointed, and I wish his cou- 
sin may know it. 

Adieu, adieu, my dear General. It is with inex- 
pressible pain that I feel I am going to be severed 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 89 

from you by the Atlantic. Every tiling, tliat admira- 
tion, respect, gratitude, friendship, and filial love, can 
inspire, is combined in my affectionate heart to de- 
vote me most tenderly to you. In your friendship I 
find a delight which words cannot express. Adieu, 
my dear General. It is not w^ithout emotion that I 
write this word, although I know I shall soon visit 
you again. Be attentive to your health. Let me 
hear from you every month. Adieu, adieu. 

Lafayette. 



FROM BENJAMIN HARRISON. 

Berkley, 8 February, 1785. 

My dear Sir, 

Your esteemed favor of the 22d of last month 
reached me but a few days ago. Letters, by post, 
are some time getting to me, owing to the distance I 
am from the post road. 

I was fully aware of the difficulties the compliment 
made you by the Assembly would lay you under, 
and assure you that the love and friendship I enter- 
tain for you, my earnest wishes that you might still 
support that noble disinterestedness of character that 
has hitherto marked all your steps and actions, and 
a perfect knowledge of the delicacy of your feelings, 
gave me a full share of perplexities on the occa- 
sion. If you were without enemies, or the eye of 
malevolence was not intently fixed on all your ac- 
tions, I should not sec the least impropriety in your 
accepting a })rcsent from your grateful country, par- 
ticularly as every care has been taken, in the pream- 
])le to the grant, to guard against the most distant 
appearance of its l)cing a gratuity for the important 



90 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

services jou have rendered America, and to fix it to 
the true objects of the acts, the great and real ad- 
vantages that will derive to the country from the 
extension of its navigation, the parent of which you 
have been, and to whom, alone, they owe their exist- 
ence, or will probably owe their completion. But, on 
the other hand, when I view mankind, their prone- 
ness to put the worst construction on every action 
of those of exalted character, and the triumph it will 
give your enemies to have an apparent, though flilse, 
opportunity to attempt the lessening your reputation, 
I am at a loss what advice to give, and shall, there- 
fore, leave the determination to your own far better 
judgment. 

As to your fears of appearing ostentatious, by a 
refusal, I think they are altogether groundless. Your 
countrymen have too high an opinion of your dis- 
cernment not to acquiesce in your determination; but 
more especially in points where reputation is the 
stake. Their motives for what they have done were 
of the purest kind. They saw, with concern, the sacri- 
fices you had made for their benefit, by a total neg- 
lect of your domestic affairs ; and they have been 
earnestly seeking an opportunity to show their grati- 
tude and love for you. They thought one presented 
itself that was out of the reach of detraction, and, 
therefore, embraced it with one voice, and, as far as 
I could see, with one mind, and, I am certain, would 
sensibly feel any slur cast on your reputation. With 
these sentiments, though they will feel unhappy that 
they cannot be gratified in their wishes, yet they 
will not take amiss a refusal dictated by motives 
that have hitherto done you so much honor. I am 
happy to find that, though you have not taken your 
final resolution with respect to the compliment, you 



PRIVATE LETTERS 91 

will still forward the schemes ; as the works, under 
your patronage and protection, will advance more 
rapidly than they would otherwise do, and the sub- 
scription probably be filled, as I fear would not be 
the case if advantage is not taken of the ardor of 
the present Government. 

I am extremely obliged to my good friends at 
Mount Vernon for their kind inquiry as to the health 
of Mrs. Harrison, who is getting better, though slowly. 
I have hopes, and indeed expect, she will mend faster 
when the weather will permit her to use exercise, 
which seems to be her only remedy. She and the 
girls join me in the most friendly and affectionate 
compliments to you and the ladies. I am, my dear 
Sir, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and 
regard. 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 

Benjamin Harrison. 



FROM chevalier DE LA LUZERNE. 

Paris, 15 February, 1785. 

Sir, 

The Marquis de Lafiyctte has delivered to me 
the letters of your Excellency, and I am extremely 
flattered by this mark of your attention and of your 
remembrance. I have executed your commissions near 
his Majesty and the Royal Family, and the King is 
concerned that your domestic ailliirs deprive him C)f 
the satisfaction to see a man, whose talents and \iv- 
tues have procured the happiness of his country, and 
excited the admiration of all others. 

I thank you heartily for the news your Excellen- 
cy has been pleased to give me of America. The 



92 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

present excellent formation of Congress gives me 
great hopes that the public debt will be secured, 
and that all the other branches of administration will 
take a more regular form. A nation^ which has done 
so great things as yours, during ten years, is expect- 
ed to crown its achievements by acts of justice. 
This qualification is so common in America, that I am 
persuaded its voice will be heard in all your assem- 
blies, and America will be at last as just in time of 
peace, as it has been patient and brave during the 
war. 

Since my arrival in Europe, the different Cabinets 
have been much agitated. The Emperor has produced 
some pretensions against Holland, which are not yet 
adjusted. He has likewise manifested a desire to 
annex the Duchy of Bavaria to his dominions, and to 
cede, by way of exchange, to the Elector the Aus- 
trian possessions in the Netherlands. This arrange- 
ment seems to displease very much the different mili- 
tary powers in Europe. Preparations of war are go- 
ing on at Vienna, at Berlin, in Holland, and in 
France. It is, however, very probable that the war 
will not take place in the course of this year. But 
a general flame is certainly very near to break out; 
and though France and England be very far from 
wishing for war, it will be very difficult to prevent 
the troubles of Germany, if the Emperor does not, 
of his own accord, give up his pretensions. The Im- 
perial Court seems to be intimately united with that 
of Russia ; two powers, rich in resources, and full of 
ambition; and as they are not happy enough to 
have, like America, at their head a man who prefers 
the welfare of mankind to his private advantage, 
there are great apprehensions of a general war in 
Europe. The events of it will be read by your Ex- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 93 

cellency; in your retreat^ with a small degree of satis- 
faction; for you will observe that^ far from giving 
liberty to some nation, this war will only serve to 
increase the miseries of several countries during many 
years. 

I am very thankful for the interest you are pleas- 
ed to take in my fate, which is not yet decided. If 
I was allowed to follow my own inclination, I should 
wish to return to America, and to be happy with my 
old friends ; but a consequence of my profession is to 
accept of the destination which is prescribed to me. 
Whatever it may be, I shall never forget the atten- 
tion and friendship of your Excellency. I beg 3'ou 
to continue in those sentiments, and to honor me 
sometimes with your letters. With the most sincere 
and respectful attachment and acknowledgment, I 
liave the honor to be. Sir, your Excellency's 
^lost obedient and very humble servant, 

Luzerne. 



FROM PATRICK HENRY. 

Richmond, 19 March, 1785. 

Dear Sir, W 

The honor you are pleased to do me in your favor 
of tlie 27th ultimo, desiring my opinion, in a friendly 
way, on tlie subject of the act for vesting the shares 
in ilie Potomac and James River navigation, is very 
lliittering to me. And I sliould ill deserve the confi- 
dence you are pleased to place in me, if I shouhl 
forbear to give you my unreserved sentiments on it. 
T will freely own to yon, lliat I am embarrassed to 
reconcih^ llio law, taken in ils fnll extent, with the 



94 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

declarations you mentioiij and a fixed purpose of re- 
fusing pecuniary rewards. If this was the sole object 
of the act, I should not hesitate to dissent to its pro- 
priety. The United States seem most properly con- 
stituted to take into consideration a matter of that 
nature, for a variety of reasons, which I need not 
enumerate. But the preamble of the law, compared 
with a few facts that preceded the enacting of it, 
will present it in a view different from that of re- 
warding past military services. The facts I allude to 
are these. 

The great business of opening the navigation of 
Potomac and James River, and connecting it with 
that of the western waters, was taken up by you, and 
pressed wdth that earnestness so interesting a mat- 
ter deserved. The difficulties, Avhich nature had in- 
terposed, were increased by a combination of interests, 
hard to develop and explain, and still harder to re- 
concile. To all these was added another impediment 
arising from the scarcity of money, and the exhaust- 
ed condition of the country. The time, however, was 
critical, and your observations, sent to the Assembly, 
proved that it was good policy to encounter every 
obstacle, and begin the work. The patronage of it 
seemed naturally to devolve on you. Sir; and the 
Assembly, desiring to give efficacy to that patronage, 
vested the shares in you. 

This navigation depends upon private subscription 
for success, so that, unless you had subscribed, you 
could not have been concerned. You will forgive me 
for supposing that your finances could not have made 
it desirable to risk a sum of money on the success 
of an enterprise like this. For your estate could not 
have been exempted from that loss in its produce, 
experienced by other gentlemen's estates throughout 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 95 

the country during the war. Considering, then, that 
your promoting this great affiiir necessarily obliged 
you to subscribe to it, and besides, to encounter all 
the difficulties arising from the nature of it, the 
variety of interests, views, and circumstances, which 
attended it, and that, in arranging and conducting all 
these, not only great labor and attention as well as 
abilities are requisite, but also expense of money and 
loss of time, — it would seem at least that you ought 
to be secured against the chance of losing by sub- 
scribing. And this is all the law can be said to do, 
inasmuch as it must remain uncertain whether the 
shares are worth any thing, till the business is com- 
pleted. If this never happens to be accomplished, 
your labor, time, &c., &c., are lost, and the donation 
proves an empty sound. 

Your acceptance of it will prevent that shock, 
which you justly observe will be given by a refusal; 
and I submit to your reflection, how far your resig- 
nation of the shares may throw a damp on that ardor 
which I have the pleasure to hear prevails at present 
to promote the undertaking. I must believe that at 
least a temporary check would be given to its pro- 
gress, till the means of replacing so many shares 
could be found; and I am really not aide to find <>iit 
the way to do it. Your acceptance will avoid this 
embarrassing circumstance. And if, after reviewing 
the whole matter, you shall think it inadmissible to 
hold the shares in the manner Wu) law givos ihcui, 
you will bo at liberty to make sucli alteralinn in the 
interest, or disposition of the use, as shall lu^ ni<»st 
agreea])le to yourself. 

If I have exceeded in tlu^ frcMMlom with whirh 1 
have treated this subject, I nuist entreat your forgive- 
ness ; for I have no motive but to cvin(M\ - '•";'' 



96 LETTEKS TO WASHINGTON. 

occasion, that I am, with unalterable affection and the 
most sincere attachment, 

Dear Sir, your very obedient servant, 

Patrick Henry. 

P. S. Two other large packets from Ireland ac- 
company this. The post could not carry them all at 
once. No other conveyance seems to present soon, 
and the Captain (Boyle) begs to receive your com- 
mands as soon as convenient. 



FROM HENRY KNOX. 

Boston, 24 March, 1785. 

My dear Sir, 

I thank you for your kind favor of the 28th ulti- 
mo, which I received last evening, with its inclosures; 
and I sincerely hope I shall not be under the neces- 
sity of troubling you so much again. But, in the 
present instance, I am under the necessity of men- 
tioning that Major Winthrop Sargent has repeatedly 
informed me, that a certificate from you would be one 
of the most desirable and acceptable things to him. 
I at length promised him that I would request it of 
you. He is really clever, and was an excellent artil- 
lery officer. 

I will endeavour to make an arrangement of the 
lime-stone, in the manner that shall be the least ex- 
pensive ; but our spring is so backward, that we have 
but little prospect of getting the stone from the eastr 
ward before the month of June. It shall be forward- 
ed by the earliest opportunity to your house, or 
Alexandria. The weather is now as severe as at any 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 97 

time during the winter, and the snow and ice are 
nearly three feet upon a level. 

I am highly delighted with the delicate gratitude 
of Virginia, and am at the same time charmed with 
your sentiments and reasoning upon it. I sincerely 
hope, cu'cumstanced as you are, that you may find a 
mode of declining the intended appropriation, so as 
to enhance the respect and affection of your fellow- 
citizens. My jealousy for your fame is so high that 
I should prefer seeing you, Cincinnatus-like, following 
your plough, rather than accept the least pecuniary 
reward whatever. Your services are of that nature as 
to demand the approbation and admiration of succeed- 
ing generations, but cannot be rewarded by mono}'. 
Thank the Supreme God, you are happily placed above 
the necessity of receiving any assistance ! 

Perhaps, my dear Sir, you could inthnate to the 
Legislature, in a manner which would be clear of 
every indelicate imputation, that, should they think 
proper to apply the produce of this fund to the 
maintenance of the widows, and the support and edu- 
cation of the children, of those men of their own liiK' 
who sacrificed their lives in defence of their country, 
and of the maimed soldiers, tliat the measure would 
rear an eternal monument to tlie virtue of the Com- 
monwealth of Virginia. iVn event of this kind, whirl), 
I am persuaded, has l)een among the niim])er of ex- 
pedients conceived by you, wouhl rank Virginia 
higher in the annals of America than any other 
State ; and tlie idea coming from you, woiiM phice 
your warm and disinterested attachment to siill'cring 
in a durable and glorious point of view. Let my af- 
fection plead my excuses for this freedom. 

The Mall, in tliis (nwn, has been repaire*!, and the 
trees replaced. But 1 bolicve the gravel walk is <»nly 

VOL. IV. y 



98 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

upon the common principle, without any cement 
whatever. I will, however, inquire, and if there should 
be any improvement, I will with pleasure communi- 
cate it. 

You may probably have heard that Congress have 
been pleased to appoint me Secretary at War. I 
have accepted of the office, and expect to be in New 
York about the 15th of next month. From the ha- 
bits imbibed during the war, and from the opinion 
of my friends that I should make but an indifferent 
trader, I thought, upon mature consideration, that it 
was well to accept it, although the salary (twenty- 
four hundred and fifty dollars) would be but a slen- 
der support. I have dependence upon an unwieldy 
estate belonging to Mrs. Knox's family, and upon the 
public certificates given for my services; but neither 
of these are productive, and require a course of years 
to make them so. In the mean time, my expenses 
are considerable, and require some funds for their 
supply. Congress have rendered the powers and du- 
ties of the office respectable, and the circumstances 
of my appointment were flattering, being without so- 
licitation on my part, and nine States out of eleven 
voting for me. For this favorable opinion of Con- 
gress, I conceive myself indebted to your friendship. 
I do not intend to move my family to New York 
until next June. jMrs. Knox, who, with her little 
ones, are well, unites with me in presenting our affec- 
tionate respects to Mrs. Washington. I am, my dear 
Sir, 

Your truly affectionate, humble servant, 

Henry Knox. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 99 

FROM CHARLES THOMSON. 

Philadelphia, 22 April, 1785. 

Dear Sir, 
I received yesterday your letter of the 5th; and, 
as the subject therein referred to belongs to the de- 
partment of Foreign Affairs, I have transmitted it to 
Mr. Jay. 

I have no doubt but the Minister, who is to nego- 
tiate with the Court of London, will have occasion 
for the list; but, as it would not be safe to trust a 
paper of such importance to the common conveyance 
by the post, and as it is proper that you should 
keep either the original or a copy, to prevent a 
chasm in your files, I have taken the liberty of sug- 
gesting to Mr. Jay the propriety of sending one of 
his clerks to take a copy, and to bring up either it 
or the original, leaving the other with you. 

The last time I had the pleasure of seeing you, I 
entertained, and, I believe, expressed, a fond hope 
that measures would speedily be adopted to enable 
you, without much trouble, and without putting you 
to any expense, to have your files arranged, copied, 
and secured, so as to be preserved from danger or 
accident. I consider them as invaluable documents, 
from which future historians will derive light and 
knowledge. I consider it as a most fortunate circum- 
stance, that, through all your dangers and diniculties, 
you have happily preserved them entire. And al- 
though the adjournment which took place last sum- 
mer, and the subsequent removal since the meet nig 
'in November, have prevented Congress from adoi»ting 
the measure I wished, yet I trust they will, at a 
convenient time, attend to the subject, and take pn^- 
pcr steps for preserving so invalual)le a treasure. 



100 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

I am now busily employed in preparations for the 
removal of my family to New York. If there be any 
tiling in which I can serve you, I hope you will 
command me. Mrs. Thomson joins in respects to 
Mrs. Washington. With the most sincere esteem, I 
am, dear Sir, 

Your affectionate friend and humble servant, 

Charles Thomson. 



FROM RICHARD HENRY LEE, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 3 May, 1785. 

Dear Sir, 
I have long had a letter prepared for you in an- 
swer to your last favor, which I have kept for the 
Honorable Mr. Sitgreaves to be the bearer of, as he 
proposed to visit you on his return to North Caro- 
lina; and the more especially as his stay has been 
occasioned by the necessity of seeing the very im- 
portant ordinance passed for selling the western 
lands, w^hich I wished you to have in its perfected 
state. The principal design of this letter is to intro- 
duce to you Mr. Graham and his lady, the justly 
celebrated Mrs. Macaulay Graham, whose reputation in 
the learned world, and among the friends to the rights 
of human nature, is very high indeed. Her merit 
as an historian is very great, and places her as an 
author in the foremost rank of writers. I am well 
pleased to find that she, as well as all other judicious^ 
foreigners, think themselves, when in America, how- 
ever distant from Mount Vernon, obliged to pay their 
respects to you. I believe that this has been her 
only motive for going so far south as Virginia. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 101 

We are amused here with an account, that docs 
not indeed come officially to us, but however in such 
a way as to merit attention. It is a plan of the 
Emperor of Germany, which seems calculated to quiet 
his quarrel with Holland, although, perhaps, it may 
not prevent a war in Europe. He is said to have 
made a treaty with the Elector of Bavaria, by which 
he exchanges his Netherland dominions for those of 
Bavaria, and transfers, with the exchange, all his 
rights and claims upon Holland; reserving Namur 
and Luxemburg, with a district of country around, 
as a douceur to France, for obtaining the consent of 
that Court to the exchange. The Bavarian dominions 
being much more contiguous to the Austrian than 
those of the Netherlands, must greatly increase the 
Emperor's power by a concentration of his force, 
heretofore so much divided as to render the Nether- 
lands of no great aid in case of war. This, however, 
by increasing the Austrian power, must, of course, 
excite greatly the jealousy of Prussia in particular, 
whose King will probably risk a war rather than see 
his rival thus strengthened. Holland, in the mean 
time, will be relieved, by injurious claims being trans- 
ferred from a strong to a weak hand, and the l]m- 
peror may find himself brought to a more e(|ual con- 
test by combating one, instead of three powers lately 
combined against him. What may be the issue of 
this new system, time must develop. 

I wish that I may be enabled l)y Mr. Sitgreavrs 
to furnish you with tlio rinal souse of Congress upon 
the momentous business (.1' selling the western lands. 
in doing which the lirst and greatest o])ject seouis t(» 
be the discharging eaectually the great weight of 
debt, that the war lias created, and which obstructs 
so effectually every arrangement for future security. 



102 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the sin- 
cerest respect and esteem, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient and very humble servant, 

E;iCHAiiD Henry Lee. 



FROM WILLIAM GRAYSON, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, May, 1785. 

Dear Sir, 

I have received your letter of the 25th of April, 
for which I am much obliged to you. I am sorry 
for the melancholy occasion which has induced you 
to leave Mount Yernon, and for the affliction which 
the loss of such near relations must involve Mrs. 
Washington in. 

The ordinance for disposing of the western terri- 
tory has been under consideration ever since I wrote 
you last, and has undergone several alterations ; the 
most considerable of which is, that one half of the 
land is to be sold by sections or lots, and the other 
half by entire townships ; and the dimension of each 
township is reduced to six miles. I now expect the 
ordinance wdll be completed in a few days, it being 
the opinion of most gentlemen that it is better to 
pass it in its present form nearly, than to delay it 
much longer, and incur the risk of losing the coun- 
try altogether. As soon as it is finished, I shall do 
myself the honor to inclose you a copy ; and, though 
it will be far from being the best that could be 
made, yet I verily believe it is the best that, under 
present circumstances, can be procured. There have 
appeared so many interfering interests, most of them 
imaginary, so many ill-founded jealousies and suspi- 
cions throughout the whole, that I am only surprised 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 103 

the ordinance is not more exceptionable. Indeed, if 
the importunities of the public creditors, and the re- 
luctance to pay them by taxation, either direct or 
implied, had not been so great, I am satisfied no 
land ordinance could have been procured, except un- 
der such disadvantages as would, in a great degree, 
have excluded the idea of actual settlements within 
any short length of time. This is not strange, when 
we reflect that several of the States are averse to 
new^ votes from that part of the Continent, and that 
some of them are now disposing of their own vacant 
lands, and of course wish to have their particular 
debts paid, and their own countries settled in the 
first instance, before there is any interference from 
any other quarter. 

With respect to the different places of sale, it is 
certainly open to the objections you mention; but it 
was absolutely necessary to accede to the measure, 
before we could advance a single step. Since the re- 
ceipt of your letter, I have hinted to some of the 
members the propriety of altering this part ; but find 
that the idea of allowing tlie citizens of each State 
an equal chance of trying the good lands at their 
own doors, was one of the strongest reasons with 
them for consenting to the ordinance. As to the in- 
dividual States interfering in the sale, it is guarded 
against; and in case the Loan-Oflicer, who is respon- 
sible only to Congress, cannot dispose of the land in 
a limited time, it is to be returned to the Treasury 
Board. With respect to the fractional parts uf U.wn- 
ships, the ordinance has now provided for all ca.^cs 
which can occur, except with respect to the ronnsyl- 
vauia lino. The course of the new State from the 
Ohio will 1)0 duo north ; and tho dispute with IViin- 
sylvania will be op<Mi to discussion hereafter. 



104 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

I am soriy to observe, that, throughout this mea- 
sure, there has been a necessity for sacrificing one's 
own opinion to that of other people, for the purpose 
of getting forward. There have never been above ten 
States on the floor; and nine of these were necessary 
to concur in one sentiment, lest they should refuse 
to vote for the ordinance on its passage. The price 
is fixed at a dollar the acre, liquidated certificates ; 
that is, the land is not to be sold under that. The 
reason for establishing this sum was, that a part of 
the House were for half a dollar, and another part for 
two dollars, and others for intermediate sums between 
the two extremes ; so that, ultimately, this was agreed 
upon as a central ground. If it is too high (which 
I am afraid is the case), it may hereafter be correct- 
ed by a resolution. I still mean to move for some 
amendments, wdiich I think will not only advance the 
sale, but increase the facility of purchasing to foreign- 
ers; though, from present appearances, I own I have 
but little hopes of success. 

After this affair is over, the requisition for the cur- 
rent year will be brought forward. The article of 
thirty thousand dollars, for the erection of federal 
buildings at Trenton, I have already objected to, and 
shall continue to oppose, by every means in my pow- 
er, as I look upon the measure to be fundamentally 
v/rong ; and I am in hopes nine States cannot be 
found to vote for it. Should those in opposition to 
the measure be able to put off the execution for the 
present year, it is to be expected that the Southern 
States will open their eyes to their true interests, 
and view this subject in a different light. What I at 
present fear is, that, failing to get this article allow- 
ed in the requisition, they will attempt to draw the 
money from Holland by a vote of seven States, inas- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 105 

much as a hundred thousand dollars ^vere voted at 
Trenton for that jmrpose, although no particular fund 
was assigned. I own this matter has given me some 
disgust, as I see an intemperate ardor to carry -it 
into execution before the sense of the Union is 
known; and I have no doubt that some gentlemen 
have come into Congress expressly for that purpose. 

I take the liberty of introducing Mr. Sitgreaves, a 
Delegate from North Carolina, a gentleman of great 
worth, who is travelling through our own State to 
his own country. He will be very happy to commu- 
nicate to you the news of this place. I inclose you 
the report of a Committee for altering the first para- 
graph of the ninth article of the Confederation, which 
embraces objects of great magnitude, and about which 
there is a great difference of sentiment. I have the 
honor to be, with the highest respect, 
Your affectionate friend and most obedient servant, 

WiLLiA^i Grayson. 



FROM WILLIAM GODDARD. 

Baltimore, 30 INFay, 1785. 

Sir, 
As the manuscript papers of General Lee, after his 
decease, came into my hands, I have been induced, 
from several motives, to arrange and prepare them 
for publication. The General, in liis lifetime, request- 
ed it from me ; and my profession, as a printer and 
bookseller, made it an o])jcct of interest worthy my 
attention. But, as I cannot be ignorant of some un- 
happy differences wliicli subsisted between your Ex- 
cellency and General Lee, I liave thought proper to 



106 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

acquaint your Excellency with my conduct in this 
business. 

Influenced by no party consideration, and altoge- 
ther devoid of any sinister intention of exalting one 
character at the expense of another, I have taken 
care to suppress many passages that might be offen- 
sive in the GeneraFs pieces and correspondence. 
While it was my duty to preserve what was useful 
in military and political knowledge, I took the liber- 
ty to suppress such expressions as appeared to be 
the ebullitions of a disappointed and irritated mind ; 
so that I flatter myself your Excellency will be con- 
vinced of the candor of my intention in the execu- 
tion of the work. Inclosed I have sent a copy of 
the title-page, and the proposals are now preparing 
for the press. In a few weeks I purpose to send 
them to your Excellency; and in the mean time 
should esteem it a favor to hear, as soon as conve- 
nient, from your Excellency, whether this has come 
safe to your hands, and whether your Excellency has 
any particular request respecting the said work. I 
am, with the greatest deference and esteem, your Ex- 
cellency's 

Most obedient and humble servant, 

William Goddard* 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, 4 July, 1785. 

My DEAR General, 
This letter will be delivered by the celebrated M. 
Houdon, who is going, for your statue, to America. 

* See the answer to this letter in Washington's Writings, Vol. IX. 
p. 107. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 107 

Nothing but the love of glory and his respect for you 
could induce him to cross the seas, as his business 
here far exceeds his leisure; and his numerous and 
gratified friends make him very happy at home. 
These circumstances I mention as a farther recom- 
mendation to your attentions. As I am writing by 
the same opportunity^ I will only add a tribute of the 
tender love and grateful respect^ [with which] I have 
the honor to be, my dear General, yours, 

Lafayette. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Paris, 10 July, 1785. 

Dear Sir, 
Mr. Houdon would much sooner have had the ho- 
nor of attending you, but for a spell of sickness 
which long gave us to despair of his recovery, and 
from which he is but recently recovered. He comes 
now for the purpose of lending the aid of his art to 
transmit you to posterity. He is without rivalship in 
it, being employed from all parts of Europe in what- 
ever is capital. He has had a difficulty to withdraw 
himself from the Empress of Russia; a difficulty, 
however, which arose from a desire to show her re- 
spect, but which never gave him a moment's hesita- 
tion about his present voyage, which he considers as 
promising the brightest chapter of his history. 1 
have spoke of him as an artist only ; but I can as- 
sure you also that, as a man, he is disinterested, ge- 
nerous, and candid, and panting after glory ; in every 
circumstance, meriting your good opinion. Ho will 
have need to see you much while he shall liavo the 
honor of being with you, which you can the more 



108 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

freely admit, as his eminence and merit give him 
admittance into genteel societies here. He will need 
an interpreter. I supposed you could procure some 
person from Alexandria, who might be agreeable to 
yourself, to perform this office. He brings with him 
a subordinate w^orkman or two, who, of course, will 
associate with their own class only. 

On receiving the favor of your letter of February 
25th, I communicated the plan for clearing the Poto- 
mac, with the act of Assembly, and an explanation 
of its probable advantages, to Mr. Brand, w^hose ac- 
quaintance and connection with the moneyed men 
here, enabled him best to try its success. He has 
done so ; but to no end. I inclose you his letter. I 
am pleased to hear, in the mean time, that the sub- 
scriptions were likely to be filled up at home. This 
is infinitely better, and will render the proceedings 
of the Companies much more harmonious. I place an 
immense importance to my own country on this chan- 
nel of connection wdth the new Western States. I 
shall continue uneasy till I know that Virginia has 
assumed her ultimate boundary to the westward. The 
late example of the State of Franklin separated from 
North Carolina, increases my anxieties for Virginia. 

The confidence you are so good as to place in 
me, on the subject of the interest lately given you 
by Virginia, in the Potomac Company, is very flat- 
tering to me. But it is distressing, also, inasmuch 
as, to deserve it, it obliges me to give my whole 
opinion. My wishes to see you made perfectly easy, 
by receiving those just returns of gratitude from our 
country, to which you are entitled, would induce 
me to be contented with saying, what is a certain 
truth, that the world would be pleased with seeing 
them heaped on you, and would consider your re- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 109 

ceiving them as no derogation from your reputation. 
But I must own that the declining them will add to 
that reputation, as it will show that your motives 
have been pure and without alloy. This testimony, 
however, is not wanting either to those who know 
you or who do not. I must therefore repeat, that I 
think the receiving them will not, in the least, lessen 
the respect of the world, if, from any circumstances, 
they would he convenient to you. The candor of 
my communication will find its justification, I know, 
with you. 

A tolerable certainty of peace leaves little interest- 
ing in the way of intelligence. Holland and the 
Emperor will be quiet. If any thing is brewing, it 
is between the latter and the Porte. Nothing in 
prospect, as yet, from England. We shall bring them, 
however, to decision, now that Mr. Adams is received 
there. I wish much to hear that the canal through 
the Dismal [Swamp] is resumed. 

I have the honor to be, &c., &c., 

Thomas Jefferson. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Sarreguemines, on the French Frontier, 
14 July, 1785. 

My dear General, 
Before I leave the l)orders of France, I wish once 
more to remind you of your absent friend, and to let 
you know that I am well, and just beginning my 
German march. I have been lately visiting sonic 
French towns, where I spoke a great deal about 
American trade, and fully answered the views I had 
the honor to communicate in a former letter. 

VOL. IV. 10 



110 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Now I am on my way to the Deux Fonts, where 
resides our friend, the future Elector of Bavaria; to 
Cassel, where I shall see again the Hessian regi- 
ments ; to Berlin, where I am told Lord Cornwallis 
is also going. From there, I shall wait on the King 
of Prussia, on his grand manoeuvres in Silesia; visit 
Saxony ; see the Austrian camp in Bohemia ; pay 
my respects to the Emperor at Vienna; return to 
Berlin, where grand manoeuvres are to take place at 
the end of September; and, after I have on my 
way examined all the fields of battle, I shall return 
through Holland, and be again in Paris by the 
middle of October. 

This letter, my dear General, goes with our old 
friend Dr. Franklin, who, I hope, will be received 
with that respect he so much deserves. It will be 
forwarded by his grandson, a very deserving young 
man, who wishes being introduced by me to you; 
and I beg leave to recommend him to your atten- 
tions. He has been much employed in public; got 
nothing by it; and, as the Doctor loves him better 
than any thing in the world, I think he ought to 
have the satisfaction to see him noticed by Congress. 
You will oblige me to let them know that I spoke 
to you my mind about it. 

You remember an idea, which I imparted to you 
three years ago. I am going to try it in the French 
colony of Cayenne, but will write more fully on the 
subject in my other letters. Nothing new now in 
the political world. War is far at a distance. Adieu, 
my beloved General. My most affectionate respects 
wait on Mrs. Washington. Remember me to the 
young ones, to my Aid George, to Mr. Lund, all our 
friends, and particularly to Mrs. Stuart. You know 
my heart, my dear General, and I need not add the 



PRIVATE LETTERS. HI 

assurances of the filial love, respect, and gratitude, 
I have the honor to be with, 

Your devoted friend, 

Lafayette. 

P, S. Gouvion is going with me, and has the 
honor to present his respects to you. 



FROM NOAH WEBSTER, JR. 

Baltimore, 18 July, 1785. 



Sir, 



If the request I am now to make should need any 
apology but such as will naturally be suggested by 
its own importance, I am sure it will find it in your 
candor. 

The favorable reception of my grammatical publica- 
tion in the Northern States, has induced me to offer 
them for sale in the Southern ; and I am happy to 
find they meet the approbation of those literary gen- 
tlemen with whom I have conversed on my tour to 
Charleston. The performance may possibly appear, 
at first thought, triflings and yet, as containing the 
rudiments of our native language, the foundation of 
our other scientific improvements, it doubtless ought 
to be considered as extremely important. If you, 
Sir, view it in the latter point of light, and have 
taken the trouble to examine the general plan and 
execution, your name, as a patron of the Institute, 
would be very infkicntial in introducing it to notice 
in these States. 

I should be very unhappy to make any request, a 
compliance with which would require the least sacri- 



112 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

fice from so distinguislied a character ; but if it can 
be donO; consistently with the sentiments of your 
heart and the delicacy of your feelings, the addition 
of your name. Sir, to the catalogue of patrons, will, 
I vainly hope, be a continuation of your public util- 
ity, and will certainly be esteemed a singular favor 
conferred on one who is anxious to improve the lite- 
rature and advance the prosperity of this country. - 
I have the honor to be, &c., &c., 

Noah Webster, Jr. 



FROM WILLIAM GRAYSON, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 25 July, 1785. 

Dear Sir, 

The inclosed letters were handed to me the other 
day by young Mr. Adams, son of Mr. John Adams, 
who has arrived in the last packet; and, no private 
opportunity offering, I do myself the honor of trans- 
mitting them by post. 

Congress are informed, by a letter from Mr. Adams, 
that he has been introduced to the King of Great 
Britain in due form, and received as a public Minis- 
ter from the United States of America. They have 
also received from the Commissioners for forming com- 
mercial treaties, projects of two treaties ; the one with 
the King of Prussia, the other with the Grand Duke 
of Tuscany. The former, it is expected, is signed 
before this by the American Ministers. Don Diego 
de Gardoqui, Avho has plenipotentiary powers, has 
been received; and Congress have passed a commis- 
sion to INIr. Jay, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, to ne- 
gotiate with him. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 113 

Congress have lately paid great attention to the 
proposed alteration of the ninth article of the Con- 
federation, and it has been debated several times. I 
did myself the honor to inclose this paper some time 
ago. There seem to be three opinions. Some are 
for the alteration as reported, provided eleven, and 
not nine States, have the exercise of the powers. 
Others are for forming a act, and submitting 

the same to the States. A third opinion is against 
any change whatever. I expect, after the subject has 
been thoroughly investigated, it will, by consent, be 
put off till the members have had an opportunity of 
consulting the Legislatures. The requisition for the 
current year is nearly finished. By this the States 
are called upon to pay three millions of dollars, that 
is, one million in specie, and two millions in interest 
on liquidated certificates ; the whole containing a pro- 
vision as well for the purposes of government as for 
the interest on the foreign and domestic debt. 

I beg leave to inclose propositions respecting the 
coinage of gold, silver, and copper, which are at pre- 
sent before Congress. 

I have the honor to be, &c., &c., 

William Grayson. 



Sir, 



FROM JAMES WARREN. 

Milton, near Boston, 2 September, 178i 



When I review the scenes 1 passed through in the 

course of a revolution, which will always distinguish 

the present age, I reflect with great pleasure on 

those whicli took phicc wlicii I was [honored] with 

1U==- 



114 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

your particular friendship and confidence. No man 
has preserved a more uniform esteem and respect for 
you than I have ; and if it is my fault that a corres- 
pondence once begun was not continued, it was more 
my misfortune, and the same cause which produced 
both, apologizes for the first, and in my mind has al- 
leviated the last. I did fear giving you trouble and 
interruption, when I knew you was engaged in mat- 
ters of great magnitude, importance, and difficulty. 
My ambition then gave place to the feelings of regard 
and friendship. Mrs. Washington's letter to Mrs. 
Warren gives me the pleasure of thinking I still pos- 
sess your recollection, and encourages me to write to 
you, at a time when you have more leisure. 

The war has ended with great glory and advantage 
to our country; and while I congratulate you and 
America on this event, I am sorry to have so many 
reasons to deplore that want of justice, public spirit, 
and good policy, which are necessary to make a pro- 
per improvement of them. Our finances are in a 
wretched situation, and public credit of course on a 
bad footing ; and these may finally have a fatal effect 
on the Union, upon which every thing depends. I 
am fully convinced that the abilities of this country, 
properly exerted, are quite equal to the discharge of 
the present debt, and the provision for their future 
security ; and I wish, exceedingly, to see some general 
measures adopted for those purposes. For my own 
part, I could be willing to live in a country, so am- 
ply provided with the necessaries and conveniences 
of life, as this is, with little or no foreign trade ; 
but commerce has become so necessary to the power, 
greatness, and reputation of every country, that it 
seems to claim our particular attention, at least in a 
degree subordinate to that of agriculture. And I do 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 115 

not see how it can be conducted, without being sub- 
ject to some general direction; nor, in that case, can 
I conceive it can be cultivated to advantage, loaded 
and fettered with those illiberal duties and restrictions, 
calculated to raise a revenue, which now in various 
degrees employ the several Legislatures, and distract 
the whole system. 

It is, notwithstanding, some consolation, that, how- 
ever the politics of America are conducted, if not 
bad in the extreme, the nature of things, and the 
prevailing disposition for improvements, will make us 
a great and probably happy people. Your great phin 
for opening a large and extensive inland navigation 
in Virginia, will be to future generations a standing 
monument of the spirit and enterprise of the present 
age. And while they enjoy the blessings and advan- 
tages derived from it, they must recollect with grati- 
tude those who contrived and executed it. After all, 
agriculture is the great basis upon which the whole 
fabric of greatness and happiness, however constructed 
and put together, must stand ; and it affords no small 
pleasure to see such a spirit of inr[uiry on that sub- 
ject prevailing. A laudable example is seen in Phila- 
delphia. Some such measures are thought of hero ; 
and, although I hear nothing of that particular kind 
from Virginia, I presume Mount Vernon can exhibit 
many instances of improvement, beneficial to tlie 
country. 

I have always llattered myself with hopes of see- 
ing you in ilie Massachusetts after the return of peace. 
May I still expect that pleasure ? Mrs. Warren joins 
me in respects and coniplinienis to your lady and 
yourself 

1 ani, Sir, kc, kc. 

James Warrex. 



116 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Vienna, 3 September, 1785. 

My DEAR General, 
This letter has been requested of me as an intro- 
duction for M. Andre Michaux, whom, for many rea- 
sons, I am happy to present. In the first place I 
know you will be glad to know a man whose genius 
has raised him among the scientific people, and who, 
as a botanist, has, at his own expense, travelled 
through countries very little known. He now is sent 
by the King to America, in order to know the trees, 
the seeds, and every kind of natural production, 
whose growth may be either curious or useful; and 
for them the king wdll set up a nursery at a country 
seat of his, which he is very fond of I am the 
more pleased with the plan, as it opens a new chan- 
nel of intercourse and mutual good offices between 
the two nations. I beg, my dear General, you will 
patronize this gentleman, and I much want it to be 
said in France, that he has been satisfied with his 
reception in America. 

I have been visiting the Prussian army, and now 
am in the Austrian capital. I had, but an hour 
ago, a long conversation with the Emperor upon the 
United States, and the American trade, in which I 
took care properly to answer his questions. Every- 
where I enjoy the unspeakable pleasure to hear my 
beloved General spoken of with that respect he so 
well deserves. 

Adieu, my dear General. My best respects wait 
on Mrs. Washington. Kemember me to the young 
ones. Most respectfully and affectionately, yours, 

Lafayette. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 117 

FROM L. W. OTTO. 

New York, 1 October, 1785. 

Sir, 

The Court having thought proper to promote M. de 
Marbois to the Intenclancy of Hispaniola, has, at the 
same time, intrusted me with the place he had the 
honor to occupy, near the United States of America. 
It is peculiarly flattering to me, in this circumstance, 
to have the advantage of a former acquaintance with 
your Excellency; and I take hold of the first oppor- 
tunity to recall myself to your kind remembrance. 

On my return to France, I have been a witness of 
the anxiety, with which all orders of citizens expect- 
ed your arrival there. The Court equally expressed 
the warmest desire to receive a man, who has excited 
the admiration of the present, and will deserve that 
of future, ages. Many personal friends you would 
have met with, in a country so closely united with 
your own, and which seems to be equally indebted 
to your exertions for the tranquillity and happiness 
it now enjoys. Amongst these, the Chevalier de la 
Luzerne is perhaps the most devoted to your Excel- 
lency, lie enjoined me particularly to remember him 
to you, and to assure you that on his return to 
America, Avhich will probably take place next spring, 
he will be extremely flattered to renew his former 
intimacy. If, in the mean while, I can be of any 
[use] to you at New York, or in France, I beg of you 
to dispose of my feeble services, and to be persuaded 
that, in alTordiiig me such an opportunity, you confer 
upon me the most flattering favor. 

With great respect, &c., &c., 

L. ^V. Otto. 



118 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM BENJAMIN TUPPER. 

Pittsburg, 20 October, 1785. 

Dear General, 

We have just returned to this place from an un- 
successful attempt to survey the western territory. 
Colonel Parker, who will deliver this, will he ahle to 
inform your Excellency of the reasons of our not suc- 
ceeding agreeahly to our wishes. I am greatly charm- 
ed with the country. It exceeds any I ever saw, 
and I know of nothing that will prevent me com- 
mencing one of the first adventures in that delight- 
ful country. I intend, on my return, to consult with 
General Putnam, and no doubt we shall fall upon 
some plan to engage a number of our friends to 
join in a scheme so interesting as that of settling in 
that garden of America. One thing that will induce 
me to settle in that country, is that your Excellency 
promises to honor us with a visit, which I shall set 
more by than the interest I possess in Massachusetts. 

I hope these will find your Excellency in posses- 
sion of all the happiness human nature is capable of 
Colonel Sherman, Captain Martin, and the surveyors 
with us, desire their most dutiful regards to your 
Excellency. Please to present mine to your lady, 
and to Mr. Washington and his lady. 

Dear General, some of your friends may exceed 
me in expressions of regard, but believe me when I 
assure your Excellency that no one can exceed in 
affection. 

Your Excellency's, &c., &c., 

Benjamin Tupper. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 119 

FROM JAMES MADISON. 

Richmond, 11 Kovember, 1785. 

Dear Sir, 

I received your favor of the 29tli ultimo on Thurs- 
day. That by Colonel Lee had been previously de- 
livered. Your letter for the Assembly was laid before 
them yesterday. I have reason to believe that it was 
received with every sentiment which could correspond 
with yours. Nothing passed, from which any conjec- 
ture could be formed as to the objects which would 
be most pleasing for the appropriation of the fund. 
The disposition is, I am persuaded, much stronger to 
acquiesce in your choice, whatever it may be, than to 
lead or anticipate it ; and I see no inconveniency in 
your taking time for a choice that will please your- 
self The letter was referred to a Committee, which 
will, no doubt, make such report as will give effect 
to your wishes. 

Our session commenced, very inauspiciously, with a 
contest for the Chair, which was followed by a rigid 
scrutiny into Mr. Harrison's election in his county. 
He gained the Chair by a majority of six votes, and 
retained his seat by a majority of still fewer. His 
residence was the point on which the latter question 
turned. Doctor Lee's election was questioned on a 
similar point, and was also established ; but it was 
held to be vitiated by his acceptance of a lucrative 
post under the United States. The House have en- 
gaged, with some alacrity, in the consideration of the 
Revised Code, prepared by Mr. JelTerson, Mr. Pendle- 
ton, and Mr. Wythe. The present temper promises 
an adoption of it, in substance. The greatest danger 
arises from its length, compared witli llu; italience of 
the members. If it is persisted in, it must cxchido 



120 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

several matters wliicli are of moment ; but, I hope, 
only for the present Assembly. The pulse of the 
House of Delegates was felt on Thursday with regard 
to a general manumission, by a petition presented on 
that subject. It was rejected without dissent ; but 
not without an avowed patronage of its principles by 
sundry respectable members. A motion was made to 
throw it under the table, which was treated with as 
much indignation, on one side, as the petition itself 
was on the other. There are several petitions before 
the House against any step towards freeing the slaves, 
and even praying for a repeal of the law which li- 
censes particular manumissions. 

The merchants of several of our towns have made 
representations on the distresses of our commerce, 
which have raised the question whether relief shall 
be attempted by a reference to Congress, or by mea- 
sures within our own compass. On a pretty full dis- 
cussion it was determined, by a large majority, that 
the power over trade ought to be vested in Congress, 
under certain qualifications. If the qualifications sug- 
gested, and no others, should be annexed, I think 
they will not be subversive of the principle, though 
they will, no doubt, lessen its utility. The Speaker, 
Mr. M. Smith, and Mr. Braxton, are the champions 
against Congress. Mr. Thurston and Mr. White have 
since come in; and, I fancy, I may set down both as 
auxiliaries. They are, however, not a little puzzled 
by the difficulty of substituting any practicable regu- 
lations within ourselves. Mr. Braxton proposed two, 
that did not much aid his side of the question. The 
first was, that all British vessels from the West Indies 
should be excluded from our ports ; the second, that 
no merchant should carry on trade here until he 
should have been a resident years. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 121 

Unless some plan^ freer from objection, can be de- 
vised for this State, its patrons will be reduced clear- 
ly to the dilemma of acceding to a general one, or 
leaving our trade under all its present embarrass- 
ments. There has been some little skirmishing, on 
the ground of public faith, which leads me to hope 
that its friends have less to fear than w^as surmised. 
The assize and port bills have not yet been avv^ak- 
ened. The Senate will make a House to-day for the 
first time. 

With the greatest respect and regard, I have the 
honor to be, dear Sir, &c., 

James Madison, Jr. 

P. S. Inclosed, herewith, are two Reports from the 
Commissioners for examining the head of James Ri- 
ver, &c., and the ground between the waters of Eliza- 
beth River and North Carolina ; also, a sensible pam- 
phlet said to be written by St. George Tucker, of 
this State. 



FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

23 November, 1785. 

Dear Sir, 
Major Fairly is just setting out on a visit to you; 
I believe, on some business relating to the Cincinnati. 
The Society of this State met some short time since, 
and took into consideration tlic proposed alterations 
in tlie original frame of the Institution. Some Avere 
strenuous for adhering to the old Constitution, a few 
for adopting the new, and many for a middle line. 
This disagreement of opinion, and tlie consideration 
that the different State Societies pursuing diflercnt 
courses, some adopting tlie alterations entire, others 

VOL. IV. 1 1 



122 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

rejecting them in the same way, others adopting in 
part and rejecting in part, might beget confusion and 
defeat good purposes, — induced a proposal, which was 
unanimously agreed to, that a Committee should be 
appointed to prepare and lay before the Society a 
circular letter, expressive of the sense of the Society 
on the different alterations proposed, and recommend- 
ing the giving powers to a general meeting of the 
Cincinnati to make such alterations as might be thought 
advisable, to obviate objections and promote the inter- 
ests of the Society. I believe there will be no diffi- 
culty in agreeing to change the present mode of con- 
tinuing the Society; but it appears to be the wish of 
our members, that some other mode may be defined 
and substituted, and that it might not be left to the 
uncertainty of legislative provision. We object, too, 
to putting the funds under legislative direction. In- 
deed, it appears to us, the Legislatures will not, at 
present, be inclined to give us any sanction. 

I am of the Committee, and I cannot but flatter 
myself that, when the object is better digested and 
more fully explained, it will meet your approbation. 

The poor Baron is still soliciting Congress, and has 
every prospect of indigence before him. He has his 
imprudences ; but, upon the w^hole, he has rendered 
valuable services ; and his merits, and the reputation 
of the country, alike demand that he should not be 
left to suffer want. If there could be any mode by 
which your influence could be employed in his favor, 
by writing to your friends in Congress, or otherwise, 
the Baron and his friends would be under great obli- 
gations to you. I have the honor to be, with sincere 
esteem, 

Your obedient and humble servant, 

Alexander Hainiilton. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 123 



FROM BENJAMIN LINCOLN. 



Boston, 4 January, 1786. 

I have since my return, my dear General, been 
looking, agreeably to your request, among my young 
friends, to see whether I could find among them one 
who would answer your purpose as a private Secre- 
tary, &c., &c. I have at last found a Mr. Lear, who 
supports the character of a gentleman and a scholar. 
He was educated at Cambridge, in this State. Since 
he left college he has been in Europe and in differ- 
ent parts of this Continent. It is said that he is a 
good master of language ; he reads French, and writes 
an exceeding good letter ; that his abilities are sur- 
passed by few, and his integrity by none. From the 
best information I can obtain, I am induced to be- 
lieve that you will find him the man you described. 
For a more particular account of character and intel- 
lect, I beg leave to refer you to the inclosed letter 
from my son to me. He has an intimate knowledge 
of Mr. Lear. If you should now be in Avant of his 
services, he will, by the first opportunity, join your 
Excellency's family. 

The Council of the American Academy have had a 
meeting here this day. Among other communications 
we had a very interesting one from the Reverend 
Mr. West, of Dartmouth, a gentleman of great abili- 
ties and extensive information. He wrote on the 
subject of extracting, by a simple machine, without 
the use of fire, fresh water from salt. He informed 
the Academy that he was admitted into the secret 
l)y the original inventor of the operation, and tliat 
they are now attempting some improvements upon it. 
However, thus fir tliey liad reduced the matter to a 



124 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

certainty, that three gallons of good fresh water could 
be extracted from a certain quantity of sea water (I 
think a barrel) in seventy or eighty minutes. He 
hoped, by some little amendments they were attempt- 
ing, that double that quantity would be produced in 
the same time. Should they never improve upon the 
present discovery, it must be considered as a very 
important one. With great esteem and regard, 
I have the honor to be, &c., 

Benjamin Lincoln. 



FROM EDMUND RANDOLPH. 

Richmond, 4 January, 1786. 

Sir, 

Inclosed I return to you the papers which accom- 
panied your favor of the 25th ultimo. It did not 
reach me until yesterday morning, when I submitted 
the whole to the Assembly. But the approach of 
the session to an end, forbids them to take up neAV 
business. The dav after to-morrow is fixed for their 
departure, and much of what is noAv before them 
must be left incomplete. I am therefore desired, by 
the Speaker of the Delegates, to send the papers to 
you, and to assure you that the Assembly are fully 
sensible of your readiness to embrace every oppor- 
tunity to improve the manufactures of our country. 
You know. Sir, that the Executive cannot give an 
establishment, or even aid, to M. de la Vallee, with- 
out the approbation of the Legislature. 

Although I was compelled, by duty, to lay before 
the Council your answer to my notification of your 
appointment to Philadelphia, I was happy to find 
them concurring Avith me in the propriety of en- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 125 

treating you not to decide on a refusal immediately. 
Perhaps the obstacles now in view may be removed 
before May; and the nomination of a successor, if 
necessary at all, will be as effectually made some 
time hence as now. Perhaps, too (and indeed I fear 
the event), every other consideration may seem of 
little weight, when compared with the crisis which 
may then hang over the United States. I hope, 
therefore, that you will excuse me for holding up 
your letter for the present, and waiting until time 
shall disclose the result of the commotions now pre- 
vailing. I have the honor to be, Sir, 

With the most perfect esteem and respect, &c., 

Edmund Randolph. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, 10 February, 1786. 

The inclosed, my dear General, is a vocabulary 
which the Empress of Russia has requested me to 
have filled up with Indian names, as she has ordered 
a universal dictionary to be made of all languages. 
It would greatly oblige her to collect the words she 
sends, translated into the several idioms of the na- 
tions on the banks of the Ohio. Presley NeviHe. 
and Morgan, at Fort Pitt, and General iMuhlcnbcrg, 
in Fayette county, and our other friends, would un- 
dertake it fur us, and wouhl 1)0 very attentive to ac- 
(mracy. I beg your pardon, my dear General, for the 
trouble I give you, but have been so particularly ai»- 
[)lied to that I cannot dispense with paying great 
attention to the business. 

This goes with so long an epistle of mine, thai I 
11=== 



126 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

shall only present you here with my best loA-e and 
wishes; and I am^ my dear General^ 

Your respectful and tender friend, 

Lafayette. 



FROM HENRY LEE, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 16 February, 1786. 

;My DEAR General, 

Y()u desired to hear from me, now and then, when 
I left Virginia. I obey your wishes with pleasure, 
and must assure you that I continue to feel the same 
unabating zeal to administer to your happiness which 
my public duty formerly commanded from me. I 
wish that my communications may be always agreea- 
ble. I apprehend your solicitude for the honor and 
prosperity of a nation formed under your auspices, 
will illy relish intelligence ominous of its destruction. 
But, so circumstanced is the Federal Government, that 
its death cannot be very far distant, unless immedi- 
ate and adequate exertions are made by the several 
States. 

The period is hurrying on, when no longer delay 
can be permitted. The late returns from the Conti- 
nental Receivers, in the different States, prove unani- 
mity in one point among the members of the Union, 
— no money. Congress, impressed with the lament- 
able effects which await the United States, from their 
adherence to temporary and disunited exertions, again 
have addressed the States. I inclose it. If success 
attends, we may divert the evils which menace our 
existence, and may still enjoy that happiness which 
we so arduously contended for. But, should the same 
supineness continue in our counsels, and jealousy, in- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 127 

Stead of patriotism^ direct the measures of our Go- 
vernments, consequences most distressing must cer- 
tainly ensue. Part of the principal of our foreign 
loans is due next year, and no certain means yet de- 
vised to pay even the interest. 

Our agents have arrived in Morocco and Algiers, 
and we have some hopes that their negotiations may 
be successful. 

It is very doubtful, how our Commissioners may 
succeed with the Indians. We have too much reason 
to fear a war, which, among other evils, will increase 
our finance embarrassments. People here are very 
inquisitive about the progress of the Potomac naviga- 
tion. The moment that business wears the prospect 
of certainty, rich emigrants from all the Eastern 
States will flock to our towns. The Assembly of this 
State are in session, and will emit two hundred thou- 
sand pounds in paper. They are violent enemies to 
the impost; and, I fear, even the impending and ap- 
proaching dangers to the existence of the Union will 
not move them. Please to present my respects to 
Mrs. Washington, and accept the best wishes of 

Henry Lee, Jii. 



FROM JOHN JAY. 

New York, 2 ^larcli, 17S0. 

Dkaii Sir, 
At and for some time after the arrival of youi 
kind and niendly letter by Mr. Taylor, ullirial )»u>i- 
noss <)l»ligt'd me to postpone writing the letters due 
to my [)rivate corresjiondciits. In December, a young 
man, uiuU'i- tlio inllnciK-o nf more important advisers, 



128 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

made an attack in the papers, which rendered the 
publication of my correspondence with him expedient. 
The first edition being replete with errors of the 
press, a second became indispensable ; and, from the 
moment of the attack, I concluded to delay answer- 
ing your letter until I could transmit with it a pro- 
per state of facts. A new edition has just been com- 
pleted, and I have the honor of inclosing a copy of 
it with this. 

Now, my dear Sir, let me tell you, and very sin- 
cerely, that no letter since my return has given me 
more pleasure than yours. As civilities, like true and 
counterfeit coins, are sometimes difficult to distin- 
guish, and as commendation, having no intrinsic va- 
lue, borrows the chief of its worth from the merit 
of those who bestow it, I feel, on this occasion, all 
the satisfaction which can result from approbation 
under the most advantageous circumstances. An ap- 
prehension that this letter may not reach the post- 
office in time, presses me not to enlarge at present. 
Mrs. Jay, whose best wishes you enjoy, desires me 
to tell you so, and, with me, requests the favor of 
you to present the like to Mrs. Washington. 

With perfect esteem and attachment, I am, &c., 

John Jay. 



FROM EDMUND RANDOLPH. 

Eichmond, 2 March, 1786. 



Dear Sir, 
The delay which has hitherto occurred in transmit- 
ting to you the inclosed proceedings, will be ascribed, 
I hope, to its true causes; one of which will be 
found in my last letter, and the other, in the daily 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 129 

expectation of Mr. Ross's visit to Mount Vernon, in 
pursuance of our resolution of the 8th of December, 
1785. You may possibly be surprised, that a work, 
which has already expended a considerable sum of 
money, should be delineated in so few words as the 
copies now sent contain. But I beg leave to inform 
you, that we have detailed, in the execution, almost 
the whole of the resolutions. 

For example ; we have procured the ascertainment 
of a precise point to which the navigation is to be 
extended. Crow's Ferry being now established as 
such. We are authorized to borrow money at six 
per cent., and to extend the number of shares. In- 
experienced as we w^ere, we yet conceived that our 
duty called for an examination of the ground be- 
tween Richmond and Westham. The diHiculties seem- 
ed greater than we at first apprehended. As soon 
as the report is prepared by a more skilful hand 
than we affect to be, it shall be forwarded to you. 

The old books of subscriptions are not complete, as 
I supposed when I wrote to you last. Seven shares 
are still unoccupied, of which we shall reserve the 
five which you wished for yourself It was impos- 
sible to engage any other labor than that of blacks j 
and this necessity has obliged us to bring the la- 
borers into actual service earlier, perhaps, tlian we 
should have done in the present state of our imper- 
fect knowledge of canals. But the subscribers would 
have been dissatisfied, liad we not begun in the 
course of this year ; and negroes, you know. Sir, 
must be hired in January at farthest. 

Concerning our progress in this great business, uur 
plans, and future cxi)ectati()ns, we beg you to inquire 
of James Harris, our Manager, wlio will deliver this 
letter, lie is a quakcr, of good character as a man, 



130 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

and a mechanic^ formed "by nature for the manage- 
ment of water, when applied to mills. He has added 
nothing to his natural turn by the view of any great 
works. We therefore request, if you see no impro- 
priety, that you would give him such a passport to 
the Potomac works, as will enable him to get a 
thorough insight into what is there projected. You 
perceive that Mr. Ross was originally intended to be 
sent to Mount "Vernon for this purpose j but he has 
been, for a length of time, under a severe disease, 
and is not yet restored. The office of subordinate 
Manager, mentioned in one of the resolutions, does 
not exist; it being swallowed up in that of Mr. 
Harris. It is not improbable that Mr. Harris may 
continue his journey to the Susquehanna Canal. If 
so, we shall thank you to furnish him with a certifi- 
cate of being employed by the James River Com- 
pany, in any manner which may appear most likely 
to introduce him into an acquaintance with those of 
that scheme who may be most intelligent. 

Thus, my dear Sir, I have written to you, at the 
desire of my brethren in office, a tedious account of 
our operations. Permit me, therefore, to return to 
the contemplation of private friendship, and to assure 
you that I am always, 

With the greatest respect and esteem, yours, &c., 

Edmund Randolph. 



FROM JOHN JAY. 

New York, 16 March, 1786. 



Dear Sir, 
Under the same cover with my letter to you of 
the 2d instant, I transmitted a pamphlet, in which I 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 131 

have since remarked the errors mentioned in the in- 
closed printed paper. 

Although you have wisely retired from public em- 
ployments^ and calmly view, from the temple of fame, 
the various exertions of that sovereignty and inde- 
pendence which Providence has enabled you to be so 
greatly and gloriously instrumental in securing to 
your country, yet I am persuaded you cannot view 
them with the eye of an unconcerned spectator. Ex- 
perience has pointed out errors in our National Go- 
vernment, which call for correction, and which threat- 
en to blast the fruit we expected from our "Tree 
of Liberty." The Convention, proposed by Virginia, 
may do some good, and would perhaps do more, if 
it comprehended more objects. An opinion begins to 
prevail, that a General Convention for revising the 
articles of Confederation would be expedient. AVhe- 
ther the people are yet ripe for such a measure, or 
whether the system proposed to be attained by it, is 
only to be expected from calamity and commotion, is 
difficult to ascertain. I think we are in a delicate 
situation, and a variety of considerations and circum- 
stances give me uneasiness. It is in contemplation 
to take measures for forming a General Convention. 
The 2^1an is not matured. If it should be well con- 
certed, and take effect, I am fervent in my wishes 
that it may comport with the line of life you have 
marked out for yourself, to favor your country with 
your counsels on such an important and sinr/lc occa- 
sion. I suggest this merely as a hint for considera- 
tion ; and am, with the highest respect and esteem, 
Yours, &c., 

John Jav. 



132 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM WILLIAM GRAYSON, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 27 Mar, 178G. 

Dear vSir, 

I should have done myself the honor of writing to 
you sooner, if any thing had occurred at this place 
worth communicating. There has been a great dearth 
of foreign news, and, till within a short time, the re- 
presentation has been so thin as to render it imprac- 
ticable for Congress to undertake any matter of im- 
portance, although there are many which require their 
serious attention. Of late, there has been a tolerably 
full representation; but the time of Congress has been 
chiefly taken up wdth an investigation of the Connect- 
icut cession of western territory. 

That State, some time ago, offered to cede all her 
claim to western territory within the following limits ; — 
beginning one hundred and twenty miles westward 
of the Pennsylvania line, at the beginning of the 
forty-second degree, extending north as far as two 
minutes of the forty-third, west to the Mississippi, 
the meanders thereof the same breadth; east to the 
beginning, reserving out of this cession the one hun- 
dred and twenty miles between the ceded lands and 
the Pennsylvania line, with the jurisdiction of the 
same. This cession was at first much opposed, but 
Congress have at length agreed to accept it, when- 
ever the Delegates of that State shall be authorized 
to make a proper deed ; the consequence of w^hich 
is, I apprehend, a clear loss of about six millions of 
acres to the United States, Avhich had been already 
ceded by Virginia and New York ; for the Assembly 
of Connecticut, now sitting, will unquestionably open 
a Land-Office, and the Federal Constitution has not 
given a Court in this instance. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 133 

The advocates for this measure urged, in favor of 
its adoption, that the claim of a powerful State, al- 
though unsupported by right, was, under present cir- 
cumstances, a disagreeable thing, and that sacrifices 
ought to be made for the public tranquillity, as well 
as to acquire an indisputable title to the residue ; 
that Connecticut would settle it immediately with 
emigrants well disposed to the Union, who would form 
a barrier not only against the British, but the Indian 
tribes upon the Wabash and Lake Michigan ; that the 
thick settlement they would immediately form, would 
enhance the value of the adjacent country, and facili- 
tate emigrations thereto. 

Some alterations have been made lately in the 
land ordinance. The Surveyors are now allowed to 
survey by the magnetic meridian, and are limited to 
the territory lying southward of the east and west 
line, as described in the said ordinance ; the naviga- 
ble waters and the carrying-places between them are 
made common highways, and forever free to the At- 
lantic States, as well as any new States tluit may 
be created, without any tax or impost therefor. An 
attempt was made to change the system altogether, 
but negatived. Indeed, the Eastern States, and some 
others, are so much attached to it, that I am satis- 
fied no material alteration can ever be effected. Tlic 
Geographer and Surveyors have directions to proceed 
without delay to carry tlie ordinance into execution, 
which, I presume, they will execute, provided the In- 
dians will permit them, of which, however, 1 have 
very great dou))ts. 

Mr. Adams has infnrnKMl Congress, ])y lottors late- 
ly received, that he has made a demand of the posts, 
and has been refused. The Man^uis of Carnuirthou 
lias given, as a reason for the refusal, that many of 

VOL. IV. lli 



134 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

the States in the Union have violated the treaty with 
respect to the debts; that the King of Great Britain 
will comply with his engagements, when the States 
shall show a disposition to perform their part of the 
contract respecting this matter. The States not in- 
cluded in the accusation are New Hampshire, Rhode 
Island, Connecticut, New Jersey, and Delaware. T 
beg leave to inform you, confidentially, that there does 
not appear, at present, the most distant prospect of 
forming a treaty either with Spain or Great Britain; 
that the treaty with Portugal is in a proper train; 
that peace can be procured with Tripoli and Tunis 
on reasonable terms, that is, for thirty-three thousand 
guineas each ; and probably with Morocco and Algiers 
for double that sum, respectively, if money can be 
loaned in Holland for that purpose. The late treaty 
with Algiers cost Spain one million three hundred 
thousand dollars. 

My compliments to Mrs. Washington ; and I remain, 
with the highest respect and esteem, &c., 

William Grayson. 



FROM JOHN JAY. 

Philadelpliia, 27 June, 1786. 

Dear Sir, 

Being deputed, by the Church Convention of New 
York, to attend a general one, convened here, I 
brought with me your obliging letter of the 18th 
ultimo, that I might devote the first leisure hour to 
the pleasure of answering it. 

Congress having freed the papers, of which the in- 
closed are copies, from injunctions of secrecy, and per- 
mitted the Delegates to make and send extracts from 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 135 

them to their different States, I think myself at 
liberty to transmit copies to you. These papers have 
been referred to me. Some of the facts are inaccu- 
rately stated, and improperly colored ; but it is too 
true that the treaty has been violated. On such oc- 
casions, I think it better fairly to confess and correct 
errors, than attempt to deceive ourselves and others 
by fallacious, though plausible, palliations and excuses. 
To oppose popular prejudices, to censure the proceed- 
ings, and expose the improprieties of States, is an 
unpleasant task ; but it must be done. 

Our affairs seem to lead to some crisis; some revo- 
lution ; something that I cannot foresee, or conjecttire. 
I am uneasy and apprehensive ; more so than during 
the "war. Then we had a fixed object, and, though 
the means and time of attaining it "were often pro- 
blematical, yet I did firmly believe that we should 
ultimately succeed, because I was convinced that jus- 
tice was with us. The case is now altered. We are 
going and doing wrong ; and therefore I look forward 
to evils and calamities, but without being able to 
guess at the instrument, nature, or measure of them. 
That we shall again recover, and things again go 
well, I have no doubt ; such a variety of circumstan- 
ces would not almost miraculously have combined to 
liberate and make us a nation, for transient and un- 
important purposes. I therefore believe we are yet 
to become a groat and respectable people ; but when, 
or how, the spirit of prophecy only can discern. 

There doubtless is much reason to think jind to 
say, that we are wofidly, and, in many instances 
wickedly, misled. Private rage fur property sup- 
presses public considerations; and personal, rather than 
national interests, have become tho great objects of 
attention. Representative bodies will over be faithful 



136 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

copies of their originals^ and generally exhibit a check- 
ered assemblage of virtue and vice^ of abilities and 
weakness. The mass of men are neither wise nor 
good; and the virtue, like the other resources, of a 
country, can only be drawn to a point by strong cir- 
cumstances ably managed, or strong government ably 
administered. New governments have not the aid of 
habit and hereditary respect ; and, being generally the 
result of preceding tumult and confusion, do not im- 
mediately acquire stability or strength. Besides, in 
times of commotion, some men will gain confidence 
and importance, who merit neither ; and who, like po- 
litical mountebanks, are less solicitous about the 
health of the credulous crowd, than about making 
the most of their nostrums and prescriptions. 

New York was rendered less federal by the opi- 
nions of the late President of Congress. This is a 
singular, though not unaccountable fact. Indeed, hu- 
man actions are seldom inexplicable. What I most 
fear is, that the better kind of people (by which I 
mean the people who are orderly and industrious, 
who are content with their situations, and not uneasy 
in their circumstances) will be led, by the insecurity 
of property, the loss of confidence in their rulers, and 
the want of public faith and rectitude, to consider 
the charms of liberty as imaginary and delusive. A 
state of uncertainty and fluctuation must disgust and 
alarm such men, and prepare their minds for almost 
any change that may promise them quiet and security. 

Your letter to Mrs. Macaulay Graham is on the 
way to her, inclosed in one from me to Mr. Adams. 
I forget the name of the vessel. Be pleased to make 
my compliments to Mrs. Washington; and be assured 
that I am, with the greatest respect and esteem, 

Dear Sir, &c., 

John Jay. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 137 

FROM HENRY LEE, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 7 August, 178G. 

^Iy dear General, 

I had the pleasure of hearing from you last week, 
and have complied with your wishes respecting the 
china. No conveyance at present offers for Alexan- 
dria ; hut every day presents one to Norfolk, from 
wliich place the correspondence up your river is fre- 
quent. I intend, unless I should meet with a vessel 
for Potomac, to send the box to Colonel Parker, naval 
officer at Norfolk, and ask his special attention to 
forwarding it to Alexandria or Mount Vernon. At the 
same time, I will send a small box put into my care 
by Mr. Gardoqui. I have had it some time, and 
wanted to know your intention as to the china, that 
the same conveyance might take both. If you have 
an opportunity to convey my Young (as the books 
are useless to you) to Mr. E. II. Lee, you will oblige 
me by doing it. 

The Mississippi business is very important, and 
full of difficulty. In the debilitated condition of the 
Federal Government, it is unwise to wish the oflence 
of any part of the empire, unless to attain great 
good. My mind has no doubt of the extensive good 
consequences that would result to the Union from a 
commercial connection with Spain ; and I am alsu 
dear that, in agreeing to the occlusion of the naviga- 
iion of the Mississippi, we give in fact nothing; fur, 
ilio iiK.nient our western country becomes populous 
and capa])k', they will seize ])y force what may have 
been yielded ])y treaty. Till that period, the livrr 
cannot ])e used but by pcniiissiun cf Spain, wliose 
exclusive system of policy never will grant sncli pcr- 



138 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

mission. Then, to be sure, we only give what we 
cannot use. But the source of all the evils which 
press these States, is the inefficiency of the Federal 
Government. This cannot he altered and remedied, 
but by consent of the States. Already, in every 
State, the amplification of the powers of the Union 
has too many enemies. Should, therefore, a treaty 
take place between Congress and Spain, occluding 
for a term the navigation of the Mississippi, in return 
for advantages very great, but not so great to the 
whole as to a part, I apprehend it would give such 
a text for popular declaimers, that the great object, 
namely, bracing the Federal Government, may be 
thwarted, and thus, in pursuing a lesser, we lose a 
greater good. 

I forwarded, by the last post, for public information, 
some intelligence lately received from Mr. Jefferson ; 
and I have also sent an extract of a letter from Mr. 
Kendall, from Algiers. These two papers comprehend 
all the news here. I transmit the Gazette of the day. 
Bills on London, at sixty days' sight, fluctuate in their 
value from six to seven per cent, premium. The cost 
of the china is one hundred and fifty dollars, besides 
the incidental charge of freight to Norfolk, which can- 
not be much. My best wishes for the health and 
happiness of Mount Vernon, in which Mrs. Lee unites. 
Most respectfully yours, 

Henry Lee. 



FROM CATHARINE MACAULAY GRAHAM. 

Knightsbridge, near London, 10 October, 1786. 

Sir, 
By some of those unlucky incidents, which attend 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 139 

the passage across the Atlantic, the letter with which 
you honored me, dated January 16, did not reach 
me till the latter end of June last. 

There are few persons in Europe who would not 
be highly flattered by a correspondence with General 
Washington ; but, when this gratification, which, from 
the consideration of popular eminence, must be felt by 
every vulgar mind, is enlarged by a genuine taste for 
moral excellence, it raises the most lively sentiments 
of self-complacency and gratitude. 

When I returned from Mount Vernon to Philadel- 
phia, I had the pleasure of seeing a portrait, which 
bore the strongest resemblance to the original of any 
I had seen. If you favor me with another letter, you 
will do me great pleasure if you will inform me 
whether Mr. Pine is much advanced in his grand de- 
sign of portraying the capital events of the civil wars, 
and whether he is likely to succeed in his attempt. 

Give me leave. Sir, to return you our thanks for 
those obliging and benevolent sentiments with which 
your letter is replete. We present our best respects 
to Mrs. Washington ; our best compliments and good 
wishes to the amiable pair who have united their 
fortunes since our departure from America; and our 
love to the little people, who, w^e sincerely hope, will 
both, in their different characters, afford an ample 
recompense for the benevolent care and culture they 
have received. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Catiiaulne Macaulay Graham. 



140 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM HENRY LEE, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 11 October, 1786. 

My dear General, 

111 the full confidence you receive my letters as 
testimonials of my unceasing respect, and from a so- 
licitude to acquaint you with all material contingen- 
cies in the administration of our national affairs, that 
you may be able to form your judgment on authen- 
tic documents, and, consequently, that your opinions, 
being bottomed on truth, may not fail to produce the 
most beneficial effects to our country, I again address 
3^ou, and mean to confine myself to one subject, which 
will, I apprehend, soon become the topic of public 
debate. Among the defects wdiich degrade the Con- 
stitution of the Federal Government, is the physical 
impossibility of secrecy in the sovereignty. Therefore, 
it is often necessary to make confidential communica- 
tions, when they serve to correct the circulation of 
erroneous informations on subjects of national con- 
cern, which, in their nature, are secret, but, from the 
cause just mentioned, become public. Considering 
myself, therefore, at full liberty to give you a his- 
tory of this business, I will do it w^ith brevity. 

We are told here that the decided difference which 
prevailed in Congress on the proposed treaty with 
Spain, is generally understood in every part of the 
Union ; and it is suggested, that the project of the 
treaty will become the subject of deliberation in the 
Assembly of Virginia. 

True it is, that this affair unfortunately produced 
an intemperance common in democratic bodies, and 
always injurious to the interest of the public; for, to 
judge wisely on systems and measures, the mind ought 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 141 

to be free from prejudice and warmth, and influenced 
by a full, deliberate view of the general effects of 
such system and measures. 

The Eastern States consider a commercial connec- 
tion with Spain as the only remedy for the distresses 
which oppress their citizens 3 most of which, they say, 
flow from the decay of their commerce. Their Dele- 
gates have, consequently, zealously pressed the forma- 
tion of this connection, as the only effectual mode to 
revive the trade of their country. In this opinion, 
they have been joined by two of the Middle States. 
On the other hand, Virginia has, with equal zeal, op- 
posed the connection, because the project involves, ex- 
pressly, the disuse of the navigation of the Mississippi 
for a given time, and eventually, they think, will 
sacrifice our right to it. The Delegation is under in- 
junctions from the State on this subject. They have 
acted in obedience to their instructions, and, myself 
excex)ted, in conformity to their private sentiments. 
I confess that I am by no means convinced of the 
justness or policy of our instructions, and very much 
apprehend, unless they are repealed by the present 
Assembly, the fatal effects of discord in counsel will 
be experienced by the United States in a very higli 
degree. 

The project submitted by the Secretary for Foreign 
Affairs was founded, as well as I can recollect, on 
the following principles. First; the commerce between 
the United States and the King of Spain, to l)e 
founded on the principles of perfect reci[)rocity, which 
reciprocity to be diffused in all the sul)-regnl;iti(»ns. 
Secondly; the trade to 1)0 (•.►nfincd to liis Catholic 
^lajesty's European dominions. Thinlly; (he bond fulc 
manufactures and produce of tlie respective countries, 
imported into either, to he subject tq the same duties 



142 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

as are paid by the citizens and subjects of the two 
nations. Fourthly ; a tariff to be established by Con- 
vention, within one year after the ratification of the 
treaty, ascertaining the necessary duties to be im- 
posed. Fifthly; masts and timber, annually requisite 
for the navy of Spain, to be bought from the merchants 
of the United States in preference, provided they are 
equal in price and quality. 

There are some other matters, which I forget. In 
consideration of the advantages of this treaty, the 
United States stipulate to forbear, for the term of the 
treaty, the use of the River Mississippi. The bounda- 
ries will be (in case of treaty) established, as fixed 
in the definitive treaty of peace between the United 
States and Great Britain. The article of tobacco is 
excepted in the project, being the produce of Spanish 
colonies, and is to continue on the present footing, 
which is favorable. 

Thus have I delineated to you the outlines of the 
proposed plan. Among the many arguments used by 
the advocates for the treaty, I will mention only one, 
which I think ought to be known. They say that 
the right of the navigation of the Mississippi is dis- 
puted; that the use of that right is now suspended, 
and cannot be possessed but by force or by treaty, 
and that a forbearance of the use, on our part, is a 
confirmation of our right ; the use of which right will 
be in due time possessed, in consequence of the pre- 
sent project, without putting our claim to the issue 
of war, which is always precarious, and for which we 
are totally unprepared. 

Should this matter come before our Assembly, much 
will depend on Mr. Mason's sentiments. So many 
reasons, founded on true policy, will arise in a full 
investigation of this subject, that I cannot but hope 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 143 

that the State of Virginia will consider a treaty with 
Spain, on the principles of the project, essentially 
necessary to her political happiness, and to her com- 
mercial aggrandizement. 

The sedition in Massachusetts is, in some degree, 
subsided, but is not, I fear, extinguished. 

Colonel Monroe, who was an Aid in Lord Stirling's 
family, a Delegate from Virginia in Congress, will, in 
a few days, return home with his lady. He means 
to do himself the honor to pay his respects to Mount 
Vernon in his way. My best respects to Mrs. Wash- 
ington, with, &c., &c., 

Henry Lee, Jk. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, 2G October, 178G. 
My DEAR GENERiVL, 

To one who so tenderly loves you, wlio so liappily 
enjoyed the times we have passed together, and who 
never, on any part of the globe, even in his own 
house, could feel himself so perfectly at home as in 
your family, it must be confessed tliat an irregular, 
lengthy correspondence is quite insulHcient. I be- 
seech you, in the name of our friendship, of tliat pa- 
ternal concern of yours for my liapi)incss, not to miss 
any opportunity to let me hear fnnu my d(\ir (Ge- 
neral. 

I liave ])een travelling through some gnnisoii towns, 
in order to preserve tlie li.ibK of seeing Iroojis .ind 
their tactics. Now 1 am mostly at Font.iinhh'au, 
wliere the Court is residing fur a few weeks. The 
inclosed letter from the Minister to Mr. Jellersou will, 
I hope, prove agreeable to the Tnited States. Our 



144 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Committees will go on this winter, and I will en- 
deavour to propose such measures as may be thought 
advantageous. Mr. Jefferson is a most able and re- 
spected representative, and such a man as makes me 
happy to be his Aid-de-camp. Congress have made a 
choice very favorable to their affairs. 

The treaty of Commerce between France and Eng- 
land is made, but not yet ratified. They are to treat 
each other like the most favored European nation; so 
that America is safe. Newspapers will acquaint you 
with the Dutch quarrels. It is strange to see so 
many people so angry on so small a spot, without 
bloodshed. But parties are, at the same time, sup- 
ported in their claims and cramped in their motions 
by the neighbouring powers. France sides with the 
patriots. The new King of Prussia interests himself 
in behalf of the Stadtholder, his brother-in-law. And 
so does England, underhand. But the republicans are 
so strong, and the Stadtholder is such a blockhead, 
that it will turn out to the advantage of the former. 
No present appearance of a war in Germany. The 
Russians and Turks are quarrelling, but will not so 
soon make a war. The Empress is going to Krimee, 
where it is said she will meet the Emperor. She had 
given me polite hints that I should go to Petersburg. 
I have answered with a demand of a permission to 
go to Krimee, which has been granted; so that, if 
the affiir of the forts, which I think must be taken, 
does not more agreeably employ me, I will set out 
in the last days of February for Krimee, and return 
by Constantinople and the Archipelago. I will refer 
to the hints given in a former letter about those 
forts, which, if timely advertised, would carry me 
quite a different, and much more pleasing, course. 

I have been so much affected, my dear General, 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 145 

and so deeply mourn for the heavy loss which the 
United States, and ourselves particularly, have had to 
support, while our great and good friend, General 
Greene, has been snatched from a country to which 
he w;as an honor, that I feel a comfort in condolino- 
wdth one wdio knew so well his value, and will, of 
course, so much have lamented the loss. 

There is, between Mr. JelTerson and Mr. Adams, a 
diversity of opinion respecting the Algerines. Adams 
thinks a peace should be purchased from them. Mr. 
Jefferson finds it as cheap, and more honorable, to 
cruise against them. I incline to the latter opinion, 
and think it possible to form an alliance between the 
United States, Naples, Rome, Venice, Portugal, and 
some other powers, each giving a sum of money not 
very large, whereby a common armament may dis- 
tress the Algerines into any terms. Congress ought 
to give Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams ample })owers 
to stipulate, in their names, for such a confederacy. 

You will be pleased to hear that I have great 
hopes to see the affairs of the Protestants in this 
Kingdom put on a better footing ; not such, by far, 
as it ought to be ; but much niended from the alj- 
surd and cruel laws of Louis XIV. 

I hope your jackass, with two females, and a few 
pheasants and red partridges, have arrived safe. 

Adieu, my dear General. My best and tendercst 
respects w^ait on Mrs. AVashington. Ilemember me to 
the one who was formerly Master Tub, and now must 
be a Ijig Ijoy; and also to the young ladies. Be pleas- 
ed to pay my aftoi'tioiiale coin[tliiiients to George 
and his lady ; to Doctor and Mrs. Sheart, Doctor 
Craik, Doctor Griffith, your brotliers ; Mrs. Lewis; to 
your venerable niotlicr ; t<> all (»nr IVioiids; — and otten 
think of your most dcvolotl iVicnd, yonr ail(»pled son, 

VOL. IV. lo 



146 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

wlio^ with all the affection and respect which you 
know are so deeply rooted in his heart, has the honor 
to be, my dear General, yours, 

Lafayette. 

P. S. A new instance of the goodness of the 
State of Virginia has been given me, by the placing 
of my bust at the Hotel de Ville of this city. The 
situation of the other bust will be the more pleas- 
ing to me, as, while it places me within the capitol 
of the State, I shall be eternally by the side of, and 
paying an everlasting homage to, the statue of my 
beloved General. 

I have received the hams, and am much obliged to 
that kind attention of Mrs. Washington. The first 
was introduced three days ago, at a dinner composed 
of Americans, where our friend Chastellux had been 
invited. They arrived in the best order. Madame de 
Lafayette and the little family beg their best respects 
to Mrs. Washington and yourself 



FROM JAMES MADISOX. 

Richmond, 1 November, 1786. 

Dear Sir, 
I have been here too short a time, as yet, to have 
collected fully the politics of the session. In general, 
appearances are favorable. On the question for a pa- 
per emission, the measure was this day rejected, in 
emphatical terms, by a majority of eighty-four against 
seventeen. The affair of the Mississippi is but imper- 
fectly known. I find that its influence on the fede- 
ral spirit will not be less than was apprehended. The 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 147 

western members will not be long silent on the sub- 
ject. I inculcate a hope that the views of Congress 
may yet be changed^ and that it would be rash to 
suffer the alarm to interfere with the policy of amend- 
ing the Confederacy. The sense of the House has 
not yet been tried on the latter point. The report 
from the Deputies to Annapolis, lies on the table ; 
and, I hope, will be called for, before the business of 
the Mississippi begins to ferment. Mr. Henry has 
signified his wish not to be reelected ; but will not 
be in the Assembly. The Attorney and R. 11. Lee 
are in nomination for his succession. The former will 
probably be appointed, in which case the contest for 
that vacancy will lie between Colonel Jones and Mr. 
Marshall. The nominations for Congress are, as usual, 
numerous. There being no Senate yet, it is uncer- 
tain when any of these appointments will take place. 
With the sincerest affection and the highest esteem, 
I am, dear Sir, yours, &c., 

James Madison, Jr. 



FROM DAVID HUMPHREYS. 

New Haven, 1 November, 1786. 

^Iy dear General, 

I wrote your Excellency some time ago from Hart- 
ford, and inclosed you the draft of a letter on the 
subject we talked of when I left Mount Vernon. T 
hope you have duly received it, though 1 shall not 
be free from anxiety until I know with certainty that 
has ])ecn the case. 

^Vhen I wrote that letter, I was in hopes that it 
might have been in my power, before this time, to 
give you a favorable account of the complexion of 



148 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

politics in this State. It is true we have done some 
negative good ; we have prevented an emission of 
paper money and tender acts from taking place. But 
I am sorry to say, we have done nothing in aid of 
the Federal Government. The only requisition of Con- 
gress we have complied with, is a recent one for rais- 
ing troops, on account of an Indian war, as is given 
out ; but some conjecture, for other purposes. The 
Assembly has this day given me the command of a 
regiment, part to be raised in this State, and a part 
in the other New England States. I have been ad- 
vised by our friends to accept it for the present ; 
which I shall accordingly do. 

The troubles in Massachusetts still continue. Go- 
vernment is prostrated in the dust. And it is much 
to be feared that there is not energy enough in that 
State to reestablish the civil powers. The leaders of 
the mob, whose fortune and measures are desperate, 
are strengthening themselves dail}^; and it is expect- 
ed that they will soon take possession of the Conti- 
nental magazine at Springfield, in which there are 
from ten to fifteen thousand stand of arms, in excel- 
lent order. 

A general want of compliance with the requisi- 
tions of Congress for money, seems to prognosticate 
that we are rapidly advancing to a crisis. The wheels 
of the great political machine can scarcely continue 
to move much longer, under this present embarrass- 
ment. Congress, I am told, are seriously alarmed, 
and hardly know which way to turn, or what to ex- 
pect. Indeed, my dear General, nothing but a good 
Providence can extricate us from our present diffi- 
culties, and prevent some terrible convulsion. 

In case of civil discord, I have already told you it 
was seriously my opinion that you could not remain 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 149 

neuter, and that you would be obliged, in self-defence 
to take part on one side or the other, or withdraw 
from the Continent. Your friends are of the same 
opinion ; and I believe you are convinced that it is 
impossible to have more disinterested and zealous 
friends than those who have been about your person. 
I write with the more confidence, as this letter 
Avill be delivered by Mr. Austin and Mr. Morse, two 
young clergymen, educated at this University, who 
are travelling to the southern part of the Union, for 
the sake of acquiring knowledge of their own coun- 
try. I beg leave to recommend them to your civil- 
ities; and to assure you, in offering my best respects 
to Mrs. Washington and the family, how sincerely 
I am, my dear General, yours, &c., 

David Humphreys. 



FROM BENJAMIN TUPPER. 
Mingo Bottom, Ohio County, 23 November, 1786. 

Sir, 
I did myself the honor, at the close of the season 
last year, to give your Excellency a hint with re- 
spect to our ill success. We have been in some mea- 
sure more fortunate the last season, and have com- 
pleted four ranges of townships. Four more are be- 
gun, some of which were not far proceeded on, by 
reason of certain information received of the hostile 
disposition of the Indians, iu particular with respect 
to the Surveyors. But, by a kind hand of Provi- 
dence, their schemes have been frustrated; and n<> 
special accident has happened to citlier of the Sur- 
veyors. We are now on our return to visit our wives 
and sweethearts. I still entertain niy lurnior cnthu- 



150 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

siastic notions with respect to this country ; and firm- 
ly believe that the beneficent Divine Being hath re- 
served this country as an asylum for the neglected 
and persecuted soldiers of the late American army, 
in particular those of the Eastern States. I am re- 
turning home with as full a determination to encou- 
rage a speedy settlement here, as though nothing had 
happened between us and the Indians. I hope I may 
not be instrumental of leading my friends to special 
danger or destruction. 

As I have but a few minutes to write, I beg leave 
to refer your Excellency to the bearer, William 
McMahen, Esquire, a member of the Assembly of 
your State for the county of Ohio, who is thoroughly 
acquainted with the affairs of this country, and has 
been exceedingly serviceable to the Surveyors. Colo- 
nels Sproat and Sherman present their most respect- 
ful compliments to your Excellency. My son Anselm, 
who was my Adjutant, wishes to present his most pro- 
found respects. I wish to be remembered to Mrs. 
Washington in such terms as will express the great- 
est respect. Colonel Humphreys, and all my ac- 
quaintance in that part, I remember with singular 
pleasure. 

I have the honor to be, yours, &c., 

Benjamin Tupper. 



FROM FRANCISO RENDON. 

Philadelphia, 4 December, 1786. 

Dear General, 
Having received orders from my sovereign to re- 
pair immediately to Court, to give an account of my 
stewardship, and receive his royal orders, I cannot 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 151 

quit tins country without taking the most affectionate 
leave of your Excellency, and expressing my grati- 
tude for the friendship with which you have repaid 
the high veneration and sincere attachment which I 
have always entertained for your person and charac- 
ter. I could have wished it had been in my power 
to take your commands before my departure ; but it 
is so sudden, that I have not time to allow myself 
the satisfaction. It will be to me a heartfelt pleasure 
in giving an account to his Majesty of the distin- 
guished character of America, to expatiate particular- 
ly on the private virtues of General Washington, and 
to delineate, to the best of Kings, the picture of the 
best of citizens. I am sure that this is the lioht in 
which you will please him best. Others have already 
taught him to admire your talents and public vir- 
tues; it will be my business to teach him to love 
your person. I leave this country Avith a heart full 
of affection for its inhabitants, and full of gratitude 
for the affection and friendship they have shown me. 
With this disposition, you may judge whether I shall 
let an opportunity escape of being useful to America. 
Allow me to repeat my wishes that you may, all 
your life, enjoy that happiness which you have en- 
sured to thousands. 

With the most perfect respect and esteem, I have 
the honor to be. Sir, yours, &c., 

Francisco Rendon. 

N. r>. Tf I could be of any use to you in Spain. 
I shall be happy to receive your orders, which you 
may direct to me under cover of Mr. Carmichael. 1 
(!annot yet give up the liope of seeing this country 
a«r;iiu; and I think it vcrv pn.l.al.l.' that I sliall onco 
more revisit niv ohl IVirnds (»l" America. 



152 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Present my best respects to your lady, and my 
good friend, Major Washington. 



FR0]M EDMUND RANDOLPH. 

Richmond, 6 December, 1786. 

Sir, 

By the inclosed act, you will readily discover that 
the Assembly are alarmed at the storms which threat- 
en the United States. What our enemies have fore- 
told, seems to be hastening to its accomplishment; 
and cannot be frustrated but by an instantaneous, 
zealous, and steady union among the friends of the 
Federal Government. To you I need not press our 
present dangers. The inefficiency of Congress you 
have often felt in your official character; the increas- 
ing languor of our associated Republics you hourly 
see ; and a dissolution would be, I know, to you a 
source of the deepest mortification. 

I freely, then, entreat you to accept the unanimous 
appointment of the General Assembly to the Conven- 
tion at Philadelphia. For the gloomy prospect still 
admits one ray of hope ; that those who began, car- 
ried on, and consummated the revolution, can yet 
rescue America from the impending ruin. 

I have the honor. Sir, to be, with the sincerest 
esteem and respect, yours, &c., 

Edmund Randolph. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 153 

FROM JOHN JAY. 

New York, 7 January, 1787. 

Dear Sir, 

They ^vlio regard the public good with more atten- 
tion and attachment than they do mere personal con- 
cerns, must feel and confess the force of such senti- 
ments as are expressed in your letter to me, by 
Colonel Humphreys, last fall. The situation of our 
affairs calls not only for reflection and prudence, 
but for exertion. What is to be done? is a common 
question; but it is a question not easy to answer. 

Would the giving any further degree of power to 
Congress do the business ? I am inclined to think 
it would not. For, among other reasons; — 

It is natural to suppose there will always be mem- 
bers who will find it convenient to make their scats 
subservient to partial and personal purposes ; and 
they who may be able and willing to concert and 
promote useful and national measures, will seldom be 
unembarrassed by the ignorance, prejudices, fears, 
or interested views of others. In so large a body, 
secrecy and despatch w^ill be too uncommon ; and fo- 
reign as well as local influence will frequently oppose, 
and sometimes frustrate, the wisest mciisures. Large 
assemblies often misunderstand or neglect the obliga- 
tions of character, honor, and dignity ; and will, col- 
lectively, do or omit things which individual gentle- 
men, in private capacities, would not approve. As 
the many divide blani(\ and also divide credit, too 
little a portion of either fills to each man's sliavo to 
affect him strongly. Even in cases where the whole 
blame or the wliolc credit must be national, it is not 
easy for those to iliiiik and fi^ol as sovereigns, who 
have always been accustonied to think and fool as 



154 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

subjects. The executive business of sovereignty, de- 
pending on so many wills, and tbose wills moved by 
such a variety of contradictory motives and induce- 
ments, w^ill, in general, be but feebly done. Such a 
sovereign, however theoretically responsible, cannot be 
effectually so, in its departments and of&cers, without 
adequate judicatories. 

I therefore promise myself nothing very desirable 
from any change which does not divide the sove- 
reignty into its proper departments. Let Congress 
legislate ; let others execute ; let others judge. 

Shall we have a King ? Not, in my opinion, Avhile 
other expedients remain untried. Might we not have 
a Governor-General, limited in his prerogatives and 
duration? Might not Congress be divided into an 
upper and a lower House ; the former appointed for 
life, the latter annually; and let the Governor-Gene- 
ral (to preserve the balance), with the advice of a 
Council, formed, for that only purpose, of the great 
judicial officers, have a negative on their acts? Our 
Government should, in some degree, be suited to our 
manners and circumstances, and they, you know, are 
not strictly democratical. 

What powers should be granted to the Government, 
so constituted, is a question which deserves much 
thought. I think, the more the better; the States 
retaining only so much as may be necessary for do- 
mestic purposes, and all their principal officers, civil 
and military, being commissioned and removable by 
the National Government. These are short hints. 
Details would exceed the limits of a letter, and to 
you be superfluous. 

A Convention is in contemplation, and I am glad 
to find your name among those of its intended mem- 
bers. To me the policy of such a Convention ap- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 155 

pears questionable. Their authority is to be derived 
from acts of the State Legishitures. Are the State 
Legislatures authorized, either by themselves or others, 
to alter Constitutions? I think not. They who hold 
commissions can, by virtue of them, neither retrench 
nor extend the powers conveyed by them. Perliaps 
it is intended that this Convention shall not ordain, 
but only recommend. If so, there is danger that 
their recommendations will produce endless discus- 
sions, and perhaps jealousies and party heats. 

Would it not be better for Congress, plainly, and 
in strong terms, to declare, that the present Federal 
Government is inadequate to the purposes for which 
it was instituted ; that they forbear to point out 
its particular defects, or to ask for an extension of 
any particular powers, lest improper jealousies shoiikl 
thence arise ; but that, in their opinion, it would be 
expedient for the people of the States, without de- 
lay, to appoint State Conventions (in the way they 
choose their General Assemblies), w^ith the sole and 
express poAver of appointing Deputies to a General 
Convention ; wdio, or tlie majority of whom, should 
take into consideration the articles of Confederation, 
and make such alterations, amendments, and additions 
thereto as to them should appear necessary and [>ro- 
per, and wluch, being by them ordained and i>nh- 
lished, should have the same force and obligation 
wdiich all or any of the i)resent articles now liave ? 

No alterations in tlio (loverumeut sliould, I think, 
be made, nor, if attempted, will easily take place, 
unless deducible from the only source of just author- 
ity, the people. 

Accept, my dear Sir, my w.nniost and nH)st cordial 
wishes for your health and happiness ; and b«diovc 
me to be, with the greatest respect and ostoeni, kc, 

JuiLN Jay. 



156 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 



FROM HENRY KNOX. 

New York, 14 January, 1787. 

I thank jou, my dear Sir, for your kind fwor of 
the 26th ultimo, which I received on the 7th instant. 

On the dispersion of the insurgents at Worcester, 
which w^as dictated more by the inclemency of the 
weather, and the consideration of having effected their 
object, than by any apprehensions of coercion from 
Government, many people w^ere of opinion that the 
disorders w^ere at an end, and that Government w^ould 
resume its tone. They did not reflect that the Court, 
which was the great object of the insurgents assem- 
bling, was adjourned; and that, having no further 
business at that time, they w^ent to their respective 
homes. But, as soon as any object presented, they 
aofain reassembled in sufficient numbers to effect it. 
This was the case at Springfield, in the county 
of Hampshire, the inferior Court of wdiich was to 
have met on the last Tuesday of December, but was 
prevented from doing any business by a party of 
about three hundred armed men. The Government 
of Massachusetts are now convinced that all lenient 
measures, instead of correcting, rather inflame the dis- 
orders. The Executive, therefore, have determined on 
coercion; and they will soon try this remedy, under 
the direction of our friend Lincoln. I believe, with 
you, had this measure been tried in the first instance, 
the rebellion would not have arisen to its present 
height. But it can scarcely be imagined that it 
should now fail, if the arrangements should be well 
taken on the part of Government. If it is not ad- 
ministered now, it may be too late in the spring or 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 157 

You ask^ what prevented the Eastern States from 
attending the September meeting at Annapolis. It is 
difficult to give a precise answer to this question. 
Perhaps, torpidity in New Hampshire; faction, and 
heats about their paper money, in Rhode Island ; and 
jealousy, in Connecticut. Massachusetts had chosen 
Delegates to attend, who did not decline until very 
late; and the finding other persons to supply their 
places was attended with delay, so that the Conven- 
tion had broken up by the time the new-chosen De- 
legates reached Philadelphia. 

With respect to the Convention proposed to meet 
in May, there are different sentiments. Some suppose 
it an irregular assembly, unauthorized by the Con- 
federation, which points out the mode by which any 
alterations shall be made. Others suppose that the 
proposed Convention would be totally inadequate to 
our situation, unless it should make an appeal to the 
people of every State, and a request to call State 
Conventions of the people, for the sole purpose of 
choosing Delegates to represent them in a General 
Convention of all the United States, to consider, re- 
vise, amend, or change the federal system, in such a 
manner as to them should seem meet, and to publish 
the same for general observance, without any refer- 
ence to the parts, or States, for acceptance or con- 
firmation. Were this mode practicable, it wouhl cer- 
tainly be the most summary, and, if the choice of 
Delegates was judicious in proportion to its import- 
ance, it miglit be tlio must eligible. There arc 
others who are of opinion tliat Congress ouglit to 
take up the defects of the present system, point llieni 
out to the respective Legislatures, and recommend 
certain alterations. The recominciidations of Congress 
are attended with so little ellecl, tliat any altcratiniis 

VOL. IV. 1^ 



158 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

by that means seem to be a hopeless busmess. In- 
deed, every expedient which can be proposed, condi- 
tioned on a reference back to the Legislatures, or 
State Conventions, seems to be of the same nature. 

Some gentlemen are apprehensive that a Conven- 
tion, of the nature proposed, to meet in May next, 
might devise some expedients to brace up the pre- 
sent defective Confederation, so as just to serve to 
keep us together, while it would prevent those exer- 
tions for a national character, which are essential to 
our happiness ; that in this point of view, it might 
be attended with the bad effect of assisting us to 
creep on, in our present miserable condition, without 
a hope of a generous Constitution, that should at once 
shield us from the effects of faction and despotism. 

You will see by this sketch, my dear Sir, how 
various are the opinions of men, and how difficult it 
will be to bring them to concur in any effective Go- 
vernment. I am persuaded, if you were determined 
to attend the Convention, and it should be generally 
known, it would induce the Eastern States to send 
Deleg-ates to it. I should therefore be much obliged 
for information of your decision on this subject. At 
the same time, the principles of the purest and most 
respectful friendship, induce me to say that, however 
strongly I wish for measures which would lead to 
national happiness and glory, yet I do not wish you 
to be concerned in any political operations of which 
there are such various opinions. There may, indeed, 
arise some solemn occasion, in which you may con- 
ceive it to be your duty again to exert your utmost 
talents to promote the happiness of your country. 
But this occasion must be of an unequivocal nature, 
in which the enlio-htened and virtuous citizens should 
generally concur. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 159 

Notwithstanding the contrary opinions respecting 
the proposed Convention, were I to presume to give 
my own judgment, it w^ould be in favor of the Con- 
vention; and I sincerely hope that it may be gene- 
rally attended. I do not flatter myself that the 
public mind is so sufficiently informed and harmonized 
as that an effective Government would be adopted by 
the Convention, and proposed to the United States; 
or, if this were practicable, that the people of the 
several States are sufficiently prepared to receive it. 
But it seems to be highly important that some ob- 
ject should be held forth to the people as a remedy 
for the disorders of the body politic. Were this done 
by so respectable a set of men as would be sent to 
the Convention, even if it were not so perfect in the 
first instance as it might be afterwards, yet it would 
be a stage in the business, and men's minds would 
be excited on the subject, and towards a 

good Constitution. Were strong events to arise be- 
tween this and the time of meeting, enforcing the 
necessity of a vigorous Government, it would be a 
preparation which might be embraced by the Conven- 
tion to propose at once an efficient system! 

Although it may be confessed that a Convention, 
originating from the respective Legislatures, instead 
of the people themselves, is not the regular mode 
pointed out by the Confederation, yet, as our system, 
in the opinion of men of reflection, is so very defect- 
ive, it may reasonably be doubted whether the con- 
stitutional mode of amendment would be adequate to 
our critical situation. If, on an examination, this 
should be found to be the ease, the proposed Con- 
vention may be the l)est expedient that could be 
devised. Unrestrained by forms, it would be able to 
consider every proposition I'nlly, and decide agreeably 



IGO LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

to the sentiments of the majority. But, in a body 
constituted as Congress is, a single member frequently 
may frustrate the opinions of seventeen eighteenths 
of the United States, assembled by representation in 
that body. There are a variety of other reasons which, 
in my mind, have the influence to induce a prefer- 
ence for the Convention. But the different opinions 
respecting it will probably prevent a general attend- 
ance. 

In my former letters, I mentioned that men of re- 
flection and principle were tired of the imbecilities 
of the present Government ; but I did not point out 
any substitute. It would be prudent to form the plan 
of a new house, before we pull down the old one. The 
subject has not been sufficiently discussed, as yet, in 
public, to decide precisely on the form of the edifice. 
It is out of all question that the foundation must be 
of republican principles, but so modified and Vv^rought 
together, that whatever shall be erected thereon, 
should be durable and efficient. I speak entirely of 
the Federal Government, or, which would be better, one 
Government, instead of an association of Governments. 
Were it possible to effect a General Government of 
this kind, it might be constituted of an Assembly or 
lower House, chosen for one, two, or three years ; a 
Senate, chosen for five, six, or seven years; and the 
Executive, under the title of Governor-General, chosen 
by the Assembly and Senate, for the term of seven 
years, but liable to an impeachment of the lower 
House, and triable by the Senate. A Judicial, to be 
appointed by the Governor-General during good beha- 
viour, but impeachable by the lower House, and tri- 
able by the Senate. The laws passed by the General 
Government, to be obeyed by the local Governments ; 
and, if necessary, to be enforced by a body of armed 



PRIVATE LETTERS. Id 

men to be kept for the purposes wliicli should Le 
designated. All national objects to be designed and 
executed by tlie General Government, ^vithout any 
reference to the local Governments. This rude sketch 
is considered as the Government of the least pos- 
sible powers to preserve the confederated Govern- 
ments. To attempt to establish less, will be to hazard 
the existence of republicanism, and to subject us 
either to a division of the European powers, or to a 
despotism arising from high-handed commotions. 

I have thus, my dear Sir, obeyed what seemed to 
be your desire, and given you the ideas which have 
presented themselves from reflection and the opinion 
of others. May heaven direct us to the best means 
for the dignity and happiness of the United States! 

I hinted, in the former part of this letter, that the 
Executive of Massachusetts were determined on coer- 
cion, under the auspices of General Lincoln. lie will 
begin his operations on the 20th instant, with a body 
of four thousand men, including six companies of ar- 
tillery Avith field-pieces. They will be drafted from 
the militia for a certain time. If the insurgents de- 
cline meeting him in force at Worcester, the 23d 
instant, to which time the Court of Common Pleas is 
adjourned, he will proceed to Hampshire county and 
Berkshire, at which places the Courts will also sit. 
If the insurgents decline meeting him at those places, 
he Avill detach parties to bring in the most culi)ablc, 
in order for a trial by law. 'the process of this busi- 
ness will be interesting, and its issue important ; both 
of which I shall do myself the pleasure of inforining 
you of. 

Mrs. Knox thanks Mrs. Washington and v.-n, with 
great sincerity, for your kind wishes, and prays tiiat 
you both nniy enjoy every happiness ; to whidi I 



162 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

say, Amen. I am, clear Sir, Avith the most respectful 
and unalterable affection, yours, &c., 

Henry Knox. 



FROM JAMES MADISON, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 21 February, 1787. 

Dear Sir, 

Some little time before my arrival here, a quorum 
of the States was made up, and General St. Clair put 
in the Chair. We have at present nine States on the 
ground, but shall lose South Carolina to-day. Other 
States are daily expected. 

What business of moment may be done by the 
present or a fuller meeting, is uncertain. The objects 
now depending, and most immediately in prospect, 
are; — First. The treaty of peace. The Secretary of 
Foreign Aflliirs has very ably reported a view of the 
infractions on both sides, his exposition of the con- 
tested articles, and the steps proper to be taken by 
Congress. I find, what I was not before apprised of, 
that more than one infraction on our part preceded 
even the violation on the other side, in the instance 
of the negroes. Some of the reasoning on the sub- 
ject of the debts would be rather grating to Virginia. 
A full compliance with the treaty, according to judi- 
cial constructions, and as a ground for insisting on a 
reciprocal compliance, is the proposition in which the 
report terminates. Secondly. A recommendation of 
the proposed Convention in May. Congress have 
been much divided and embarrassed on the question, 
whether their taking an interest in the measure 
would impede or promote it. On one side, it has 
been urged that some of the backward States have 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 163 

scruples against acceding to it, without some consti- 
tutional sanction; on the other, that other States will 
consider any interference of Congress as proceeding 
from tlie same views which have hitherto excited their 
jealousies. 

A vote of the Legislature here, entered into yester- 
day, will give some relief in the case. They have 
instructed their Delegates in Congress to move for 
the recommendation in question. The vote was car- 
ried by a majority of one only in the Senate ; and 
there is room to suspect that the minority were 
actuated hy a dislike to the substance, rather than 
by any objections against the form, of the business. 
A large majority in the other branch, a few days 
ago, put a definitive veto on the impost. It would 
seem as if the politics of this State are directed hy 
individual interests and plans, which might be in- 
commoded by the control of an efficient Federal (J<>- 
vernment. The four States north of it are still to 
make their decision on the subject of the Convention. 

I am told, by one of tlie ^Massachusetts Delegates, 
that the Legislature of that State, which is now sit- 
ting, will certainly accede, and appoint Deputies, if 
Congress declare their approbation of the measure. 
I have similar information tliat Connecticut will pro- 
bably come in, though it is said that the interference 
of Congress will rather have a contrary tendency 
there. It is expected tliat South Carolina will not 
fail to adopt the plan, and tliat Georgia is equally 
well disposed. All the intormodiate States, Ix'twrcii 
the former and New York, have already appoiatiMJ 
l)ei)uties, except JMarylaiid, wliicli, it is said, means to 
do it, and has cnttMVil into sonn; vote which declares 
as much. Nothing lias yet been done by the new 
Congress with regard to the Mississippi. Our latest 



164 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

information from Massachusetts gives hopes that the 
meeting, or, as the Legislature there now style it, 
the rebellion, is nearly extinct. If the measures, how- 
ever, on foot for disarming and disfranchising those 
concerned in it, should be carried into effect, a new 
crisis may be brought on. 

I have not been here long enough to gather the 
general sentiments of leading characters touching our 
affairs and prospects. I am inclined to hope that 
they will gradually be concentred in the plan of a 
thorough reform of the existing system. Those who 
may lean towards a monarchical Government, and 
who, I suspect, are swayed by very indigested ideas, 
will of course abandon an unattainable object, when- 
ever a prospect opens of rendering the republican 
form competent to its purposes. Those who remain 
attached to the latter form, must soon perceive that 
it cannot be preserved at all under any modification 
which does not redress the ills experienced from our 
present establishments. Virginia is the only State 
which has made any provision for the late moderate 
but essential requisition of Congress; and her provi- 
sion is a partial one only. 

This would have been of earlier date, but I have 
waited for more interesting subjects for it. I shall 
do myself the pleasure of repeating the liberty of 
dropping you a few lines as often as proper occa- 
sions arise ; on no other condition, however, than 
your waiving the trouble of regular answers or ac- 
knowledgments on your part. 

With the greatest respect and affection I am, dear 
Sir, yours, &c., 

James Madison, Jr. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 165 

FROM JAMES MADISON, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 18 March, 1787. 

Dear Sir, 

Recollecting to have heard you mention a plan, 
formed by the Empress of Russia, for a comparative 
view of the aborigines of the new Continent, and of 
the north-eastern parts of the old, through the medium 
of their respective tongues, and that lier Avishes had 
been conveyed to you for your aid in obtaining the 
American vocabularies, I have availed myself of an 
opportunity, offered by the kindness of ]Mr. Hawkins, 
of taking a copy of such a sample of the Clicrokee 
and Choctaw dialects, as his late commission to treat 
with them enabled him to obtain ; and do nnself tlie 
honor now of inclosing it. I do not know liow far 
the list of words made use of by ^Ir. Hawkins may 
correspond with the standard of the Empress, nor how 
far nations so remote as the Cherokces and Choctaws 
from the north-west shores of America, may fall within 
her scheme of comparison. I presume, however, that 
a great proportion, at least, of the words will an- 
swer, and that the laudable curiosity, which suggests 
investigations of this sort, will be pleased with every 
enlargement of the field for indulging it. Not linding 
it convenient to retain a copy of the inclosed, as 1 
wished to do, for myself, I must ask the fiVMi- of 
your amanuensis to perform that task for nic. 

The appointments for tlic Convention go en ^(My 
successfully. Since th(j dale (»f my last, Ccnrgia, 
South Carolina, New ^'<>rk, Massachusetts, and New 
Hampshire, have come into lh(^ measure. Georgia and 
New Ilanipsliir(3 have constituted their Delegates in 
Congress tlieir Re[iresen(atives in th<* Convention. 



166 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

South Carolina has appointed Mr. S. Rutledge, Ge- 
neral Pinckney, My. Laurens, Major Butler, and Mr. 
Charles Pinckney, late a member of Congress. The 
Deputies of Massachusetts are Mr. Dana, Mr. King, 
Mr. Gorham, Mr. Gerry, Mr. Strong. I am told that 
a resolution of the Legislature of this State, which 
originated with their Senate, lays its Deputies under 
the fetter of not departing from the fifth of the pre- 
sent articles of Confederation. As this resolution pass- 
ed before the recommendatory act of Congress was 
known, it is conjectured that it may be rescinded ; 
but its having passed at all, denotes a much greater 
prevalence of political jealousy in that quarter than 
had been imagined. The deputation of New York 
consists of Colonel Hamilton, Judge Yates and a Mr. 
Lansing. The two last are said to be pretty much 
linked to the anti-federal party here, and are likely 
of course to be a clog on their colleague. It is not 
doubted now, that Connecticut and Rhode Island will 
avoid the singularity of being unrepresented in the 
Convention. 

The thinness of Congress has been an obstacle to 
all the important business before them. At present, 
there are nine States on the ground; but this num- 
ber, though adequate to every object when unani- 
mous, makes a very slow progress in business that 
requires seven States only ; and I see little prospect 
of the number being increased. 

By our latest and most authentic information from 
Massachusetts, it would seem that a calm has been 
restored by the expedition of General Lincoln. The 
precautions taking by the State, however, betray a 
great distrust of its continuance. Besides their act 
disqualifying the malcontents from voting in the elec- 
tion of members for the Legislature, &c., another has 



PRIVATE LEITERS. 1G7 

been passed for raising a corps of one thousand or 
fifteen hundred men, and appropriating the clioicest 
revenues of the country to its support. It is said 
that at least half of the insurgents decline accepting 
the terms annexed to the amnesty; and that this de- 
fiance of the law against treason is countenanced, not 
only by the impunity with which they show them- 
selves on public occasions, even with insolent badges 
of their character, but by marks of popular favur, 
conferred on them in various instances, in the elec- 
tion to local offices. 

A proposition has been introduced and discussed 
in the Legislature of this State, for relinquishing its 
claim to Vermont, and urging the admission of it into 
the Confederacy. As far as I can learn, diffieulties 
will arise only in settling the form, the substance of 
the measures being not disliked by any of the par- 
ties. It is wished, by those who are not interested 
in claims to lands within that district, to guard 
against any responsibility in the State for compensa- 
tion. On the other side, it will at least be insisted 
that they shall not be barred of the privilege of car- 
rying their claims before a federal Court, in case 
Vermont shall become a party to the Union. I think 
it probable, if she should not decline becoming such 
altogether, that she will make two conditions, it not 
more; — First, that neither her boundaries nor the 
rights of her citizens shall be impeachable under the 
ninth article of Confederation ; secondly, that no share 
of tli(^ [.uldic del)t, already contracted, shall he alh.tted 
to her. 

1 have a letter from Coh»iiel John Cam[)bell, date<l 
at Pittsburg, from which T gather that the people (»f 
that ([narter are tlnnwn into groat agitation by the 
reported intention ol" Congress concerning the Mi^si^>- 



168 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

sippi, and that measures are on foot for uniting tlie 
minds of all the different settlements which have a 
common interest at stake. Should this policy take 
effect, I think there is much ground to apprehend 
that the ambition of individuals will quickly mix it- 
self with the first impulses of resentment and in- 
terest; that, by degrees, the people may be led to 
set up for themselves ; that they will slide, like Ver- 
mont, insensibly into a communication and latent con- 
nection with their British neighbours, and, in pursu- 
ance of the same example, make such a disposition 
of the western territory as will entice into it, most 
effectually, emigrants from all parts of the Union. If 
these apprehensions be not imaginary, they suggest 
many observations extremely interesting to Spain, as 
w^ell as to the United States. 

I hear from Richmond, with much concern, that 
Mr. Henry has positively declined his mission to 
Philadelphia. Besides the loss of his services on that 
theatre, there is danger, I fear, that this step has pro- 
ceeded from a wdsh to leave his conduct unfettered 
on another theatre, where the result of the Conven- 
tion will receive its destiny from his omnipotence. 
With every sentiment of esteem and affection, 
I remain, dear Sir, yours, &c., 

James Madison, Jr. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, 5 May, 1787. 

My DEAR General, 
Although I cannot omit an opportunity of writing 
to you, my letter will not be so long and minute as 
I should like to make it, because of the constant 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 1G9 

hurry of business occasioned by the Assembly. Eve- 
ry day, Sundays excepted^ is taken up with general 
meetings, Committees, and smaller Boards. It is a 
pretty extraordinary sight at Versailles ; the more so, 
as a great deal of patriotism and firmness have been 
displayed. 

From the time of this King's arrival to the throne, 
the expenses of the treasury have been increased 
about tvfo hundred French millions a year ; but it 
went at such a rate under M. de Calonne, that, hav- 
ing got a monstrous deficiency, and knowing not how 
to fill it up, he persuaded the King to assemble no- 
table persons of each order, to please them with a 
plan of Assemblies in each Province, which was mucli 
desired, and to get their approbation for new taxes, 
with which he durst not, by himself, saddle the 
nation. 

The Assembly was very properly chosen, both for 
honesty, abilities, and personal consequence. But M. 
de Calonne much depended on his own powers of 
speaking and intriguing, as well as on the King's 
blind confidence in him and all his plans. We were 
not the representatives of the nation ; but have been 
supported by their partiality to us. 

Calonne's plan of Provincial Assemblies has been 
amended by us. His plan of a tax has been rejected. 
It has been the case with several other projects. 
Some others were altered for the better, and some- 
times new ones substituted ; and we declared that, 
although we had no right to impede, it was our right 
not to advise, unless we thought the measure were 
proper, and that we couhl not tliink of new taxes 
unless we knew the returns of expenditure and tlie 
plans of economy. The more we entered into tlie 
business, the less possible it was for the Ministry to 

VOL. IV. 15 



170 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

do without us. To the Assembly the public looked 
up ; and, had the Assembly been dismissed, the cre- 
dit was gone. As we were going to separate for the 
Easter days, I made a motion to inquire into bar- 
gains, by which, under pretence of exchange, millions 
had been lavished upon Princes and favorites. The 
Bishop of Langres seconded my motion. It was 
thought proper to intimidate us; and the King's bro- 
ther told, in his Majesty's name, that such motions 
ought to be signed, upon which I signed the inclosed. 

M. de Calonne went up to the King, to ask I 
should be confined to the Bastille. An oratory bat- 
tle was announced between us for the next meeting ; 
and I was getting the proofs of what I had advanced, 
when Calonne was overthrown from his post; and so 
our dispute ended, except that the King and family, 
and the great men about Court, some friends excepted, 
do not forgive me for the liberties I have taken, and 
the success it had among the other classes of the 
people. 

M. de Calonne's successor was M. de Fourqueux, 
an old man, who lasted but a fortnight ; and now we 
have got the Archbishop of Toulouse at the head of 
affairs, a man of the most upright honesty and shin- 
ing abilities. M. de Villedeuil, a clever man, wdll act 
under him; and we may consider the Archbishop as 
a Prime Minister. 

We are going to have good Houses of Representa- 
tives in each Province ; not to vote the taxes, but 
to divide them. We have got the King to make re- 
ductions and improvements to the amount of forty 
millions of livres a year. We are proposing the 
means to insure a better and more public method of 
administration; but shall be obliged, in the end, to 
make loans and lay taxes. The Assembly have acted 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 171 

with firmness and patriotism. The walls of Versailles 
had never heard so many good things; and our meet- 
ing, particularly in the alarming situation of affairs, 
when the Kingdom was driving away, like Phaeton's 
car, will have proved very beneficial. 

I have been much hurt to hear that the unpaid 
interest of the American debt w^as considered as a 
very uncertain revenue. I said every thing that was 
proper on this subject ; but could not prevent that 
being considered as a fact, which, hitherto, has proved 
but too true. Full justice has been done to the 
security of the capital; but the punctuality of the 
interest has been animadverted upon. M. de Calonne's 
letter has met with some difficulties from the farm- 
ers, which are going to be settled, so that the mer- 
chants need not be uneasy. The cloud that was 
gathering on the Turks and Russians is, for the mo- 
ment, clearing up. 

My health has been deranged during the Assem- 
bly, so far as to endanger a little my breast ; but a 
good regimen, and a little patience, without inter- 
rupting public business, have got me in a very fair 
way. Inclosed is a copy of my signed motion, which 
I find in a newspaper. I would have translated it ; 
Ijut you will very easily have it done. Wlien the 
opinions of the several Committees shall be printed, 
I will send them to America. 

My most aflectionate respects, and those of Ma- 
dame de Lafayette and family, wait on ^Irs. Wash- 
ington and you, my dear General. Remember mo to 
the whole family and all friends. Most respectfully 
and tenderly I have the honor to 1)0, my beloved 
General, 

Your most devoted and grateful friend, 

Lai'ayette. 



172 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

P. S. M. St. John de Crevecoeur, the French Con- 
sul at New York, has requested my recommendation 
for some information he wishes to have. I assured 
him you woukl have no objections. Tarleton has print- 
ed a journal of the campaigns he has made, wherein 
he treats Lord Cornwallis very severely. 



FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

New York, 3 July, 1787. 

Dear Sir, 

In my passage through the Jerseys, and since my 
arrival here, I have taken particular pains to discover 
the public sentiment; and I am more and more con- 
vinced that this is the critical opportunity for esta- 
blishing the prosperity of this country on a solid 
foundation. I have conversed with men of informa- 
tion, not only of this city, but from different parts of 
the State ; and they agree that there has been an 
astonishing revolution for the better in the minds of 
the people. 

The prevailing apprehension among thinking men 
is, that the Convention, from the fear of shocking the 
popular opinion, will not go far enough. They seem 
to be convinced, that a strong, well-mounted Govern- 
ment, will better suit the popular palate, than one of 
a different complexion. Men in office are, indeed, 
taking all possible pains to give an unfavorable im- 
pression of the Convention ; but the current seems to 
be moving strongly the other way. A plain, but sen- 
sible man, in a conversation I had with him yester- 
day, expressed himself nearly in this manner; — The 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 173 

people begin to be convinced that "their excellent 
form of Government," as they have been used to call 
it, \Yill not answer their purpose, and that they must 
substitute something not very remote from that which 
they have lately quitted. 

These appearances, though they wdll not warrant 
a conclusion that the people are yet ripe for such a 
plan as I advocate, yet serve to prove that there is 
no reason to despair of their adopting one equally 
energetic, if the Convention should think proper to 
propose it. They serve to prove, that we ought not 
to allow^ too much weight to objections drawn from 
the supposed repugnance of the people to an efficient 
Constitution. I confess, I am more and more inclined 
to believe, that former habits of thinking are regain- 
ing their influence with more rapidity than is gene- 
rally imagined. 

Not having compared ideas with you. Sir, I cannot 
judge how far our sentiments agree ; but, as I per- 
suade myself, the genuineness of my representations 
will receive credit with you. My anxiety for the 
event of the deliberations of the Convention, induces 
me to make this communication of what appears to 
be the tendency of the public mind. I own to you, 
Sir, that I am seriously and deeply distressed at the 
aspect of the counsels, which prevailed when I left 
Philadelphia. I fear that we shall let slip the golden 
opportunity of rescuing the American Empire from 
disunion, anarchy, and misery. No motley or feeble 
measure can answer the end, or will finally receive 
the public support. Decision is true wisdom, and 
will not be less reputal^le to the Convention, than 
salutary to the community. 

I shall of necessity remain hero ten or twelve days. 
If I have reason to believe tliat my attendance at 
15* 



174 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia will not be mere waste of time, I shall, 
after that period, rejoin the Convention. 

Alexander Hamilton. 



FROM RICHARD HENRY LEE, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 15 July, 1787. 

Dear Sir, 

I have the honor to inclose to you an ordinance, 
that Ave have just passed in Congress, for establishing 
a temporary Government beyond the Ohio, as a mea- 
sure preparatory to the sale of the lands. It seemed 
necessary, for the security of property among unin- 
formed, and, perhaps, licentious people, as the greater 
part of those who go there are, that a strong-toned 
Government should exist, and the rights of property 
be clearly defined. Our next object is, to consider 
of a proposition made for the purchase of five or six 
millions of acres, in order to lessen the domestic debt. 
An object of much consequence this, since the extin- 
guishment of this part of the public debt would not 
only relieve from a very heavy burden, but, by de- 
molishing the ocean of public securities, we should 
stop that mischievous deluge of speculation that now 
hurts our morals, and extremely injures the public 
affairs. 

Our Gazettes continue to be filled with publications 
against the Spanish treaty, and for opening the Mis- 
sissippi; some of them plausible, but generally weak 
and indecent. This seems to be contending for an 
object unattainable for many years, and probably 
never without war, not only with Spain, but most 
likely with the Bourbon alliance; and, by such con- 
tention, exposing the Government of the United 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 175 

States to a dishonorable acquiescence under the cap- 
tivity of its citizens and confiscation of their effects 
by Spain on the Mississippi, or entering prematurely 
into a destructive war in resentment for such doings ; 
at the same time discarding the friendship for the 
enmity of a powerful monarch, and thereby probably 
losing what we may possess, our share of a commerce 
that yields annually four or five millions of dollars 
for codfish only, independent of the flour, and many 
valuable articles of American production, used in 
Spain, and not interfering with their own products; 
to say nothing of a most lucrative contraband trade 
from the ocean and on the Mississippi, which a friend 
might wink at, but which a vigilant and powerful 
enemy will prevent. It seems to me that Xorth 
America is going, if we are prudent, to be the en- 
trepot between the East Indies and Spanish America. 
If to these we could join the settlement of a disputed 
boundary, and obtain a powerful guaranty therefor, 
surely such considerations greatly outweigh the far- 
sought apprehension of an alliance of the Kentuckians 
with the British; and especially when we consider, 
that a conduct which will procure the enmity of 
Spain, will probably force her into the open arms of 
Great Britain, much to our commercial and political 
injury. And, after all, if this navigati(»u (•(•uld Ite 
opened, and the benefits be such as are chiinerically 
supposed, it must, in its consequences, depopid.ilc nnd 
ruin the old States. 

The argument may shortly thus be stated; — Spain 
will not agree to the navigation within lier limits. 
Can we force it in twenty-five years? If we cannot, 
why risk, for an unattainabbi object, the loss of vahi- 
nblo ohjocts, and tin' inciinin-- jicrniclous consequences V 
A candid and inq.aitial consideration of this subject, 



176 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

must, I think, determine the question without diffi- 
culty. But I beg your pardon, Sir, for writing so 
much on this question, which, I doubt not, but you 
have fully considered before. 

I have the honor to be, with the truest respect 
and esteem, dear Sir, &c., 

Richard Henry Lee. 



FROM HENRY KNOX. 

New York, 14 August, 1787. 

Influenced by motives of delicacy, I have hitherto 
forborne the pleasure, my dear Sir, of writing to you 
since my return from Philadelphia. I have been ap- 
prehensive, that the stages of the business of the 
Convention might leak out, and be made an ill use 
of by some people. I have therefore been anxious 
that you should escape the possibility of imputation. 
But, as the objects seem now to be brought to a 
point, I take the liberty to indulge myself in com- 
municating with you. 

Although I frankly confess that the existence of 
the State Governments is an insuperable evil in a 
national point of view, yet I do not well see how, in 
this stage of the business, they could be annihilated ; 
and perhaps, while they continue, the frame of Go- 
vernment could not, with propriety, be much higher 
toned than the one proposed. It is so infinitely pre- 
ferable to the present Constitution, and gives such a 
bias to a proper line of conduct in future, that I 
think all men, anxious for a National Government, 
should zealously embrace it. 

The education, genius, and habits of men on this 
Continent, are so various, even at this moment, and 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 177 

of consequence their views of the same subject so 
different, that I am satisfied with the result of the 
Convention, although it is short of my wishes and of 
my judgment. But, when I find men of the purest 
intentions concur in embracing a system, which, on 
the highest deliberation, seems to be the best which 
can be obtained under present circumstances, I am 
convinced of the propriety of its being strenuously 
supported by all those wdio have wished for a Na- 
tional Republic of higher and more durable powers. 
I am persuaded that the address of the Convention, 
to accompany their propositions, will be couched in 
the most persuasive terms. I feel anxious that there 
should be the fullest representation in Congress, in 
order that the propositions should receive their warm- 
est concurrence and strongest impulse. 

Mrs. Knox and myself have recently sustained the 
severe affliction of losing our youngest child, of about 
eleven months old, who died on the 11th instant, of 
a disease incident to children cutting their teeth in 
the summer season. This is tlie third time tliat Mrs. 
Knox has had her tenderest affections lacerated by 
the rigid hand of death. Although her present grief 
is sharp indeed, we hope it will be assuaged by the 
lenient hand of time. I am, my dear Sir, 

Willi the most perfect respect and aflection, &c., 

TIexry Knox. 



FROM IIENKV K.NOX. 



Now York, 3 October, 17.S7. 

By this timo, my dear Sir, yiui will have again 
renewed your attention to your domestic a Hairs, after 
the IniiLT absence occasioned ]>v the C(»nv(Miti()ii. I 



I7<S L lOTTRHS TO W ASIIIN(;T()N. 

flaiior iriysolf wiih Uk; Ih>|»(5 ili;ii yoii (oinid Mrs. 
WjiHliin^loii :iii(l your Iniiiily in poi'lbci lio;ilili. 

Mv(ny i)()iiil, of v'k^vv in vvliich I Jim,v(3 Ixmui Jihlo to 
\)\iw,i) ilio snhj(!('l, indiicciS mo to l)(!li(5V<5 thai i\u) irio- 
irnuit in wliicli ili(5 ('onNMUilinn a,ss(5inl)l<!<l, and tlio r(i- 
siill lli(U(M»(', ar(i lo l)(5 osiirnaicMl anion*;- llioso (oi'lu- 
iia,((5 (;ii(;nnislan(M!.s in ili(5 alTlairs of in<;n, vvliicU ^ivo 
a docjdi'd inlhuMicc; io iUo ]ia,|)i>in(3SH of soc/ndy (or a 
lon^ pciiod (d' linn^ llilli(;il() vA'ovy ildn^ promises 
W(dl. TIk; n<!W (^Misiiliiiion is r(u;oiv()(l wiili ^rcat joy 
l)y all iho commorcial ])ari of llic community. The 
|)(;(H>I(5 of IJosloii am in rapiunis willi it as it is, but 
Avoiild lia\'(5 lik('(| il, si ill iMdlc^r liad it Ixmui lii<i;lior- 
ioiKMl. 'rii(5 p(M»pl(^ oC Jersey ;ind (/onnocdJcui, who 
u\'i\ not coinnioi'cial, (Mnl)i-a(;(5 it willi ardor. There lias 
not y(d, (dapsed snniei(!nt iimci io liear from the in- 
terioi- parts of tin; oilK^r States, excepting this, which, 
however, do(;s not se<5in io lia.V(i diudded on its plan 
{)? eomliKd. II, will not prol)a,l)ly, Jiowever, 1)C among 
tli(^ first wdii(di sliaJI a(lo|)t it; hnt I presume ihe 
jioweiinl eirciimslanec^ oi' ini(^r(\st will ultimately in- 
duce it io c(>mj)ly. As ihe in(orma,tion now appears, 
Virginia, pi<d)aldy will give ihe new jdan the most 
formidable opposition. 'Vho unanimous resolve of Con- 
gress to iransmit it t(> ih(! respcctivo States, will not 
l(^ssen tli(^ gcMiei'al disposition to receive it. But, not- 
withstanding my strong p(!rsna,sion tha,t it will be 
adopted gcMKMally, and in a, much shorter lime than 
1 soiiK^ iinni jigo ]Kdi(!V(Ml, y(d, it will be opposed, 
mor(^ or h^ss, in most (d' ilu^ States. 

'Ihv. germ of opposition originated in the Conven- 
tion itscdC. The gent,le!n<'n who refused signing it, 
will most, ])robaldy coni'crivc^ thcMnscdves obliged to 
state their reasons publicly. The [)rcsses will groan 
with nudan(di(dy forel)odings, and a party of some 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 179 

strength will be created. This is an evil, hut it is 
an infinitely lesser evil than that we should have 
crumbled to pieces by mere imbecility. I trust in 
God that the foundation of a good national Govern- 
ment is laid. A way is opened to such alterations 
and amendments, from time to time, as shall be judg- 
ed necessary; and the Government, being subjected 
to a revision by the people, will not be so liable to 
abuse. The first Legislature ought to be the ablest 
and most disinterested men of the community. Every 
well-founded objection which shall be stated in the 
course of the discussions on the subject, should be 
fairly considered, and such fundamental laws enacted 
as would tend to obviate them. 

Mrs. Knox unites with me in presenting our most 
affectionate respects to Mrs. Washington. 

I am, my dear Sir, with the sincerest and most re- 
spectful friendship, &c., 

Henry Knox. 



FROM RICHARD HENRY LEE, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 11 Octol.cr, KsT. 

Dear Sir, 

I was unwilling to interrupt your attention to more 
important affairs at Philadelpliia, by sending there 
an acknowledgment of tlie letter that you were pleas- 
ed to honor me with from that city, especially as 
this pL'ice afforded nothing worthy of your notice. 

We have the pleasure to see the first act of Con- 
gress for selling federal lands, north-west of the Ohio, 
becoming productive very fast, a large sum of i)iihli(; 
securities being already paid in up<.n th«^ first .sales; 
and a new contract is ordenMl to be made with a 



180 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

company in New Jersey for the lands between the 
two Miamis, that will rid us of at least two millions 
more of the public debt. There is good reason to 
suppose that by the next spring we shall have re- 
duced the domestic debt near six millions of dollars. 
And it seems clear that the lands yet to be disposed 
of; if well managed, will sink the whole thirty mil- 
lions that are due. 

The assiduity with which the Court of London is 
soliciting that of Spain for the conclusion of a com- 
mercial treaty between those powers, renders it a sig- 
nal misfortune that we have not been able to get a 
sufficient number of the States together to produce a 
conclusion of the Spanish treaty. The state of Eu- 
rope, with respect to the continuance of peace, still 
hangs in doubtful balance. The finance weakness of 
France and Great Britain most strongly opposes war ; 
yet the state of things is such as renders it very 
questionable whether even that difficulty, great as it 
is, will secure the continuance of peace. 

It is under the strongest impressions of your good- 
ness and candor that I venture to rhake the observa- 
tions that follow in this letter, assuring you that I 
feel it among the first distresses that have happened 
to me in my life, that I find myself compelled, by 
irresistible conviction of mind, to doubt about the 
new system for Federal Government recommended by 
the late Convention. 

It is. Sir, in consequence of long reflection upon 
the nature of man and of government, that I am led 
to fear the danger that will ensue to civil liberty 
from the adoption of the new system, in its present 
form. I am fully sensible of the propriety of change 
in the present plan of Confederation ; and, although 
there may be difficulties, not inconsiderable, in pro- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 181 

curing the adoption of such amendments to the Con- 
vention system, as -will give security to the just 
rights of human nature, and better secure from in- 
jury the discordant interests of the different parts of 
this Union, yet I hope that these difficulties are not 
insurmountable, because we are happily uninterrupted 
by external war, or by such internal discords as can 
prevent peaceable and fair discussion, in another Con- 
vention, of those objections that are fundamentally 
strong ao-ainst the new Constitution, which abounds 
with useful regulations. As there is so great a part 
of the business well done already, I think that such 
alterations as must give very general content, could 
not long employ another Convention, when provided 
with the sense of the diilercnt States upon those 
alterations. 

I am much inclined to believe that the amendments, 
generally thought to be necessary, will be found to 
be of such a nature as, though they do not oppose 
the exercise of a very competent federal power, are 
yet such as the best theories on Government, and 
the best practice upon those theories, have found ne- 
cessary ; at the same time that they are such as the 
opinions of our people have for ages been fixed on. 
It would be unnecessary for me here to enumerate 
particulars, as I expect the honor uf waiting on you 
at Mount Vernon, in my way liome, early in Novem- 
ber. In the mean time, I have only to request that 
my best respects may be presented to your lady, 
;tii(l that I may be remembenMl to llio rest of tlic 
good family of !Mount Yornon. 

I have the honor tu be, dear Sir, \\\\\\ the most 
unfeigned respect, esteem and allection, &c., 

Ki<ii.\i;i. Ih.NKV Ij:k. 

VOL. IV. 10 



182 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

FROM JAMES MADISON^ IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 14 October, 1787 

Dear Sir, 

The letter herewith inclosed was put into my hands 
yesterday by Mr. Crevecoeur, who belongs to the con- 
sular establishment of France in this country. I add 
to it a pamphlet which Mr. Pinckney has submitted 
to the public, or rather, as he professes, to the peru- 
sal of his friends, and a printed sheet containing his 
ideas on a very delicate subject; too delicate, in my 
opinion, to have been properly confided to the press. 
He conceives that his precautions against any farther 
circulation of the piece than he himself authorizes, 
are so effectual as to justify the step. I wish he 
may not be disappointed. In communicating a copy 
to you, I fulfil his wishes only. 

No decisive indications of the public mind, in the 
Northern and Middle States, can yet be collected. 
The reports continue to be rather favorable to the act 
of the Convention, from every quarter ; but its adver- 
saries will naturally be latest in showing themselves. 
Boston is certainly friendly. An opposition is known 
to be in intto in Connecticut, but is said not to be 
much dreaded by the other side. Rhode Island will 
be divided on this subject, in the same manner as it 
has been on the question of paper money. The news- 
papers here have contained sundry publications ani- 
madverting on the proposed Constitution; and it is 
known that the Government party are hostile to it. 
There are, on the other side, so many able and weighty 
advocates, and the conduct of the Eastern States, if 
favorable, will add so much force to their arguments, 
that there is at least as much ground for hope as 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 183 

for apprehension. I do not learn that any opposition 
is likely to be made in New Jersey. The temper of 
Pennsylvania will be best known to you from the 
direct information w^hich you cannot fail to receive 
through the newspapers and other channels. 

Congress have been of late employed chiefly in 
settling the requisition, and in making some arrange- 
ments for the western country. The latter consist 
of the appointment of a Governor and Secretary, and 
the allotment of a sum of money for Indian treaties, 
if they should be found necessary. The rerjuisition, 
so far as it varies our fiscal system, makes the pro- 
portion of indents receivable, independently of specie, 
and those of different years indiscriminately receivable 
for any year, and does not, as heretofore, tie down 
the States to a particular mode of obtaining them. 
Mr. Adams has been permitted to return home after 
February next, and Mr. Jefferson's appointment con- 
tinued for three years longer. AYith the most perfect 
esteem and most affectionate regard, 

I remain, dear Sir, &c., 

James Madison, Jk. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, l.'i ()cti»1)ir. 1787. 

^Iy dear General, 
I have a few days ago written to you by M. dc 
Moustier, tlie new ^linistcr fr(»in tliis Court. He is a 
sensi])le and honest man, with whom I iliink that th<' 
people of America will be satisfied, lie is very ih'- 
sirous to be j»ros<'iit<'d 1o }oii, and 1 \\d\o iii\it('d 
him in vour name in Mount N'cnioii, as udl as Ma- 



184 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

dame de Brehan, a very agreeable lady, his sister-in- 
law, who goes out with him. 

Inclosed here, my dear General, is the copy of an 
official letter to Congress, wherein I have expressed 
my sentiments on the present state of affairs. 

What is become of the happy years, my beloved Ge- 
neral, when, before my sentiments were formed, I had 
time to model them after your judgment? This com- 
fort at least remains for me, — to endeavour guessing 
what your opinion will be on every case that occurs. 

There is nothing new since my last. Amsterdam 
has ended her resistance, and there are now States 
Generals and Provincial States for each of the seven 
Provinces regularly elected, which are, to a man, bound 
to the Stadtholderian party. It is one of the vices 
of their Constitution, that the voice of their Magis- 
trates, howsoever elected, is mistaken for the voice 
of the nation. 

Mr. Jefferson and myself are now employed in 
commercial affairs for the United States. M. de Ca- 
lonne's letter will be framed into an arret of the 
Council, and additional favors will be so adjusted as 
to take in every thing that is consistent with this 
Government. The disposition of the Minister is as 
good as we can wish; and I am happy in the good 
fortune America had, that such a man as Mr. Jeffer- 
son was sent to this country. Nothing as yet is de- 
cided with respect to war. If it breaks out, the fault 
will be with England. The new Secretary at War 
has created a Board of General Officers, to carry on 
the affairs of that department, whereof he is the Pre- 
sident. Such a measure is very meritorious, and can- 
not fail to do him great honor. He is, as you know, 
the brother to the Archbishop. 

Adieu, my dear General. I hope you think often 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 185 

of an adoptive son, who loves you "with all the powers 

of his heart ; and, as long as it has life, will ever he 

Your most grateful, affectionate, respectful friend, 

Lafayette. 

P. S. My best and tenderest respects wait on 
Mrs. Washington. Eemember me most respectfully 
to your mother and relations, particularly to George. 
I pay my compliments to all friends. Adieu, my 
dear General. 



FROM JAMES MADISON, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 28 October, 1787. 

Dear Sir, 
The mail of yesterday brought me your favor uf 
the 22d instant. The communications from Hiuhniond 
give me as much pleasure, as they exceed my ex- 
pectations. As I find, by a letter from a member of 
the Assembly, however, that Colonel ^lason had not 
got down, and it appears that Mr. Henry is not at 
bottom a friend, I am not without fears that their 
combined influence and management may yet create 
difficulties. There is one consideration, which I tliink 
ought to have some weight in tlie case, over and 
above the intrinsic inducements to embrace the Con- 
stitution, and which I have suggested to some of my 
correspondents. There is at present a very strong pro- 
bability tliat nine States, at least, will pretty speed- 
ily concur in establishing it. What will become of 
the tiirdy remainder ? They must be either left as 
outcasts from the Society, to shift for themselves, (»r 
be compelled to come in, or nuist come in of thi-ni- 
selves when they will he nllowcd no credit fT it. 

li;- 



186 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Can either of these situations be as eligible as a 
prompt and manly determination to support the Union, 
and share its common fortunes? 

My last stated pretty fully the information which 
had arrived here from different quarters, concerning 
the proposed Constitution. I recollect nothing that is 
now to be added, farther than that the Assembly of 
Massachusetts, now sitting, certainly gives it a friend- 
ly reception. I inclose a Boston paper, by which it 
appears that Governor Hancock has ushered it to 
them in as propitious a manner as could have been 
required. 

Mr. P.'s character is, as you observe, well marked 
by the publications which I inclosed. His printing 
the secret paper at this time, could have no motive 
but the appetite for expected praise; for the subject 
to which it relates has been dormant a considerable 
time, and seems likely to remain so. 

A foreign gentleman of merit, and who, besides 
this general title, brings me a letter which gives him 
a particular claim to my civilities, is very anxious to 
obtain a sketch of the Potomac, and the route from 
the highest navigable part of it to the western waters 
which are to be connected with the Potomac by the 
portage; together with a sketch of the works which 
are going on, and a memorandum of the progress 
made in them. Knowing of no other channel through 
which I could enable myself to gratify this gentle- 
man, I am seduced into the liberty of resorting to 
your kindness ; and of requesting that if you have 
such a draught by you, your amanuensis may be per- 
mitted to take a very rough copy of it for me. In 
making this request, I beseech you. Sir, to understand 
. that I do it with not more confidence in your good- 
ness, than with the sincerest desire that it may be 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 187 

disregarded, if it cannot be fulfilled with the most 
perfect convenience. With sentiments of the most 
perfect esteem and the most affectionate regard, 
I remain, dear Sir, &c., 

James Madison, Jr. 



FROM JAMES GARDOQUI. 

New York, 29 October, 1787. 

Permit me, my dear Sir, to intrude upon your ru- 
ral repose once more with a subject that, from the 
moment that I became acquainted with the United 
States, I have exerted myself with unabated zeal to 
establish, — a permanent and sincere amity between 
our two countries on the principles of mutual interest. 
No two nations in the world, in my opinion, apply 
so exactly to each other. On such solid basis I 
hoped to have founded a national connection which 
would have daily acquired strength from the experi- 
ence of its advantages, and did not doubt but the 
object of my wishes would have been accomplished 
with facility. The generous conduct and views of my 
Royal Master shine brightly with the most sincere 
friendship ; and, had I met with a consonant temper 
in all the States, the great work would have long 
ago been completed, and our countries would have 
been now in the actual enjoyment of the comforts 
and advantages of a friendly intercourse. But the 
opposition of Virginia, expressed by the published 
instructions of the last Assembly to her Delegates in 
Congress, has, perhaps, obstructed the conclusion of 
the negotiation. 

These instructions, 1 doubt not, niu.st have reached 



188 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

the Courts of Madrid and London. By the public 
prints from the last of those places, it is assured that 
one of their most able politicians has been ordered to 
the former ; and I think we must take it for granted 
that he will indubitably avail himself of the above- 
mentioned opposition and instructions. I leave to 
your superior penetration to judge of what the conse- 
quences may be, and whether something ought not 
to be done immediately; believing it. from my heart, 
to be highly essential to the true interest of the 
United States, before it is too late. 

I cannot refrain from making this candid commu- 
nication to you, convinced that your constant attach- 
ment to the public good, will prompt you to take 
into consideration these truths, and that your know- 
ledge of my conduct will induce you to attribute this 
confidence to my sincere desire to promote the har- 
mony and interest of the two nations, and to the re- 
luctance which I feel in the prospect of being obliged 
to abandon an object which has so long held the 
first place in my heart, and which I believe to be 
essential to the interest and prospects of our two 
countries. 

Give me leave to congratulate you, and to express 
my sincere joy, on the happy escape you made on a 
bridge in your way home. May the Almighty con- 
tinue preserving you, for many years, for the good 
of this country and of mankind in general ! And 
permit me to conclude with my most humble respects 
to your worthy lady, and with unfeigned assurance 
that I have the honor to be, 

With the highest consideration and respect, &c., 

James Gardoqui. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 189 

FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

30 October, 1787. 

I am much obliged to your Excellency for the ex- 
plicit manner in which you contradict the insinuations 
mentioned in my last letter. The only use I shall 
make of your answer, will be to put it into the hands 
of a few friends. 

The Constitution proposed has, in this State, warm 
friends and warm enemies. The first impressions 
every where are in its favor ; but the artillery of its 
opponents makes some impression. The event cannot 
yet be foreseen. The inclosed is the first number of 
a series of papers to be written in its defence. 

I send you also, at the request of the Baron de Steu- 
ben, a printed pamphlet, containing the grounds of 
an application lately made to Congress. He tells me 
there is some reference to you, the object of which he 
does not himself seem clearly to understand; but ima- 
gines it may be in your power to be of service to 
him. There are public considerations that induce me 
to be somewhat anxious for his success. He is forti- 
fied with materials which, in Europe, could not fail to 
establish the belief of the contract he alleges. The 
documents of service he possesses are of a nature to 
convey an exalted idea of them. The compensations 
he has received, though considerable, if compared 
with those which have been received by American 
officers, will, according to European ideas, be very 
scanty in application to a stranger who is acknow- 
ledged to have rendered essential services. Our re- 
putation abroad is ik.I, at prcscni, loo liigli. To dis- 
miss an old soldior. oiiipty and Iningry, to seek the 



190 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

bounty of those on whom he has no claims, and to 
complain of unkind returns and violated engagements, 
will certainly not tend to raise it. I confess, too, 
there is something in my feelings which would incline 
me, in this case, to go farther than might be strictly 
necessary, rather than drive a man, at the Baron's 
time of life, who has been a faithful servant, to ex- 
tremities. And this is unavoidable, if he does not 
succeed in his present attempt. What he asks would, 
all calculations made, terminate in this, — an allowance 
of his five hundred and fifty guineas a year. He 
only wishes a recognition of the contract. He knows 
that, until affairs mend, no money can be produced. 
I do not know how far it may be in your power 
to do him any good ; but I shall be mistaken if the 
considerations I have mentioned do not appear to 
your Excellency to have some weight. I remain, 
with great respect and esteem. 

Your Excellency's obedient servant, 

Alexander Hamilton. 



FROM GEORGE MASON. 

Riclimond, 6 November, 1787. 

Dear Sir, 
On Saturday last, in a Committee of the Whole 
House upon the State of the Commonwealth, to whom 
were referred sundry petitions, some praying for an 
emission of paper money, and others for making pro- 
perty, at an appraised value, a tender in discharge 
of debts, I moved and carried the resolutions of which 
I inclose a copy. During the discussion of the sub- 
ject, after treating the petitions as founded upon 
fraud and knavery, I called upon any of the mem- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 191 

bers of the House, who were advocates for such mea- 
sures, if any such there were, to come boldly forward, 
and explain their real motives. But they declined 
entering into the debate, and the resolutions passed 
unanimously. I hope they have given this iniquitous 
measure a mortal stab, and that we shall not ao*ain 
be troubled with it. 

A resolution this day passed for an absolute prohi- 
bition of all imported spirits, with some others, in 
my opinion, almost equally impolitic, and calculated 
to subject the eastern part of the State to the arbi- 
trary impositions of the western. The prohibition of 
the single article of rum, would cut off a net reve- 
nue of eleven thousand pounds per annum. When 
the bill is brought in, I think they will find such 
insuperable difficulties in the mode of carrying it 
into execution, as will oblige them to abandon the 
project. 

I take the liberty of inclosing a copy of the reso- 
lutions upon the proposed Federal Government ; b}' 
which it will appear that the Assembly have given 
time for full examination and discussion of the sulj- 
ject, and have avoided giving any opinion of their 
own upon the subject. 

I beg to be presented to your lady and family ; 
and am, Avith the greatest respect and regard, &c., 

George Mason. 

P. S. A plan is before the House for a throe 
years' instalment of all del)ts. Though, iu in}' ojii- 
nion, very exceptionable, it is better lliau the phins oi' 
that kind heretofure proposed, and I believe will )»o 
adopted, in sjiite of every opposition that ciiii hi' 
niJide to it. 1 sli.ill, therefore, instead of pninting 
the little opposition I can make against the whole. 



192 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

endeavour to change the plan, by making the con- 
sent of the creditor necessary, and the instalments 
voluntary, and, in such cases, giving the force of 
judgments to the instalment bonds. 



FROM PAUL JONES. 

New York, 9 November, 1787. 

Sir, 

Accounts having arrived, and being credited here, 
that the British fleet was out, and had been seen 
steering to the westward, and that a British squa- 
dron was cruising in the North Sea, I was advised 
by my friends not to embark in the French packet 
that sailed hence the 25th ultimo. I am sorry to 
have lost that opportunity, as those accounts are now 
contradicted. I shall embark to-morrow in an Ameri- 
can ship, bound for Amsterdam, and have bargained 
to be landed in France. I shall go directly to Paris, 
and deliver the two packets you sent to my care 
immediately on my arrival, with two others from you, 
that have been since put into my hands, for Mr. 
Jefferson and the Marquis de Lafayette. 

I am exceedingly sorry for the long detention of 
your letters ; but Colonel Carrington, who does me 
the honor to carry this, can inform you that it has 
not depended on me to forward them sooner, and 
that Mr. Jay has had no opportunity till now of send- 
ing his despatches to Europe since the month of June. 
I am. Sir, 

With profound respect and perfect esteem, &c., 

Paul Jones. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 193 

FROM JAMES MADISON, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 18 November, 1787. 

Dear Sir, 

Your favor of the 5tli instant found me in Phila- 
delphia, whither I had proceeded, under arrangements 
for proceeding to Virginia or returning to this place, 
as I might there decide. I did not acknowledge it 
in Philadelphia, because I had nothing to communi- 
cate, which you would not receive more fully and 
correctly from the Mr. Morrises, who were setting 
out for Virginia. 

All my informations from Richmond concur in re- 
presenting the enthusiasm in favor of the new Con- 
stitution as subsiding, and giving place to a spirit 
of criticism. I was fearful of such an event, from 
the influence and cooperation of some of the adver- 
saries. I do not learn, however, that the cause has 
lost its majority in the Legislature, and still less 
among the people at large. I have nothing to add 
to the information heretofore given concerning the 
progress of the Constitution in other States. Mr. 
Gerry has presented his objections to the Legi^flaturo 
in a letter addressed to them, and signified his readi- 
ness, if desired, to give the particular reasons on 
which they were founded. The Legislature, it seems, 
decline the explanation, either from a supposition that 
they have nothing farther to do in the business, hav- 
in*'- handod it over to tlu; Convention, or I'mm an 
unwillingness to countenance Mr. Gerry's oonthict ; 
or from both these considerations. Tt is snpi.osed 
that the pronuilgation of this lottor will sliak<' the 
confidence of some, and embolden tlio (. {.position oi 
others, in that State ; but I (.aniict diseuver any 

VOL. IV. 17 



194 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

ground for distrusting the prompt and decided con- 
currence of a large majority. 

I inclose herewith the seven first numbers of the 
Federalist, a paper addressed to the people of this 
State. They relate entirely to the importance of the 
Union. If the whole plan should be executed, it will 
present to the public a full discussion of the merits of 
the proposed Constitution, in all its relations. From 
the opinion I have formed of the views of a party 
in Virginia, I am inclined to think that the observa- 
tions on the first branch of the subject may not be 
superfluous antidotes in that State, any more than in 
this. If you concur with me, perhaps the papers may 
be put into the hand of some of your confidential 
correspondents at Richmond, who would have them 
reprinted there. I will not conceal from you that I 
am likely to have such a degree of connection with 
the publication here, as to afford a restraint of deli- 
cacy from interesting myself directly in the republi- 
cation elsewhere. You will recognize one of the pens 
concerned in the task. There are three in the whole. 
A fourth may possibly bear a part. 

The intelligence by the packet, as far as I have 
collected it, is contained in the Gazette of yesterday. 
Virginia is the only State represented as yet. When 
a Congress will be formed, is altogether uncertain. 
It is not very improbable, I think, that the interreg- 
num may continue throughout the winter. With every 
sentiment of respect and attachment, 

I remain, dear Sir, &c., 

James Madison, Jr. 



PKIYATE LETTERS. 195 

FROM THOMAS JOHNSON. 

Annapolis, 11 December, 1787. 

Sir, 

Your favor of the 9th, directed to Mr. Lee and 
myself, and its inclosure, came to hand to-day very 
opportunely. The gentlemen of the Assemhly pur- 
pose to rise next Saturday; and, preparatory to it, 
resolved, in the morning, to receive no new business 
after this day. This circumstance precluded all for- 
mality; and Mr. Lee being absent, I moved for leave 
to bring in a bill under the same title as the act 
passed in Virginia. Leave was granted, and I expect 
there will be no opposition in any stage of it. I 
think at present to make a small deviation, by giv- 
ing the President and Directors their choice to prose- 
cute in the County Courts, which will generally be 
speedier, or in the General Court. 

Our affairs are so embarrassed with a diversity of 
paper money and paper securities, a sparing imposi- 
tion and an infimous collection and payment ((n* 
rather non-payment) of taxes, that ]Mr. Hartshorn'fe re- 
peated applications to our Treasury have proved fruit- 
less, nor can I say when there will be money in 
hand to answer the three hundred pounds sterling 
due. Some of our del)ts are so i)ressing, that a good 
many of us Delegates feel very uneasy; and I yet 
hope a serious attempt for an immediate provision for 
them, and that the Potomac demand may 1)0 inchul- 
ed. The present circuinstaniM^s with respect to the 
future seat of Congress, in my opinion, call for vigor- 
ous exertions to perfect tli(^ navigation of Potomac 
speedily; and it is truly niortifying to sec so little 
prospect of being su[>[>li<'d with tlie essential means. 



196 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Surely five or six hundred miles of inland navigation, 
added to the central situation and other advantages, 
would decide in favor of Potomac for the permanent 
seat of Congress. 

Colonel Fitzgerald wrote Mr. Lee and myself to 
mention the time we could meet at Shenandoah to 
inquire into complaints against Mr. Steward, in his 
absence. I could only write him that I would attend 
at any time that might be agreeable to you and the 
other gentlemen, after my return home, which will 
probably be the last of next week. I wish. Sir, your 
convenience to be consulted, and that it may be con- 
venient and agreeable to you to make my house in 
your way. Very little notice of the time to meet 
will be sufficient for me, and I dare say for Mr. Lee. 

Late in the last session, I received your letter, 
relative to Mr. Wilson's application to our Assembly. 
It was next to impossible then to draw any attention 
to that, or to investigate any subject, in a proper 
manner. We had grown impatient in the extreme. 
On the most diligent and repeated searches since my 
receipt of your favor of the 22d of November, his 
papers cannot be found, though Mr. Digges, and some 
of the other members, have it on memory that^ on 
reading in the House, the business was referred. My 
own diligence, and that of a gentleman or two be- 
sides, has been exerted to prevent the necessity of 
informing you that so little care is taken of our pa- 
pers. 

The leaven of your State is working in ours. The 
scale of power, which I always suggested would be 
the most diificult to settle between the great and 
small States, as such, was in my opinion very pro- 
perly adjusted. Any necessary guard for personal 
liberty is the common interest of all the citizens of 



PRIVATE LETTERS. I97 

America ; and if it is imagined that a defined power, 
which does not comprehend the interference with per- 
sonal rights, needs negative declarations, I presume 
such may be added by the Federal Legislature with 
equal efficacy and more propriety than might have 
been done by the Convention. Strongly and lono- 
impressed with an idea that no Government can make 
a people happy, unless they very generally entertain 
an opinion that it is good in form and well admi- 
nistered, I am much disposed to give up a good deal 
in the form, the least essential part. But those who 
are clamorous, seem to me to be reall}^ more afraid 
of being restrained from doing what they ought not 
to do, and being compelled to do what they ought 
to do, than of being obliged to do what there is no 
moral obligation on them to do. I believe there is 
no American, of observation, reflection, and candor, 
but will acknowledge man unhappily needs more go- 
vernment than he imagines. I flatter myself tliat 
the plan recommended will be adopted in twelve of 
the thirteen States, without conditions, sine qud nmi. 
But, let the event be as it may, I shall think my- 
self, with America in general, greatly indebted to the 
Convention ; and possibly we may confess it, when it 
may be too late to avail ourselves of their modera- 
tion and wisdom. You will pardon me, my good Sir, 
the effusions which I cannot restrain wlien on tin's 
subject; and l)elieve me to be, 

With very great respect, (Jcc, 

TiioM.vs Johnson. 
17:1: 



198 LETTEKS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, 1 January, 1788. 

My dear General, 

I am fortunate in this opportunity to wish you a 
happy new year, and to devote the first moments of 
this day to the heartfelt pleasure to remind you, my 
beloved General, of your adoptive son and most affec- 
tionate, devoted friend. I beg you will present my 
best respects to Mrs. Washington. Madame de La- 
fayette joins in the most tender compliments to you 
and to her; and I hope, my dear General, that you 
will be so kind as to mention me very affectionately 
to all the family and friends. 

It is needless for me to tell you, that I read the 
new proposed Constitution with an unspeakable eager- 
ness and attention. I have admired it, and find in 
it a bold, large, and solid frame for the Confederation. 
The election principles, with respect to the two Houses 
of Congress, are most happily calculated. I am only 
afraid of two things; — first, the want of a declaration 
of rights ; secondly, the great powers and possible con- 
tinuance of the President, who may one day or other 
become a Stadtholder. Should my observations be 
well founded, I still am easy on two accounts. The 
first, that a bill of rights may be made, if wished by 
the people, before they accept the Constitution. My 
other comfort is, that you cannot refuse being elected 
President; and that, if you think the public vessel 
can stir without those powers, you will be able to 
lessen them, or propose measures respecting their per- 
manence, which cannot fail to insure a greater per- 
fection to the Constitution, and a new crop of glory 
to yourself But, in the name of America, of man- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 199 

kind at large, and your own fame, I beseech you, 
my dear General, not to deny your acceptance of 
the office of President for the first years. You only 
can settle that political machine ; and I foresee it 
will furnish an admirable chapter to your history. 

I am returned from the Provincial Assembly of 
Auvergne, wdierein I had the happiness to please the 
people, and the misfortune to displease the Government 
to a very high degree. The Ministry asked for an 
increase of revenue. Our Province w^as among the 
few who gave nothing, and she expressed herself in 
a manner w^hich has been taken very much amiss. 
The internal situation of France is very extraordi- 
nary. The dispositions of the people, of which I gave 
you a picture^ are working themselves into a great 
degree of fermentation, but not without a mixture of 
levity and love of ease. The Parliaments are every 
day passing the boundaries of their Constitution, but 
are sure to be approved by the nation, when, among 
many irrational things, they have the good policy to 
call for a General Assembly. Government see that 
the power of the Crown is declining, and now want 
to retrieve it by an ill-timed and dangerous severity. 
For my part, I am heartily wishing for a Constitution 
and bill of rights, and wish it may be effected with 
as much tranquillity and mutual satisfaction as it is 
possible. 

The Emperor has made a foolish attempt on Bol- 
-•rade, but cannot fail to take it another time, and at 
the entrance of the spring the two Imperial Courts 
will open a vigorous and \\n doubt successful cam- 
paign against the Turks. They liave been led into 
a war by Great Britain; and should France take a 
decisive part, it is more probable she will side with 
Paissia. l)iit this GoveiiniR'iit ^\ill a\nid to be com- 



200 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

mittecl in the affair, and perhaps will not be the bet- 
ter for it. The King of Prussia is now courting 
France, and proposes, I think, to withdraw his regi- 
ments from Holland ; but this is a very insufficient, 
and probably a very useless reparation. 

Inclosed, my dear General, are an arret of the 
Council, and a letter to Mr. Jefferson, both of which, 
after long negotiations, we have had the satisfaction 
to obtain. I expected it might be finished before 
my journey to Auvergne \ but new difficulties have 
arisen, and Mr. Jefferson and myself have but lately 
ended the business. I am more and more pleased 
with Mr. Jefferson. His abilities, his virtues, his tem- 
per, every thing of him commands respect and attracts 
affection. He enjoys universal regard, and does the 
affairs of America to perfection. It is the happiest 
choice that could be made. Adieu, my dear General. 
With filial love and respect, I have the honor to be, 
Your devoted and affectionate friend, 

LiVFAYETTE. 



FROM JONATHAN TRUMBULL. 

Hartford, 9 January, 1788. 

Dear Sir, 
With great satisfaction I have the honor to inform 
you that, last evening, the Convention of this State, 
by a great majority, voted to ratify and adopt the 
new proposed Constitution for the United States ; yeas 
one hundred and twenty-seven, nays forty. With ad- 
ditional pleasure I can inform you, that the debates 
on this subject have been conducted with a spirit of 
great candor, liberality, and fairness, and the decision 
received with the universal applause of a numerous 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 201 

body of the people of the State, who attended the 
public deliberations of their Convention, and expressed 
their cordial assent, on the moment of decision, with 
a general clap. 

The great unanimity with which this decision has 
been made, and the liberality with which its previous 
deliberations have been conducted in this State, I 
hope will have a happy influence on the minds of 
our brethren in Massachusetts. Their Convention is 
now collecting, and will be favored with this informa- 
tion to-morrow. It may not be amiss to mention that, 
in the list of affirmants in this State, stand the names 
of all our principal characters, with the men of libe- 
rality, sentiment, and influence. 

Although not honored with the appointment as a 
Delegate (being, in my particular circle, under the 
cloud of Commutation and Cincinnati), I have attended 
the debates of this Convention from their beginning 
to the close, and have been amply compensated by 
the pleasure, the satisfaction, and instruction I have 
participated on the occasion. "With all those senti- 
ments of sincere cordiality and respect with which I 
have ever had the honor to address you, my dear Sir, 

I now have the pleasure to subscribe myself, &c., 

Jonathan Trumbull. 

P. S. While I take the pleasure of congratulating 
you. Sir, on this joyous occasion, I pray you to in- 
dulge my wishes in begging you to present my sin- 
cerest respects to Mrs. Washington, with my tender 
solicitations for her health and happiness. 



202 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM JAMES MADISON, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 25 January-, 1788. 

Dear Sir, 

I have been favored, since my last, with yours of 
the 10th instant, with a copy of the Governor's letter 
to the Assembly. I do not know what impression 
the latter may make in Virginia. It is generally 
understood here that the arguments contained in it 
in favor of the Constitution are much stronger than 
the objections which prevented his assent. His argu- 
ments are forcible in all places, and with all persons. 
His objections are connected with his particular way 
of thinking on the subject, in which many of the 
adversaries to the Constitution do not concur. 

The information from Boston by the mail, on the 
evening before last, has not removed our suspense. 
The following is an extract of a letter from Mr. King, 
dated on the 16th instant ; — 

"We may have three hundred and sixty members 
in our Convention. Not more than three hundred and 
thirty have yet taken their seats. Immediately after 
the settlement of elections, the Convention resolved 
that they would consider and freely deliberate on 
each paragraph, without taking a question on any of 
them individually; and that, on the question whether 
they would ratify, each member should be at liberty 
to discuss the plan at large. This resolution seems 
to preclude the idea of amendments, and hitherto the 
measure has not been suggested. I however do not, 
from this circumstance, conclude that it may not here- 
after occur. 

" The opponents of the Constitution moved that 
Mr. Gerry should be requested to take a seat in the 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 203 

Convention, to answer such inquiries as the Conven- 
tion should make concerning facts which happened in 
the passing of the Constitution. Although this seems 
to be a veiy ^regular j)roposal, yet, considering the 
jealousies which prevail with those who made it (who 
are certainly not the most enlightened part of the 
Convention), and the doubt of the issue, had it been 
made a trial of strength, several friends of the Con- 
stitution united with the opponents, and the resolution 
was agreed to, and Mr. Gerry has taken his seat. 
To-morrow, we are told, certain inquiries are to be 
moved for by the opposition, and that Mr. Gerry, 
under the idea of stating facts, is to state his reasons, 
&c. This will be opposed ; and we shall, on the divi- 
sion, be able to form some idea of our relative strenf::th. 
From the men who are in favor of the Constitution, 
any reasonable explanation will ]je given ; and argu- 
ments really new, and in my judgment, most excel- 
lent, have been and will be produced in its support. 
But what will be its fate, I confess I am unalde to 
discern. No question ever classed the people uf this 
State in a more extraordinary manner, or with nun-e 
apparent firmness." 

A Congress of seven States was made up on Mon- 
day. Mr. Cyrus Griffin has been placed in tlie Chair. 
This is the only step yet taken. I remain, witli the 
highest respect and attachment, &c., 

James Madison, Jk. 



FROM BENJAMIN LINCOLN. 

Hoston, '27 Jatui.irv, 1 7H8. 



My dear Gknkual, 
I liave the phja.^ur(j uf iiiclo.^^ing two ne\vsj>ap«'i-. 



204 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

in wliicli are the debates of the Convention to Satur- 
day, the 19th. They are not forward enough to give 
your Excellency a just state of the business. I there- 
fore am induced to observe that, yesterday, we w^ere 
on the ninth section. The opposition seem now in- 
clined to hurry over the business, and bring on, as 
soon as possible, the main question. However, this 
they are not permitted to do. It is pretty well known 
what objections are on the minds of the people ] it 
becomes, therefore, necessary to obviate them, if pos- 
sible. We have, hitherto, done this with success. The 
opposition see it, and are alarmed, for there are a 
vast many people attending in the galleries (we now 
assemble in one of our meeting-houses), and most of 
the arguments are published in the papers. Both are 
of use. 

Your Excellency will see, in the paper, propositions 
for adopting the Constitution on conditions. This will 
not be attended to. It is possible, if we adopt it ab- 
solutely, that the Convention may recommend certain 
amendments. It will never, I presume, be adopted 
on any conditions. It wdll pass absolutely, or be re- 
jected. I have now higher expectations that it will 
pass than when I last wrote. I think the friends to 
it increase daily. However, I would not raise your 
Excellency's expectations too high. It is yet impos- 
sible to determine, absolutely, its fate. Mr. Gerry, as 
mentioned in my last, left the Convention in dudgeon. 
He has not since returned to it. I presume he will 
not return. With the highest esteem, 

I have the honor of being, my dear General, &c., 

Benjamin Lincoln. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 205 

FROM BENJAMIN LINCOLN. 

Boston, 3 February, 1788. 

My dear General, 

Your Excellency will find, by the papers of yester- 
day, which I do myself the pleasure to inclose, that 
the Governor has taken his seat as President of the 
Convention; and that he came forward with a motion 
for the adoption of the Constitution, and subjoined a 
recommendation that some alterations may take place 
in it. The motion has taken up a considerable time. 
Those in the opposition vrant the Constitution to be 
accepted ujyon condition that the alterations be made. 
This they will not be able to carry. 

Yesterday noon, a motion was made tliat the mo- 
tion under consideration should be committed. Tliis 
was agreed to, and a large Committee was raised, 
consisting of two members from each of the large 
counties, and of one fur two small ones. It was also 
agreed that each county should nominate their own 
members, and that they should take one who liad 
given his opinion for, and one who had given his 
opinion against, the Constitution, in each county where- 
in two were chosen. I expect they Avill report to- 
morrow afternoon, to which time the Convention stands 
adjourned. I hope good will arise from lh(^ measure, 
and that the main question will be taken hy Wothios- 
day next. The gentlemen in ilic opposilinu ui<:(' llial 
the Governor's niolion ought to be divided, and that 
tlie first question be taken simply, " Whetlier they will 
or will not accept the Constitution." They are op- 
posed in this, and I h()[M' th(' large Committee will 
adjust the matter, and put an end to any I'nrtlicr 
dispute u[)on the (jucstion. 

VOL. IV. 18 



206 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

We find ourselves exceedingly embarrassed by the 
temper which raged the last winter in some of the 
counties. Many of the insurgents are in the Conven- 
tion; even some of Shays's officers. A great propor- 
tion of those men are high in the opposition. We 
could hardly expect any thing else; nor could we, I 
think, justly suppose that those men, who were so 
lately intoxicated with large draughts of liberty, and 
who were thirsting for more, would, in so short a 
time, submit to a Constitution which would further 
take up the reins of Government which, in their 
opinion, were too strait before. I hope people abroad 
will consider this matter, and make proper allow- 
ances for a clog of this kind. I think the Consti- 
tution will pass. I have the honor of being, my 
dear General, 

With perfect esteem, &c., 

Benjamin Lincoln. 



FROM JAMES MADISON, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 3 February, 1788. 

Dear Sir, 

Another mail has arrived from Boston, without ter- 
minating the conflict between our hopes and fears. 
I have a letter from Mr. King of the 27th, which, 
after dilating somewhat on the ideas in his former 
letters, concludes with the following paragraph; — 

"We have avoided every question, which would 
have shown the division of the House. Of conse- 
quence, we are not positive of the members on each 
side. By the last calculation we made on our side, 
we were doubtful whether we exceeded them, or they 
us, in numbers. They, however, say that they have 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 207 

a majority of eight or twelve against us. We by no 
means despair." 

Another letter of the same date, fi'om another mem- 
ber, gives the following picture ; — 

"Never Avas there an Assembly in this State in 
possession of greater ability and information than the 
present Convention ; yet I am in doubt whether they 
will approve the Constitution. There are, unhappily, 
three parties opposed to it. First; all men who are 
in favor of paper money and tender laws. Those are 
more or less in every part of the State. Second ; 
all the late insurgents and their abettors. In the 
three great western counties they are very numerous. 
We have in the Convention eighteen or twenty who 
were actually in Shays's army. Third; a great ma- 
jority of the members from the Province of Maine. 
Many of them and their constituents are only squat- 
ters upon other people's land, and they are afraid of 
being brought to account. They also think, though 
erroneously, that their favorite plan of being a sepa- 
rate State will be defeated. Add to these, the honest, 
doubting people, and they make a powerful host. 
The leaders of this party are a Mr. Widgery, Mr. 
Thomson, and Mr. Nason, from the Province of Maine ; 
a Dr. Taylor, from the county of Worcester, and Mr. 
Bishop, from the neighbourhood of Rliode Island. 

" To manage the cause against them, are the pre- 
sent and late Governor, three Judges of the Supreme 
Court, fiftceu members of the Senate, twruiy from 
among the most respectable of the Ck^'gy, ten <»r 
twelve of the first characters at the Bar, Judges of 
Probate, lligli Sheriffs of counties, and many other 
respectable people, inenliauts, &c. ; Generals Heath, 
Lincoln, linw.ks, and (.tin is nf the late army. With 
all this ability in ^npiM.rt *.f the cause, T nni pivify 



208 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

well satisfied we shall lose the question, imless we 
can take off some of the opposition by amendments. 
I do not mean such as are to be made conditions of 
the ratification, but recommendatory only. Upon this 
plan I flatter myself we may possibly get a majori- 
ty of twelve or fifteen, if not more." 

The Legislature of this State has voted a Conven- 
tion on June 17th. I remain, &c., 

James Madison, Jr. 



FROM BENJAMIN LINCOLN. 

Boston, G February, 1788. 

My dear General, 

The Convention this evening ratified the Constitu- 
tion ; present, three hundred and fifty-five members; 
one hundred and eighty-seven yeas, and one hundred 
and sixty-eight nays ; nineteen majority in favor of 
the adoption. 

As I mentioned to you in my last, the spirit which 
operated the last winter had its influence in the ap- 
pointment of members for the Convention, and was a 
clog upon us through the whole business. To this 
source may be ascribed the great opposition we have 
experienced through the long debates, and the small- 
ness of the majority. I hope the neighbouring States 
will consider this, and not suffer it to weigh in their 
decisions. 

Yesterday there was a motion for an adjournment, 
which cost us the whole day. Upon the question at 
evening, there were about one hundred majority 
against it; this was a damper upon the opposition, 
and they had little hope after. When, this evening, 
the question went against them, some of the leaders 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 209 

arose, and assured the Convention, that they were con- 
vinced that the debates had been conducted with 
fairness and candor, and that they should return with 
dispositions to satisfy the minds of their constituents, 
and to preserve the peace and order of the people at 
large. I hope and trust they will, and that we shall 
soon enjoy the blessings of a good government. 

I shall continue to write to your Excellency, whilst 
any thing relative to this great subject shall turn up 
here w^orthy your notice. Forgive the haste ; the 
post-office will be shut. And believe me, with the 
sincerest esteem and regard. 

My dear General, &c., 

Benjajsiin Lincoln. 

P. S. Upon the issue of the cj[uestion, every de- 
monstration of joy was discovered among the people. 



FROM JAMES MADISON, IN CONGRESS. 

New York, 20 February, 1788. 

Dear Sir, 

I am just favored with yours of the 7th instant, 
and will attend to your wishes as to the political es- 
says in the press. 

I have given notice to my iVicnds in Orange, tliat 
the county may command my services in the Con- 
vention, if it pleases. I can say, with great truth, 
liowever, that in this overture I sacrifice every pri- 
vate inclination to considerations not of a scHisli iia- 
iiire. I foresee that the undertaking will involve nie 
in very laborious and irksome discussions ; that pub- 
lic opposition to several very respectable characters, 
18 * 



210 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

whose esteem and friendship I greatly prize, may 
unintentionally endanger the subsisting connection; 
and that disagreeable misconstructions, of which sam- 
ples have been already given, may be the fruit of 
those exertions which fidelity will impose. But I 
have made up my determination on the subject; and, 
if I am informed that my presence at the election in 
the county be indispensable, shall submit to that con- 
dition also, though it is my particular wish to decline 
it, as well to avoid apparent solicitude on the occa- 
sion, as a journey of such length at a very unplea- 
sant season. 

I had seen the extract of your letter to Colonel 
Carter, and had supposed, from the place where it 
first made its appearance, that its publication was the 
effect of the zeal of a correspondent. I cannot but 
think, on the whole, that it may have been of ser- 
vice, notwithstanding the scandalous misinterpretations 
of it Avhich have been attempted. As it has evidentr 
ly the air of a paragraph to a fiimiliar friend, the 
omissions of an argumentative support of the opinion 
given, will appear to no candid reader unnatural or 
improper. 

We have no late information from Europe, except 
through the English papers, which represent the af- 
fairs of France as in the most ticklish state. The 
lacts have every appearance of authenticity, and we 
wait with great impatience for the packet, which is 
daily expected. It can be little doubted that the 
patriots have been abandoned ; whether from impoten- 
cy in France, misconduct in them, or from what other 
cause, is not altogether clear. The French apologists 
are visibly embarrassed by the dilemma of submitting 
to the appearance of either weakness, or the want of 
faith. They seem generally to allege, that their en- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 211 

gagements being with the Republic, the nation could 
not oppose the regular authority of the country, by 
supporting a single Province, or perhaps a single par- 
ty in it only. The validity of this excuse will de- 
pend much on the real connection between France 
and the patriots, and the assurances given as an en- 
courasremcnt to the latter. From the British Kind's 
speech, it w^ould seem that France had avowed her 
purpose of supporting her Dutch friends, though it is 
possible her menaces to England might be carried far- 
ther than her real promises to the patriots. All these 
circumstances, however, must have galled the pride 
of France ; and I have little doubt that a Avar will 
prove it, as soon as her condition will admit of it. 
Perhaps she may be the sooner forced into it on ac- 
count of her being in a contrary situation. I hear 
nothing yet from the Convention of New Hampshire. 

I remain, &c., 

James Madison, Jii. 



FROM JOHN LANGDON. 

rortsmonth, 28 February, 1788. 

Sir, 
The Convention of this State met the loth instant, 
to take into consideration the federal phm of Govern- 
ment. Contrary to the expectation of almost every 
thinking man, a small majority of (say, four) persons 
appeared against the system. This was iUo most 
astonishinir to everv man of anv information, as Ma.^- 
sachusctts had accepted it, and this State in particu- 
lar had every thing to gain, and nothing to lose, by 
the adoption of the ( Hivcninicnt ; and ahnost every 
man of ]»roperty and al>ili(i<'^, fnr it. However, this 



212 LETTEKS TO W ASHINGT 0:!s . 

can be acoonnted for. Just at the moment that the 
choice for members for our Conrention, in one of our 
principal counties, took place, a report was circulated 
bv a few desicniincr men- who wished for confusion- 
that the Massachusetts Convention, who had just met 
were against the plan- and would certainly refuse it; 
that the liberties of the i>eople were in danger, and 
the great men. as they call them- were forming a 
plan for themselves ; together with a thousand other 
absurdities- which Mghtened the x^^Jpl^ almost out of 
what little senses they had. 

ThL= induced them to choose not only such men 
as were a^^ainst the plan- but to instruct them i>osi- 
tivelv against recei^dng it The absurdity of such 
conduct is too x^l^i^ "to obsene upon. However, not- 
wr' — ":rig the exertion of the opj>onents. both with- 
ou: and within- after Hi>ending ten days in de- 
bating on the pkn- a number of those gentlemen 
who came from home with different sentiments, were 
convinced of their mistake, and only wished an op- 
portunit}' to lay the matter before their constituents. 
This they mentioned to those in ^vor of the plan, 
who, feeeing the difficulty which those men labored 
under, and the uncertainty of the vote, if the gene- 
ral C[uestion wa-s then called for, agreed that I should 
move for an adjournment to some future day to take 
the final r^uestioiL This was done, and carried. Tlie 
Convention adjourned, to meet the 8d day of June 
next- though greatly op];>osed by those against the 
plan. 

l*hat this State must and will receive it, 1 have 
but very little doubt, notwithstanding their late con- 
duct, whicli- to be sure, is very mortifying, ai5 we 
have every thing to expect from its adoptiorL 
I Itave the honor to be, &c. 

JojLv LA.v^;j>oy. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 213 



FROM JAMES MADISON. 

Orange, 10 April, 1788. 



Dear Sir, 

Having seen a part only of the names returned for 
the Convention, and being unacquainted with the po- 
litical characters of many of them, I am a very in- 
competent prophet of the fate of the Constitution. 
My hopes, however, are much encouraged ]jy my pre- 
sent conjectures. Those who have more data for their 
calculations than I have, augur a flattering issue to 
the deliberations of June. I find that Colonel Xicliu- 
las, who is among the best judges, thinks, on the 
whole, that a majority in the Convention will be on 
the list of federalists ; but very properly takes into 
view the turn that may be given to the event by 
the weight of Kentucky, if thrown into the wrung 
scale, and by the proceedings of Maryland and South 
Carolina, if they should terminate in t'itlier a rejection 
or postponement of the (piestiun. 

The impression on Kentuck}', like tliat on tlie rest 
of the State, was at first answerable to our wishes; 
])ut, as elsewhere, the torch of discord has l)eeu thrown 
in, and has found the materials but too intlammabk'. 
I have written several letters, since my arrival, to 
correspondents in tliat district, with a view to counter- 
act antifederal macliinations. I have litth; cxitecta- 
tion, however, that they will have nun-h cll'cct, unless 
the communications that may go lV(.ni Mr. Urowii, in 
Congress, should happon to broalhc ihc same spirit; 
and T am m^t \\iili<iut apprehensions that iiis mind 
may have taken an unlucky tincture from the dilli- 
culties thrown in the way of the separation vi' ihe 
district, as well as IVoiu some antecedent proceedings 



214 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

of Congress. I have taken the liberty of writing 
also to a friend in South Carolina, on the critical im- 
portance of a right decision there to a favorable one 
here. The inclosed letter, which I leave unsealed, 
will show you that I am doing the same with respect 
to Maryland. Will you be so good as to put a w^afer 
in it, and to send it to the post-office for Georgetown, 
or to change the address to Annapolis, if you should 
have reason to conclude that Mr. Carroll will be 
there ? I have written a similar letter to Dr. Mc- 
Henry. The difference between even a postponement 
and adoption in Maryland, may, in the nice balance 
of parties here, possibly give a fatal advantage to 
that which opposes the Constitution. 

I have done nothing yet in preparing answers to 
the queries. As facts are to be ascertained, as well 
as opinions formed, delay will be of course counted 
upon. With every sentiment of respect and attach- 
ment, 

I remain, dear Sir, &c., 

James Madison, Jr. 



FROM CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. 

Charleston, 24 May, 1788. 

Dear General, 
South Carolina has ratified the Federal Constitution. 
Our Convention assembled the 12th instant, and yes- 
terday the vote of ratification was taken ; — one hun- 
dred and forty-nine ayes, and seventy-three noes. I 
inclose you a list of the members who voted on each 
side. You will be pleased to find, that the names 
you are best acquainted with were in favor of the 
Constitution, and that those who were against it 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 215 

have declared they would do all in their power to 
reconcile their constituents to its adoption, and would 
exert themselves in its support. 

Mrs. Pinckney joins me in tendering our host re- 
spects to Mrs. Washington and yourself, and to Major 
Washington and his lady ; and I remain, 

With sincere gratitude, for all your favors, &c., 
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. 

P. S. Major Butler, out of a principle of delicacy 
too refined, declined serving in the State Convention. 
You will not therefore see his name among the yeas 
or nays. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, 25 May, 1788. 

My dear General, 
In the midst of our internal troubles, it is a com- 
fort to me that I may rejoice in the happy prospects 
that open before my adoptive country. Accounts 
from America give me every reason to hope the new 
Constitution will be adopted. Permit me once more, 
my beloved General, to insist on your acceptance of 
the Presidency. Tlie Constitution, as it is pru])(>scMl, 
answers most of the purposes; but, uidess I am much 
mistaken, there are some parts which would not bo 
quite free of some danger, liad not the I'liitcd States 
the good fortune to possess their guanlian an-cl, who 
may feel tlie advantages and inconveniences ol" cNcrv 
article, and Avill be able, before he retires again, to 
ascertain to what dofirree Government must necessarily 
be energetic, what power might be diverte(l into a 
bad use, an<l to point out the means to attain that 



216 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

perfection to which the new Constitution is already 
nearer than any past or present Government. 

The affairs of France are come to a crisis; the more 
difficult to manage, as the people in general have no 
inclination to go to extremities. Liberty or death is 
not the motto on this side of the Atlantic ; and, as 
all classes are more or less dependent, as the rich 
love their ease, and the poor are depressed by want 
and ignorance, the only way is to reason or persuade 
the nation into a kind of passive discontent or non- 
obedience, which may tire out the levity, and undo 
the plans, of Government. The Parliaments, notwith- 
standing the inconveniences attending them, have 
been necessary champions to stand forth. You will 
see by the publications (for we have sent over every 
thing), that the King has assumed pretensions, and 
the Courts of Justice have stated principles, which so 
widely differ, that one could hardly believe those as- 
sertions were made in the same country and century. 
Matters could not rest there. 

Government have employed the force of arms 
against unarmed magistrates, and expelled them. 
And the people? you will say. The people, my 
dear General, have been so dull, that it has made 
me sick, and physicians have been obliged to cool 
my inflamed blood. What has the more wound up 
my anger, is a Bed of Justice wherein the King has 
established a Cour Pleniere, composed of Judges, Peers, 
and courtiers, without a single Representative. And 
these Ministers had the impudence to say, that all 
taxes and loans should be registered. Thank God, 
we have got the better! and I begin to hope for a 
Constitution. The Magistrates have refused sitting in 
the Cour Pleniere. The Peers, who are thirty-eight (a 
few of them have sense and courage), will not, how- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 217 

ever obey. Some, like my friend La Rocliefoucaiild, 
behave nobly; the others follow at a distance. The 
Parliaments have unanimously protested, and made 
an appeal to the nation. Most of the inferior Courts 
reject the new regimen. Discontents break out every- 
where, and in some Provinces are not despicable. 
The clergy, who happen to have an Assembly, are 
remonstrating. The lawyers refuse to plead. Govern- 
ment is embarrassed, and begins to apologize. Their 
Commandants have been in some parts pursued with 
dirt and stones; and, in the midst of these troubles 
and anarchy, the friends of liberty are daily reenforc- 
ed, shut up their ears against negotiations, and say 
they must have a National Assembly, or notliing. 
Such is, my dear General, our bettering situation ; 
and I am, for my part, very easy, when I think tliat 
I shall, before long, be in an Assembly of the Repre- 
sentatives of the French nation, or at ;M(junt Ver- 
non. 

I am so taken up with these affairs, that I can tell 
you but little of the European politics. My disap- 
probation of Ministerial plans, and what little exer- 
tions I could make against them, have induced me to 
cease my visits to the Archbishop's house ; and Die 
more I have been connected with him and the Keep- 
er of the Seals, the greater indignation I have pro- 
fessed against their infernal plan. 

I am glad our American Arret du CouscU has taken 
place before the full tide of these troubles ; and am 
now, through other Ministers, endeavouring to briiiir 
about a plan for the total enfranehisenient of dutie.< 
on whale oil, which would put the American mer- 
chants on the same footing with the French, even 
with respect to bounties, and that without obliging 
the fishermen to h'ave their native shores. Should 

vol.. IV. I'J 



218 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

we succeed in that^ our next object must be the 
trade with the West Indies. 

I am happy in the Ambassador we have in this 
country; and nothing can excel Mr. Jefferson's abili- 
ties, virtues, pleasing temper, and every thing in him 
that constitutes the great statesman, zealous citizen, 
and amiable friend. He has a young gentleman with 
him, Mr. Short, a Virginian, who is a very able, en- 
gaging, and honest man. This letter will be delivered 
by M. de Warville, a man of letters, who has written 
a pamphlet against Chastellux's journal ; but is, how- 
ever, very clever, and wishes very much to be pre- 
sented to you. He intends to write the history of 
America, and is, of course, very desirous to have a 
peep at your papers, which appears to me a deserved 
condescension, as he is very fond of America, writes 
pretty well, and will set matters in a proper light. 
He has an officer with him whom I also beg leave 
to recommend; M. de la Teniere is his name. 

But to come to politics. I must tell you that the 
war between the Imperial Powers and the Turks is 
going on. The Emperor has made several attempts; 
but there is a fatality in that man which makes him 
ever begin and never finish any thing. The skir- 
mishes have generally been doubtful. He has taken a 
town ; but was severely brushed in another assault, 
and the same day met with a second defeat. These 
matters, however trifling, show that the Turks are 
either very ill-attacked, or more lucky than we did 
expect. The siege of Belgrade will be the grand ex- 
pedition that way, and is not begun. There has been 
a junction made of the Austrians and Russians in 
another quarter ; but they have not sufficient means 
to operate. The grand army of the Russians are 
moving towards Oczakow, which Prince Potemkin, a 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 219 

former lover and the bosom friend of the Empress^ is 
going to besiege. Paul Jones has entered the Rus- 
sian service, and will command a squadron on the 
Black Sea. All the powers are negotiating for a 
peace; but, at the same time, Sweden and Denmark 
are arming. There will be observation fleets; and it 
is expected that a peace will take place this winter. 
We must, of course, wish for decisive actions. Should 
they be unfavorable to the Christians, it may disgust 
them; and you never can get a concession from the 
Turks, until the Prophet has show^n his displeasure, 
by suffering them to be flogged. In case both par- 
ties maintain their ground, a general war is appre- 
hended for the next year. 

I beg, my dear General, you will present my most 
affectionate respects to Mrs. Washington and to your 
respected mother. Remember me to the family, the 
young ones, your relations; to all friends. Madame 
de Lafayette and children join in the best respects 
to you and Mrs. Washington. My younger daughter, 
Virginia, is now under inoculation. Adieu, my be- 
loved General. I do not live one day without griev- 
ing for the hard separation which deprives me of 
the blessed sight of what is dearest to me, and 
leaves me so few opportunities to tell you, with all 
the love of a devoted heart, that I am, forever, with 
the most affectionate respect. 

Your filial, grateful friend, 

Lafayette. 



FROM TOBIAS LEAR. 

rortsmouth, New Hampshire, 2 Juno, 1788. 

My dear Sir, 
As I know you feel deci)ly interested in the fate 



220 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

of the proposed Constitution, considering its adoption 
or rejection as deciding upon the happiness and pros- 
perity of your fellow-citizens, I shall take the liberty 
to give you an account of its present situation in this 
State, so far as I have been able to learn it from the 
best information which I can obtain ; begging, at the 
same time, that you will not answer this, or any 
other letter which I may write to you before my re- 
turn, unless something more particular (which I do 
not at present know of) should require it ; because I 
am so wxll acquainted with your numerous avocations, 
as to be sensible that you have not, especially at 
this busy season, an hour that could be conveniently 
spared. 

I was surprised to find, in conversing with some of 
the first characters here, that so little information re- 
specting the Constitution had been diffused among 
the people of this State. There have been few or no 
original publications in the papers, and scarcely any 
republications. The valuable numbers of Fublim are 
not known. The debates of the Pennsylvania and 
Massachusetts Conventions have been read but by few 
persons ; and many other pieces, which contained use- 
ful information, have never been heard of Faliiis is 
now republishing in the papers of this town; and as 
the papers under this signature are written w^ith per- 
spicuity and candor, I presume they will have a good 
effect. The enemies of the Constitution have been 
indefatigable in disseminating their opinions, person- 
ally, among the interior inhabitants of this State ; and, 
had they acted like good politicians, would effectually 
have prevented its adoption here. But, instead of 
alarming the fears of the people, by telling them that 
their immediate and individual interest would be af- 
fected by the adoption of the Constitution, they ac- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 221 

knowledged that this State would be more benefited 
thereby than any other in the Union ; but declared 
that, if the Constitution obtained, the rights and li- 
berties of all American citizens would be destroyed, 
and that the people of this State, as a part of the 
community, would suffer in the general wreck. 

This apparent disinterestedness and patriotism was 
relished for some time, and was the means of pro- 
ducing so large and unexpected an opposition in the 
last Convention. But, since that period, the friends 
to the proposed system have been at some pains to 
counteract their opponents by personal information ; 
and their success, they say, is as great as they could 
wish. For the people, upon reflecting, and duly con- 
sidering: those characters Avho had stood forth as the 
champions of the general rights of America, were 
convinced that they had been imposed upon by a 
specious parade of patriotism, and thought it highly 
absurd to pretend that the inhabitants of other States 
were not as competent to the judging of what was 
injurious to their liberties as they were, and, as they 
have more to hope and less to fear from its obtain- 
ing than almost any other State, it would be doing 
injustice to themselves not to accept it. 

This is taken to be now the general sentiment 
which prevails; and I think the friends to the Con- 
stitution would not feel so secure of its adoption as 
they do (after the unexpected opposition which they 
met with last winter), unless they were possessed of 
some certain information to ground their faith upon. 
They now only appear to be mortified, that New 
Hampshire will not make the ninth State, as it is 
probable South Carolina and Virginia will adopt it 
before them, and coming in at the tenth li<»nr, will 
rather have the appearance of sulunitting to, than ac- 
11) * 



222 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

cepting of it. The only method which can be devis- 
ed to save appearances, is to adopt it before the rati- 
fication can reach them from Virginia. This they ex- 
pect to do, as it is thought the Convention will not 
be many days in session. 

You will be so obliging as to tender my best re- 
spects to Mrs. Washington ; and believe me to be, 
with sentiments of the highest respect and warmest 
attachment, my dear Sir, &c., 

Tobias Lear. 

from benjamin lincoln. 

Boston, 3 June, 1788. 

My dear General, 

I have had the pleasure of receiving the several 
letters, answers to those which I have had the honor 
of writing to your Excellency. In one of my last, 
I suggested to your Excellency what appeared to me 
to be the temper of our last House of Representa- 
tives relative to the new Constitution, and my appre- 
hensions lest the same spirit which they possessed 
would be by them diffused through the diiferent parts 
of the State. Their professed design was to shift the 
Governor, and to appoint one, and a Lieutenant-Go- 
vernor, of their own sentiments. Hence federalism 
and antifcdcralism were pitted one against the other. 
The antifederalists were in hopes of throwing such an 
influence into the Government by a change of its 
officers, as to prevent an organization of the General 
Government by this State, should it be adopted by 
nine. 

]Mr. Hancock was put up by the federalists, and 
Mr. Gerry by the opposite party, for Governor. Mr. 
Adams and Mr. Lincoln were put up by the federal- 
ists as Lieutenant-Governor, and General Warren by 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 223 

the other party. The division of votes between 
Adams and Lincoln^ prevented a choice of Lieutenant- 
Governor by the people. They had about two thirds 
of the votes. General Warren had the greatest part 
of the remainder. As no person was chosen, the four 
gentlemen who had the most votes were, by our Con- 
stitution, candidates from whom the House must choose 
two, and send their names to the Senate, one of 
whom must be chosen by them Lieutenant-Governor. 
Adams, Warren, Gerry, and Lincoln, were the candi- 
dates. The votes for them by the people stood as 
follows; — Warren, six thousand one hundred and fifty- 
seven; Adams, three thousand four hundred and nine- 
ty-five; Gerry, six hundred and sixty-nine; Lincoln, 
ten thousand two hundred and four. Warren and Lin- 
coln were returned to the Senate. They elected Lin- 
coln, who had twenty votes out of twenty-eight. He 
accepted the trust. I hope he w^ill discharge the du- 
ties of his ofiice w^ith fidelity. 

I have been thus particular in returning the num- 
bers (as the contest, as I said before, seemed to be 
between the federalists and those of a different cha- 
racter), that you might judge of the temper of the 
people, and of the state of the parties. Federalism 
is manifestly fast gaining ground. In our last House 
of Representatives, the antifederalists could carry any 
vote they pleased; and there cannot be a doubt but, 
if it had been with them to determine the question, 
they would instantly have rejected the Constitution 
with triumpli. Li the present House it has, I am 
confident, a great majority in its favor, much greater 
than it had in the Convention. Li this State, tlie 
people are manifestly returning to that train of think- 
ing and line of duty, necessary, and indeed indis- 
pensable, t(» tlieir well-being. 



224 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Though the majority have much to do^ yet they 
must take care that they do not do too much; the 
utmost good temper and moderation must be used, 
and we must make haste slowly. On the whole, if 
we act with judgment, temper, and moderation, we 
shall, I have no doubt, in a short time, have a Go- 
vernment established, the influences of which will not 
only promote and preserve the happiness and inte- 
rest of the United States, but the beneficial effects 
of it will be enjoyed by all the different nations of 
the world. 

I wish my most dutiful respects to Mrs. Washing- 
ton, and that the children may be assured and early 
taugrht that General Lincoln loves them, and that he 
wishes they may live long, live happily, and be the 
most honored and useful among their brethren. With 
the sincerest esteem, 

I have the honor of being, my dear General, &c., 

Benjamin Lincoln. 



FROM TOBIAS LEAR. 

Portsmouth, 22 June, 1788. 

My dear Sir, 
I have the pleasure to inform you, that the Con- 
stitution was yesterday adopted by the Convention 
of this State, after a session of four days. The num- 
ber in favor of the adoption was fifty-seven ; against 
it, forty-six. The majority, though small, is very re- 
spectable, as it is pretty well ascertained, that at 
least three fourths of the property, and a larger pro- 
portion of the abilities in the State, are friendly to 
the proposed system. The opposition here, as has 
generally been the case, was composed of men who 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 225 

were involved in debt; and of consequence would be 
averse to any Government Avbicli was likely to abo- 
lish their tender laws, and cut off every hope of ac- 
complishing their favorite plan of introducing a paper 
currency. The behaviour of the minority, except a 
few, was however candid and conciliatory ; and the 
event was peculiarly pleasing to every inhabitant of 
this town and its vicinity. 

The independent companies of horse and the militia 
will assemble to-morrow to conduct his Excellency, 
President Langdon, into town; but, whether there will 
be any procession, as has been exhibited in other 
places on the occasion, I do not know, but think there 
will not. I take the liberty to inclose a copy of the 
amendments recommended by this Convention. They 
were drawn up more with a view of softening and 
conciliating the adoption to some who were moderate 
in their opposition, than from an expectation that 
they would ever be ingrafted into the Constitution. 

I hope to be at Mount Vernon some time in the 
latter part of July, or first of August. jNIy inclina- 
tion would lead me there sooner, was that alone to 
be consulted; but there are several matters to be 
settled relative to my father's estate, which require 
my attention, and which will detain me in this part 
of the Continent a few weeks longer tlian I expected. 
You will be so obliging as to give my best respects 
to Mrs. Washington; and be assured ih\\ T nm. my 
dear Sir, 

With the warmest affection and highest respect, kc, 

Tobias Li:au. 

P. 8. The Constitutinu was ratified on SatunlMV, 
at OIK,' o'clock, r. M. I am tlius particular, as A'irgi- 
nia might have ad(tpt(Ml it on the same day, aiitl, in 



226 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

that case, the hour must be known, to determine 
which was the ninth State. 



FROM JAMES MADISON. 

Eichmond, 25 June, 1788. 

Dear Sir, 
We got through the Constitution by paragraphs 
to-day. To-morrow some proposition for closing the 
business will be made. On our side a ratification, 
involving a few declaratory truths, not affecting its 
validity, will be tendered. The opposition will urge 
previous amendments. Their conversation to-day seem- 
ed to betray despair. Colonel Mason, in particular, 
talked in a style which no other sentiment could 
have produced. He held out the idea of civil con- 
vulsions, as the effects of obtruding the Government 
on the people. He was answered by several 3 and 
concluded with declaring his determination, for him- 
self, to acquiesce in the event, whatever it might be. 

Mr. H y endeavoured to gloss what had fallen 

from his friend, declared his aversion to the Constitu- 
tion to be such that he could not take the oath ; 
but that he would remain in peaceable submission to 
the result. We calculate on a majority, but a bare 
one. It is possible, nevertheless, that some adverse 
circumstance may happen. 

I am, dear Sir, in haste, &c., 

James IVL^dison, Jr. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 227 

FROM JOHN JAY. 

Poughkeepsie, 4 July, 1788. 

I congratulate you, my dear Sir, on the adoption 
of the Constitution by Virginia. That event has dis- 
appointed the expectation of opposition here, ^'hich 
nevertheless continues pertinacious. The unanimity 
of the southern district, and their apparent determina- 
tion to continue under the wings of the Union, ope- 
rate powerfully on the minds of the opposite party. 
The Constitution constantly gains advocates among 
the people, and its enemies in the Convention seem 
to be much embarrassed. 

8 July, 1788. 

We have gone through the Constitution in a Com- 
mittee of the Whole. We finished yesterday morning. 
The amendments proposed are numerous. How we are 
to consider them, is yet a question, which a day or 
two more must answer. A bill of rights has been 
offered, with a view, as they say, of having it incor- 
porated in the ratification. The ground of rejection, 
therefore, seems to be entirely deserted. We under- 
stand that a Committee will this day ])e appointed to 
arrange the amendments. We learn from Albany that 
an affray happened there, on the 4th instant, between 
the two parties, in which near thirty wore wounded, 
some few very dangerously. Fn-ni wliat I liave just 
heard, the party begins to divide in their opinions. 
Some insist on prerifm conditional amendments. A 
greater number will be satisfied witli subsequent con- 
ditional anK.Midnionts ; or, in otlior words, they are for 
ralilVin'j,- tli*.' Constitution on condition tliat certain 



228 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

amendments take place within a given time. These 
circumstances afford room for hope. With the great- 
est respect and esteem, I am, dear Sir, 

Your affectionate and humble servant, 

John Jay. 



FROM JOHN JAY. 

Pouglikeepsie, 17 July, 1788. 

Dear Sir, 

Since my arrival here, I have written you two or 
three hasty letters. Being constantly involved in 
business or company, from which it would not be 
here very practicable, or perhaps prudent, to retreat, 
I have been able to write but very little. The Con- 
vention this moment adjourned, and I am writing in 
their chamber. A question being about to be put on 
the mode of adoption (which you have seen), we mov- 
ed that the House adjourn for a month or two. It 
was yesterday carried against us. The former c[ues- 
tion was again pressed with earnestness. At that 
period Mr. M. Smith, seconded by Mr. Piatt (both of 
whom dislike the Constitution, and are classed with 
its opposers) proposed the mode of adoption, of which 
the above is a copy. Their own party were not 
pleased, and the House adjourned. 

This morning it was expected that the question to 
postpone the former plan, and proceed to the consi- 
deration of the latter, would be put. The House 
went into a Committee of the Whole, according to 
the order of the day. A long silence ensued. The 
party seemed embarrassed, fearful to divide among 
themselves, and yet many of them were averse to 
the new plan. The Coi^mittee rose, and the House 
adjourned, with very little opposition. It is difficult 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 229 

to conjecture what may be done out of doors to-day. 
I am inclined to tliink that the new plan will expel 
the other, and I wish it may ; not because I approve 
of it, but because I prefer it, as being less exception- 
able than the other. With the greatest respect and 
esteem, I am, dear Sir, 

Your affectionate and humble servant, 

John Jay. 



FROM WILLIAM TUDOR. 

Boston, 20 Julv, IIS^. 

Sir, 

The strong attachment which I know }^ou have al- 
ways felt, and in a variety of instances demonstrated, 
for the State of Massachusetts, induces me to send 
you, what is here considered an interesting pamphlet, 
which, with great impartiality, states the rise, causes, 
and happy termination of the late most alarming in- 
surrections in this Commonwealth. The author is a 
young lawyer, and Clerk to our lower House of As- 
sembly. ITe had the best sources of information ; 
and his little history carries the marks of intelligence 
and candor in every page of it. 

A suppressed rebellion always adds energy to the 
Government; and perliaps tlie late one in our State 
was a fortunate event. It is true that it cost some 
lives, and added ciglity tliousand pounds to our }>ul>- 
lic debt. But its entire extiiiction has coiiliriiKMl tln' 
Constitution, given security and stability to ]>roi)i'rlv. 
and most thoroughly tamed many turbulent spirits 
in all parts of the State. To univtMsal diseoutcid, the 
most violent party aii'minsily, ami a xcry alaniiiiig 
decline of industry aiul manufactures, have sueceedeel 
content, ([uiet and prixhutive labor. 

VOL. IV. -0 



230 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

The exports of our State exceeded the imports 
last year by two hundred and thirty thousand pounds 
and upwards. And we have now rose to be the third 
exporting State in the Confederacy. The town of 
Boston alone that year exported twelve hundred and 
thirteen thousand pounds. And it has been con- 
sidered, in another point of view, as being still more 
beneficial, from aiding the erection of the great Fe- 
deral Fabric, which was so boldly conceived in the 
General Convention at Philadelphia, and which now, 
it is beyond a doubt, will be ratified by the people. 

But it is not, I confess, so much with a design of 
furnishing you, my dear Sir, with the complete in- 
formation contained in the pamphlet, that I have tak- 
en the liberty of transmitting it, as it is from a de- 
sire of evidencing that respect and gratitude which 
I must ever personally feel for you. The early and 
particular favors I experienced from you, at a critical 
period of my life, and which continued during the 
time I was in the army, will never be forgot until I 
shall cease to consider you as the saviour of our 
country. That you may very long live to enjoy the 
honest fame, which was so arduously and nobly ac- 
quired, and which you so fully possess by the con- 
sent of all mankind, is the fervent wish of, dear Sir, 
Your most affectionate, humble servant, 

William Tudor. 



FROM HENRY KNOX. 

New York, 28 July, 1788. 

My dear Sir, 
It is with the most sincere satisfaction that I con- 
gratulate you on the unconditional adoption of the 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 231 

Constitution by the Convention of this State. The 
particulars of this important event are contained in 
this clay's paper^ herein inclosed. 

Messrs. Jay, Hamilton, and the rest of the fede- 
ralists, have derived great honor from their temperate 
and wise conduct during the tedious debate on this 
subject. Nor ought those gentlemen who were op- 
posed to the Constitution in the first instance, but 
afterwards voted for its adoption, be deprived of their 
due share of praise for their candor and wisdom in 
assuming different conduct, when it became apparent 
that a perseverance in opposition would most probably 
terminate in civil war j for such, and nothing short of 
it, were the prospects. 

We have now, thank Heaven, eleven States which 
have adopted the system. Conduct and wisdom, al- 
most superior to the lot of humanity, will l)e required 
in the first outset of the new Constitution. Congress 
will soon publish an ordinance for the necessary elec- 
tions and organization. The times of election and 
period of organization will not be difficult to be de- 
termined; but the place where they shall assemble 
will be warmly contested. The two places generally 
thought on are Philadelphia and New York. At pre- 
sent it is difficult to say in favor of wdiich it will 
be determined. A few days more will explain the 
matter. 

I shall set out in a few days I'ur the Province of 
Maine, and be absent six weeks or two months. On 
my return, I shall do myself the pleasure of address- 
ing you. I have liitherto refrained from acknowledg- 
ing the receipt of your kind favor of the ITlh of 
June, as the affairs in tlie Convention were so gloom- 
ily circumstanced. Pint it is now dissipated. Gover- 
nor T'liiiloii li;is nuist prrscveringly opposed the Con- 



232 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

stitution ; and, from being in the majority during al- 
most the whole timOj he has found himself so much 
deserted as to be in the minorit}^ A precise history 
of his conduct is difficult to be written, and must be 
left to him to explain. 

Mrs. Knox and her little family are well. She 
unites with me in presenting our affectionate respects 
to you and Mrs. Washington. I am, my dear Sir, 
Your sincere friend and humble servant, 

Henry Knox. 



FROM JAMES MADISON. 

New York, 15 August, 1788. 

Dear Sir, 
I have been duly favored with yours of the 3d in- 
stant. The length of the interval, since my last, has 
proceeded from a daily expectation of being able to 
communicate the final arrano-ements for introducino- 
the new Government. The place of meeting has 
undergone much discussion, as you conjectured, and 
still remains to be fixed. Philadelphia was first 
named, and negatived by a voice from Delaware. 
New York came forward next ; Lancaster was oppos- 
ed to it, and failed. Baltimore was next tried, and, 
to the surprise of every one, had seven votes. It 
was easy to see that that ground, had it been free 
from objection, was not maintainable. Accordingly, 
the next day New York was inserted in the place 
of it, with the aid of the vote of Rhode Island. 
Rhode Island has, however, refused to give a final 
vote in the business, and has actually retired from 
Congress. The question will now be resumed be- 
tween New York and Philadelphia. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 233 

It was much to be wished that a fit place for a 
respectable outset to the Government could be found 
more central than either. The former is inadmissible, 
if any regard is to be had to the southern or west- 
ern country. It is so with me, for another reason; 
that it tends to stop the final and permanent seat 
short of the Potomac, certainly, and probably in the 
State of New Jersey. I know this to be one of the 
views of the advocates for New York. The only 
chance the Potomac has, is to get things in such a 
train that a coalition may take place between the 
Southern and Eastern States on the subject ; and, still 
more, that - the final seat may be undecided for two 
or three years, within which period the western and 
south-western population will enter more into the es- 
timate. Wherever Congress may be, the choice, if 
speedily made, will not be sufficiently influenced by 
that consideration. In this point of view, I am of 
opinion Baltimore would have been unfriendly to the 
true object. It would have retained Congress but a 
moment (so many States being north of it, and dis- 
satisfied with it), and would have produced a coalition 
among those States to a precipitate election of the 
permanent seat, and an intermediate removal to a 
more northern position. 

You will have seen the circular letter for the Con- 
vention of this State. It has a most pestilent tend- 
ency. If an early General Convention cannot be par- 
ried, it is seriously to be feared that the system, 
which has resisted so many direct attacks, may be 
at last successfully undermined by its enemies. It is 
now, perhaps, to be wished that Rhode Island may 
not accede till this new crisis of danger 1)0 over. 
Some tiiiiik it would have been better if even New 
York had held out till the operation of the Govern- 



234 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

ment could have dissipated the fears which artifice 
had created, and the attempts resulting from those 
fears and artifices. We hear nothing yet from North 
Carolina, more than comes by the way of Petersburg. 
With the highest respect and attachment, I remain, 
dear Sir, 

Your aifectionate servant, 

James Madison, Jr. 



FROM JOHN JAY. 

New York, 21 September, 1788. 

Dear Sir, 

Your ideas relative to the diffusion of intelligence 
and useful information, by means of newspapers and 
the press, appear to me exceedingly just; nor do I 
perceive any good objection to preferring the stages 
to post-riders, for the transportation of the mail. On 
the contrary, I think the balance of advantages is 
clearly in favor of the former. 

How far it was the duty of the Post-Office to re- 
ceive and forward newspapers, is a question respect- 
ing which I confess I have doubts. If I am rightly 
informed, the post-riders were formerly permitted to 
carry newspapers on such terms as ' might be set- 
tled between them and the printers. The number of 
printers and newspapers are now so great that, if the 
latter were admitted into the mail, the expense to 
the public would be considerably enhanced; and it 
seems but reasonable that, as the printers as well as 
the public would derive much advantage from such 
a regulation, they should contribute somewhat to it. 

The direction of the Post-Office, instead of being, 
as hitherto, consigned chiefly to a Committee, and 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 235 

managed without much system, should, I think, be 
regulated by law, and put under the superintendence. 
and, in some degree, under the control, of the Execu- 
tive. The public are not well satisfied on this head, 
as matters now stand ; and there is but little reason 
to expect any important change during the existence 
of the present Government. The succeeding one will 
have an opportunity of doing a very acceptable ser- 
vice to their constituents, by regulating the Post-Of- 
fice in a proper manner; and the more of such things 
they may have to do, the better. As to what ought 
to have been the conduct of Government on the oc- 
casion, there can be no doubt. But, my dear Sir, we 
cannot expect it from such a body as Congress ; nay, 
unless personal qualities should supply the deficiency, 
I am not sure that the new Government will be 
found to rest on principles sufficiently stable to pro- 
duce a uniform adherence to Avhat justice, dignity, 
and liberal policy, may require ; for, however proper 
such conduct may be, none but great minds will al- 
ways deem it expedient. Men in general are guided 
more by conveniences than by principles. This idea 
accompanies all my reflections on the Constitution, 
and induced me to remark, to our late Convention at 
Poughkeepsie, that some of the most unpopular and 
strong parts of it appeared to me to be the most un- 
exceptionable. Government without liberty is a curse; 
but, on the other hand, liberty without Government 
is far from being a blessing. 

The opponents, in tliis State, to the Constitution, 
decrease and grow temperate. Many of them seem 
to h)nk lnr\vai'(l to another Convention rath(4' as a 
measure that will justify their opposition than pro- 
duce all the eilects they pretended to expect from it. 
I wish that measure may be adopted with a good 



236 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

grace, and without delay or hesitation. So many 
good reasons can be assigned for postponing the ses- 
sion of such a Convention for three or four years, 
that I really believe the great majority of its advo- 
cates would be satisfied with that delay; after which, 
I think we should not have much danger to appre- 
hend from it, especially if the new Government should, 
in the mean time, recommend itself to the people by 
the wisdom of its proceedings, which, I flatter myself, 
will be the case. The division of the powers of Go- 
vernment into three departments, is a great and valu- 
able point gained, and will give the people the best 
opportunity of bringing the question, whether they 
can govern themselves, to a decision in their favor. 
With the greatest esteem and regard, I am, dear Sir, 
Your affectionate and obedient servant, 

John Jay. 



FROM JAMES MADISON. 

New York, 21 October, 1788. 

Dear Sir, 

I send you the inclosed paper chiefly for the sake 
of the edict wdiich fixes on May, for the meeting of 
the States-General in France. Letters from Mr. Jeffer- 
son authenticate this document. They mention also 
the disgrace, as it is called, of the Marquis. The 
struggle at present in that kingdom, seems to be 
entirely between the monarchy and aristocracy, and 
the hopes of the people merely in the competition of 
their enemies for their favor. It is probable, however, 
that both the parties contain real friends to liberty, 
who will make events subservient to their object. 

The Count de Moustier, and the Marchioness de 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 237 

Brehan, are to set out this day for Mount Vernon. I 
take it for granted you are not only apprised of the 
intended visit, but of the time at which the guests 
may be expected. The State of Connecticut has 
made choice of Dr. Johnson and Mr. Ellsworth for 
its Senators, and have referred that of its Representa- 
tives to the people at large; every individual citi- 
zen to vote for every Representative. 

I have not heretofore acknowledged your last favor, 
nothing material having turned up for some time, 
and the purpose of Colonel Covington to see you, on 
his w^ay to Virginia, superseding all the ordinary 
communications through the epistolary channel. It 
gives me much pleasure to find, that both the oppo- 
sition, at first, and finally, the accession, to the vote 
fixing New York for the first meeting of the new 
Congress, have your approbation. My fears, that the 
measure would be made a handle of by the opposi- 
tion, are confirmed, in some degree, by my late inform- 
ation from Virginia. Mr. Pendleton, the Chancellor, 
tells me he has already met taunts from that quarter 
on this specimen of eastern equity and impartiality. 
Whether much noise will be made, will depend on 
the policy Mr. Henry may find it convenient to adopt. 
As New York is at the head of his party, he may 
be induced, 1)y that circumstance, not to make irritat- 
ing reflections ; though the fact is, the party in this 
State, which is with liim, arc supposed to be indifibr- 
ent and even secretly averse to the residence of 
Congress here. This, however, may not 1)C known to 
him. I am, dear Sir, 

Yours most respectfully and allin-tionaioly, 

Jamks ^Tadisox, Ju. 



238 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM JONATILIN TRUMBULi.. 

Lebanon, 28 October, 1788. 

My dear General, 

Nothing worthy of your notice having fallen in my 
way to communicate, since the receipt of your very 
esteemed favor of the 20th of July, I have forbore to 
trouble you with my acknowledgments therefor until 
this time ; and I can now inform that the General As- 
sembly of tliis State has lately been in session for a 
few days. After passing some resolves for organizing 
the Congress under the new Constitution, and doing 
but little other business, they were adjourned to Ja- 
nuary, the time for appointing Electors. This appoint- 
ment the Assembly have retained in their own power, 
thinking it more likely to be exercised with judg- 
ment and discretion by the Legislature than it would 
probably be, was it to be intrusted to the people at 
large. Our Senators are the Honorable William John- 
son and Oliver Ellsworth, Esquires, two very worthy 
and respectable members. The Representatives are to 
be chosen by the people before January next, in a 
mode ver}^ similar to that by which our Assistants and 
Delegates to Congress have been wont to be elected. 

The circular letter for the Convention of the State 
of New York, being among the letters which the 
Governor laid before the Assembly, had, of course, a 
reading among the other public communications. This 
was all that passed respecting it; for although we 
had, in our Assembly, the champion of our anties, 
Avith some of his principal aids, yet no one had 
hardiness enough to call up the consideration of that 
letter, or to mention one word of its subject. Thus 
passed, in silent review, that formidable communica- 
tion. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 239 

Excepting a few, very few discordant souls, whose 
inharmonious principles will never suffer them to act 
in general concert, we continue very unanimous in 
sentiment and salutary measures in this State, and 
are progressing with much cheerfulness and great 
good humor to the commencement of the new Con- 
stitution. In the choice of a President w^e have, I 
believe, no discordant voice; all minds are agreed, 
and every heart exults in the pleasing prospect of 
having their wishes so nohly gratified in this first 
great appointment. 

I wish the States were like to he as happily una- 
nimous in their Vice-President. For myself, since 
our minds seem so much to be turned towards Massa- 
chusetts for filling that ofiice, and since Mr. Adams 
is so much talked of as one, if not the first, of the 
Supreme Federal Court, I could wish to hear the 
name of Mr. Bowdoin more generally mentioned than 
it is for the Vice-Presidency. From a long knowledge 
of this gentleman, in private as well as public life, I 
am led to entertain a high veneration for his charac- 
ter. I view him as a gentleman of liberal sentiments, 
extensive knowledge, and enlarged mind — a gentle- 
man to whose wise, firm, and determined exertions, 
during the late troubles in Massachusetts, much more 
than to the studied popularity of their present Go- 
vernor, is owing the happy tranquillity which that 
State now enjoys. It would afibrd me much satis- 
faction to reflect on the aid and support, which you, 
my dear Sir, would receive IVom tlie wisdom, pru- 
dence and discretion of such a character, in the ardu- 
ous situation to which you will, ;/o?^ mmt ^^, advanced. 

ir my IVi<!nd Iliniip]u*eys (•(.iitinu(\s to reside with 
you, Sir (I mention tliis circumstance with doubt, 
because, iioni his long silence and reserve, many of 



240 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

his friends consider Mm to be dead or absconded), if 
lie should prove to be still with you, may I pray 
your Excellency to be so good as to mention to 
him the kind remembrance of his old friend T., and 
whisper in his ear that, if he should find himself not 
too fat or too indolent, his friend will be much 
pleased in hearing from him, or, at least, in hearing 
of him. 

My dear General, your very affectionate, obliged, 
and faithful friend and humble servant, 

Jonathan Trumbull. 



FROM CHARLES LEE. 

Richmond, 29 October, 1788. 

Sir, 
For a few days past, the Assembly has been en- 
gaged upon the subject of the Federal Constitution. 
The House of Delegates, in Committee, has come to 
several resolutions with respect to putting it into 
operation. One of them distributes the Common- 
wealth into ten districts, each of which is to choose 
a Representative in Congress ; and another appoints 
that there shall be twelve districts, each of which is 
to choose an Elector of the President; and every free 
man is at this election to have a vote. These mat- 
ters were introduced by Mr. Corbin, who seems to 
m.e not to have the confidence even of those who are 
friends to the fair trial of the new Government; and 
as they have made but small progress, I cannot tell 
what will become of them. For Mr. Henry to-day 
took occasion to declare, that he should oppose every 
measure tending to the organization of the Govern- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 241 

ment, unless accompanied with measures for tlie amend- 
ment of the Constitution; for which purpose he pro- 
poses that another General Convention of Deputies 
from the different States shall be held, as soon as 
practicable. 

He offered to the Committee of the Whole House 
several resolutions to be agreed to upon this point ; 
one of them, that the Legislature of Virginia should 
apply to the new Congress, expressive of the desire 
of this State, that another General Convention be im- 
mediately held to amend the Constitution. The lan- 
guage of this resolution contains a direct and inde- 
cent censure on all those who have befriended the 
new Constitution, holding them forth as the betrayers 
of the dearest rights of the people. Applying to 
the Constitution, these words are used, — "Whereby 
the most precious rights of the people, if not cancel- 
led, are rendered insecure." With some difficulty, and 
after much entreaty, Mr. Henry conceded (I use his 
expression) to suffer the resolution to lie on the 
table for consideration till to-morrow. Mr. Corbin, 
who spoke several times, but never against the re- 
solution, concluded with saying that the resolution, 
as proposed, was unobjectionable; and Zachariah John- 
son was the only member who declared his disappro- 
l)ation in positive terms. If INIr. Henry pleases, he 
will carry the resolution in its present terms, than 
which none, in my opinion, can be more exception- 
able or inflammatory; though, as he is sometimes kind 
and condescending, he may perhaps be induced to 
alter it. Tlie other resolution proposed that a Com- 
mittee should be appointed to answer the circular 
letter of New York, and, in conformity with the ol)- 
jcct of that letter, to address the Assemblies of the 
other States. 

VOL. IV. 21 



242 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

I am told Mr. Henry has publicly said, that no 
person, who wishes the Constitution to be amended, 
should vote for Mr. Madison to be in the Senate; 
and there is much reason to fear he will not be 
elected. Colonel R. H. Lee is considered as certain ; 
and Colonel Grayson is expected to be the choice 
for the Senate. 

Mr. Mayo has completed his bridge, and the great- 
er part is strong and substantial ; and this is now 
the common passage for wagons, chariots, &c., across 
the river. 

You will please to pardon the abrupt manner of 
my communication, as I have been much fatigued 
with the business of the Court, and have been much 
chagrined with the conduct of the federalists in the 
Assembly, who seem, in general, to stand in fear of 
their opponents. I remain, with every consideration 
of respect and esteem. Sir, 

Your most obedient, humble servant, 

Charles Lee. 



FROM HENRY KNOX. 

New York, 21 December, 1788. 

It is a long time, my dear Sir, since I have had 
the pleasure of addressing you, owing to my having 
been into Massachusetts and the Province of Maine, 
during the period of the last four months. I have 
received your favor, inclosing some foreign applications 
for admission into the Cincinnati. These papers are 
placed on the files of the Society, but cannot be 
acted on until the next general meeting, to be held 
in 1792. 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 243 

In the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, 
and Connecticut, the great object of organizing the 
new Constitution, engrosses the attention of the peo- 
ple. It is with sincere satisfaction that I can assert, 
from personal observation, that the affection for the 
new system is increasing in these States, and that it is 
daily becoming highly popular. The Senators of those 
States are characters calculated to inspire confidence 
in the new Government, and are all highly federal. 
I am persuaded the Eepresentatives will generally, if 
not entirely, be of the same description. As to Rhode 
Island, the majority are in such a train that nothing 
good can at present be expected from them; their 
paper money system and tender laws are sufficiently 
characteristic of their pursuits. New York are also 
laboring under errors of conduct; but, from the pow- 
erful party in favor of the new system, something 
may be hoped from their ensuing elections. New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland are 
right. The late choice of Representatives in Pennsyl- 
vania, may be considered as a new and fair appeal 
to the people, as it respects their approbation of the 
new Government. Although the party in favor of 
their local Constitution have been brought to operate 
against the General Constitution, yet it appears the 
majority of the people are its firm supporters. 

Mr. John Adams will probably have the plurality 
of votes for Vice-President. From his principles of 
government, as well as his professions of regard to 
the character universally decided on for the President, 
he will probaljly make a good Vice-President. 

^lajor Haskell, who is going to Europe, is very 
solicitous to obtain your Excellency's certificate of his 
services. lie sustained the character of a brave and 
good oniccr, and at present Ik* supports llie reputa- 



244 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

tion of a good citizen. It is with diffidence I ask 
this certificate ; but the request is made under such 
auspices, I cannot avoid it. 

Our three youngest children have lately had the 
measles, and are, we hope, safely through the disor- 
der. Our eldest children, Lucy and Harry, are about 
sickening with it. Mrs. Knox presents her respects 
to you, and unites with me in presenting our re- 
spects to Mrs. Washington. I am, dear Sir, 

Your affectionate friend and humble servant, 

Henry Knox. 



FROM JAMES MADISON. 

Orange, 12 January, 1789. 

Dear Sir, 

Your favor of the 2d instant, with the letters at- 
tending it, never came to hand till last evening. I 
have good reason to believe, that the delay happened 
between Alexandria and Fredericksburg, rather than 
at or from the latter place. Mr. IMaury pays particu- 
lar attention to all letters which arrive there for me, 
and forwards them to Orange by opportunities, which 
are frequent and safe. I apprehend there will be no 
impropriety in committing a confidential letter to that 
channel. As an additional precaution, I wdll desire 
him to be particularly attentive to every letter which 
may have your name on it. 

I have heard from two only of the returns from 
the electoral districts, the one in favor of Mr. Gil- 
christ, the other of General Stephen. He succeeded 
against Colonel Cabel by a majority of eighty-two 
votes. He owes his success to the coalition between 
the two parties in Spotsylvania. My situation is un- 
favorable for intelligence from the State at large, and 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 245 

therefore I can say little of the prospects as to the 
February election. I fear, from the vague accounts 
which circulate, that the federal candidates are too 
likely to stand in the way of one another. This is 
not the case, however, in my district. The field is 
left entirely to Monroe and myself The event of 
(jur competition will probably depend on the part to 
1)0 taken by two or three descriptions of people, 
whose decision is not known, if not yet to be ulti- 
mately formed. I have pursued my pretensions much 
farther than I premeditated; having not only made 
great use of epistolary means, but actually visited 
two counties, Culpepper and Louisa, and publicly con- 
tradicted the erroneous reports propagated against me. 
It has been very industriously inculcated, that I am 
dogmatically attached to the Constitution in every 
clause, syllable, and letter ; and therefore not a single 
amendment will be promoted by my vote, either from 
conviction or a spirit of accommodation. This is the 
report most likely to affect the election, and most 
difficult to be combated with success, within the li- 
mited period. There is a number of others, however, 
which are auxiliaries to it. With my respectful com- 
pliments to Mrs. Washington, and the others of your 
family, I remain, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient and affectionate servant, 

James Madison, Jk. 



FROM THOMAS MARSHALL. 

Favetto Coiintv, 12 Fobruarv, 1789.* 



Dl'AR ({eNKRAL, 

The nature of llio sultjeci upon wliidi I do myself 



Fayette county was a part of the present State of Kentucky. 



246 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

the honor to address you, will, I hope, be admitted as 
an excuse for the trouble of reading this letter. The 
political situation of this western country appears to 
me to be something critical, and therefore I have un- 
dertaken, though reluctantly, to give you a state of 
facts preceding our present situation, so far as they 
have fallen within my knowledge. 

In the spring of 1787, General Wilkinson w^ent to 
New^ Orleans with a cargo of tobacco, &c., and was 
requested by the Governor of that place to give his 
sentiments freely, in writing, respecting the political 
interest of Spain, and the Americans of the United 
States inhabiting the w^estern waters. This he did in 
an essay, as he calls it, contained in about fifteen or 
twenty sheets of paper. I saw the Governor's letter 
to him, acknowledging the receipt of it, and inform- 
ing him that he would lay it before the King of 
Spain. A copy of this essay he produced, and read 
in our late Convention held for the district ; and, as 
well as my memory (which I acknowdedge is not 
very accurate) serves me, the substance of it is as 
follow^s. 

lie urges our natural right of following the cur- 
rent of rivers, flowing through our country into the 
sea. He states the extent of our country, the rich- 
ness of our soil, abounding in choice productions pro- 
per for foreign markets, to which w^e have no means 
of conveying them, should the Mississippi be shut up 
against us. He states the advantages Spain might 
derive from allowing us the free use- of that river. 
He goes on to show the rapid population of this 
country, and the eagerness with which every indi- 
vidual looks forward to that navigation. He states 
the general abhorrence with wdiich the people of the 
western waters received the intelligence, that Con- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 247 

gress was about to sacrifice their dearest interest by 
ceding to Spain tlie navigation of the INIississippi for 
twenty-five or tliirty years, and represents it as a fact, 
that they are on the point of separating themselves 
totally from the Union on that account. He addresses 
himself to their fears by a pompous display of our 
force, and urges that, should Spain be so blind to 
her true interest as to refuse us an amicable partici- 
pation in the navigation of that river, and thereby 
fjrce us into violent measures, " Great Britain stands 
with her arms extended ready to receive us," and as- 
sist our efforts for the accomplishment of that object; 
and quotes a conversation he had a few years ago 
with a member of the British Parliament to that ef- 
fect. 

He states the flicility with which their Province 
of Louisiana might be invaded by the united forces 
of the British and Americans, by means of the river 
Illinois, and the practicability of proceeding from 
thence to their Province of New Mexico, it not being 
more than twenty days. Britain, he says, will, in 
that case, aim at the possession of Louisiana and New 
Orleans for herself, and leave the freedom of the na- 
vigation to America ; and urges, pretty forcibly, the 
great danger the Spanish interest in North America 
would be in from the British power, should that na- 
tion possess herself of the mouth of the Mississippi, 
and thereby hold the two grand portals of North 
America, that river and the St. Lawrence; and con- 
dudes with an apology for the freedom with which 
he has treated the subject, and adds that it has, at 
their own particular request, been drawn from a man 
"whose head may err, ])ut wliose heart cannot de- 
ceive." 

This essav has, T am tnhl, been hud before the 



248 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Court of Madrid ; and, as a violent separation from 
the United States seems to be laid down as the 
groundwork upon which every other consequence de- 
pends, I think, probably, has produced instructions 
from that Court to the Spanish resident at Congress, 
if the western country should declare itself separate 
from the Union, to avail himself of that event. I 
found this conjecture upon Mr. Brown's confidential 
letters from Congress to his friends in this district. 
Some of those letters I have seen.'^ He mentions 
that, in a private conversation which he had with 
Don Gardoqui, he was informed that so long as this 
country remained a part of the Union, we had nothing 
to expect from Spain ; but, were we to declare our- 
selves separate from, and independent of the United 
States, he was authorized to treat with us respecting 
commerce and the navigation of the Mississippi. Mr. 
Brown having returned from Congress, was called upon, 
in conversation, in November last, to give such inform- 
ation respecting our affairs in Congress as might be 
proper for us to know. He told me that he did not 
think himself at liberty to mention what past in pri- 
vate conversation between himself and Don Gardoqui 
respecting us. But this much, in general, he would 
venture to inform us, that, provided we were united 
in our counsels, every thing we could wish for was 
within our reach, — meaning, as it appeared fully to 
me, that if we would assume government, and declare 
separate from the Union, Spain would give us every 
indulgence we could ask for. 

About this time arrived from Canada the famous 
Dr. (now Colonel) Connolly .f His ostensible busi- 

* Mr. John Brown, Delegate in Congress from Virginia, and after- 
wards Senator from Kentucky, 
■j- See AVashington's AVritings, Vol. HI- p- 212. 



PKIVATE LETTERS. 249 

ness was to inquire after, and repossess himself of, 
some lands lie formerly held at the Falls of the Ohio; 
but I believe that his real business was to sound 
the disposition of the leading men of this district re- 
specting this Spanish business. He knew that both 
Colonel Shuter and myself had given it all the oppo- 
sition in the Convention we were able to do; and, 
before he left the district, paid us a visit, though 
neither of us had the honor of the least acquaint- 
ance with him. He was introduced by Colonel John 
Campbell, formerly a prisoner taken by the Indians, 
and confined in Canada, who previously informed us 
of the proposition he was about to make. He (Con- 
nolly) presently entered upon his subject; urged the 
great importance the navigation of the Mississippi 
must be of to the inhabitants of the western waters; 
showed the absolute necessity of our possessing it ; 
and concluded with assurances that, were we disposed 
to assert our right respecting that navigation. Lord 
Dorchester'*" was cordially disposed to give us power- 
ful assistance ; that his Lordship had, I think lie said, 
four thousand British troops in Canada, besides two 
regiments at Detroit, and could furnish us with arms, 
ammunition, clothing, and money ; that, with this as- 
sistance, we might possess ourselves of New Orleans, 
fortify the Balize at the mouth of the river, and 
keep possession, in spite of the utmost efforts of 
Spain, to the contrary. He made very confident pro- 
fessions of Lord Dorchester's wishes to cultivate tlie 
most friendly intercourse with the people of this 
country, and of his own desire to become serviceable 
to us; and witli so much seeming sincerity, that, had 
I not Ijefore been acciuaintcd with his cliaractcr as a 



(jovcrnnr of Canada. 



250 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

man of intrigue and artful address^ I should, in all 
probability, have given him my confidence. 

I told him that the minds of the people of this 
country were thoroughly prejudiced against the Bri- 
tish, not only from circumstances attending the late 
war, but from a persuasion that the Indians were 
at this time stimulated by them against us ; and that, 
so long as those savages continued to commit such 
horrid cruelties on our defenceless frontiers, and were 
received as friends and allies by the British at De- 
troit, it would be impossible for them to be convinc- 
ed of the sincerity of Lord Dorchester's offers, let his 
professions be ever so strong ; and that, if his Lord- 
ship would have us believe him really disposed to be 
our friend, he must begin by showing his disapproba- 
tion of the ravages of the Indians. He admitted the 
justice of my observations, and said he had urged the 
same to his Lordship before he left Canada. He de- 
nied that the Indians are stimulated against us by 
the British, and says that Lord Dorchester observed 
that the Indians are free and independent nations, 
and have a right to make peace and war as they 
think fit, and that he could not with propriety inter- 
fere. He promised, however, on his return to Canada, 
to repeat his arguments to his Lordship on the sub- 
ject, and hopes, he says, to succeed. At taking his 
leave, he begged very politely the favor of our cor- 
respondence. We both promised him, provided he 
would begin it, and devise a means of carrying it 
on. He did not tell me that he was authorized by 
Lord Dorchester to make us these offers in his name, 
nor did I ask him; but General Scott informs me 
that he told him that his Lordship had authorized 
him to use his name in this business. 

It appears plain to me that the offers of Lord Dor- 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 251 

Chester, as well as those of Spain, are foimcled on a 
supposition that it is a fact that we are about to se- 
parate from the Union ; else, why are those offers not 
made to Congress? We shall, I fear, never be safe 
from the machinations of our enemies, as well inter- 
nal as external, until we have a separate State, and 
are admitted into the Union as a federal member. I 
have the honor to be, with the most respectful esteem 
and regard. 

Your most obedient and very humble servant, 

Tiio:^iAS Marshall/**- 



FROM JAMES MADISON. 

riiihdulphia, 8 March, KsO. 

Dear Sir, 
We arrived here yesterday evening, where we have 
met with Mr. Dawson, just from New York. When 
he left it, eighteen Representatives and eight Senators 
had assembled. It is not certain, when the deficiencies 
will be made up. The most favorable conjectures 
postpone it to Monday sennight. The members at- 
tending are chiefly from the eastward. I do not learn 
that a single member, except ^Ir. White, is from a 
State south of Pennsylvania, unless, indeed, Dr. Tucker 
is to be included in the exception. The New Jer- 
sey Representatives are not yet announced. Mr. 
Clark, it is supposed, will lie one, Mr. Cadwalader, 
y\\\ Roudinut, and .Mr. Siliiuciiiaii, are talked of as 
the others. 

I find that the coniniuiiicatiun, made tu ynii ri"m 



* Sec the subject of this Utter fully ili.>^cusscil in lUitlcr's History of 
Kentucky, Chapter XI. 



252 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

Kentucky^ corresponds with an official letter to Con- 
gress from Governor St. Clair, which speaks of the 
same emissary, and the same errand. Notice has 
been transmitted of the affair to the Executive of 
Congress, in order that regular steps may be taken, 
if sufficient ground be afforded, for apprehending the 
incendiary. The project of G. M n for establish- 
ing a colony beyond the Mssissippi is also going on. 
It is the opinion of Mr. Brown, as explained to Mr. 
Griffin, that emigrations to the Spanish territory will 
be enticed from Kentucky, as rapidly as the allure- 
ments of the latter place have obtained them from 
the Atlantic States. All these circumstances point 
out the conduct, which the new Government ought 
to pursue, with regard to the w^estern country and 
Spain. 

I dropped you a line from Baltimore, mentioning 
the unanimity of the electoral votes of South Caro- 
lina and Georgia, for a President, and the manner in 
which the secondary votes were disposed of 

I am, dear Sir, your truly affectionate, 

James Madison, Jk. 



FROM JAMES MADISON. 

New York, 19 March, 1789. 

Dear Sir, 
On our arrival here, we found that the number of 
Representatives on the spot had been stationary from 
the second day of the meeting. Mr. Page, Mr. Lee, 
and myself raised it to twenty-one ; and Mr. S. Grif- 
fin and Mr. Moore have been since added. The num- 
ber of attending Senators continues at eight. When 
a quorum will be made up in either House, rests 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 253 

on vague conjecture, rather than on any precise in- 
formation. It is not improbable, I think, that the 
present week will supply the deficiency in one, if 
not both of them. The States most convenient are 
among the defaulters. It will not be known, I am 
told, in this State, who the Representatives are, till 
some time next month. The federal party calculate 
on an equal division of the six -, Mr. Laurence for 
the city district ; Mr. Floyd for the Long Island dis- 
trict ; and Mr. Benson for a third. 

In New Jersey the election has been conducted in 
a very singular manner. The law having fixed no 
time expressly for closing the polls, they have been 
kept open three or four Aveeks in some of the coun- 
ties, by a rival jealousy between the eastern and 
western divisions of the State ; and it seems uncer- 
tain when thev would have been closed, if tlie Go- 
vernor had not interposed by fixing on a day for 
receiving the returns, and proclaiming the successful 
candidates. The day is past, but I have not heard 
the result. The western ticket, in fivur of Schure- 
man, Boudinot, Cadwalader, Sennickson (if this is the 
name), is supposed to have prevailed ; but an im- 
peachment of the election, by the unsuccessful com- 
petitors, has been talked of Two of the Bepresenta- 
tives from Massachusetts are also unknown to us. 
In one of the districts, it is supposed that a dis- 
affected man has prevailed. 

A British packet has long ]»eon expei-ted, and is 
not yet arrived. Tlie state of foreign news remains 
of consequence little altered. The accounts of latest 
date, through otlier cliannels, sliow, tliat tho progress 
in France towards a Constitutional esta])lislnnent, is 
unchecked, and that a coalition between tlic^ Ki"g 
and the Commons, against the nobility and clergy, 

VOL. iv. 22 



254 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

will direct the innovations. With respectful compli- 
ments to Mrs. Washington and the rest of the family, 
I am, dear Sir, 

Truly and affectionately, your obedient servant, 

James Madison, Je: 



FROM RICHARD HENRY LEE. 

New York, 6 April, 1789. 

Dear Sir, 

On the Sunday sennight after leaving Mount Ver- 
non, I arrived here, where, to my surprise, I found 
that a quorum of the Senate was not assembled, and 
but a small majority of Representatives. 

On this day we went to business • and, to my very 
great satisfaction, I heard a unanimous A^ote of the 
electing States in favor of calling you to the honor- 
able office of President of the United States. Before 
this period, I judged it might not be acceptable to 
speak my sentiments to joii on this subject. But 
now, I hope I may be permitted to express my ar- 
dent hope, that your inclinations may correspond with 
the united wish of America, that you should preside 
over those councils which you have so greatly con- 
tributed to render independent. Indeed, I am sure 
that the public happiness, which I know you have so 
much at heart, will be very insecure without your 
acceptance. 

The two Houses feel the necessity of proceeding 
to the preparation of some important business, that 
it may be in all possible forwardness against your 
arrival; that of securing the impost on the spring 
arrivals, seems to be the most pressing. An express 
goes also to Mr. Adams immediately, to inform him 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 255 

of his election to the office of Vice-President. I pray 
to be remembered affectionately to your lady and 
the family at Mount Vernon. With every sentiment 
of respect, I am, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

Richard IIexry Lee.^-*- 



FROM GOUVERNEUR MORHIS. 

Paris, 29 April, 1789. 

Dear Sir, 

I had the pleasure to write to you a short letter 
on the 3d of last month. Monsieur de Lafayette is 
since returned from his political campaign in Au- 
vergne, crowned with success. He had to contend 
with prejudices, and the interests of his order, and 
with the influence of the Queen and Princes (except 
the Duke of Orleans) ; but he was too able for his 
opponents. He played the orator with as much eclat 
as ever he acted the soldier, and is at this moment 
as much envied and hated as his heart could wish. 
He is also much beloved by the nation ; for he stands 
forward as one of the principal champions for lier 
rights. 

The elections are finished througliout this kingdom, 
except in the capital ; and it appears, from the instruc- 
tions given to the Ptcpresentativcs (called here ks Cu- 
hiers) tliat certain points are universally demanded, 
which, wlicn granted and secured, will render France 
perfectly free, as to the i»rinciples of the Constitution. 
I say the imnciplcs, tor one geuoratiou at Iciist, will 



• AVasliinrrton was i!iaii;jurat('(l Pri^idiMit of the United States on the 
noth of April, in New York. 



256 LETTEllS TO WASHINGTON. 

be required to render the practice familiar. We have, 
I think; every reason to wish that the patriots may 
be successful. The generous wish that a free people 
must have to disseminate freedom, the grateful emo- 
tion which rejoices in the happiness of a benefactor, 
and a strong personal interest as well in the liberty 
as in the power of this country, all conspire to make 
us far from indifferent spectators. 

I say that we have an interest in the liberty of 
France. The leaders here are our friends. Many of 
them have imbibed their principles in America, and 
all have been fired by our example. Their opponents 
are by no means rejoiced at the success of our revo- 
lution, and many of them are disposed to form con- 
nections of the strictest kind wdtli Great Britain. 
The commercial treaty emanated from such disposi- 
tions^ and, according to the usual course of those 
events which are shaped by human wisdom, it will 
probably produce the exact reverse of what was in- 
tended by the projectors. The spirit of this nation 
is at present high, and M. Necker is very popular; 
but if he continues long in the administration, it will 
be somewhat wonderful. His enemies are numerous, 
able, and inveterate. His supporters are indifferent 
as to his fite, and will protect him no longer than 
while he can aid in establishing a Constitution. But, 
when once that great business is accomplished, he 
wdll be left to stand on his own ground. The Court 
wish to get rid of him, and unless he shows himself 
very strong in the States-General, they will gratify 
their wishes. His ability as a Minister will be much 
contested in that Assembly ; but with what success, 
time only can determine. 

The materials for a revolution in this country are 
very indifferent. Everybody agrees that there is an 



PRIVATE LETTERS. 257 

utter prostration of morals ; but this general position 
can never convey to an American mind the degree 
of depra^dty. It is not by any figure of rhetoric, or 
force of language, that the idea can be communicated. 
A hundred anecdotes, and a hundred thousand ex- 
amples, are required to show the extreme rottenness 
of every member. There are men and women who are 
greatly and eminently virtuous. I have the pleasure 
to number many in my own acquaintance. But they 
stand forward from a background deeply and darkly 
shaded. It is. however, from such crumbling* matter 
that the great edifice of freedom is to be erected 
here. Perhaps, like the stratum of rock, which is 
spread under the whole surface of their country, it 
may harden when exposed to the air; but it seems 
(juite as likely that it will fall and crush the builders. 
I own to }'ou that I am not Avithout such appre- 
hensions, fur there is one fatal principle which per- 
vades all ranks. It is, a perfect indillerence to the 
violation of engagements. Inconstancy is so mingled 
in the blood, marrow, and very essence of this peo- 
ple, that when a man of high rank and importance 
laughs to-day at what he seriously asserted yesterday, 
it is considered as in the natural order of things. 
Consistency is a phenomenon. Judge, then, what 
would 1)0 the value of an association, should such a 
thing be proposed, and even adopted. Tlie great 
mass of tlic common people have no religion but their 
priests, no law but their superiors, no morals but 
their interest. These arc tln^ creatures who, led by 
drunken curates, arc now in the high road a la Ubcrte, 
and the first use they make of it is to form insur- 
rections everywhere for tlu^ want of bread. Wo b.no 
liad a little riot here yesterday and the day bcloro, 
an<l 1 am told that sonn* men have been kiUed : I'Ut 



258 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

the affair was so distant from tlie quarter in which I 
reside, that I know nothing of the particulars. 

I am almost at the bottom of my paper, without 
mentioning what I at first intended. Six days ago I 
got from the maker your watch, with two copper 
keys, and one golden one, and a box containing a 
spare spring and glasses, all which I have delivered 
to Mr. Jefferson, who takes charge of them for you. 
I am, &c., GouvERNEUR Morris. 



FROM PHILIP SCHUYLER. 

Albany, 2 May, 1789. 

Dear Sir, 

By yesterday's post we were advised of your Ex- 
cellency's arrival at New York; and if a variety of 
incidents did not concur to prevent me, I should 
have the honor, in person, to congratulate you on the 
gratitude and confidence which you so eminently ex- 
perience from United America. 

Until the adoption of the present system of Na- 
tional Government, it was a constant and a painful 
reflection to every patriot, that the inefficacy of the 
late Confederation threatened to deprive America of 
those blessings, for which she was greatly indebted to 
your persevering exertions, in surmounting the obsta- 
cles which were opposed to her becoming independ- 
ent. And permit me to assure you that the distress 
of my feelings was infinitely increased, from a con- 
templation of what I could realize must be yours on 
the sad occasion. 

But anxiety is now at an end. The impending 
clouds are dispelled, and a happy prospect is present- 
ed to the view. For why should we doubt that the 
Divine hand, which has so evidently interfered in 
favor of America, and so remarkably assisted and con- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 259 

ducted you in every stage of life, vvill continue to 
guide and direct you in your endeavours for the hap- 
piness of your country ? Let me join my ^vish to 
the universal one, that health, happiness, and every 
blessing, may be your portion. I am, dear Sir, ^vith 
affectionate and sincere esteem and respect. 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

Philip Schuyler. 



FROM BENJAJSIIN LINCOLN. 

Boston, 23 May, 1780. 

My dear General, 

I was early convinced, upon your Excellency's re- 
tirement from public life, that too much of your time, 
for your own happiness, was engrossed by a corres- 
pondence as extensive as is the knowledge of let- 
ters, and by the frequent visits of people throughout 
the equally extended limits. An idea that these vi- 
sits Avere multiplied by the ease with which people 
obtained letters of introduction to your Excellency, 
has restrained me from giving such letters but in a 
few instances, lest I should be instrumental in aihl- 
ing to your cares, and breaking in upon your domes- 
tic tranquillity. At this day, Sir, I ought to be mort' 
upon my guard than ever, as your burdens are nuU- 
tiplied, and as your Avhole time must be engrossed 
by the important calls of your elevated office. Whik^ 
under this conviction, I liopc and trust that I sliall 
not exceed the bounds of propriety. I consider, how- 
ever, that tliere arc instances, which to neglect wouhl 
]n) highly cviiniiud, and might justly lie considered :is 
a neglect of duty to your Excellency and to the 
public. Such I consider th(^ instance now before me. 

This letter will be honorrtl by its being borne by 
the Honorable George Cabot. Feeling, as all others 



260 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

do, an esteem for and obligations to your Excellency, 
he intends to wait upon you and express them. I 
hope his business will permit him to remain a little 
time with you, for I am sure your Excellency will 
find him a gentleman, in all respects perfectly agree- 
able. From his abilities, his integrity, his knowledge 
of the world, of commerce in general, and its connec- 
tions with the different nations, our interest with them 
and with each other, I cannot help considering him 
an honor to our country, and one of the most able 
and useful men in it. He has been drawn into pub- 
lic life ; but we have not had influence enough to 
retain him. If your Excellency should have time to 
open with him on the state of trade here, on its fo- 
reign and domestic connections, you will receive a 
very judicious relation; and such a one as will be 
pleasing, and throw light on the interesting and im- 
portant subject, and as free from personal views and 
those local prejudices wdiich have so often clogged 
our public proceedings and given a false coloring to 
them, as from any man I know on earth. 

Fearing that he would call, as thousands of others 
must do, without being particularly known, I have 
taken the liberty to beg it as a favor that he would 
take charge of this letter, and deliver it with his 
own hand. I have been urged to this from the full- 
est conviction that the happiness arising from an in- 
terview would be reciprocal. Captain Brown, formerly 
of Glover's regiment, and who was with your Excel- 
lency at Trenton, now a very respectable merchant 
in this State, will accompany Mr. Cabot. I have the 
honor of being, with the most perfect esteem, my 
dear General, 

Your Excellency's most obedient, &c., 

Benjamin Lincoln. 



OFFICIAL AND miVATE. 261 

FllOM THOMAS MARSHALL. 

Woodford County, 2G June, 1789. 

Dear General, 

Your Excellency's letter, dated the 27tli of ^March 
last, came safe to hand, and I have the honor to as- 
sure you that I will observe the contents of it with 
all the care and attention in my power. The part I 
took in the business I had the honor to inform you 
of, has deprived me of the confidence of all those 
gentlemen concerned. It is however scarcely possi- 
ble, that a matter of that extensive importance can 
be conducted to any dangerous crisis, without my dis- 
covering something of it, time enough to give you 
the necessary information. In the mean time, my vigi- 
lance shall not sleep. 

Should your Excellency find it necessary to honor 
mo with your commands, they will find a safe con- 
veyance by being sent under cover to my son, Jolm 
Marsliall, in Ilichmond, to whom I shall write for 
that purpose. 

Permit me. Sir, to express my extreme happiness 
on account of your Excellency's acceptance of the 
Presidency of the United States; an event the more 
to be rejoiced at, as it Ijids fair, at this critical time, 
for tlie reconcilement of all parties. It strongly im- 
presses on my mind ilie trutli of what was propheti- 
cally said from the puli)it. on the commencement of 
the former French war, '• tliat Providence liad sent 
you into tlie world to be tlie salvation of America." 
May (lod Idess and pros[.(n- you ! is the prayer of 
liini, wlio has iho lionor to ho, with the most re- 
.-[Hctlul regard. 

\n[\v IvMM'llcncy's most obiMJimt, humble servant, 

Thomas Maushall. 



262 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM HENRY LEE. 

Stratford, 1 July, 1789. 

My dear General, 

Although the exalted station^ which your love of 
us and our love of you has placed you in, calls for 
change in mode of address, yet I cannot so quickly 
relinquish the old manner. Your military rank holds 
its place in my mind, notwithstanding your civic glo- 
ry ; and, whenever I do abandon the title which used 
to distinguish you, I shall do it with awkwardness. 

The affectionate and decided regard, demonstrated 
to your person and character, on your tour to New 
York, has diffused pure and sincere joy among every 
class of people in the circle of my intelligence. Nor 
has any individual more heartily enjoyed the testimo- 
nials exhibited by my fellow-citizens than myself; be- 
cause it manifests honor, truth, and gratitude in the 
body politic, and because such spontaneous and dis- 
interested effusions of respect and attachment must 
convey a reward the most grateful of all others to your 
feelings. Having gone through your inauguration, 
and consequently in some degree shielded by the du- 
ties of office from the display of affection and respect, 
which your arrival in New York must have produced, 
I venture to yield to the entreaties of my heart, of- 
ten before resisted, to offer my congratulations on your 
auspicious acceptance of the administration of the Na- 
tional Government. My reluctance to trespass a mo- 
ment on your time would have operated to a farther 
procrastination of my wishes, had not I been roused 
above every feeling of ceremony by the heart-rending 
intelligence, received yesterday, that your life was de- 
spaired of Had I had wings in the moment, I should 
have wafted myself to your bedside, only again to 
see the first of men ; but alas ! despairing as I was, 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 263 

from the account received, after the affliction of one 
day and night, was I made most happy by receiving 
a letter, now before me from Xcav York, announcing 
the restoration of your health. May Heaven preserve 
it ! 

Next to the felicity of the nation, I confess I have 
no object more interesting to me than your health 
and happiness. I pray, as I ever have done, that 
your return to public life may be commensurate to 
your intentions and to our expectations. Greater 
good to the people of the United States cannot be 
asked for. To give complete success to your admi- 
nistration appears to me impracticable, unless national 
harmony is soon restored. The political schism, which 
divides our countrymen, is, I fear, deep planted in 
the minds of many leading characters; and, however 
respect to a majority and alTection to the President 
may quiet them now, yet, on the first inviting occa- 
sion, the spirit of opposition will show itself strongly. 
To deprive it of the means of operating with effect 
should be, I conceive, the leading object of the friends 
to government. It is practicable to prevent your ene- 
my from injuring you, although it may be impossi- 
ble to render liim your friend. Therefore, instead of 
striving to court tlie good will of opposition, by im- 
proper concessions, I would disarm them, by comply- 
ing with the rational views of the advocates for 
amendments spontaneously. Tlie IFuuse of Ilepresonta- 
tivcs, to wliom these remarks ai)i)ly, if they follow 
tlie plan Avliich seems to be contemplated by some of 
llicir mombers, Avill, T tliink, accomplish this great 
g'Hxl. If it is nut d()n(.^ under your auspices, it will 
uvyvT be eftected ; and, if never eftectcd, wc shall be 
a divided, disln^ssiMi pcopb*. 

Among the dinicullies which encompass you, I prc- 
sumr ilin^. which How from the nomination to nn].'-\ 



264 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

v/ill be tlie most irksome. The public good being 
your guide, all that you can want will be just in- 
formation. Herein consists the danger of committing 
error, because you must unavoidably depend on the 
knowledge of others too often. When the commer- 
cial arrangements shall be settled, and it may become 
necessary to make the appointments, I beg leave to 
mention to you a young man of excellent private 
character, and brought up in the naval office, Mr. 
Richard Marshall Scott, of Alexandria, who wishes to 
continue in public employ. He is descended from 
poor though honest parents, and has no chance for suc- 
cess in his application but from his own merit. His 
character will bear the strictest scrutiny, and his con- 
duct for seven jesivs in the office of South Potomac, 
as Deputy Naval Officer at the port of Alexandria, 
meets wdth unanimous applause from the merchants 
as w^ell as from his superiors. 

Having touched on this delicate subject, I cannot 
help naming to you another gentleman, to whose 
character, in war and in peace, you are no stranger, 
and wiiose situation and manner of life seem to fit 
him for public employment. I mean Colonel Carring- 
ton. He dislikes to solicit for office, but I am per- 
suaded would be happy in being honored with an 
appointment, wdienever you should consider it proper 
to call him into service. I am sure you will consider 
these communications merely as information, and there- 
fore they cannot be unacceptable to you. Will you 
be pleased to present Mrs. Lee and me in the most 
respectful manner to your lady, and to accept. Sir, a 
repetition of the unceasing respect and regard of 
your faithful and affectionate 

Friend and humble servant, 

Henry Lee. 



OFFICIAL AND rKIVATE. 265 

FROM DAVID STUART. 

Abingdon, 14 July, 1789. 

Dear Sir^ 

Being just returned from a journey to tlie lower 
parts of the State, I am much distressed to find your 
indisposition has been much more severe than ap- 
peared from the public papers. I hope I may now con- 
gratulate you on your perfect recovery. Though you 
were pleased, at your departure, to desire to hear from 
me occasionally, yet, knowing how much you are op- 
pressed in this way, it w^as not my intention to increase 
your list of correspondents, unless business required 
it, or I had some information of the public opinion 
respecting the operations of the Government to com- 
municate, which, if not useful or important, might be 
satisfactory. Both these motives concur in dictating 
the present address. 

Nothing could equal the ferment and disquietude 
occasioned by the proposition respecting titles. As it 
is believed to have originated from Mr. Adams and 
Mr. Lee, they are not only unpopular to an extreme, 
but highly odious. Neither, I am convinced, will ever 
get a vote from this State again. As I consider it 
very unfortunate for the Government, that a person 
in the second oflice should be so unpopular, I have 
been nuidi concerned at the clamor and abuse against 
him. IV'i'haps I feel it more sensibly, from being re- 
minded of my insignificant exertions for him as an 
elector. Tlie opponents to tlie Government aflect to 
smile at it, and consider it as a verification of tlieir 
prophecies ahout tlie t(Mulem;y of the Government. 
Mr. Henry's description ol' it, that "it squinted to- 
wards iiioii.'irchy," is iu every mouth, and has esta- 
blished him in the general o[)iiiioii as a true pro[iliet. 

It has given me much pleasant to liear eveiy part 
of your conduct spoke of with high approbation, and 

VOL. IV. 23 



266 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

particularly your dispensing with ceremony occasion- 
ally, and walking the streets ; while Adams is never 
seen but in his carriage and six* As trivial as this 
may appear, it appears to be more captivating to the 
generality, than matters of more importance. Indeed, 
I believe the great herd of mankind form their judg- 
ments of characters, more from such slight occurrences, 
than those of greater magnitude ; and perhaps they 
are right, as the heart is more immediately consulted 
with respect to the former, than the latter, and an 
error of judgment is more easily pardoned, than one 
of the heart. I find the Senate in general to be un- 
popular, and much censured for keeping their doors 
shut. Nor do they appear more fortunate for their 
disagreement with the lower House, on the subject 
of a discrimination. I can only say, that I think, 
from what I have been able to learn, it would be a 
measure highly grateful to every part of this State 
but the British merchants. But it may, possibly, be 
founded more in prejudice and resentment, than sound 
policy ; and if experience should prove it so, I know 
it would be readily forgot that it was a measure of 
their own ; and censure in abundance Avould follow. 
But without it, it is asked, what inducement can the 
British Court have to enter into any treaty at all 
with America, when her commerce is as much favored 
without one, as that of any nation which has a treaty ? 
In passing through York to the Eastern Shore, I 
was much concerned to understand, that the family of 
so virtuous and patriotic a man as General N. was left 
in so destitute a condition. His numerous creditors 
had just presented their claims, which, it seems, amount, 
to the enormous sum of thirty-five thousand pounds. 
At the low rates at which property sells, it is thought 

* Such beino; the rumor in Virginia. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 267 

little will be left for his family, after the debts are 
paid. As I know you are better acquainted with the 
father's virtues, than myself, I hope you will think 
these a sufficient justification for my mentioning his 
son, Thomas, to you for some office. He has been 
well educated, and bred to the law, and been two or 
three years attending as a practitioner at the General 
Court. From the number of old competitors there, his 
profits from his profession are but small and insuffi- 
cient. I expect that some place in your family would 
be agreeable. If you have no occasion for more, I 
should suppose that the office of clerk to the Secre- 
tary of Foreign Affairs would be one to which he is 
well fitted from his profession. It is a piece of jus- 
tice due to the family, that I should observe, that I 
have mentioned the subject without any application 
or suggestion on their part, prompted alone by my 
feelings for the distress of the family, and my high 
respect for the virtues of the father. Mr. Page will 
be able to give you more information respecting the 
qualifications of the young man than I can, if you 
should think the reasons I have given deserve any 
attention. I must now confess my awkwardness on 
this subject, and appeal to the motives which influ- 
enced me for venturing to harass you on a subject, on 
which I know you were tired out, months before you 
left home. 

Mr. Claiborne informed me, some time ago, by Mr. 
Bassett, and lately himself, that he conceived he 
had a right to the land in King William, purchased 
by Mr. Custis's father from his uncle, and cont<uning 
about twenty-five hundred acres. lie conceives the 
lands to have been entailed, and wishes to know if 
you have any information respecting its being docked. 
I can discover no instrument of that sort among the 
papers. In the deed of conveyance to Mr. Custis, I 



268 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

observe that it was sold by a decree in Chancery of 
the Court of King William, to pay Mr. Claiborne's 
debts. This is a very encouraging circumstance to 
me, as I cannot suppose the Court would have taken 
such a step without the best opinions that it was not 
entailed. I likewise find, that Mr. Powers, an able 
lawyer of that time, as an executor, joins in the 
conveyance, as also Philip W. Claiborne, father of 
the present claimant. I can hardly think the former 
would have made himself liable, and the latter con- 
veyed away his right, Avithout the fullest conviction 
of there being some defect in the entail. I have in- 
formed Mr. Claiborne of these circumstances ; but he 
does not appear to think them of any weight. He 
tells me the lawyers he has consulted think it a 
good entail. I have consulted no one yet but Colo- 
nel Innes, who is of the same opinion with Mr. Pow- 
ers. Though it is not probable you have any informa- 
tion, wdiich the papers do not furnish, yet I could 
wish to know it certainly. I am told, by Mr. Moor, 
that Claiborne's father used to talk much of his right, 
and of suino; for it. You mav have heard of this, 
and the reasons which prevented him. 

I shall have little to do the remainder of the year 
but attend the different courts. The weighty suit in 
Chancery with Robert Alexander will be determined 
in August, and with Colonel Bassett in September, at 
Williamsburg. Mr. W. Dandridge informs me, it is 
necessary there should be a deed of conveyance from 
you to ]\Ir. Custis's heir for the lands you purchased 
in King William. You will determine whether it be 
so or not, to prevent any claim from your heirs. 
Mr. I. Dandridge has informed me of an order for a 
considerable sum due from his father's estate to Mr. 
Custis's, which he has sent to you. When informed of 
its being complied with, I shall give him credit for it. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 269 

I must now desire my best compliments to Mrs. 
Washington. Mrs. Stuart and the girls are ^Yell, and 
desire their love to each of you, and beg to congratu- 
late you on your recovery. I am, fee, 

David Stuart. 

from gouverneur morris. 

Dieppe, 31 July, 1789. 

Dear Sir, 

I had the honor to write to you on the twenty- 
ninth of April last. I shall not trouble you with a 
recital of events, which Mr. Jefferson has, I know, 
communicated to the office of Foreign Affairs. But 
being now here on my way to London, and finding 
a vessel bound directly to New York, I take the op- 
portunity to send some tables, which contain the po- 
litical, military, pecuniary, and commercial state of 
this country. I believe them to be tolerably authen- 
tic as far as they go. 

I will also communicate a matter, which Mr. Jef- 
ferson was not yet informed of, and which I could 
not tell him, because I was forbidden to mention it 
to any person here. You know, I dare say, that the 
Count de Moustier has his conge. His successor will 
be Colonel Ternant, — at first, in the character of 
Charge des Affaires, and when M. de Moustier is other- 
wise placed, it is highly probable that Ternant may 
be made Minister ; but that will depend on the situ- 
ation of the Court at the time, so that tlicrc I only 
state probability. As to the other, you may rely on 
it, because my intelligence I know to be good. The 
important trait in this appointment is, that he is 
named as a person who will Ijc agreeable to us. 

You may rely, also, on what I am about to men- 
tion, but which I pray you not to disclose. It is 
known to very few in this country, and may, per- 
23* 



270 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

haps, as it ouglit^ be buried in oblivion. The King 
has actually formed the design of going off to Spain. 
Whether the measure set on foot to dissuade him 
will have, as I hope, the desired effect, time only can 
discover. His fears govern him absolutely, and they 
have of late been most strongly excited. He is a 
well-meaning man, but extremely weak ; and probably 
these circumstances wdll in every event secure him 
from personal injury. An' able man would not have 
fallen into his situation ; but I think that no ability 
can now extricate him. He must float along the cur- 
rent of events, being absolutely and entirely a ci- 
pher. If, however, he should fly, it would not be 
easy to predict the consequences ; for this country is 
at present as near to anarchy as society can approach 
without dissolution. There are some able men in the 
National Assembly; yet the best heads among them 
would not be injured by experience, and unfortunately 
there are great numbers who, wdth much imagina- 
tion, have little knowledge, judgment, or reflection. 
You may consider the revolution as complete ; that is 
to say, the authority of the King and of the nobility 
is completely subdued. Yet I tremble for the Consti- 
tution. They have all that romantic spirit, and all 
those romantic ideas of government, which, happily 
for America, we were cured of before it was too late. 
They are advancing rapidly. But I must check my- 
self, or my reflections will occupy too much space 
both for you and for me. 

One of the last persons I saw in Paris was M. de 
Lafayette. He had promised to trust me with a let- 
ter for you; but he must be excused, for he is as 
busy as a man can be. Not long since, speaking to 
him on his own subject, I told him some hints I had 
given, tending to make him Governor of the Isle of 
France, which, you know, includes Paris. He declared 



OFFICIAL AND PEIVATE. 271 

that the command of the military in that city only, 
was the utmost of his wishes ; that he ^yas satiated 
with power; he had his sovereign, during the late 
procession to Paris, completely within his authority ; 
he had marched him where he pleased; measured out 
the degree of applause he should receive as he pleas- 
ed ; and, if he pleased, could have detained him pri- 
soner. All this is strictly true. He commanded on 
that da}^ at least eighty thousand men, who, during 
the King's progress through them to the Hotel de 
Ville, shouted Vive la Nation, and only on his retvm 
cried Vive le Roi, 

I do not know whether you will be informed of 
the critical situation in which things were placed, 
just before the last Ministry were turned out and 
the old one restored. My authority is very good, 
but yet I will not vouch for the truth. It was re- 
solved to reduce Paris by famine, to take two hun- 
dred of the States-General prisoners, to dissolve that 
Assembly, and to govern in the old-fashioned way. 
All this, you will say, was madness, and therefore im- 
probable. But was it not equally mad to drive away 
Necker, and change the Ministry at the time and in 
the manner, which were chosen for that purpose ? 
The men, weak enough fur the one, were certainly 
mad enough for the other. Two German regiments, 
which were to be employed, were regaled by the 
Queen in the Orangerie at Versailles. They received 
promises and hirgesses, and were prevailed on to 
shout Vive la Heine, Vive le Conite iV Arlois, Vive l(/ 
Duchcssc de roVujnac. Afterwards, their music played 
for hours under her Majesty's window. The Mares- 
cli.il de Brojilio cMidcavoured, at the same time, to 
conciliate tlie artiikny. But it was at length disco- 
vered, that, tliougli lh<' tro(>i>s wouUl shout and sing, 
yet they wuuhl not light against their countrymen. 



272 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

All which might have been known long ago. At the 
moment when their intrigue was carrying on by the 
Court, the Gardes dii Corps and Gardes Frangaises 
combined to defend the members of the National As- 
sembly. I pass over those facts, which you cannot 
but know, to mention, in one word, that the whole 
army of France have declared for liberty ; and that 
one reason why his Majesty has not taken the steps 
above mentioned, is, that he does not know a single 
regiment that w^ould obey him. 

Adieu, my dear Sir. I write this letter in much 
hurry, and after much fatigue. Excuse in it every- 
thing inaccurate or inelegant, and pardon it, on the 
score of that sincere and affectionate respect, with 
wliich I am, &c., 

GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS. 



FROM DAVID HUMPHREYS.* 



Rock Landing, 21 September, 1789. 

My dear General, 

I did not trouble you with a letter from Savannah, 
because our public despatch to the Secretary at War, 
would inform you of our proceedings to that time. 
Besides, the oppressive nature of the intolerable heat, 
and the exertion we were obliged to make to get 
forward on our journey, occasioned such a relaxation 
and consequent sickness, as rendered me almost in- 
capable of writing. "VVe are all now well. 

After a fatiguing journey through the deep sands 

* General Lincoln, Cyrus Griffin, and David Humphreys, were ap- 
pointed Commissioners to negotiate a treaty with the southern Indians. 
Executive Journal of the Senate, Vol. I. p. 19. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 273 

which prevail from Savannah to Augusta^ we reached 
the latter on the evening of the 17th instant. We 
intended to remain there one day, to make arrange- 
ments with the Executive for the negotiation, and to 
take measures for forwarding our stores, wdiich were 
expected at Augusta, by w^ater, in a few days. But, 
upon receiving information from Messrs. Pickens and 
Osborne, that the Indians were growing very impa- 
tient to return to their homes, and that they could not 
possibly be detained but a few days longer, we re- 
commenced our journey that evening. The next day, 
the iron axle-tree of our carriage broke, at a great 
distance from any house, which accident occasioned 
the loss of the whole day. Being determined to ar- 
rive at the Rock Landing the following evening, ac- 
cording to our last letter to Mr. McGillivray, Gene- 
ral Lincoln and myself took two of the carriage- 
horses, with a guide, and proceeded twenty-five miles 
that night. Yesterday we reached this place at dark, 
after having travelled a long distance before we 
reached the Ogechee, and from the Ogechee to the 
Oconee (between thirty and forty miles), through a 
dreary wilderness, in which there was not a single 
house. Mr. Griffin, with Mr. Few and Colonel Franks, 
were to come on as soon as the carriage could be 
mended, for which arrangements were made before 
we left them. 

We announced our arrival, and readiness to proceed 
to Ijusiness, to iNIcGillivray, last night. He is about 
three miles on tlio other side of the Oconee, Avith all 
Wu) Lidians, and we h;ive not yet simmi him. It is 
but justice to say, tliat from every thing which we 
h;ivc yet learned, tlie former Commissioners have con- 
dnctcil llu'inselves, with respect t<» the present nego- 
tiations, ill a vorv ('(»imiioii(lahl<^ manner. The Fxocu- 



274 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

tive have resolved to give us every aid and facility in 
the business. We have not been here long enough to 
be assured of the prospects of success^ or to know the 
difficulties that may occur. All we can say is, that 
we shall act with all the zeal and perseverance to 
promote the public service, which may be in our 
power. It is a favorable circumstance, that the pre- 
sent Commission is certainly very acceptable to the 
whole State, unless a few land-jobbers be accepted. 
It is also pretty well ascertained, that McGillivray is 
desirous of peace ; and his word is a law to the 
Creeks. With my best respects to Mrs. Washington, 
love to the children, and compliments to the gentle- 
men of the family, I have the honor to be, my dear 
General, 

With the purest attachment, &c., 

David Huaiphreys. 

P. S. The number of Indians, I believe, does not 
amount to more than two thousand, notwithstanding 
the exaggerated accounts we had received. 



FROM DAVID HUMPHREYS. 

Rock Landing, 26 September, 1789. 

My dear General, 

Finding an opportunity to Augusta, I could not 
excuse myself from giving you the progress of our 
negotiation since my last. 

On Monday last (that is to say, the day after the 
arrival of General Lincoln and myself), a Deputation 
from all the Creeks of the Tuccasee, the Hallowing, 
and the Tallassee Kings, waited upon us, to congratu- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 275 

late us on our arrival ; to express^ in general terms, 
their desire of peace ; to smoke the pipe of friendship 
as a token of it; and to brush our faces ^Yith the 
white wing of reconciliation, in sign of their sincere 
intention to wipe away all past grievances. We gave 
them friendly assurances in return. They, with the 
fat King, the Euchee King, and two or three other 
great Chiefs, dined with us, and seemed well satis- 
fied. In the afternoon, we crossed to the Indian 
camp, had an interview with McGillivray, showed him 
our full powers, and asked, in writing, for such evi- 
dence of theirs as the nature of the case would ad- 
mit. Much general talk, expressive of a real desire 
to establish a permanent peace upon equitable terms, 
took place. 

The next day, McGillivray dined with us; and, al- 
though he got very much intoxicated, he seemed to 
retain his recollection and reason beyond what I had 
ever seen in a person when in the same condition. At 
this time I became intimate, to a certain degree, with 
him, and endeavoured to extract his real sentiments 
and feelings, in a conversation alone, confidentially. 
He declared he was really desirous of a peace ; that 
the local situation of the Creeks required that they 
shouhl be connected with us rather than any other 
people ; that, however, they had certain advantages in 
their treaty with Spain, in respect to a guaranty and 
trade, which they ought not, in justice to themselves, 
to give up without an equivalent. Upon liis desiring 
to know what were our intentions, especially as he 
knew from my character, and from my liaving been 
lung in habits of intimacy Avith General Washington, 
that I would tell him what he might depend upon, 
I assured him, upon my honor, that our policy with 
respect to his nation was indeed founded upon lion- 



276 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

estjj magnanimity, and mutual advantages. We de- 
scended to no particulars, farther than my assuring 
him of our good opinion of his abilities, and desire to 
attach him, upon principles perfectly consistent with 
the good of his nation, to our interest. I concluded 
by intimating what, in that case, we might possibly 
consider ourselves at liberty to do for him. Mr. Grif- 
fin arrived that night. 

Wednesday w^as occupied in arranging the proposed 
draught of a treaty, and drawing up a talk to be de- 
livered the next day. The other Commissioners de- 
sired me to go over the Oconee, and communicate 
these draughts in confidence to McGillivray. I did, 
and found him dissatisfied with the proposed bound- 
ary, and some other things. General Lincoln had, 
in the morning, been in McGillivray's camp, and 
agreed wdth him that the Chiefs should receive our 
propositions at our camp ; but, finding a jealousy pre- 
vailed with some of the Indians, lest a design might 
be formed to circumvent them, on my return w^e 
wrote that, if it was more convenient, we would make 
our communications in their camp. This proposal 
they acquiesced in very gratefully. On Thursday, at 
eleven o'clock, we were received with more etiquette 
than ever I had before witnessed, at the great cere- 
mony of Blade DriuJc. We made our communications 
in the square of the nation, and returned. 

Yesterday morning McGillivray WTote to us that 
the Chiefs had been in Council until late the nio^ht 
before ; that they objected to some part of our talks, 
and principally to that which related to boundary ; 
that it was, however, his decision that the matter 
should rest as it was for the present • and that a kind 
of truce should be established until they should hear 
further from us on the part of the United States. 



OFFICIAL AND nilVATE. 277 

In the mean time, lie signified that some presents to 
the Chiefs would be necessary. In answer, we wrote 
him, after recapitulating the substance of his letter, 
that, as the Chiefs objected to some of the articles 
proposed by us, we desired to receive from them in 
writing the only terms upon which they would enter 
into a treaty with us ; that we were as well prepared 
to treat now as we should be at any other time; we 
did not believe that it was by any means probable 
that the United States Avould ever send another Com- 
mission to them; and that we were not authorized to 
make any presents whatever, unless we should con- 
clude a treaty of peace with them. 

Finding, from verbal information, that a capital mis- 
conception had happened to the Indian Chiefs, with 
regard to one of the rivers marked in the boundary, 
the other Commissioner wished me to go over to the 
Creek camp, exphiin the mistake to McGillivray, and 
make the necessary alteration in the draught. I had 
a very long private conversation with him, and he 
appeared for himself to be much better contented than 
he had hitherto been. The difficulties in regard to 
boundaries seemed to be in a great measure over- 
come; and an apprehension of the ill conscfjuences of 
their breaking with Spain, together with an earnest 
solicitude to have a free, unincumbered port, were 
now apparently the great obstacles. lie was very 
much agitated, very nuich embarrassed, and b.iidlv 
knew wliat to determine upun. 

After I left liini. ]i(^ cxjin'sscd to an interpreter a 
belief, that a permanent j)eace niiglit take place be- 
fore we parted. How tliat may be, probably this day 
will (h^cide. In llic nl'tcMiKton, yesterday, JNIcCillivray 
sent over John (iali>liiii, with <!alphin's fatlier-iii-l.iw. 
the Hallowing King, 1<. acipiaint us that :ill tlie 

VOL. i\. '21 



278 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

townSj except the Cowetas, were removed about two 
miles back, for the sake of pasture for their horses. 
Should they go off without any further discussions, 
it will be a clear indication that they prefer a con- 
nection with Spain rather than with America; and 
that they wish for war rather than for peace. 

I have not leisure to give you a description of 
the person and character of McGillivray. His counte- 
nance has nothing liberal and open in it; it has, 
however, sufficient marks of understanding. In short, 
he appears to have the good sense of an American, 
the shrewdness of a Scotchman, and the cunning of 
an Indian. I think he is so much addicted to de- 
bauchery, that he will not live four years. He dresses 
altogether in the Indian fashion, and is rather slo- 
venly than otherwise. His influence is probably as 
great as we have understood it was ; and his services 
may certainly be very important, if he can be sin- 
cerely attached to our interests. I hope to have 
hereafter the honor of reporting to you the substance 
of several confidential discourses, which have occurred 
between him and me. 

My most affectionate regards to Mrs. Washington 
and the family. Conclude me with every sentiment 
of devotion and consideration, my dear General, 
Your most obliged friend and humble servant, 

David Humphreys. 

P. S. The Commissioners have acted perfectly har- 
moniously in every measure which they have hitherto 
taken. The characters of General Lincoln and Mr. 
Griffin have the greatest weight with McGillivray 
and the Creeks. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 279 

FROM DA^^D HUjMPHREYS. 

Rock Landing, 27 September, 1789. 

My DEAR General^ 

Since I had the honor of writing to you yesterday, 
some things have happened, of Avhich I conceive it 
expedient to give information by this conveyance. 

On the evening of the 25th, McGillivray omitted 
to comply with his positive promise, to write to us, 
or come over the river, in order to explain the ob- 
jections of the Chiefs to the project of the treaty 
which we had proposed to them, and to propose alter- 
ations. Instead of removing, as he had intimated by 
Galphin, two miles back, for the sake of pasture, we 
were informed, in the forenoon yesterday, that he had 
set out on his return to the nation, without even 
deigning to send us any written or verbal message. It 
is true, he permitted an Indian trader to inform us 
(of his own motion) of this fact, and that he (Mc- 
Gillivray) would halt for that day, at Commissioners' 
Creek, fifteen or eighteen miles distant. 

McGillivray's pretences for this movement homeward 
(if rightly reported) are of the most frivolous and 
unjustifiable nature. He is said to pretend to be dis- 
satisfied, that, in a private conversation, I had ques- 
tioned the powers of himself and those present, to 
make a treaty that would be binding upon the whole 
nation. The fact is far otherwise. When he spoke 
of the invalidity of some of the treaties between 
Georgia and the Creeks, because the latter were not 
fully represented, I asked him how it was to be 
proved, that their nation was fully represented at 
this time. I lamented that the uncivilized state of 
the nation would not perhaps admit of the same ovi- 



280 LETTERS TO washi:ngton. 

dence to legalize proceedings, which civilized nations 
required, and inquired whether the W/iite Lieutenant 
(a very great Chief, not present) would agree to what- 
ever should now be done. It is farther said, by the 
Indian trader above mentioned, that McGillivray pre- 
tended I had told him that, upon making this treaty 
with us, he must entirely break with the Spanish 
Government. I told him, on the contrary, that, as far 
as I could learn from him the nature of his connec- 
tion with Spain, I did not suppose the proposed trea- 
ty to be incompatible wdth it ; that I would not wish 
him to do any thing w^hich should in the least injure 
his good fliith; but that, if a connection with us and 
with Spain was incompatible, it was doubtless in his 
option to decide which of the two powers he would 
be connected with. , 

These misrepresentations are not the only repre- 
hensible things we have seen in his conduct. He 
made a false pretext, " that the Indians were so much 
alarmed for their personal safety that they dared not 
trust themselves in our camp, and that two towns 
were on the point of going home, on the same ac- 
count," in order that we might go over and make 
our talk in their camp. And, indeed, he insists that, 
though we were formerly, wdien connected with Bri- 
tain, styled their father and older brother, yet we 
are at present truly their younger brother. The false- 
hood of the pretext that the Indians were so much 
alarmed for their safety that they dared not trust 
themselves in our camp, was clearly evinced yester- 
day. About eleven o'clock, almost or quite all the 
principal Chiefs of the Upper and Lower towns, with 
a great number of individuals, came over to shake 
hands Avith us, and to assure us, in a long talk, that 
they were not at all offended with us 5 that they desir- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 281 

ed peace very much ; that, though they could not con- 
clude a peace without McGillivray, their beloved man, 
who was sick, yet they had inculcated upon all 
their people to abstain from all hostility and plunder- 
ing, under threats of the severest punishment. In 
short, they seemed to consider a peace as mutually 
wished for, and in fact agreed upon, except in the 
forms. 

In answer, we gave them assurances that the 
United States entertained the most just and friendly 
dispositions towards them, and hoped that a treaty 
might still be concluded before we separated finally. 
We wished them to use their influence with McGil- 
livray, that he would return and renew the negotia- 
tion. For which purpose we informed them we were 
sending one more pressing message to McGillivray, by 
General Pickens and Mr. Few, who went, soon after, 
to see him accordingly. Several of the Kings dined 
with us, and remained until night, with the greatest 
possible apparent good humor, and indications of a 
sincere desire for peace. 

The White Bird King spoke first, in the name of 
the whole. The Tallassee King, after dinner, made a 
long, and, as well as we could understand from an 
indifferent interpretation, a pathetic oration to all the 
Kings, head men, and people, urging the necessity of 
being in strict amity with tlie whites, as they prized 
their existence and every thing dear to them. All 
were greatly affected, and some shed tears. The only 
great representative from the Seniinoles, sent back, 
after he left us, a confirmation (d* the same good dis- 
positions, by the interpreter. Upon the whole, I 
believe that no ruoni for doubt was left in the mind 
of any one }>re.sent, that^ if a peace shall not be con- 
c-lnded, the fault will rest with McGillivrav alone, 
21- 



282 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

who holds iip^ in his coiwersations, as it best suits 
his convenience^ that he does every thing himself in 
national affairs; or. that he can do nothing without 
humoring and consulting the Indians. It is a melan- 
choly consideration, to reflect that a whole nation 
must sometimes perish for the sins of one man. 

I shall defer closing this letter until the return of 
General Pickens and Mr. Few. While I feel a con- 
sciousness that our transactions will stand approved 
in the eye of reason and justice, I apprehend that 
we never can depend upon McGillivray for his firm 
attachment to the interests of the United States. 
And yet I believe he regards the interests of the 
United States just as much as he does the interests 
of the Creek nation. If I mistake not his character, 
his own importance and pecuniary emolument are the 
objects which will altogether influence his conduct. 
It was held out, in discourse, yesterday, by John Gal- 
phin, a creature of McGillivray, that a pressing invi- 
tation has just been sent from the Spaniards, accom- 
panied by a vast quantity of ammunition, for McGil- 
livray to come and treat with them. I fancy that 
he now wavers between Spain and America; for which 
reason he wishes, in all likelihood, to postpone the 
further negotiation with the latter until the spring. 
It is, however, questionable whether he has ever had 
a formal treaty with, or received a genuine commis- 
sion from, the King of Spain. Probably his hopes 
have been much elevated lately, insomuch as to in- 
duce him to believe that he can obtain better terms 
for himself from the King than from us. 

General Pickens and Mr. Few are just now re- 
turned, and report that they found McGillivray not 
at the distance he was said to be, but on the other 
side of the Ocmulgee. He would not give the terms 



OFFICIAL AND PllIYATE. 283 

on which the Creeks would make peace, or come 
back to renew the negotiations on the subject. He 
objected only to three articles; — being under the pro- 
tection of the United States ; not having a port per- 
fectly free from duties ; and the proposed boundary. 
But his objection seemed to be of the least weight 
with himself, against the last. They fully coincide 
with me in opinion that he is determined to see 
wdiether he cannot obtain more advantageous terms 
from Spain than from the United States. 

The fact is also said by these gentlemen to be es- 
tablished, that a large cj^uantity of arms and ammuni- 
tion has lately arrived in the Creek nation, with a 
friendly talk from the Governor of Pensacola. Mc- 
Gillivray wrote us a letter in very general terms, in 
which he affected to consider our first drauo-ht of a 
treaty as our ultimatum. This was both contrary to 
his good sense, and to repeated positive assurances. 
We sh:dl write to him by an Indian trader, to-day, 
very explicitly ; and, after taking such farther mea- 
sures to ascertain facts as may be in our power, wo 
shall commence our journey through North Carolina 
to New York. Thus the business seems to be ter- 
minated for the present ; though not according to our 
wishes. With sentiments of the purest respect, I 
have tlie honor to be, my dear General, 

Your most obliged and most humble servant, 

David Humphreys. 



FROM CATIIAIIINE MACAULAY GRAHAM. 

Rra<kiial, IV-rks, October, 1 78'J 

Sir, 
It is now a])(>ut a vear and a half since 1 had tlie 



284 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

honor of receiving a letter from you, elated November 
16tli, 1787. I do not pretend to make you any 
apology for not troubling you with an acknowledg- 
ment sooner, though I rather think it necessary to 
make one for troubling you, in the important station 
you now fill, with my congratulations on the event 
which placed you at the head of the American Go- 
vernment. But it is not you. Sir, that I consider as 
benefited by the unanimous election of the Ameri- 
cans. Your philosophic turn of mind would have led 
you to the completion of human happiness in a pri- 
vate station; but the Americans, in their judicious 
choice, have, I flatter myself, secured to themselves 
the full and permanent enjoyment of that liberty, for 
wdiich they are indebted to your persevering valor, 
in the first instance. Your wisdom and virtue will, 
undoubtedly, enable you to check the progress of 
every opinion inimical to those rights which you have 
so bravely and fortunately asserted, and for which 
many of your countrymen have paid so dear; and 
you will be a bright example, to future Presidents, of 
an integrity rarely to be met with in the first sta- 
tions of life. 

All the friends of freedom on this side the Atlantic 
are now rejoicing for an event wdiich, in all proba- 
bility, has been accelerated by the American Revolu- 
tion. You not only possess, yourselves, the first of 
human blessings, but you have been the means of 
raising that spirit in Europe, which I sincerely hope 
will, in a short time, extinguish every remain of that 
barbarous servitude under which all the European na- 
tions, in a less or a greater degree, have so long been 
subject. The French have justified the nobleness of 
their original character, and, from the immersions of 
luxury and frivolity, have set an example that is 



OFFICIAL AND PPvIYATE. 285 

unique in all the histories of human society ; a popu- 
lous nation efFecting, by the firmness of their union, 
the universality of their sentiments, and the energy 
of their actions, the entire overthrow of a despotism 
that had stood the test of ages. We are full of won- 
der, in this part of the world, and cannot conceive 
how such things should be. Your friend and eUvc, 
the Marquis de la Fayette, has acted a part in this 
revolution, which has raised him above his former 
exploits, because his conduct has been directed to the 
good of his distressed countrymen, and shows him 
far above those base and narrow selfishnesses with 
which particular privileges are so apt to taint the 
human mind. 

I have heard that a Monsieur Brissot de Warville 
has lately become a citizen of America. lie is a warm 
friend to liberty, and a man of the first-rate abilities. 
He is a great friend of mine; and, as I presume he 
has been presented to your Excellency, I will take 
the liberty, which your known goodness inspires, to 
beg that you would remember me to him, and assure 
him of my wishes for his prosperity and happiness. 

Mr. Graham joins me in best respects to your- 
self and Mrs. Washington. We contemplate, with no 
small pleasure, the advantage America will reap from 
that check to all the luxuries of dress which her ex- 
ample of an elegant simplicity in this article will un- 
doubtedly effect. I ani; Sii', your Excellency's 
Most obedient and obliged liumble servant, 

Catiiauini: ^Iacaulay Graham. 



286 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM SIR EDWARD NEWENHAM. 

10 October, 1789. 

Dear Sir, 

I would not omit the first opportunity of express- 
ing the additional obligation your Excellency has con- 
ferred on me, by introducing me to that respectable 
character, Mrs. Montgomery. She forwarded your let- 
ter by the post, as she is at Lord Ranelagh's, twelve 
miles from this. Early the next morning, lady New- 
enham and I paid our respects, and had the pleasure 
of meeting her. Anxious to enjoy her company, we 
pressed her to return, and spend a few days here. 

She returned the visit on the following day, and 
has promised, on her return from visiting her late 
brave soldier's relations, to favor us with her com- 
pany. I introduced her into my American room, 
which gave her much satisfaction, as she saw your 
Excellency's, and the pictures of all the respectable 
characters in America. She remarked with pleasure 
the picture of one Arnold reversed, and his treason 
wrote under it. She viewed the bust of the venera- 
ble and great Franklin with sensible emotion. We 
had but a short time for conversation, as Lord Eane- 
lagh was in a hurry to attend at the levee of the 
Lords Justices. Little did I expect to see the widow 
of that man, on whose death I publicly expressed my 
sentiments of the American war and his character, by 
appearing in Parliament in full mourning, and attend- 
ing levees in the same dress. At that period, othei^ 
were afraid to express their feelings j but from that 
moment, the papers announcing what I did, public 
conversation became more free, and the merits of the 
attack and defence of liberty were properly canvass- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 287 

eel. It was soon afterwards that I was Chairman of 
the first meeting that rej^robatecl and stopped the 
plan of sending all the military of this Kingdom to 
America, and hiring Hessians and Hanoverians from 
the carcass butchers of Germany. 

I acquainted the Duke of Leinster, Lord Charle- 
mont, &c. &c., of Mrs. Montgomery's arrival. They 
immediately wrote me word " that they would wait 
on her, and particularly so, on account of the great 
character that recommends her." These are the words 
of all the ansAvers I have got. General Massy, with 
whom General Montgomery was well acquainted at 
the first siege of Quebec, has paid his respects to 
her, the very day I wrote to him. Lady Newenham 
will continue her attention. I sent the Duke of 
Leinster's and Lord Charlemont's letters to her. 

Every day brings accounts of the spirit of liberty 
spreading through Europe. Though nothing of tliat 
kind has as yet occurred in Sweden, I am inclined 
to think that, if the King is not very circumspect, 
the people will renovate the Constitution, and again 
recall their right of elections and privileges. There 
is much discontent in tliat country, and Russia is 
growing too ponderous and extensive for the sove- 
reign of Petersburg to command so distant an empire. 

A number of the first men of character, rank, and 
fortune, in tliis country, have associated under tlie 
name of the W/ifjj Cluh ; and each mendicr is pledged 
under liis liand, to support certain papuhir measures. 
It will, I hoi)e, increase to a proper degree of 
strengtli and consequence. Something of that kind is 
now wanting; fur the present administration is taking 
longer strides to despotism, than ever any f<«rm(M- 
administration attempted. Even Nortli ami Diite 
never venture(l tu insult tliis ((.nulry, as our prt\<eiit 



288 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Viceroy has presumed to do. He did not think him- 
self very safe here ; therefore he left us^ and I be- 
lieve will not return again. Reports say that Wey- 
mouth (the foe of American freedom) is to succeed 
him. 

I have the honor to send your Excellency a few 
papers, hoping they may not be delayed, as they 
contain the truest accounts from France, though it 
may happen that you have received them before the 
arrival of this letter. There is a spirit arisen in the 
city of Dublin against the unconstitutional and ex- 
pensive police (which is an absolute burden of twen- 
ty-one thousand pounds a year, instead of four thou- 
sand five hundred pounds, exclusive of the Ministerial 
patronage), as it adds two hundred and forty votes 
to their interest in the city, and near one hundred 
in this county. Their greatest efforts will be exerted 
at the ensuing election to carry one member for the 
city, and two for this county ; in the latter case, 
they have got (as they have done these twenty-one 
years) the other two candidates to join against me. 
However, I hope to succeed ; though I never spent 
in money, meat, drink, or promises, the value of one 
shilling, on the contests for twenty-one years, except 
the poll-clerks, one lawyer, and advertisements. I 
never have an election dinner. I laid down this rule 
on my first entrance into public life, and have never 
altered my plan. Nor do I ever solicit any voter a 
second time. 

This season has been the wettest, most stormy, 
and irregular, which has happened here these fifteen 
3^ears. Between the blasts, rains, and lightning, all 
our fruit was destroyed, our corn damaged; but we 
have still enough for our own consumption ; hay in 
greater plenty than has been known for seven years. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIYATE. 289 

That will prevent the great rise (with abundance of 
potatoes) of other articles. With the warmest senti- 
ments of respect for your Excellency, and an unal- 
terable attachment to the liberties of America, I re- 
main, dear Sir, your most faithful and 
Most obedient, humble servant, 

Edward Newenham. 

P. S. Lady Newenham joins me in best regards 
to Mrs. Washington. 



FROM GOVERNOR HANCOCK. 

Boston, 21 October, 1789. 

Sir, 

Having received information that you intended to 
honor this State with a visit, and wishing personally 
to show you every mark of attention which the most 
sincere friendship can induce, I beg the favor of your 
making my house the place of your residence while 
you shall remain in Boston. I could wish that the 
accommodations were better suited to a gentleman of 
your respectability; but you may be assured tliat 
nothing on my part shall be wanting to render them 
as agreeable as possiljlc. 

As Governor of the Commonwealth, I feel it to be 
my duty to receive your visit witli sucli tokens of 
respect as may answer tlie expectations of my con- 
stituents, and may in some measure express the liiirh 
sentiments of respect they feel towards you. I liiivc 
therefore issued orders for proper escorts to attend 
you; and Colonel Hall, l)«^})uty AdJutant-(ienor:il, will 
wait upon you at Worcester, and will inform you of 
the disposition I have made of the troops at Cam- 

VUL. IV. lio 



290 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

bridge, under the command of General Brooks, and 
request that you would be so obliging as to pass 
that way to the town, where you will receive such 
other tokens of respect from the people, as will serve 
further to evince how gratefully they recollect your 
exertions for their liberties, and their confidence in 
you as President of the United States of America. 

The gentlemen of the Council will receive you at 
Cambridge, and attend you to town. I should be 
obliged to you, on the return of this express, to let 
me know when you propose to be in Boston, and as 
near as you can the time of the day. I have the 
honor to be, with every sentiment of esteem and re- 
spect. Sir, 

Your most obedient and very humble servant, 

John Hancock. 



FROM GOVERNOR HANCOCK. 

Boston, 23 October, 1789. 

Sir, 

Your letter, by the return express, I had the honor 
to receive, at three o'clock, this morning. It would 
have given me pleasure, had a residence at my house 
met with your approbation. 

I observe you had proposed taking an early dinner 
at Watertown, and proceeding to Cambridge, and from 
thence to Boston, on Saturday afternoon. I beg leave, 
if it should not interfere with your determination, or 
prove inconvenient, to request that you would so far 
vary your former intention, as to arrive in Boston by 
one o'clock. In case this request should meet your 
approbation, I beg the favor that you, with the gen- 
tlemen of your suite, would honor me with your 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 291 

company at dinner on Saturday en famille, at any 
hour that the circumstanoes of the day will admit. 

I shall esteem it an honor, if you will favor me 
with a few lines, by the return express, with your 
determination on the subject. I have the honor to 
be, with every sentiment of esteem and respect. Sir, 
Your very humble servant, 

John Hancock. 



FROM J.OIES MADISON. 

Orange, 20 November, 1789. 

Dear Sir, 

It was my purpose to have dropped you a few 
lines from Philadelphia, but I was too much indis- 
posed during my detention there to avail myself of 
that pleasure. Since my arrival here, I have till now 
been without a fit conveyance to the post-office. 

You will recollect the contents of a letter shown 
you from Mr. Innes to Mr. Brown. Whilst I was in 
Philadelphia, I was informed by the latter, who was 
detained there as well as myself by indisposition, that 
he had received later accounts, though not from the 
same correspondent, that the Spaniards have finally 
put an entire stop to the trade of our citizens down 
the river. The encouragements to such as settle 
under their own Government are continued. 

A day or two after I got to Philadelphia, I fell in 
with Mr. Morris, lie l)ruke the su])ject of the resi- 
dence of Congress, and made observations which be- 
trayed his dislike of the upshot of ilie business at 
New York, and his desire to keei) alive the south- 
ern project of an arrangement with Pennsylvania. I 
reminded him of the conduct of his State, and inti- 



292 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

mated that the question would probably sleep for 
some time in consequence of- it. His answer implied 
that Congress must not continue at New York ; and 
that, if he should be freed from his engagements 
w^ith the Eastern States, by their refusal to take up 
the bill, and pass it as it went to the Senate, he 
should renounce all confidence in that quarter, and 
speak seriously to the Southern States. I told him 
they must be spoken to very seriously, after what 
had passed, if Pennsylvania expected them to listen 
to her ; that, indeed, there was probably an end to 
further intercourse on the subject. He signified that, 
if he should speak, it would be in earnest, and he 
believed no one would pretend that his conduct w^ould 
justify the least distrust of his going through with 
his undertakings; adding, however, that he w^as de- 
termined, and accordingly gave me, as he had given 
others, notice that he should call up the postponed 
bill as soon as Congress should be reassembled. 

I observed to him that, if it was desirable to have 
the matter revived, Ave could not wish to have it in 
a form more likely to defeat itself It was unparlia- 
mentary and highly inconvenient, and would there- 
fore be opposed by all candid friends to his object, 
as an improper precedent, as well as by those who 
w^ere opposed to the object itself; and, if he should 
succeed in the Senate, the irregularity of the pro- 
ceeding w^ould justify the other House in witliholding 
the signature of its speaker ; so that the bill would 
never go up to the President. He acknowledged 
that the bill could not be got through, unless it had 
a majority in both Houses, on its merits. Why then, 
I asked, not take it up anew ? He said he meant to 
bring the gentlemen who had postponed the bill to 
the point ; acknowledged that he distrusted them, 



OFFICIAL AND FKIVATE 293 

but held his engagements binding on him, until this 
final experiment should be made on the respect they 
meant to pay to theirs. 

I do not think it difficult to augur, from this con- 
versation, the views which will govern Pennsylvania 
at the next session. Conversations held by Grayson, 
both wdth Morris and others in Philadelphia, and left 
])y him in a letter to me, coincide with what I have 
stated. An attempt will first be made to alarm New 
York and the Eastern States into the plan postponed, 
by holding out the Potomac and Philadelphia as the 
alternative ; and, if the attempt should not succeed, 
the alternative will then be held out to the southern 
members. On the other hand, New York and the 
Eastern States will enforce their policy of delay, by 
threatening the Southern States, as heretofore, with 
Germantown, or Trenton, or at least Susquehanna, 
and will, no doubt, carry the threat into execution if 
they can, rather than suffer an arrangement to take 
place between Pennsylvania and the Southern States. 

I hear nothing certain from the Assembly. It is 
said that an attempt of Mr. 11. to revive the project 
of commutaljles, has been defeated ; that the amend- 
ments have been taken up, and are likely to be put 
off" to the next session, the present House having 
been elected prior to the promulgation of them. This 
reason would have more force if the amendments did 
not so much correspond, as far as they go, with the 
propositions of the State Convention, which w^ere be- 
fore the i)ublic long l)erore the last election. At any 
rate, the Assembly might pass a vote of approbation 
along with the postponement, and assign the reason 
of referring the ratification to tlirir successors. It is 
probable that the scruple has arisen with the disal- 
lected party. If it be constnird l»y the public into 



294 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

a latent liope of some contingent opportunity for pro- 
secuting the war against the General Government, I 
am of opinion the experiment will recoil on the 
authors of it. As far as I can gather, the great 
bulk of the late opponents are entirely at rest, and 
more likely to censure a further opposition to the 
Government, as now administered, than the Govern- 
ment itself One of the principal leaders of the Bap- 
tists lately sent me word that the amendments had 
entirely satisfied the disaffected of his sect, and that 
it would appear in their subsequent conduct. 

I ought not to conclude without some apology for 
so slovenly a letter. I put off writing it till an 
opportunity should present itself, not knowing but 
something from time to time might turn up that 
would make it less unworthy of your perusal ; and 
it has so happened that the opportunity barely gives 
me time for this hasty scraAvl. With the most per- 
fect esteem and affectionate attachment, I remain, 
dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

James Madison, Jr. 



FROM JAIMES MADISON. 

Orange, 5 December, 1789. 

Dear Sir, 
Since my last I have been furnished with the in- 
closed copy of the letter from the Senators of this 
State to its Legislature. It is well calculated to keep 
alive the disaffection to the Government; and is, ac- 
cordingly, applied to that use by the violent parti- 
sans. I understand the letter was written by the 
first subscriber of it, as, indeed, is pretty evident 
from the style and strain of it. The other, it is said, 



OFFICIAL AKD PRIVATE. 295 

subscribed it with reluctance. I am less surprised 
that this should have been the case, than that he 
should have subscribed at all. 

My last information from Richmond is contained 
in the following extract from a letter of the 28th of 
November, from an intelligent member of the House 
of Delegates. "The revenue bill, which proposes a 
reduction of the public taxes one fourth below the 
last year's amount, is with the Senate. Whilst this 
business was before the House of Delegates, a propo- 
sition was made to receive tobacco and hemp as com- 
mutables, which was negatived; the House determin- 
ing still to confine the collection to specie and spe- 
cie warrants. Two or three petitions have been pre- 
sented, which asked a general suspension of execu- 
tions for twelve months ; they were read, but denied 
a reference. The Assembly have passed an act for 
altering the time of choosing Representatives to Con- 
gress, which is now fixed to be on the third Monday 
in September, suspending the powers of the Repre- 
sentative until the February after his election. This 
change Avas made, to suit the time of the annual 
meeting of Congress. The fate of the amendments, 
proposed by Congress to the General Government, is 
still in suspense. In a Committee of the Whole 
House, the first ten were acceded to with little op- 
position ; for, on a question taken on each separately, 
there was scarcely a dissenting voice. On the two 
last, a debate of some length took place, which ended 
in rejection. Mr. E. Randolph, who advocated all the 
others, stood,' in tliis contest, in the front of opposi- 
tion. His principal objection was pointed against the 
Wind '- irlniiicd^' in the eleventh proposed amendment ; 
and his argument, if I understood it, was ap[)lio(l in 
this manner; — that, as the rights declared in the 



296 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

first ten of the proposed amendments were not all 
that a free people would require the exercise of, and 
that;, as there was no criterion by which it could be 
determined whether any other particular right was 
retained or not, it would be more safe and more con- 
sistent with the spirit of the first and seventeenth 
amendments, proposed by Virginia, that this reserva- 
tion against constructive power should operate rather 
as a provision against extending the powers of Con- 
gress by their own authority, than a protection to 
rights reducible to no definitive certainty. 

"But others, among whom I am one, see not the force 
of the distinction ; for, by preventing an extension of 
power in that body from which danger is apprehended, 
safety will be insured, if its powers be not too exten- 
sive already 5 and so, by protecting the rights of the 
people and of the States, an improper extension of 
power will be prevented, and safety made equally cer- 
tain. If the House should agree to the resolution for 
rejecting the two last, I am of opinion that it will 
bring the whole into hazard again, as some, who have 
been decided friends to the ten first, think it would 
be unwise to adopt them without the eleventh and 
twelfth. Whatever may be the fate of the amend- 
ments submitted by Congress, it is probable that an 
application for further amendments will be made by 
this Assembly; for the opposition to the Federal Con- 
stitution is, in my opinion, reduced to a single point, 
the power of direct taxation. Those who wish the 
change are desirous of repeating the application; 
whilst those who wish it not, are indifferent on the 
subject, supposing that Congress will not propose a 
change wdiich would take from them a power so ne- 
cessary for the accomplishment of those objects which 
are confided to their care. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 297 

^'Messrs. Joseph Jones and Spencer Roane are 
appointed Judges of the General Court, to fill the 
vacancies occasioned by tlie death of Mr. Gary, and 
the removal of Mr. Mercer to the Court of Appeals." 
The difficulty started against the amendments is 
really unlucky ; and the more to be regretted, as it 
springs from a friend to the Constitution. It is a 
still greater cause of regret, if the distinction be, as 
it appears to me, altogether fanciful. If a line can 
be drawn between the powers granted and the rights 
retained, it w^ould seem to be the same thing, whether 
the latter be secured by declaring that they shall 
not be abridged, or that the former shall not be 
extended. If no line can be drawn, a declaration, in 
either form, would amount to nothing. If the distinc- 
tion were just, it does not seem to be of sufficient 
importance to justify the risk of losing the amend- 
ments, of furnishing a handle to the disaffected, and 
of arming North Carolina with a pretext, if she be 
disposed, to prolong her exile from the Union. With 
every sentiment of respect and attachment, I am, 
dear Sir, 

Your obedient and humble servant, 

James M.U)ison, Jr. 



FROM EDMUND RANDOLPH. 

lliclimoiiJ, 6 December, 1789. 

Dear Sir, 

When I liad the honor of writing to you last, the 

amendments ]iad, I believe, been under consideration 

in u Committee of the Whole, and ten were adopted, 

'lud the two last rejected. Upon the report being 



298 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

made to the House, and without a debate of any con- 
sequence, the whole twelve were ratified. They are 
now with the Senate, who were yesterday employed 
about them. That body will attempt to postpone 
them ; for a majority is unfriendly to the Government. 
But an effort will be made against this destructive 
measure. 

In the House of Delegates, it was yesterday moved 
to declare the remainder of the amendments, proposed 
by our Convention, essential to the rights and liber- 
ties of the people. An amendment was offered, say- 
ing that, in pursuance of the will of the people, as 
expressed by our Convention, the General Assembly 
ought to urge Congress to a reconsideration of them. 
The amendment was carried by the Speaker giving a 
casting vote. This shows the strength of the parties; 
and that, in the House of Delegates, the antifederal 
force has diminished much since the last year. A 
representation is to be prepared, and the inclosed 
speaks the temper which we wish to exhibit in it. 
Whether we shall succeed in our attempt to carry 
such a remonstrance through, is with me very doubt- 
ful. It w^ill be pushed, because it seems to discoun- 
tenance any future importunities for amendments, 
which, in my opinion, is now a very important point. 
I should have been sanguine in my belief of carry- 
ing the representation through, in its present form, 
if the friends would have joined the enemies of the 
Constitution, in suspending the ratification of the 
eleventh amendment, which is exceptionable to me, 
in giving a handle to say, that Congress have en- 
deavoured to administer an opiate, by an alteration, 
which is merely plausible. 

The twelfth amendment does not appear to me to 
have any real effect, unless it be to excite a dispute 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 299 

between the United States and every particular State, 
as to what is delegated. It accords pretty nearl}^ 
with what our Convention proposed; but, being once 
adopted, it may produce new matter for the cavils 
of the designing. I am, dear Sir, your 

Obliged and affectionate friend and servant, 

Edmund Randolph. 

P. S. I shall do myself the honor of replying to 
your official letter, as soon as the Assembly rises. 



FROM GOVERNOR PINCKNEY. 
Charleston, South Carolina, 14 December, 1789. 

Dear Sir, 

Your avocations have been so numerous and im- 
portant since your entrance into office, that I have 
not troubled you with but one letter, which was to 
recommend Mr. Hall, and to very sincerely congratu- 
late you upon your appointment to the Supreme Ma- 
gistracy. I am well convinced that to increase the 
number of your correspondents unnecessarily, is to 
do you a serious injury. For, I should suppose, with 
official communications, wdth proper and improper ap- 
plications for favors, and the oppressive correspondence 
of numbers who, with very little information or plea- 
sure to you, write merely for the purpose of boasting 
the honor of your corrcspondeuco, — with such I have 
always considered you so overwhelmed that I have 
hitherto forborne to Avrite to you, although motives 
of respect, as well as information, ought frequently tu 
have induced me. 

Upon the present occasion, I feel myself in some 



300 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

measure obliged, from the situation which I hold, to 
state to you my sentiments on the critical situation 
of our neighbouring State, and eventually the fron- 
tiers of this. To predict, with some degree of cer- 
tainty, what may be the consequence of things re- 
maining in the state they are, and no treaty formed 
Mdth the Creeks and southern Indians, permit me to 
trespass for a moment upon your time, by observing, 
that (however I confess it is conjectural) there ap- 
pear to me to be good grounds for supposing that 
the situation of our foreign concerns is totally changed 
with respect to Spain. Upon the conclusion of the 
peace, I believe it was the intention of that Court to 
have entered into a treaty of amity and commerce 
with us, to have been our friends, and to have done 
every thing in their power to have promoted the in- 
tercourse. But they mistook the means; for, instead 
of forming a treaty upon those terms which would 
have insured a reciprocity of benefits, they thought 
the best way to remove every future ground of dif- 
ference, to prevent our becoming dangerous neigh- 
bours, and to keep us at a distance, was to propose 
the surrender of a right as degrading to the honor, 
as it would have been ultimately injurious to the in- 
terests, of the Union. 

I happened to be in Congress at the time the pro- 
posal was brought forward through the then Secretary, 
Mr. Jay. Having more leisure, or having more ma- 
turely considered the offer, I was requested, by the 
opponents, to prepare an answer to the reasons which 
Mr. Jay offered in support of Mr. Gardoqui's proposal. 
This I did, and being afterwards desired, by many of 
the southern members, to furnish them with copies, I 
had a few printed, which were confidentially delivered 
to some of my friends, for their information upon a 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 301 

subject which at that time very much engaged the 
attention of the public. I have the honor to inclose 
you one of the few copies I have left. I do so in 
order that I may not only more clearly illustrate the 
observations I am about to make, but also that, in 
case another attempt should be made to conclude this 
treaty, you may be informed of the reasons which at 
that time induced an opposition. As the business of 
treaties must ever be of a secret nature, you will 
no doubt consider the communication as it is intended, 
entirely confidential. 

The Court of Spain, being defeated in tliis measure, 
have appeared to me to entirely change their ground. 
The original, and I believe the only reason, of Spain's 
anxiety to conclude a treaty w'ith us, was to secure 
her American Continental possessions from being at 
any time the object of invasion or insult from the 
southern, or more probably the w^estern, inhabitants 
of the Union. They have ever dreaded the settlement 
of the western territory, and looked forward to the 
time when it would become necessary for its inhabit- 
ants to use the Mississippi, as a period ver}^ likely 
to produce those uneasinesses, which would perhaps 
end in the invasion of their dominions. 

Had they at first proposed a solid and reciprocally 
beneficial treaty, it would have prevented, or at least 
postponed for a number of years, any danger of this 
sort. But having, as I have already observed, wrong- 
ly conceived the means of effecting it, and being foil- 
ed in their first attempt, they have now changed 
their ground. They are endeavouring, by every exer- 
tion in their power, to attach, not only the southern 
Indians, but as many as they possibly can of the in- 
habitants of the western territory, closely to their 
interest. They have completely succeeded with some 

VOL. IV. 2G 



302 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

of the most powerful nations of the southern Indians. 
Hence the difficulty of treating with them; and I 
am sorry to find, from accounts which appear to me 
to be tolerably authentic, that they have diverted a 
considerable number of the inhabitants of some of the 
States, and tempted them to become settlers within 
their borders. 

Thus situated, it seems to me as beyond a doubt, 
that they are the spring of all the present disturb- 
ances wdth the Creeks, and that they are cherishing 
a spirit of discontent and disaffection in them and 
the western inhabitants to the Government of the 
Union. By means of their intrigues, Georgia has 
been, for some years, in a lamentable state of depre- 
dation and distress. Although they have hitherto for- 
borne to commit hostilities on the citizens of this 
State, yet the inhabitants are in an uneasy and dis- 
agreeable situation. They all look up to the Union 
for the establishment of that solid and permanent 
treaty, which can alone secure to them the peaceable 
enjoyment of their possessions. 

Not having been officially informed of the reasons 
of the late Commission's miscarrying, I am unable to 
form any judgment of the motives which occasioned 
it. As I am confident a general Indian war would 
not only be attended wdth great inconvenience to 
Georgia and our frontiers, but with a very considera- 
ble expenditure of blood and treasure to the Union, 
I have made it a point to acquire, from the most re- 
spectable authority on their borders and elsewhere, 
such information as is the most to be depended upon. 
Not to detain you w^ith a circumstantial account of 
the means used to obtain it, or a detail of their re- 
lations, the result is, that however anxious the Spa- 
nish Court are to foment and continue the existing 



OFFICIAL AND PKIVATE. 303 

animosities, yet there is a disposition in the Indians, 
upon just and proper principles, to again become the 
friends, and probably the allies, of the Union. In this 
temper they now are; and I am convinced, that de- 
taching Mr. McGillivray from his Spanish connections, 
and confirming him the friend, and perhaps the use- 
ful agent, of the United States, is not a difficult or 
improbable measure. 

To you. Sir, I have been repeatedly requested to 
suggest these opinions. From the weight and influ- 
'ence of your character and situation, much is very 
properly expected. As the organ, therefore, of a 
growing and important territory, whose future popu- 
lation and consequence depend upon the friendship 
and intercourse of their Indian neighbours, I entreat 
the early and earnest attention of the General Go- 
vernment, to whom, with great propriety, the sole 
management of Indian affairs is now committed. I am 
the more anxious on this point, because, on the re- 
newal of hostilities in June last, the Executive of 
Georgia, in virtue of the Union, made a formal requi- 
sition on me for the aid of this State. Fortunately, 
a truce was concluded before it was necessary to in- 
terfere. 

AVhen I consider the number and force of the hos- 
tile Indian tribes ; how formidably their number might 
be increased, should the same intrigues induce the 
Choctaws to join them; how much the power of tlie 
Indian nations must be increased by the arrangement 
of their affairs being in the hands of such a man as 
Mr. McGillivray; and how amply they are assisted 
l)y the Spanish Court, not only in stores and money, 
but even in the aid of disciplinarians, to introduce as 
much order as Indians are capable of receiving ; — 
when I add to these the little that is to be obtained 



304 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

hy a war^ and the distresses and expenses it must oc- 
casion, you will pardon, I am sure, the anxiety I am 
under to have a permanent and solid peace. No 
State arrangement, no truce, no partial compromise, 
will be sufficient. They must be taught to revere 
the justice of the Union, and look up to it as the 
sole means of giving to them a lasting treaty, and 
the secure j)ossession of their real rights. 

So much for business of a public nature. Permit 
me now to thank you for the many marks of regard 
I received while with you in 1787; particularly in 
furnishing me with introductory letters to your friends 
in Europe, had I pursued the route I at that time 
intended. Although I have hitherto been prevented, 
by marrying, and being requested by my friends to 
accept the Government, I have by no means given it 
up altogether. 

My term of office will expire in a twelvemonth, 
when, if nothing prevents, I shall endeavour to exe- 
cute my former plan. I am strengthened in this idea 
by the wish of my wife to revisit that part of the 
Avorld. She is the daughter of Mr. Laurens, and sis- 
ter to your former Aid-de-camp, our deceased and 
much-lamented friend. Colonel John Laurens. From 
the age of seven to fourteen, she was educated in 
France, and, until she came to this country, remained 
in England 3 so that her accurate knowledge of the 
French language, and acquaintance with their cus- 
toms, will be extremely useful, should curiosity or 
business make it necessary for me to go there, or to 
any of the neighbouring States of Europe. 

From your late tour we are flattered with the hope 
of your one day visiting this country. Whenever 
you so far honor us, I am sure that every thing in 
our power will be done to render your visit pleasing 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 305 

and agreeable to you. I am, with the sincerest re- 
spect and esteem, 

Dear Sir, your truly much obliged, 

Charles Pinckney. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Chesterfield, 15 December, 1789. 

Sir, 

I have received at this place the honor of your 
letters of October the loth and November the 30th, 
and am truly flattered by your nomination of me to 
the very dignified office of Secretary of State ; for 
which permit me here to return you my humble 
thanks. Could any circumstance seduce me to over- 
look the disproportion between its duties and my ta- 
lents, it WMJuld be the encouragement of your choice. 
But when I contemplate the extent of that office, em- 
bracing, as it does, the principal mass of domestic ad- 
ministration, together with the foreign, I cannot be 
insensible of my inequality to it; and I should enter 
on it with gloomy forebodings from the criticisms and 
censures of a public, just indeed in their intentions, 
Dut sometimes misinformed and misled, and always 
too respectable to be neglected. I cannot but foresee 
the possibility that this may end disagreeably for me, 
who, having no motive to public service but the pub- 
lic satisfaction, would certainly retire the moment 
that satisfaction should appear to languish. 

On the other hand, I feel a degree of familiarity 
with the duties of my present office, as far at least 
as 1 am capaljle of understanding its duties. Tlie 
ground I have already passed over, enables me to see 
my way into that which is before mc. Tli.e change 
2(3 =^= 



306 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

of government, too, taking place in the country where 
it is exercised, seems to open a possibility of procur- 
ing from the new rulers some new advantages in 
commerce, which may be agreeable to our country- 
men. So that as far as my fears, my hopes, or my 
inclination might enter into this question, I confess 
they would not lead me to prefer a change. 

But it is not for an individual to choose his post. 
You are to marshal us as may best be for the pub- 
lic good; and it is only in the case of its being in- 
different to you, that I would avail myself of the op- 
tion you have so kindly offered in your letter. If 
you think it better to transfer me to another post, 
my inclination must be no obstacle ; nor shall it be, 
if there is any desire to suppress the office I now 
hold, or to reduce its grade. In either of these cases, 
be so good only as to signify to me, by another line, 
your ultimate wish, and I shall conform to it cor- 
dially. If it should be to remain at New York, my 
chief comfort will be to w^ork under your eye, my 
only shelter the authority of your name, and the 
wisdom of measures to be dictated by you and im- 
plicitly executed by me. Whatever you may be 
pleased to decide, I do not see that the matters which 
have called me hither, will permit me to shorten the 
stay I originally asked; that is to say, to set out on 
my journey northward till the month of March. As 
early as possible in that month, I shall have the 
honor of paying my respects to you in New York, 
In the mean time, I have that of tendering you the 
homage of those sentiments of respectful attachment, 
with which I am, Sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble servant, 

Thomas Jefferson. 



OFFICIAL AND PKIVATE. 307 

FROM PAUL JONES. 

Amsterdam, 20 December, 1789. 

Sir, 

I avail myself of the departure of the Philadelphia 
packet, Captain Earle, to transmit to your Excellency 
a letter I received for you on leaving Russia, in 
August last, from my friend, the Count de Segur, 
Minister of France at St. Petersburg. That gentle- 
man and myself have frequently conversed on sub- 
jects that regard America ; and the most pleasing re- 
flection of all has been, the happy establishment of 
the new Constitution, and that you are so deservedly 
placed at the head of the Government by the unani- 
mous voice of America. Your name alone, Sir, has 
established in Europe a confidence, that was, for some 
time before, entirely wanting in American concerns ; 
and I am assured that the happy effects of your Ad- 
ministration are still more sensibly felt throughout 
the United States. This is more glorious for you 
than all the laurels that your sword so nobly won in 
support of the rights of human nature. In war, your 
fame is immortal as the hero of liberty. In peace, 
you are her patron and the firmest supporter of her 
rights. Your greatest admirers, and even your best 
friends, have now but one wish left for you, — that 
you may long enjoy health and your present happiness. 

I send by this occasion, to Mr. Charles Thomson 
and to Mr. John Adams, sundry documents from the 
Count do Segur, on my subject. I presume that 
those pieces will be communicated to your Excellen- 
cy. They explain, in some degree, my reasons for 
leaving llussia, and the danger to whicli I was ex- 
posed by the dark intrigues and mean subterfuges of 
Asiatic jealousy and malice. 



308 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Mr. JefFerson can inform you respecting my mis- 
sion to the Court of Denmark. I was received and 
treated there with marked politeness ; and, if the fine 
words I received are true, the business will soon be 
settled. I own, however, that I should have stronger 
hopes, if America had created a respectable marine ; 
for that argument would give weight to every trans- 
action with Europe. 

I acquitted myself of the commission with which 
you honored me when last in America, by delivering 
your letters with my own hand, at Paris, to the per- 
sons to whom they were addressed. I am. Sir, with 
great respect, esteem, and attachment, your Excel- 
lency's 

Most devoted and most humble servant, 

Paul Jones. 

N. B. In case your Excellency should have any 
orders to send me, I think it my duty to subjoin my 
address, under cover, " To Messrs. N. & J. Van Stap- 
horst and Hubbard, Amsterdam." 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LA LUZERNE. 

London, 17 January, 1790. 

Sir, 
I dare to flatter myself, that your Excellency does 
justice to the very tender and respectful attachment 
which I have long entertained towards you; and that 
you will be persuaded of the great pleasure with 
which I have learned the success that has followed 
the first movements of your administration. After 
having given freedom to your country, it was worthy 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 309 

of the virtues and great character of your Excellency, 
to establish her happiness on a solid and permanent 
basis, which is assuredly the result of the new Fede- 
ral Constitution, in framing which you assisted by 
your counsel, and which you now support as much 
by the splendor of your talents and patriotism, as 
by the eminent situation confided to you by your 
fellow-citizens. They possess the advantage of en- 
joying more particularly your beneficence, and the 
honor of having you born among them. But I dare 
to assure you, that the consideration which you en- 
joy throughout Europe, and particularly in my coun- 
try, yields not even to that which you have obtained 
in your native land ; and, notwithstanding the preju- 
dices of the people with whom I live here, there is 
not one among them who does not pronounce your 
name with sentiments of respect and veneration. All 
are acquainted with the services you have rendered 
to your country, as their General, in the course of 
the ^var, and with those, perhaps still greater, which 
you now render as a statesman, in peace. 

The love of glory and of freedom, which led the 
Americans to surmount such great difficulties, must 
still prevail, after surmounting them, to establish the 
principles of justice towards those of their fellow- 
citizens and strangers who assisted them in their 
distress ; and I have seen, with great pleasure, that, 
from the first moment in which you have appeared at 
the head of the Federal Government, the credit of 
the American nation has been established in every 
country of Europe, and that the confidence in her 
resources and means is infinitely better founded, 
than ill many of the older powers. It is beyond 
doubt that it will take still greater consistency, and 
that the freest country in the world ought also to be 



310 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

that which should enjoy the most extensive public 
credit. 

I am too well acquainted with your sentiments for 
France, not to he convinced of the interest which you 
take in her present position. The vices of an ancient 
and vitiated administration could not be reformed, 
even by the virtues of a King, who loves his people, 
and who has many qualities to make them happy. 
Some revolution was required in the form of the mo- 
narchy, and, above all, in setting bounds to the Mi- 
nisterial authority in matters of finance. It was like- 
wise necessary, that the liberty of the citizen should 
be assured, by a conclusive law, of which w^e were 
totally destitute. It is this which induced the King 
to assemble the States-General, who might easily have 
made some useful reforms, leaving the monarchy to 
subsist, or at least reforming it but slowly and par- 
tially. But the love of liberty, and still more the 
exaltation of opinions, have carried us too far ; they 
have overturned every thing, without rebuilding any 
thing, which has reduced us to a very disagreeable 
situation for the moment. I hope that time will a 
little moderate opinions, and that we shall recur to 
true principles; and that, in assuring the liberty of 
the citizen, they will restore the authority of the 
Executive power, which is the soul of a great empire. 
If we can arrive at that state of things, I am per- 
suaded the subject will have gained infinitely, and 
that even the position of the King will be more hap- 
py than it formerly was. But, unfortunately, to attain 
this situation we must reiterate a very thorny career ; 
and our French heads are little fitted for such proofs. 

Your ancient friend, the Marquis de Lafayette, finds 
himself at the head of the revolution; and it is in- 
deed a very fortunate circumstance for the State that 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 311 

he is, but very little so for himself. Never has any 
man been placed in a more critical situation. A 
good citizen, a faithful subject, he is embarrassed 
by a thousand difficulties in making many people 
sensible of what is proper, who very often feel it not, 
and who sometimes will not understand what it is. 

He has occasion for all the aid of that wisdom and 
prudence which he acquired under your tuition; and 
assuredly he has hitherto proved himself worthy of 
his master, having supported the most difficult situa- 
tion with the rarest talents and most astonishing fore- 
sight. I have the honor to be, with a very sincere 
and very respectful attachment, your Excellency's 
Most humble and most obedient servant, 

The Marquis de la Luzerne. 



FROM GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 

Paris, 22 January, 1790. 

Dear Sir, 
Yesterday I went to dine with the Count de Mont- 
morin,==- and expressed to him my wish that France 
might seize the present moment to establish a liberal 
system of commercial policy for her Colonies. I ob- 
served, tliat her interest was deeply at stake, because 
America could always dispose of the Islands, and 
would naturally wish to see tliem in possession of 
that power, under whose government they would be 
most advantageous to her; that nothing could tend so 
much to make the United States desirous of an alli- 
ance with Britain, as to exclude them from a free 

* Count Montmorin ^\':^9 at tlii? time Minister of Foreign AfTliirs. 



312 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

trade with the French Colonies ; that, if the metro- 
polis wishes to preserve the affection of her distant 
subjects, and to derive from them the greatest com- 
mercial benefit, she ought to suffer them to draw 
their subsistence from that quarter where they can 
obtain it most cheaply. He assured me, that he was 
fully of my opinion ; said that our position rendered 
it proper to make in our favor an exception from 
their general system respecting other nations, and 
that he hoped, within a fortnight, something might 
be done. But he lamented, as he had done before, 
that they have no Chief Minister, and consequently 
no fixed plan nor principles. I shall see him again 
before I depart, and also Monsieur de la Luzerne, 
within whose department this matter regularly lies. 
He is an adherent to the exclusive system, which is 
unfortunate. 

In the National Assembly, also, there is a consi- 
derable difficulty. Among the most violent of the 
violent party, are some Representatives of cities on 
the western coasts of this kingdom, where the chief 
commerce is with the Islands; and those who wish 
for the closest union with America, do not wish to 
offend these gentlemen, and therefore are desirous of 
waving the matter at present. For my own [part], I 
am very desirous that the business should be put in 
train, at least. If successful, so much the better; but 
at any rate, it will give an alarm on the other side 
of the Channel. If either of these rival nations sets 
the example, the other will soon follow; and although 
it is not very clear, that the actings and doings of the 
AsscmhUe Rationale in general will long endure, yet 
whatever they grant to us in this particular business, 
those who come after them w^ill be fearful of retract- 
ing. Under these impressions, for a long time past, 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 313 

I have been endeavouring to smooth the way towards 
our object; and I believe in the success. I am, &c., 

GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS. 



FROM GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 

Paris, 22 January, 1790. 

Dear Sir. 

In another letter of this date^ I have mentioned a 
part of yesterday's conversation with the Count de 
Montmorin. That part of it, which I am now to com- 
municate, is for yourself alone. As Monsieur de La- 
fayette had asked me some days ago, who should be 
sent to replace the Comte de Moustier, and upon 
my answering with great indifference, that it might 
be whom he pleased, had asked my opinion of Colo- 
nel Ternant, I told the Count de Montmorin this cir- 
cumstance ; to which he replied, that he had commu- 
nicated his intention to Monsieur de Lafayette some 
time since, in consequence of the intimacy whieh has 
long subsisted between them. I asked him, if he 
would permit me to mention it to you. The idea 
gave him pleasure, and he told me that he should 
consider it as a very great kindness, and particularly 
if through the same channel he could learn whetlier 
that appointment would be agreeable to you. This 
is, yuu know, a compliment which the most respectable 
Courts on this side of the Atlantic usually pay to 
each other. It is not without use, and on the present 
occasion is not a mere compliment, because Monsieur 
de Mont UK trill is sincerely desirous of cultivatiuir a 
good understanding with the United States. 

It is not impossible that he may retreat from his 
present office ; but he will, I think, in that case be 

VOL. IV. 27 



314 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

appointed Governor to the children of Franco, and 
his opinions, while about the Court, will have weight, 
for many reasons ; amongst others, because they de- 
serve it. In talking over the deplorable situation to 
which this kingdom is reduced, I told him that I 
saw no means of establishing peace at home, but by 
making war abroad. He replied that he thought with 
me, in part; namely, that an offensive war might be 
useful. But that he thought a defensive war must 
prove ruinous ; that this last seemed the more likely 
to happen; and that in either case the state of the 
finances was alarming. I observed, that ability in that 
department might restore it, even during a war ; that 
nothing could revive credit without the reestablish- 
ment of executive authority; and that nothing could 
effect that reestablishment but a general sense of the 
necessity. Upon this, he lamented the want of a 
Chief Minister, who might embrace the great whole 
of public business. He owns himself unequal to the 
task, and too indolent into the bargain. 

Our friend Lafayette burns with desire to be at the 
head of an army in Flanders, and drive the Stadt- 
holder into a ditch. He acts now a splendid, but 
dangerous part. Unluckily, he has given in to mea- 
sures, as to the Constitution, which he does not heart- 
ily approve, and he heartily approves many things 
which experience will demonstrate to be injurious. 
While all is in confusion here, the revolt of Austrian 
Flanders, and the troubles excited in Poland by the 
agency of Prussia, give every reason to suppose that 
the King of Sweden will be vigorously supported ; 
so that provided the Turk has but a sufficient share 
of obstinacy to bear a little more beating, the scale, 
according to human probabilities, must turn against 
Austria and Prussia, who are the allies of France. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 315 

Great Britain is, as yet, no otherwise engaged than 
as an eventual party; and, according to the best 
opinion which my judgment can form, upon the in- 
formation I have been able to obtain, the Premier of 
that country can, to use the words of Mr. Addison, 
"ride in the whirlwind and direct the storm." A per- 
son, however, on whose knowledge I have some reli- 
ance, assures me that Mr. Pitt, engrossed by borough 
politics and ignorant of Continental affairs, takes no 
part in them, but what he is absolutely forced into; 
and I am inclined to believe that there is some truth 
in that assertion. Accept I pray the assurances of 
that sincere esteem, with which I am yours, &c. 

GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS. 



FROM HENRY KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR. 

War Office, 15 February, 1790. 

Sir, 

The serious crisis of affairs in which the United 
States are involved with the Creeks, requires that 
every honorable and probable expedient that can be 
devised should be used to avert a war with that 
tribe. The untoward circumstances of the case are 
such that no degree of success could render a war 
either honorable or profitable to the United States. 

Events may be expected soon to arise, which will 
interrupt the present tranquillity. The headlong pas- 
sions of the young Creek warriors are too impetuous 
to be restrained by the feeble advice of the Chiefs, 
even supposing their authority exerted to that end. 
But, were the dispositions of the Creeks generally 
favorable to peace, the corrosive conduct of the law- 
less whites inhabiting the frontiers, may be supposed 



316 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

to bring on partial quarrels. These may be easily 
fomented, and the flame of war suddenly lighted up, 
without a possibility of extinguishing it, but by the 
most powerful exertions. 

A war with the Creeks, besides being attended 
with its own embarrassments, may lead to extensive 
and complicated evils. Part of the lower Creeks, or 
Seminoles, reside within the territory of Spain ; and 
a strong connection appears to subsist between the 
Creeks generally and the Colonies of East and West 
Florida, belonging to that power. In case of a war 
wdth the Creeks, and they should be pushed to take 
refuge within the limits of either of the aforesaid 
Colonies, the United States would be reduced to a 
most embarrassed predicament ; for they must either 
follow the Creeks, in order to extinguish the war, es- 
tablish posts in their country, or retire. In the first 
case, they would seriously be embroiled with Spain ; 
in the second, the operation would be extremely ha- 
zardous and expensive ; in the third, the impression 
made would not be attended with permanent or ade- 
quate effects to the expense incurred by the expe- 
dition. 

This subject, therefore, in every point of view in 
which it can be placed, has an unfavorable aspect to 
the interests of the United States. Acting under this 
impression, my mind has been anxiously employed in 
endeavouring to avoid, if possible, so injurious an 
event. In examining the proposition of the late Com- 
missioners, to send the draught of a treaty for the 
Creeks to sign, and, in case of their refusal, to de- 
clare war against them, it appears as if the measure 
proposed would inevitably precipitate an event, which 
it is the interest of the United States to avoid. For, 
if such treaty should be transmitted to the Creeks, 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 317 

with a declaration that they must receive and sign 
it, or war should ensue, it is highly probable that the 
latter event would take place, by an irruption of the 
Creeks long before the messenger would reach the 
seat of Government. 

In search of expedients to avert the evils impend- 
ing on this subject, I have been led into repeated 
conversations with the Honorable Benjamin Hawkins, 
Senator for North Carolina, who is well acquainted 
with the influential characters among the Creeks. He 
appears to entertain the opinion, pretty strongly, that 
the designs and character of Alexander McGillivray, 
the influential Creek Chief, are opposed to a war 
with the United States, and that he would, at this 
time, gladly embrace any rational mean that could 
be offered, to avoid that event. It seems probable to 
Mr. Hawkins, arising from former intimations of Mc- 
Gillivray, that he miglit at this time be influenced 
to repair to the seat of the General Government, 
provided that every facility and security should be 
offered for that purpose. 

In maturely contemplating this idea of Mr. Haw- 
kins, and confiding in his knowledge and judgment 
of the character alluded to, I am inclined to conclude 
that it is an expedient deserving experiment, and 
that, let its success be what it may, the result cannot 
fail of being honorable to the United States. For 
it is proposed, although the overture shall have the 
aspect of a private transaction, yet that it shall have 
so much of the collateral countenance of Government 
as to convince Mr. McGillivray that he may safely 
c(»nfide in the proposition, as it relates to his own 
and the other Chiefs' personal security, until llieir 
return to their own country. 

I have shown Mr. Hawkins (lie inclosed diai'l «!' a 



318 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

letter to Alexander McGillivray. It has received his 
approbation, and he is willing to copy and sign the 
same, adding thereto some circumstances relative to a 
former correspondence on some philosophical inquiries. 

The hearer of the letter ought to be a man of real 
talents and judgment. Although the ostensible object 
of his mission should be the charo-e of the letter, vet 
the real object should be much more extensive. He 
should be capable of observing the effects of the pro- 
position on the mind of McGillivray and the other 
Chiefs. He should be of such character and manners 
as to insinuate himself into their confidence ; to obvi- 
ate their objections to the proposition ; to exhibit, 
in still stronger colors than the letter, the ruinous 
effects of a war with the Creeks. In the prose- 
cution of his designs he should not be in a hurry, 
but wait with attention and patience the symptoms 
of compliance ; confirm them in such dispositions ; 
and be calm and firm, when opposed. And if, after 
all his labors and exertions, he should fail of success, 
he should be capable of giving a clear narrative of 
the means he used, and the obstacles which prevent- 
ed his success. On this person's negotiation would 
depend much blood and treasure ; and, in any event, 
the reputation of the United States. 

The object, therefore, of the mission would require 
an important character, who, although not invested 
with any apparently dignified public commission, ought 
to have such private powers and compensation as 
would be a sufficient inducement to a performance of 
the intended service. 

The time, which the proposed negotiation would re- 
quire, might be four months, or one hundred and twen- 
ty days. If the compensation should be eight dollars a 
day, the amount would be nine hundred and sixty dol- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 319 

]ars. The expenses would probably amount to four 
hundred dollars in addition. >Should several of the 
Chiefs repair to New York, the expenses for that pur- 
pose would amount, at least, to one thousand dollars; 
so that the expense of one thousand three hundred and 
sixty dollars, at least, and perhaps two thousand three 
hundred and sixty, would be incurred by the pro- 
posed measure. And this sum would be independent 
of the probable expenses of presents, and returning 
the Chiefs to their own country, which would require 
a much larger sum. But there cannot be any doubt 
of the economy of the proposed application of the 
money herein required, when compared with the ex- 
pense which must attend a war. 

The proposed experiment would probably be at- 
tended with cither one or the other of the following 
consequences. 

First; that it would be successful, and thereby pre- 
vent a war. For, most probably, if Mr. McGillivray 
and the other influential Chiefs should embrace the 
measure, and repair to the seat of Government, their 
dispositions would be sufficiently pacific to conclude 
a treaty, especially as no terms, inconsistent with the 
principles of justice or humanity, would be imposed 
on them. 

Secondly ; in case the proposition should be unsuc- 
cessful, the fair and honorable dispositions of the 
United States wouhl be highly illustrated; and, how- 
ever great the evils which might afterwards result 
from hostilities, the Executive Government would not 
in any degree be responsible for them. 

But, as this transaction may be liable to the most 
unworthy imputations, arising from some former local 
prejudices against Mr. Hawkins, in consequence of his 
services and zeal for the honor and justice of the 



320 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

United States while a Commissioner of Indian AiFairs, 
it seems fair and reasonable that his conduct, in this 
instance, should receive its just approbation, and be 
shielded from all malevolence and misrepresentation. 
I have the honor, therefore, humbly to submit the mea- 
sure herein proposed to your consideration. If you 
should be pleased to approve the principal parts there- 
of, your direction appears to be essential on the fol- 
lowing points. 

First; your approbation of my request to Mr. Haw- 
kins, in writing, to copy and sign the letter to Alex- 
ander McGillivray. 

Secondly; an ample passport for the protection of 
Mr. McGillivray, and such Chiefs as shall accompany 
him, from the time of their entering the limits of the 
United States to their return to their own country. 

Thirdly; a direction to me to make the necessary 
expenditures of money in pursuance of the plan pro- 
posed, and to appoint a suitable person to conduct 
the business. I have the honor to be. Sir, with the 
greatest respect. 

Your most obedient servant, 

Henry Knox. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, 17 March, 1790. 

My DEAR General, 
It is with the utmost concern that I hear my let- 
ters have not come to hand, and, while I lament the 
miscarriage, I hope you do not impute it to any 
fault on my part. In these times of troubles, it has 
become more difficult to know or to reach opportuni- 
ties ; and how this will be carried, I leave to the care 
of Mr. Paine, who goes to London. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 321 

Our revolution is getting on as well as it can, with 
a nation that has swallowed liberty at once, and is 
still liable to mistake licentiousness for freedom. The 
Assembly have more hatred to the ancient system 
than experience on the proper organization of a new 
and Constitutional Government. The Ministers are 
lamenting their loss of power, and afraid to use that 
which they have ; and, as every thing has been de- 
stroyed, and not much new building is yet above 
ground, there is much room for critics and calumnies. 
To this may be added, that we still are pestered by 
two parties; the aristocratic, that is panting for a 
counter revolution, and the factious, which aims at 
the division of the empire, and destruction of all 
authority, and perhaps of the lives of the reigning 
branch; both of which parties are fomenting troubles. 

And after I have confessed all this, my dear Ge- 
neral, I will tell you, with the same candor, that we 
have made an admirable and almost incredible de- 
struction of all abuses and prejudices; that every thing 
not directly useful to, or coming from, the people, 
has been levelled ; that in the topographical, moral, 
political situation of France, we have made more 
changes in ten months than the most sanguine pa- 
triot could have imagined; that our internal troubles 
and anarchy are much exaggerated ; and that, upon 
the whole, this revolution, in which nothing will be 
wanting but energy of government, just as it was in 
America, will propagate and implant liberty, and make 
it flourish throughout the world, while wc must wait 
for a Convention in a few years to mend some de- 
fects, Avhich are not now perceived by men just es- 
capcd from aristocracy and despotism. 

You know tliat the Assembly have adjourned the 
West India allairs, leaving every thing in the actual 



322 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

state; namely, the ports opened, as we hear they 
have been, to American trade. But it was impossible, 
circumstanced as we are, to take a definitive resolve 
on that matter. The ensuing Legislature will more 
easily determine, after they have received the de- 
mands of the Colonies, who have been invited to 
make them, particularly on the objects of victualling. 
Give me leave, my dear General, to present you 
with a picture of the Bastille, just as it looked a few 
days after I had ordered its demolition, with the 
main key of the fortress of despotism. It is a tri- 
bute, which I owe as a son to my adoptive father, 
as an Aid-de-camp to my General, as a missionary of 
liberty to its patriarch. Adieu, my beloved General. 
My most affectionate respects wait on Mrs. Washing- 
ton. Present me most affectionately to George, to Ha- 
milton, Knox, Harrison, Humphreys, and all friends. 
Most tenderly and respectfully. 

Your most affectionate and filial friend, 

Lafayette. 



FROM GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.* 

London, 7 April, 1790. 

Sir, 

I arrived in this city on Saturday evening, the 

27th of March, and called the next morning on the 

Duke of Leeds, Minister of Foreign Affairs. He was 

not at home. I therefore wrote to him a note, a 



* Mr. Morris was sent to London as a private agent, to consult the 
British Government in regard to the articles of the treaty of peace 
which had not been executed, and to ascertain whether they inclined to 
a treaty of commerce with the United States. See AVashington's VS^rit- 
ings, Vol. X. pp. 43, 44. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 323 

copy whereof is inclosed, as also his answer, received 
that evening. On Monday, the 29th, I waited upon 
him at Whitehall, and, after the usual compliments, 
presented your letter, telling him that it would ex- 
plain the nature of my business. Having read it, he 
said, with much warmth and gladness in his appear- 
ance, " I am very happy, Mr. Morris, to see this let- 
ter, and under the President's own hand. I assure 
you it is very much my wish to cultivate a friendly 
and commercial intercourse between the two countries; 
and more, I can answer for that of his Majesty's 
servants, that they are of the same opinion." " I am 
happy, my Lord, to find that such sentiments prevail ; 
for we are too near neighbours not to be either 
good friends or dangerous enemies." '^ You are per- 
fectly right. Sir ; and certainly it is to be desired, as 
well for our mutual interests as for the peace and 
happiness of mankind, that we should be upon the 
best footing." 

I assured him of our sincere disposition to be upon 
good terms, and then proceeded to mention those 
points in the treaty of peace which remained to be 
performed. And first, I observed that, by the Consti- 
tution of the United States, which he had certainly 
read, all obstacles to the recovery of British debts 
are removed; and that if any doubts could have re- 
mained, they are now done away by the organization 
of a Federal Court, which has cognizance of causes 
arising under the treaty. lie said, he was happy to 
receive this information ; that he had been of opinion, 
and had written to Mr. Adams, that the articles ought 
to be performed in the order in wliicli tliey stood in 
the treaty. Not choosing to enter into any discus- 
sion of his conduct in relation to Mr. Adams, I tokl 
his Grace that I had one rule or principle for public 



324 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

and private life, in conformity to which I had always 
entertained the idea that it would consist most Avith 
the dio-nitv of the United States, first, to perform all 
their stipulations, and then to require such perform- 
ance from others ; and that, in effect, if each party 
were on mutual covenants to suspend its compliance, 
expecting that of the other, all treaties would be illu- 
sory, lie agreed in this sentiment. Upon which I 
added, that the United States had now placed them- 
selves in the situation just mentioned. 

And here I took occasion to observe, that the 
Southern States, which had been much blamed in 
this country for obstructing the recovery of British 
debts, were not liable to all the severity of censure 
which had been thrown upon them; that, their ne- 
groes having been taken or seduced away, and the 
payment for those negroes having been stipulated by 
treaty, they had formed a reliance on such payment 
for the discharge of debts contracted with British 
merchants, both previously and subsequently to the 
war ; that the suspension of this resource had occa- 
sioned a deficiency of means, so that their conduct 
had been dictated by an overruling necessity. 

Beturning then to the main business, I observed, 
that as we had now fully performed our part, it was 
proper to mention that two articles remained to be 
fulfdled by them, namely, that which related to the 
posts, and that regarding a compensation for the ne- 
groes ; unless, indeed, they had sent out orders re- 
specting the former, subsequent to the writing of 
your letter ; and I took the liberty to consider that 
as a very probable circumstance. He now became a 
little embarrassed, and told me that he could not ex- 
actly say how that matter stood. That as to the 
affair of the negroes, he had long wished to have it 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 325 

brought up, and to have something done, but some- 
thing or other had always interfered. He then chang- 
ed the conversation ; but I brought it back, and he 
changed it again. Hence it was apparent that he 
could go no farther than general professions and as- 
surances. 

I then told him that there w^as a little circum- 
stance, which had operated very disagreeably upon 
the feelings of America. Here he interrupted me. 
" I know what you are going to say ;' our not send- 
ing a Minister. I wished to send you one ; but then 
I wished to have a man every way equal to the task, 
a man of abilities, and one agreeable to the people 
of America. But it w^as difficult. It is a great w-ay 
off, and many object on that score." I expressed my 
persuasion, that this country could not w^ant men w^ell 
qualified for every office ; and he again changed the 
conversation. Wherefore, as it was not w^ortli while 
to discuss the winds and the weather, I observed that 
he might probably choose to consider the matter a 
little, and to read again the treaty, and compare it 
with the American Constitution. He said that he 
should, and wished me to leave your letter, wdiich he 
would have copied, and return it to me. I did so, 
telling him that I should be very glad to have a 
speedy answer; and he promised that I should. 

Thus, Sir, this matter was begun. But nine days 
have since elapsed, and I have heard nothing farther 
from the Duke of Leeds. It is true that Easter holi- 
days have intervened, and that public business is, in 
general, suspended during that period. I shall give 
them sufficient time to show whether they are as 
v.ell disposed as he has declared, and then give him 
a hint. Before I saw^ him, I communicated to the 
French Ambassador, in confidence, that you had direct- 

voL. IV. 28 



326 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

ed me to call for a performance of the treaty. He 
told me at once that they would not give up the 
posts. Perhaps he may be right. I thought it best 
to make such communication^ because the thing it- 
self cannot remain a secret; and by mentioning it to 
him, we are enabled to say with truth, that, in every 
step relating to the treaty of peace, we have acted 
confidentially in regard to our ally. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

GovERNEUR Morris. 



FROM MRS. MERCY WARREN.* 

Plymouth, 1 May, 1790. 

Sir, 

Ambitious to avoid both the style and the senti- 
ment of common dedications, more frequently the in- 
cense of adulation than the result of truth, I only 
ask the illustrious Washington to permit a lady of 
his acquaintance to introduce to the public, under his 
patronage, a small volumef written as the amusement 
of solitude, at a period when every active member 
of society was engaged either in the field or the 
Cabinet, to resist the strong hand of foreign domina- 
tion. 

The approbation of one who has united all hearts 
in the field of conquest, in the lap of peace, and at 
the head of the Government of the United States, 
must for a time give countenance to a writer who, 
claiming the honor of private friendship, hopes for 
this indulgence. But it must be a bold adventurer 

* A sister of the eminent patriot, James Otis, and author of a 
" History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American 
Revolution," in three volumes, published in 1805. 

•j- " Poems, Dramatic and Miscellaneous." 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 327 

in the paths of literature, who dreams of fame in any 
degree commensurate with the duration of laurels 
reaped by a hero, who has led the armies of Ame- 
rica to glory, victory, and independence. 

This may perhaps, be an improper place to make 
many observations on a revolution, that may event- 
ually shake the proud systems of European despot- 
ism. Yet you. Sir, who have borne such a distin- 
guished and honorable part in the great conflict, till 
the nations, wearied with slaughter, listened to the 
voice of nature and Providence, and gave truce to 
the miseries of man, — will permit me to observe that, 
connected by consanguinity or friendship with many 
of the principal characters who asserted and defend- 
ed the rights of an injured country, the mind has 
been naturally led to contemplate the magnitude both 
of the causes and the consequences of a convulsion, 
that has been felt from the eastern borders of the 
Atlantic to the western wilds. 

Feeling much for the distresses of America in the 
dark days of her affliction, a faithful record has been 
kept of the most material transactions through a pe- 
riod that has engaged the attention both of the phi- 
losopher and the politician ; and if life is spared, a 
just trait of the most distinguished characters, either 
for valor, virtue, or patriotism, or for perfidy, intrigue, 
inconsistency, or ingratitude, shall be faithfully trans- 
mitted to posterity, by one who unites in the gene- 
ral wish that you, Sir, may continue to preside in 
the midst of your brethren, until nature asks the 
aid of retirement and repose, to tran(|uillize the last 
stages of human life. I am, respected Sir, with every 
sentiment of esteem and liiendship, the President's 
Most obedient and very humble servant, 

Mercy Warren. 



328 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM THOMAS PAINE. 

London, 1 May, 1790. 

Sir, 

Our very good friend^ the Marquis de Lafayette, has 
intrusted to my care the key of the Bastille, and a 
drawing handsomely framed, representing the demo- 
lition of that detestable prison, as a present to your 
Excellency, of which his letter will more particularly 
inform. 1 feel myself happy in being the person 
through whom the Marquis has conveyed this early 
trophy of the spoils of despotism, and the first ripe 
fruits of American principles transplanted into Europe, 
to his master and patron. When he mentioned to 
me the present he intended you, my heart leaped 
with joy. It is something so truly in character, that 
no remarks can illustrate it, and is more happily ex- 
pressive of his remembrance of his American friends, 
than any letters can convey. That the principles of 
America opened the Bastille is not to be doubted; 
and therefore the key comes to the right place. 

I beg leave to suggest to your Excellency the pro- 
priety of congratulating the King and Queen of 
France (for they have been our friends) and the Na- 
tional Assembly, on the happy example they are giv- 
ing to Europe. You will see, by the King's speech, 
which I inclose, that he prides himself on being at 
the head of the revolution ; and I am certain that 
such a congratulation will be well received, and have 
a good effect. 

I should rejoice to be the direct bearer of the Mar- 
quis's presents to your Excellency, but I doubt I 
shall not be able to see my much-loved America till 
next spring. I shall therefore send it by some Ame- 
rican vessel to New York. I have permitted no 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 329 

drawing to be taken here^ though it has been often 
requested, as I think there is a propriety that it 
should first be presented. But Mr. West wishes Mr. 
Trumbull to make a painting of the presentation of 
the key to you. 

I returned from France to London, about five weeks 
ago ; and I am engaged to return to Paris, when the 
Constitution shall be proclaimed, and to carry the 
American flag in the procession. I have not the 
least doubt of the final and complete success of the 
French Revolution. Little ebbings and flowings, for 
and against, the natural companions of revolutions, 
sometimes appear, but the full current of it is, in my 
opinion, as fixed as the Gulf Stream. 

I have manufactured a bridge (a single arch), of 
one hundred and ten feet span, and five feet high 
from the chord of the arch. It is now on board a 
vessel, coming from Yorkshire to London, where it is 
to be erected. I see nothing yet to disappoint my 
hopes of its being advantageous to me. It is this 
only which keeps me in Europe ; and happy shall I 
be, when I shall have it in my power to return to 
America. I have not heard of Mr. Jefferson since he 
sailed, except of his arrival. As I have always in- 
dulged the belief of having many friends in America, 
or rather no enemies, I have nothing else particularly 
to mention, but my affectionate remembrances to all; 
and am. Sir, with the greatest respect. 

Your most obliged and obedient, humble servant, 

Thomas Pal\e. 

P. S. If any of my friends arc disposed to fiivor 
me with a letter, it will come to hand by addressing 
it to the care of Benjamin Vaughan, Esquire, Jeflries 
Square, London. 

28=== 



330 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM GOUVEllNEUR MORRIS. 

London, 1 May, 1790. 
SiR;, 

Herewith I have the honor to transmit a duplicate 
of my last letter, of the 13th of April. Not having 
heard from the Duke of Leeds, I wrote him a note 
on the 19th. To this I received no reply; wherefore, 
on the 29th, I addressed him again by a letter, of 
which a copy is inclosed. This was delivered at his 
office, Whitehall, between eleven and twelve in the 
morning of the 29th; and at half past ten in the 
evening the letters were sent to me. You w^ill ob- 
serve that his letter is dated the 28th, and of course 
takes no notice of that to which it is in fact the 
answer; but the style and general complexion, as 
well as the circumstances attending the delivery of 
it, clearly show that it was not written until the 
evening of the 29th. 

I might, in reply, have made some strictures upon 
the information that I was in Holland, &c., &c. I 
might also have contrasted the expressions of good 
faith with the conduct of the Administration, and have 
observed upon the idea that the United States were 
bound in the most solemn manner, while, from the 
subsequent parts of his letter, it w^ould seem that 
Great Britain is not bound at all, or at most but 
loosely. There is also a confusion of language, which 
resembles the stammering of one who endeavours to 
excuse a misdeed, which he resolves to commit. Thus, 
on the supposition that completion of the treaty by 
us is impossible, he insists that we shall complete it, 
or make compensation. The expressions in the last 
clause are, if possible, more vague than all the rest. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 331 

and the reply might have heen proportionately more 
pointed. 

My letter of yesterday contains nothing of what is 
just stated, although perhaps it ought to have noticed 
some parts. I must rely on your kindness, Sir, both 
to interpret favorably what I have done, and to ex- 
cuse my omissions. I thought it best to heap coals 
of fire on their heads, and thereby either bring them 
into our views, or put them most eminently in the 
wrong. It was, moreover, my wish to draw forth 
specific propositions, because these will admit of dis- 
cussion, or else, if manifestly unjust, they may not 
only be repelled, but they will serve to show a pre- 
determined breach of faith by them, which will jus- 
tify whatever conduct w^e may afterwards find it pro- 
per to adopt. If, as is not improbable, they should 
give us no answer, or one so vague as to mean no- 
thing, I shall pursue, according to circumstances, my 
object of compelling them to speak plainly, or refuse 
absolutely. 

It seems pretty clear, that they wish to evade a 
commercial treaty, but not peremptorily to reject it; 
and, therefore, I have construed into rejection his 
Grace's abstruse language, leaving him the option to 
give it a different interpretation. I do not expect 
th[it he will, though he may perhaps write an ex- 
planatory comment, more unintelligible than the text. 

I have some reason to believe, that the present 
Administration intend to keep the posts and withhold 
payment for the negroes. If so, they will color their 
breach of faith ])y the best pretexts in their power. 
I incline to think, also, that they consider a treaty 
of commerce with America as being absolutely un- 
necessary, and that they are persuaded they shall 
derive all the benefit from our trade, without treaty. 



332 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

It is true that we might lay them under restiictions 
in our ports; "but they believe that an attempt of 
that sort would be considered by one part of America 
as calculated by the other for private emolument, 
and not for the general good. The merchants here 
look on it as almost impossible for us to do without 
them; and it must be acknowledged that past expe- 
rience, and the present situation of neighbouring coun- 
tries, go far to justify that opinion. Whether the 
Ministers shall act according to their own ideas, or 
consult mercantile people, they will equally, I think, 
repel advances from us ; and, therefore, it seems more 
prudent to lay the foundations of future advantage, 
than attempt to grasp at present benefit. I will not 
pretend to suggest any measures for the adoption of 
Congress, whose wisdom and whose sense of national 
honor will certainly lead them to act properly, when 
the proper moment shall present itself It will natur- 
ally strike every mind, that while the Legislature of 
this country continues to invest the Executive author- 
ity with great power respecting the American com- 
merce, the Administration here will have advantages 
in treaty, which can only be balanced by similar con- 
fidence, on the part of Congress, in the Executive of 
America. 

But very much will, I think, depend upon the situa- 
tion of France. If appearances there should change, 
and so much vigor be infused into the Government 
as would enable it to call forth the national efforts 
in support of their interest and honor, a great revo- 
lution would be produced in the opinions here. From 
the conduct of the aristocratic hierarchy in the Low 
Countries, who are instigated and supported by Prus- 
sia, I have long been thoroughly convinced that the 
alternative of war, or the most ignominious terms of 



OFFICIAL AND PEIVATE. 333 

peace, would be proposed to the Imperial Courts. 
Counting upon the absolute nullity of France, and 
supposing that this country can at any moment inti- 
midate that into abject submission, Prussia and Po- 
land will, I think, join themselves to Turkey and 
Sweden against Russia and Austria, which are both 
exhausted, and one of them dismembered. Probably 
the war will be commenced before this letter reaches 
your hands; and then Britain and Holland are to be 
the umpires, or rather dictators, of peace. 

I have taken the liberty to touch thus far upon 
the general system of European politics, as it may 
tend to show that, for the present. Great Britain will 
rather keep things in suspense with us, being herself 
in a state of suspense as to others. I will not go 
into conjectures about the events which will take 
place upon the Continent. They will, I believe, as 
is usual, disappoint the projectors ; but, be that as it 
may, our affairs can derive no advantages now from 
Avhat shall happen hereafter. I presume that a dis- 
solution of Parliament will take place shortly, al- 
though many of the best informed people think, or 
at least sgy they think, otherwise. But it is clear 
to my mind, that the Administration will wish to 
have before them a prospect of seven years' stability 
to their system, be that what it may; and they will 
not, at the moment of a general election, expose 
themselves to criticism l)y any act of doubtful con- 
struction. This forms Avitli tlicm an additional reason 
for being evasive in regard to us. Perhaps there 
never was a moment in whicli tliis country felt her- 
self greater, and conserpiently it is the most unfavur- 
ablc moment to obtain advantageous terms from her 
in any bargain. But this appearance is extremely fal- 
lacious. Their revenue is not yet equal to their ex- 



334 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

penditure. Money is indeed poured in upon them from 
all quarters, because of the distracted situation of af- 
fairs among their neighbours ; and hence their stocks 
have risen greatly since the peace, so that they can 
borrow at an interest of four per cent. But, suppos- 
ing they should not be obliged to engage in the war, 
still there are two events, either of which would 
overturn the fabric of their prosperity. If France 
establishes a solid system of finance, then capitalists 
will prefer five per cent, with her to four per cent, 
from Britain ; for, all other things being equal, there 
is no shadow of comparison between the resources of 
the two countries. If France commits a bankruptcy, 
the disorders consequent thereon will doubtless be 
violent; but, the storm once passed, she would be 
able to make greater exertions, by her annual re- 
sources, than Britain could compass by every pos- 
sible anticipation of credit. There is a middle situa- 
tion, between sinking and swimming, in which the 
French finances may flounder on for some time to 
come, but even this state of wretchedness will pro- 
duce rather evil than good to Great Britain ; for she 
has already reaped all the harvest which could be 
gathered from the distress of her neighbours, and 
must necessarily lose the benefits of the famous com- 
mercial treaty, in proportion as the resources of her 
customer are cut off. 

Under the various contingencies which present 
themselves to my contemplation, and there are many 
which I will not trouble you with the perusal of, it 
appears clearly, that the favorable moment for us to 
treat is not yet come. It is indeed the moment for 
this country, and they seem determined to let it pass 
away. I must again entreat your indulgence, Sir, for 
tliis long and desultory letter. Accept, I pray you, 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 335 

the assurances of that respect with which I have the 
honor to he^ &c. 

GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS. 



FROM COUNT DE MOUSTIER. 

Paris, 11 May, 1790. 

Sir, 

The desire which I have had to multiply the por- 
trait, which Madame de Brehan has made of you, has 
deprived her of the original for five months, which 
Jias remained, during that time, in the hands of the 
engraver. Our citizens, of all denominations, are, at 
this day, more or less taken off from their habitual 
occupations ; and their functions, civil or military, ab- 
sorb the greater part of their time, employed in try- 
ing to establish liberty between despotism, which has 
been overturned, and licentiousness, which is eager 
to replace it. 

Accept, with goodness, I pray Sir, the homage 
which I have the honor to make, in the accompany- 
ing proofs. Madame de Brehan will profit of the 
first certain opportunity which presents, to address to 
Madame Washington the medallion intended for her. 
In the mean time, she will make a copy of the ori- 
ginal for herself 

The country, in which I dwell at this moment, 
ought no longer to be considered as that which I 
knew before I went to America. If excesses procure 
]>ut rarely the happiness whicli they hold out, the 
virtuous and prudent part of the French nation ought 
to trom])le. " Without proper men to govern, the best 
laws are a mere dead letter," said a sage to me, a 



336 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

short time before my departure from the United 
States. Who, more than we, ought at this. day to he 
convinced of it? The kingdom of France has been 
deeply wounded, and the remedies employed in its 
cure may prove fatal. I fear that many of those 
employed in restoring us, are not sincere, or sufficient- 
ly enlightened. There are, among the principals, men 
of whom I have suspended my judgment till now. 
We cannot sound their intentions; actions wear, fre- 
quently, different aspects. Time indicates what ought 
to fix opinion. 

I experience a solace of the chagrins, caused by 
the situation of my own country, in learning the state 
of yours. Sir, which has the happiness of being -guid- 
ed by a Chief capable of giving life to the laws. 
No one more sincerely and feelingly interests himself 
than I do, in the successes of the United States, and, 
particularly, in yours. I avow, frankly, that I cannot 
conceive the possibility of maintaining the prosperity 
of a great empire without great means, and, conse- 
quently, without great force in the execution. It was 
not necessary, to be convinced of this, that I should, 
within two years, become a witness of two revolu- 
tions in opposite senses ; — in seeing, on one side, a 
great Executive power created ; on the other, one al- 
together established, overturned, and w^hich he, who 
was clothed with it, offered of himself to regulate by 
the usage of wise laws. The want of this great and 
indispensable resource holds us, at this day, in an 
anarchy, which « cannot cease but by the establishment 
of this legal resource, and for which I cannot see a 
substitute, notwithstanding the endeavours of ambi- 
tious and metaphysical men. I am, with respect, Sir, 

Your most humble and most obedient servant, 

The Count de Moustiek. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 337 

FROM THOMAS PAINE. 

London, 31 May, 1790. 

Sir, 

By Mr. James Morris, who sailed in the May 
packet, I transmitted you a letter from the Marquis 
de Lafayette, at the same time informing you that 
the Marquis had intrusted to my charge the key 
of the Bastille, and a drawing of that prison, as a 
present to your Excellency. Mr. J. Butledge, Jr. 
had intended coming in the ship. Marquis de Lafay- 
ette and I had chosen that opportunity for the pur- 
pose of transmitting the present ; but the ship not 
sailing at the time appointed, Mr. Rutledge takes 
his passage in the packet, and I have committed to 
his care those trophies of liberty, which I know it 
will give you pleasure to receive. The French revo- 
lution is not only complete, but triumphant ; and the 
envious disposition of this nation is compelled to own 
the magnanimity with which it has been conducted. 

The political hemisphere is again clouded by a dis- 
pute between England and Spain ; the circumstances 
of which you will hear before this letter can arrive. 
A messenger was sent from hence the 6th instant 
to Madrid, with very peremptory demands, and to 
wait there only forty-eight hours. His return has 
been expected for two or three days past. I was 
this morning at the Marquis del Campo's ; but no- 
thing is yet arrived. Mr. Rutledge sets off at four 
o'clock this afternoon ; but, should any news arrive 
before the making up the mail on Wednesday, June 
2d, 1 will lurward il to you under cover. 

The views of this Court, as well as of the nation, 
so far as they extend to South America, arc not for 

VOL. IV. 29 



338 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

the purpose of freedom, but conquest. They already 
talk of sendmg some of the young branches to reign 
over them, and to pay off their national debt with 
the produce of the mines. The bondage of those coun- 
tries will, as far as I can perceive, be prolonged by 
what this Court has in contemplation. 

My bridge is arrived, and I have engaged a place 
to erect it in. A little time will determine its fate; 
but I yet see no cause to doubt of its success, 
though it is very probable that a war, should it 
break out, will, as in all new things, prevent its pro- 
gress, so far as regards profits. 

In the partition, in the box which contains the key 
of the Bastille, I have put up half a dozen razors, 
manufactured from cast-steel, made at the works 
where the bridge was constructed, which I request 
you to accept as a little token from a very grateful 
heart. I received, about a week ago, a letter from 
Mr. G. Clymer. It is dated the 4th of February, but 
has been travelling ever since. I request you to ac- 
knowledge it for me, and that I will answer it when 
my bridge is erected. With much affection to all my 
friends, and many wishes to see them again, I am, 
Sir, your much 

Obliged and obedient, humble servant. 

Thomas Paine. 



FROM JOSEPH MANDRILLON* 

Paris, 1 June, 1790. 

General, 
The letter with which jom Excellency has honored 

* He had formerly been in America. See an account of his vari- 
ous writings in the BiograpUe Universelle, Ai't. Maxdrillon. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 339 

me^ ot the 29th of August last^ and which accom- 
panied a copy of that excellent work^ the ^^ History 
of the Insurrection in Massachusetts/' is a new favor, 
which I appreciate in all its extent; happy if, with 
the aid of your indulgence^, I may be able to justify 
the good opinion which you have of my zeal and 
eternal devotion to the American cause. 

With regard to Mr. Morris, the bearer of the above- 
mentioned letter, I have seen but few men so well 
instructed in the interests of his country, and in 
those of Europe. I regret much not to have had his 
acquaintance, but in the moment when I was setting- 
out for France. Some friends have undertaken to 
supply my place, and to offer to the worthy American 
all their zeal and attachment. I have employed my- 
self, since I have been in Paris, in translating the 
History of the Insurrection. I shall be ready in a 
couple of months, and I will hasten to send to your 
Excellency a copy of the translation, to which I shall 
give every attention to render it with fidelity. 

You know. General, the fatal consequences of 
the invasion of the Prussian troops in Holland, and 
the abandonment in which France has been forced to 
leave us at that epoch. I have shared, in some sort, 
the fate of the friends of the country, by the confi- 
dence which the Government then reposed in me. Im- 
patient to emancipate myself from the yoke under 
which the Hollanders bent, I determined to come to 
reside in Paris ; in fine, to live more free, and to 
trace more nearly the effects of the French Revolu- 
tion m rcc/anl to m, since we can only hope for safety 
from their succour. The Marquis do Lafayette, the 
woi-tliy emulant and friend of your Excellency, covers 
liiiiKself with glory in France ; and if the guardian 
genius of France preserves him to them, he will en- 



340 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

joy the sweet satisfaction of having done that for his 
fellow-citizens, which your Excellency has done for 
America. I have the honor sometimes to see this 
young heroj and I should desire much to make my 
zeal and my services agreeable to him; but, little ac- 
customed to ask places for myself, and maladroit in 
soliciting, I have energy only for others. Perhaps M. 
Lafayette will give me some department, when he 
knows that, without renouncing the interests of Hol- 
land, I may be of some utility in France. Our Dutch 
refugees desire, and interest themselves in it. 

I propose publishing my memoirs relative to the 
negotiation with which I have been charged in Prus- 
sia, in which wall be developed all the secret causes, 
which have served as the basis of the odious policy 
of England, Prussia, and the House of Orange. This 
work will proscribe me from Holland, while the pre- 
sent system subsists ; but I w^ould rather fulfil my 
task by a new sacrifice, than maintain any longer a 
silence from which my fellow-citizens can draw no 
advantage. I recommend myself. General, to the con- 
tinuance of your precious esteem. I refer to the 
desires and motives, in my last letters; and I have 
the honor to say, with the most profound veneration, 
I am. General, 

Your most humble, and most obedient servant, 

Joseph Mandrillon. 



FROM CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. 

Charleston, 19 June, 1790. 

Dear Sir, 
I am infinitely obliged to you, for having favored 



OFFICIAL AND PFvIVATE. 341 

me with introductory letters for my nepliew, Mr. 
Horry. It -will give him an opportunity of travelling 
Avith such great advantage^ that every improvement 
he may thereby acquire, I shall always with gratitude 
attribute to your benevolent patronage. 

We have lately ratified a new Constitution for this 
State. You will at once see that it is by no means 
perfect; but, considering the different interests in this 
State, it is the best we could make, and the repre- 
sentation is calculated to give numbers and wealth 
their proper influence. By it, the poor will be pro- 
tected in their freedom, and the rich in their proper- 
ty ; and it is attended with one great advantage, that 
might not perhaps attend a Constitution theoretically 
perfect ; it gives general satisfaction, both to the up- 
per and lower parts of the country, and was ratified 
unanimously. The Convention, before they dissolved 
themselves, prepared and directed an address to you. 
The Legislature which met last January, did not 
present an address ; because, as the Convention was 
to meet in May, it was thought that an address from 
the Legislature could not so properly or forcibly ex- 
press the sentiments and gratitude of South Carolina, 
as the Convention of the people. 

Mr. Henry Middleton (grandson of the deceased 
^Ir. Henry Middleton, wdio served with you in the 
first Congress, and the son of the deceased Mr. Ar- 
thur Middleton, whom you may remember in some 
subsef|uent Congresses) will have the honor of deli- 
vering you this. He is travelling through the Mid- 
dle and Northern States, for his improvement, and I 
have desired him to take charge of this letter, that 
lie may have an opportunity of paying his respects 
to you, as he passes through New York. I have the 



342 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

honor to be, with great gratitude and respect, your 
much obliged 

And most obedient, humble servant, 

Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. 



FROM JOHN PARADISE. 

[Without date. Received in June, 1790.] 

Sir, 
I avail myself of the opportunity afforded me by 
my friend Count Andriani, of conveying to you an 
Ode, which Count Alfieri, the author of it, desired me 
long ago to convey to you. The rambling, and of 
course unsettled condition, I have been in since my 
return to Europe, has entirely put it out of my power 
to comply sooner with Count Alfieri's request; and 
this unpleasant condition, added to an apprehension 
of being troublesome, has likewise deprived me of the 
satisfaction of joining my most sincere congratulations 
with those of my fellow-citizens, on the auspicious 
event which has placed you, the object of our vene- 
ration, love, confidence, and gratitude, at the helm of 
our Government. That you may long. Sir, live to 
make our country prosper, is, I can assure you, the 
most ardent wish, not only of us Americans, but of 
all those Europeans also, who, sensible of the value 
of liberty, know how much indebted they are to the 
example, which the glorious cause you have so nobly 
defended, has given to the world, for the rapid and 
successful strides that are now making in a consider- 
able part of Europe, towards the attainment of that 
invaluable blessing. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 343 

There is not a more popular man in France, than 
our gallant Marquis, your pupil; nor indeed can po- 
pularity be more justly merited. His actions are 
directed by the purest views, and his glory consists 
in doing good to mankind. May his labors, therefore, 
be crowned with success ! Count Andriani is a noble- 
man from Milan, highly distinguished by every valu- 
able endowment, and deserving of the honor of being 
presented to you. As he is thoroughly acquainted 
with the affairs of Europe, I have nothing further to 
say at present, than to offer my most respectful com- 
pliments to Mrs. Washington, and subscribe myself 
with the greatest respect. Sir, your most obliged, and 
Most obedient, humble servant, 

John Paradise. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, 28 August, 1790. 

My dear General, 

What could have been my feelings, had the news 
of your illness reached me before I knew my beloved 
General, my adoptive father, w\as out of danger? I 
was struck with horror at the idea of the situation 
you have been in, while I, uninformed and so distant 
from you, was anticipating the long waited-for plea- 
sure to hear from you, and the still more endearing 
prospect to visit you, and present you the tribute of 
a revolution, one of your first offsprings. 

For God's sake, my dear General, take care of 
your health ! Do not devote yourself so much to the 
Cabinet, while your ha])it of life has, from your young 
years, accustomed you to constant exercise. Your 
conservation is the life of your friends, the salvation 
of your country. It is for you a religious duty, not 



344 LETTEKS TO WASHINGTON. 

to neglect wliat may concern your health. I beg you 
will let me oftener hear from you. I write when an 
opportunity offers ; and to my great sorrow I hear 
my letters must have miscarried, or been detained. 
But, as our correspondence can have no other bounds 
but the opportunities to write, it was not a reason, 
give me leave to say, for you to miss any that may 
have offered; and you may easily guess what I am 
exposed to suffer, what would have been my situa- 
tion, had I known your illness before the news of 
your recovery had comforted a heart so affectionately 
devoted to you. 

This letter will be delivered by two gentlemen (one 
of them an artillery officer) who are going to settle on 
the banks of the famed Scioto. How profitable the 
scheme may be to them, I do not determine ; but, as 
they personally are entitled to regard, and are much 
recommended to me, I beg you will honor them with 
your kind reception and good advices. 

The proceedings of the National Assembly cannot 
fail being known to you. We have run or cut down 
every thing that was, and perhaps it w^as the only 
way to get rid of the innumerable obstacles that op- 
posed our revolution. We afterwards have m.ade an 
immense emission of resolves, constitutional, legisla- 
tive, administrative ; and, of the latter, a great deal 
too much. Happy it has been for us, that I per- 
suaded the Assembly to begin with a declaration of 
rights ; as, among our decrees, few may be found that 
are not consonant with the most perfect principles of 
natural rights ; so that, our errors being on the popu- 
lar side, and of the speculative turn, monarchical in- 
fluence and practice will fit us to meet, in a few 
years, a second Convention; while, had we got half- 
way only, or taken another rule than that of nature, 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 345 

it would have been impossible to conquer our diffi- 
culties^ or destroy our prejudices. It is from such a 
motive that I have been so eager to root out, not 
only the reality, but even the smallest appearance, of 
aristocracy among us. 

Now we are disturbed with revolts among the re- 
giments y and as I am constantly attacked on both 
sides, by the aristocratic and factious party, I do not 
know to which of the two we owe these insurrec- 
tions. Our safeguard against them is with the na- 
tional guard. There is more than a million of armed 
citizens ; among them patriotism reigns, and my in- 
fluence with them is as great as if I had accepted 
the chief command. I have lately lost some of my 
favor with the mob, and displeased the frantic lovers 
of licentiousness, as I am bent on establishing a le- 
gal subordination ; but the nation at large are very 
thankful to me for it. It is not out of the heads of 
the aristocrats, to make a counter revolution. Nay, 
they do what they can with all the crowned heads 
of Europe, who hate us ; but I think their plans will 
be either abandoned or unsuccessful. I am rather 
more concerned with a division that rages in the 
popular party. The clubs of the Jacobins, and of 
Eighty-Nine, as it is called, have divided the friends 
of liberty, who accuse each other; the Jacobins be- 
ing taxed with a disorderly extravagance, and Eighty- 
Nine with a tincture of ministerialism and ambition. 
I am endeavouring to bring about a reconciliation. 
The aifair of the 6th of October will be reported in 
the House next week. I do not think there will be 
against the Duke of Orleans, and am sure there are 
not against Mirabeau, sufficient charges to impeach 
them. There is something cloudy in the present sys- 
tem of those two men, although they do not seem 



346 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

actually connected. They are both cowards, but the 
prince most particularly so. 

I hope our business will end with the year, at 
which time this so-much blackened, this ambitious 
dictator, your friend, will most deliciously enjoy the 
happiness to give up all power, all political cares, 
and to become a private citizen in a free monarchy, 
the Constitution of which, although I could not help 
its being defective now, will lay a foundation for the 
most excellent one to be made in a few years. 

The people begin to be a little tired with the re- 
volution and the Assembly; one part to be ascribed 
to the French temper and numberless private losses; 
the other part owing to the faults of the Assembly, 
the intrigues and the ambition of most of its lead- 
ers. But we have got wind enough to run the ship 
into the harbour. 

I depend on my friend Short to give you political 
intelligence. His abilities, zeal, and the affection and 
esteem he enjoys, put him in a situation to give you 
the best information. Mr. Jefferson and myself know 
his worth, and can warrant it. He is a most valu- 
able man to do American business here. My best 
respects wait on Mrs. Washington. I beg you to 
present my tenderest compliments to Hamilton, Knox, 
Jefferson. Be so kind as to show them my letter, 
as well as to Mr. Jay, to whom I also beg my affec- 
tionate compliments, and to all friends. 

Adieu, my dear General. Madame de Lafayette 
and family join in affectionate respects to you and 
Mrs. Washington. Most tenderly and respectfully I 
have the honor to be. 

My beloved General, your devoted friend, 

Lafayette. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 347 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE * 

28 August, 1790. 

I am so deeply impressed with the magnitude of 
the dangers which will attend our Government, if 
Louisiana and the Floridas be added to tlie British 
empire, that, in my opinion, we ought to make our- 
selves parties in the general war expected to take 
place, should this be the only means of preventing 
the calamity. But I think Ave should defer this step 
as long as possible; because Avar is full of chances, 
which may relieve us from the necessity of interfer- 
ing ; and if necessary, still the later Ave interfere, 
the better Ave shall be prepared. 

It is often, indeed, more easy to proA^ent the cap- 
ture of a place than to retake it. Should it be so 
in the case in question, the difference between the 



* This letter, and the one -whicli follows it from IMr. Adams, were 
written in reply to the following queries proposed by the President. 

" Provided the dispute between Great Britain and Spain should come 
to the decision of arms, from a variety of circumstances (individually 
unimportant and inconclusive, but very much the reverse when compared 
and combined) there is no doubt, in my mind, that New Orleans and 
the Spanish posts above it, on the Mississippi, will be among the first 
attempts of the former, and that the reduction of them will be under- 
taken by a combined operation from Detroit. 

" The consequences of having so formidable and enterprising a people 
as the British on botli our flanks and rear, with their navy in front, as 
they respect our western settlements, which may be seduced thereby, as 
they regard the security of the Union, and its commerce with the AA^'est 
Indies, are too obvious to need enumeration. 

" AVhat, then, should be the answer of the Executive of the United 
States to Lord Dorchester, in case he should apply for permission to 
march troops througli the territory of the said States, from Detroit to 
the Mississippi? 

'* AVhat notice ought to be taken of the measure if it shonKl bo 
undertaken without leave, which is the most probable proceoding of 
the two?" 



348 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

two operations of preventing and retaking, will not 
be so costly as two, three, or four years more of 
war. So that I am for preserving neutrality as long, 
and entering into the war as late, as possible. 

If this be the best course, it decides, in a good 
degree, what should be our conduct, if the British 
ask leave to march troops through our territory, or 
march them without leave. It is well enough agreed, 
in the law of nations, that for a neutral power to 
give or refuse permission to the troops of either bel- 
figerent party to pass through their territory, is no 
breach of neutrality, provided the same refusal or 
permission be extended to the other party. If we 
give leave of passage, then, to the British troops, 
Spain will have no just cause of complaint against 
us, provided we extend the same leave to her, when 
demanded. If we refuse (as indeed we have a right 
to do), and the troops should pass notwithstanding, 
of which there can be little doubt, we shall stand 
committed. For either we must enter immediately into 
the war, or pocket an acknowledged insult in the 
face of the world ; and one insult pocketed, soon pro- 
duces another. 

There is, indeed, a middle course, which I should 
be inclined to prefer; that is, to avoid giving any 
answer. They will proceed notwithstanding ; but, to 
do this under our silence, will admit of palliation, and 
produce apologies from military necessity, and will 
leave us free to pass it over without dishonor, or to 
make it a handle of quarrel hereafter, if we should 
have use for it as such. But, if we are obliged to 
give an answer, I think the occasion not such as 
should induce us to hazard that answer which might 
commit us to the war at so early a stage of it ; and 
therefore, that the passage should be permitted. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 349 

If they slionld jDass without having asked leave, I 
should be for expressing our dissatisfaction to the 
British Court, and keeping alive an altercation on 
the subject, till events should decide whether it is 
most expedient to accept their apologies, or profit 
of the aggression as a cause of war. 

Thomas Jefferson. 



FROM JOHN ADAMS, VICE-PRESIDENT. 

New York, 29 Aumist, 1790. 

Sir, 

That New Orleans and the Spanish posts on the 
Mississippi will be among the first attempts of the 
English, in case of a war with Spain, appears very 
probable ; and that a combined operation from Detroit 
w^ould be convenient to that end, cannot be doubted. 
The consequences on the western settlements, on the 
commerce with the West Indies, and on the general 
security and tranquillity of the American Confedera- 
tion, of having them in our rear and on both our 
flanks, with their nav}^ in front, are very obvious. 

The interest of the United States duly weighed, 
and their duty conscientiously considered, point out 
to them, in the case of such a war, a neutrality, as 
long as it may be practicable. The people of these 
States would not willingly support a war, and the pre- 
sent Government has not strength to command, nor 
enough of the general confidence of the nation to 
draw, the men or money necessary, until the grounds, 
causes, and necessity of it should become generally 
known and universally approved. A pacific charac- 
ter, in opposition to a warlike temper, a spirit of 

VOL. IV. 30 



350 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON 

conquest, or a disposition to military enterprise, is of 
great importance to us to preserve, in Europe ; and 
therefore we should not engage, even in defensive 
war, until the necessity of it should become apparent, 
or, at least, until we have it in our power to make 
it manifest in Europe as well as at home. 

In order to preserve an honest neutrality, or even 
the reputation of a disposition to it, the United States 
must avoid, as much as possible, every real wrong, 
and even every appearance of injury to either party. 
To grant to Lord Dorchester, in case he should re- 
quest it, permission to march troops through the ter- 
ritory of the United States, from Detroit to the Mis- 
sissippi, would not only have an appearance, offensive 
to the Spaniards, of partiality to the English, but 
would be a real injury to Spain. The answer, there- 
fore, to his Lordship, should be a refusal, in terms 
clear and decided, but guarded and dignified ; in a 
manner which no person has more at command than 
the President of the United States. 

If a measure so daring, offensive, and hostile, as 
the march of troops through our territory, to attack a 
friend, should be hazarded by the English, without 
leave, or especially after a refusal, it is not so easy 
to answer the question, what notice ought to be taken 
of it. 

The situation of our country is not like that of most 
of the nations in Europe. They have, generally, large 
numbers of inhabitants in narrow territories. We have 
small numbers, scattered over vast regions. The coun- 
try through which the Britons must pass, from De- 
troit to the Mississippi, is, I suppose, so thinly inha- 
bited, and at such a distance from all the populous 
settlements, that it would be impossible for the Presi- 
dent of the United States to collect militia or march 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 351 

troops sufficient to resist the enterprise. After the 
step shall have been taken, there are but two ways 
for us to proceed ; one is war, and the other, negotia- 
tion. Spain w^ould probably remonstrate to the Pre- 
sident of the United States -, but whether she should 
or not, the President of the United States should re- 
monstrate to the King of Great Britain. It w'ould 
not be expected, I suppose, by our friends or ene- 
mies, that the United States should declare war at 
once. Nations are not obliged to declare war for 
every injury, or even hostility. A tacit acquiescence, 
under such an outrage, would be misinterpreted on 
all hands ; by Spain, as inimical to her, and by Bri- 
tain, as the effect of w^eakness, disunion, and pusilla- 
nimity. Negotiation, then, is the only other alterna- 
tive. 

Negotiation, in the present state of things, is at- 
tended with peculiar difficulties. As the King of 
Great Britain twdce proposed to the United States an 
exchange of Ministers, once through Mr. Hartley, and 
once through the Duke of Dorset, and wdien the 
United States agreed to the proposition, flew from it ; 
to send a Minister again to St. James's, till that Court 
explicitly promises to send one to America, is a hu- 
miliation to which the United States ought never to 
submit. A remonstrance, from Sovereio-n to Sovereign, 
cannot be sent but by an Ambassador of some order or 
other; from Minister of State to Minister of State, it 
might be transmitted in many other w\ays. A remon- 
strance, in the form of a letter from the American Mi- 
nister of State to the Duke of Leeds, or whoever may 
be Secretary of State for Foreign Affiiirs, miglit be 
transmitted through an Envoy, Minister Plenipotentiary, 
or Ambassador of the President of the United States 
at Paris, Madrid, or the Hague, and through the British 



352 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Ambassador at either of those Courts. The utmost 
length that can he now gone, with dignity, would 
he to send a Minister to the Court of London, with 
instructions to present his credentials, demand an 
audience, make his remonstrance ; hut to make no 
establishment, and demand his audience of leave, and 
quit the kingdom in one, two, or three months, if a 
Minister of equal degree were not appointed, and actu- 
ally sent, to the President of the United States from 
the King of Great Britain. 

It is a misfortune that, in these critical moments 
and circumstances, the United States have not a Mi- 
nister of large views, mature age, information, and 
judgment, and strict integrity, at the Courts of 
France, Spain, London, and the Hague. Early and 
authentic intelligence from those Courts may be of 
more importance than the expense ; but, as the Re- 
presentatives of the people, as well as of the Legis- 
latures, are of a different opinion, they have made a 
very scanty provision for but a part of such a sys- 
tem. As it is, God knows where the men are to be 
found who are qualified for such missions, and would 
undertake them. By an experience of ten years, 
which made me too unhappy at the time to be ever 
forgotten, I know that every artifice which can de- 
ceive, every temptation which can operate on hope 
or fear, ambition or avarice, pride or vanity, the love 
of society, pleasure, or amusement, will be employed 
to divert and warp them from the true line of their 
duty, and the impartial honor and interest of their 
country. 

To the superior lights and information derived from 
office, the more serene temper and profound judgment 
of the President of the United States, these crude 
and hasty thoughts concerning the points proposed. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 353 

are humbly submitted, with every sentiment of re- 
spect and sincere attachment, by his 

Most obedient and most humble servant, 

John Adams. 



FROM THOMAS MARSHALL. 

"Woodford County, 11 September, 1790. 

Sir, 

I have taken the liberty to inclose to you a Ken- 
tucky loaper, wherein is published an extract from 
one of Mr. Brown's letters respecting the Spanish 
business. My reason for doing this is, that you may 
judge how far it confirms a representation I formerly 
had the honor to make to you on that subject. The 
part I then publicly took in this affair, has entirely 
excluded me from any knowledge of his subsequent 
communications to his confidential friends. 

You w411 discover, by the paper I send you, to 
what lengths matters have been carried. Every thing 
relative to this matter, on the part of Mr. Brown, 
has, by his friends and coadjutors, been denied or 
concealed, which has produced a necessity for the in- 
closed publication. I shall only take the liberty of 
adding, that a great majority of the people of this 
district appear to be well disposed to the Government 
of the United States, though they have, through the 
influence and industry of his confidential friends, again 
elected Mr. Brown to Congress ; and that our official 
and influential characters having taken the oath to 
support the General Government, together with the 
position the Continental troops have taken, in my 
opinion leaves us little to fear, at present, from the 
machinations of any Spanish party. 
30=^= 



354 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

That God may bless and j)reserve you, and that 
the United States may long continue to enjoy the 
happiness of your government and protection, is the 
most fervent prayer of one, who has the honor to 
be, with the most respectful esteem and sincerity. 

Your most obedient and very humble servant, 

Thomas Marshall. 



FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 

New York, 17 October, 1790. 

Sir, 

I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 
10th instant, by the last post. It is certainly very 
possible, that motives different from the one avowed, 
may have produced a certain communication ; and in 
matters of such a nature, it is not only allow^able. 
but the dictate of prudence, to receive suggestions 
with peculiar caution. 

A British packet arrived yesterday. The accounts 
she brings are all of a warlike aspect. I have ex- 
tracted from an English paper the inclosed decree of 
the National Assembly of France, which, though of a 
qualified tenor, looks pretty directly towards the 
eventual supporting of Spain. The English papers 
hold it up as a decisive indication of a disposition to 
do so. And it is said, in some of the letters which 
have been received, that positive orders have been 
sent to Lord Howe to fight, if he can find an oppor- 
tunity. The papers announce a second fleet of fifteen 
sail of the line, ready to rendezvous at Portsmouth, 
to be under the command of Admiral Hood; their 
destination unknown. It is also mentioned, that the 
Dutch fleet had returned to the Texel, the Duke of 



OFFICIAL AND nilVATE. 355 

Leeds having previously made a journey for an in- 
terview with the Dutch Admiral. This very myste- 
rious circumstance is wholly unexplained. 

A certain gentleman, who called on me to-day, in- 
formed me that a packet had sailed the 16th of Au- 
gust for Quebec, in which went passenger General 
Clarke. He added, that the rumor in England was, 
that Sir Guy Carleton was to return in her. He 
made no other communication. 

The inclosed letter came to hand this day. I have 
had no opportunity of making any inquiry concern- 
ing the person recommended in it. If I can obtain 
any additional lights, they shall be made known with- 
out delay. The object suggested in your letter, as 
preparatory to the meeting of the Legislature, shall 
engage my particular attention. The papers of the 
Departments of State and the Treasury, and of the 
Commissioners for settling Accounts, are on their way 
to Philadelphia. On the 20th, I propose, with my 
family, to set out for the same place. I have the 
honor to be, with the highest respect and truest at- 
tachment. Sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble servant, 

Alexander Hamilton. 



FROM DAVID HUMPHREYS. 

(Secret.) 

Lisbon, 30 November, 1700. 

My dear General, 
I have forwarded to ^Ir. Jefferson, for your inform- 
ation, the continuation (»f my proceedings until tlie 
present time. You will 1)0 pleased to observe, by my 
letter to him of this date, that the Court of Lisbon, 



356 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

having, from a desire of opening an official intercourse 
with the United States, made the first advances, by 
appointing a Minister Resident to repair thither, now 
finds it an unpleasant and difficult task to tread hack 
the steps it has thus, as an elder nation, taken in 
respect to us. It w^ould doubtless be desirable to 
meet those advances, if it may be done without im- 
propriet}^ 

I do not know what particular reasons exist on the 
part of the Government of the United States (except 
those which relate to expenses), that might induce it 
to decline making an appointment, wdiich w^ould be 
so satisfactory to this Court. There seems to be con- 
siderable force in what the Chevalier de Pinto has 
alleged, with the intent to obviate the embarrassments, 
on account of the pecuniary provision. The proper 
and necessary expenses of a Charge des Affiiires will, 
I believe, be pretty nearly the same in every respect, 
with those of a Minister Resident. Should I have 
the honor of being nominated in the latter quality, 
in return for the Chevalier de Freire, by the best 
inquiries I have been able to make, I think, as a 
single man, I may establish a household, and, with 
good economy, live decently, in such a manner as 
not to discredit myself or my nation, for the salary 
annexed to the office of Charge des Affaires. If, there- 
fore, a change of the name should take place, I 
should expect it to be with a restriction to the salary 
of a Charge des Affaires. In case of appointment to 
either grade, according to permission of the act of 
Congress, I suppose, however, a sum not exceeding 
(nor less than) a year's salary will be granted to the 
person so appointed, for the purchase of furniture, &c. 
Mr. Jefferson well remembers what inconveniences 
resulted to him, from the want of such a provi- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 357 

sion for outfits, and how indispensably necessary it 
will bOp under all circumstances, at the beginning. 
Here the difference between hiring a house furnished, 
or unfurnished, is much greater than in France. The 
rent of a good house, unfurnished, but beautifully 
situated, in the neighbourhood of Lisbon, is very rea- 
sonable. 

I would not have troubled you with these details, 
trifling in themselves, though, under certain circum-i 
stances, they may be somewhat interesting to me, had 
not the Minister of her Most Faithful Majesty seem- 
ed so much attached to the idea of continuing the 
appointment of Minister Resident to his friend, the 
Chevalier de Freire, that I am induced to imagine a 
refusal, on our part, to make an exchange in that 
grade, would not only prevent that gentleman from 
going to America at all, but perhaps any arrange- 
ment for the exchange of diplomatic characters, for 
the present. This Court having recalled its Ambas- 
sador from Rome, to succeed the Chevalier de Freire 
at London, this last-mentioned gentleman must be en- 
tirely thrown out of employment, until some vacancy 
shall happen ; and the Court may have to encounter 
either the real or pretended difficulty of not being 
able to find a character, suitable and willing to fill 
the office of a Charge des Affaires in the United 
States. A similar real or pretended difficulty, you 
may recollect, has long existed in the British Cabinet. 

I only beg leave farther to suggest, in case an 
appointment of any nature whatsoever should be 
made by the Executive of America to this Court, 
whether it would not be a good opportunity for you, 
as Chief Magistrate of the United States, to WTite a 
short letter to the Queen, in your own hand (to be 
presented at tlic first audience, with the public ere- 



358 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

dentials), expressive of your sense of the friendly dis- 
positions her Majesty has manifested towards the 
United States, especially in the orders given for the 
Portuguese fleets to afford any succour to American 
vessels, and to protect them from the Algerine corsairs. 
This singular instance of attention, which has, in fact, 
been very useful to our Mediterranean trade, seems 
to merit, on our part, some particular notice. The 
Queen would probably be much flattered by your 
likewise taking occasion to express a desire of culti- 
vating the amity and commerce, which so happily sub- 
sist between the two nations, and which (being founded 
upon principles of mutual advantage, without any in- 
terfering claims or discordant interests) promise to be 
of long and beneficial continuance. With every senti- 
ment of affection and respect, 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

David Humphreys.* 



FROM TIMOTHY PICKERING. 

Pbiladelphia, 31 December, 1790. 

Sir, 
I have this moment received and read your very 
obliging letter of this date, expressing your entire ap- 
probation of my conduct in the conference, which, by 
your orders, I have lately held with the Seneca Indians. 
This explicit and pointed approbation of my proceed- 
ings, is the more grateful, because they were my first 



* The nomination of Colonel Humphreys, as Minister Resident, from 
the United States to Portugal, was confirmed by the Senate, on the 
21st of February, 1791. Executive Journal, Yol. I. p. 75. At the time 
the above letter was written. Colonel Humphreys was acting as a pri- 
vate agent, under the authority of the President. — 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 359 

essay; for, till then, I was an utter stranger to the 
manners of Indians, and to the proper mode of treat- 
ing with them. But, Sir, I have found that they are 
not difficult to please. A man must he destitute of 
humanity, of honesty, or of common sense, who should 
send them away disgusted. He must want sensibility, 
if he did not sympathize with them, on their recital 
of the injuries they have experienced from white men. 
Impressed, therefore, with such sentiments, the honor- 
able manner in which you have manifested your ap- 
probation of my conduct in this business, is more 
than I expected, though, next to the approbation of 
my own mind, nothing could have given me more 
satisfaction. 

With sincere respect, I am. Sir, &c. 

Timothy Pickering. 



FROM TIMOTHY PICKERING. 

Philadelphia, 15 January, 1791. 

Sir, 

I intended to have done myself the honor of wait- 
ing on you in person; but a letter may give you 
less trouble. 

General Knox informed me, that it would be agree- 
able to you that I should undertake the Superintend- 
ency of the northern Indians; I mean particularly 
the Six Nations. I answered that, by the new Con- 
stitution of Pennsylvania, a Continental appointment 
was declared to be incompatible with the appoint- 
ments I held under the State; and I supposed the 
nature of such superintendency would not warrant 
any considerable emolument. In a subsequent con- 
versation, I intimated a willingness to perform the 



360 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

necessary services respecting the Six Nations, without 
any formal appointment; but this idea seemed not to 
have been approved. 

Afterwards I found that all the Indians, north of 
the Ohio, were already arranged under one depart- 
ment, of which General St. Clair was the Superin- 
tendent, who, with your permission, might appoint a 
Deputy. General Knox seemed to wish that the 
matter might be suspended until the arrival of Gene- 
ral St. Clair, who was daily expected. Since that 
time I have reflected on the subject, and, upon the 
whole, would beg leave to decline taking the Super- 
intendency proposed, though not without expressing 
the real pleasure I feel in the favorable sentiments 
you entertain concerning me, and assuring you of my 
readiness to perform any occasional services in that 
line, which your wishes for the public good may re- 
quire. 

Permit me. Sir, to add a few words relative to the 
subject of the last letter I had the honor to write to 
you. Before I wrote, two circumstances made me 
hesitate. One, lest it should be thought that I, like 
many projectors, was contriving an employment for 
myself; the other, lest, if such a plan should be ap- 
proved and established, 1 should in fact be requested 
to undertake the execution of it, to which request 
sentiments of humanity and regard to the public 
good might urge me to yield, while other views, and 
the feelings of my family, might be strongly opposed 
to it. My opinion, however, of the utility, as well as 
of the practicability, of the plan proposed for intro- 
ducing the arts of husbandry and civilization among 
the Indians, remains the same. It was an opinion 
not hastily formed. But, lest a partiality for a pro- 
ject of my own should mislead my judgment, I sub- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 361 

mitted it to the examination of two or three gentle- 
men of discernment ; and it received their approbation 
before I would venture to give you the trouble of 
reading a long letter about it. 

Although, Sir, I have declined the proposed per- 
manent agency in Indian affairs, I have not withdrawn 
my views from public life, but should cheerfully en- 
gage in it, whenever an opening for useful employ- 
ment, more beneficial than the offices I hold under 
the State, shall present. Two of these offices are 
now rendered certain, by recent reappointments, some- 
what unexpectedly made. But they are all of too 
little value for me to depend on during the rest of 
my life. Whenever, therefore, any suitable employ- 
ment shall offer, I shall feel myself peculiarly obliged 
by your remembrance of me. 

With the most sincere respect, I am. Sir, &c., 

Timothy Pickerixg. 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, 7 March, 179L 

My DEAR General, 
Whatever expectations I had conceived of a speedy 
termination to our revolutionary troubles, I still am 
tossed about in the ocean of factions and commotions 
of every kind. For it is my fate to be on each side 
with equal animosity attacked, both by the aristocra- 
tic, slavish, parliamentary, clerical, — in a word, by all 
enemies to my free and levelling doctrine^ and, on 
the other side, by the Orleanist factions, antiroyal, 
licentious, and pillaging parties of every kind ; so that 
my personal escape from amidst so many hostile 
bands is rather dubious, although our great and good 

VOL. IV. 31 



362 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

revolution is, thank Heaven, not only insured in 
France, but on the point of visiting other parts of 
the world, provided the restoration of public order is 
soon obtained in this country, where the good people 
have been better taught how to overthrow despotism 
than they can understand how to submit to the law. 
To you, my dear General, the Patriarch and Gene- 
ralissimo of universal liberty, I shall render exact ac- 
counts of the conduct of your Deputy ancl Aid in 
that great cause. 

You will hear that the National Assembly have 
permitted the cultivation of tobacco throughout the 
kingdom, as it was already established in the frontier 
Provinces, to which they have been induced on three 
accounts. First, because they thought a prohibition 
inconsistent with the principles of the bill of rights; 
secondly, because the removal of the excise barriers 
to the extremity of the empire, made it necessary to 
have a general rule ; thirdly, because the departments 
formerly called Alsace and Flanders, being greatly 
contaminated by a foreign and aristocratic influence, 
there was no doubt of the impending attack of the 
rebel Princes, Conde and Artois, taking place, and 
being countenanced even by the country farming peo- 
ple, had we cut them off from that branch of culti- 
vation all of a sudden. 

But what is greatly exceptionable, is a duty fixed 
on the introduction of American tobacco, with a pre- 
mium in fxvor of the French vessels, and a duty 
much too high, although it was lately lessened, on 
American whale oil. But I beg you, and all citizens 
of the United States, not to be discouraged by that 
hasty and ill-combined measure, which I hope, before 
long, to see rectified, in consequence of a report of 
the Diplomatic Committee, including the whole at 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 363 

once, and for which my friends and myself have 
kept our arguments. I shall send you the report, 
the debate, and the resolve. Should we obtain an 
easy introduction of American tobacco, no cultivation 
of any importance can take place in France, and it 
will be the better for both countries. 

M. de Ternant has been named Plenipotentiary 
Minister to the United States. I have warmly wished 
for it, because I know his abilities, his love for liberty, 
his early, steady and active attachment to the United 
States, his veneration and love for you. The more I 
have known Ternant, the more I have found him a 
man of great parts, a steady, virtuous, and faithful 
friend. He has deserved a great share in the con- 
fidence of the National Assembly; the patriot side, I 
mean. The King has a true regard for him. In a 
word, I hope he will, on every account, answer your 
purposes, and serve America as zealously in the di- 
plomatic line, as he did when in the army. 

Adieu, my beloved General. My best respects wait 
on Mrs. AVashington. Remember me most affection- 
ately to Hamilton, Jefferson, Knox, Jay, and all 
friends. Madame de Lafayette and children beg their 
tender respects being joined to mine for you and the 
family. Most respectfully and tenderly, I am, my 
dear General, 

Your filial friend, 

Lafayette. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE. 

Philadelphia, 27 March, 1791. 

Sir, 
I have been again to see Mr. Barclay on the sub- 



364 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

ject of his mission;^-' and, to hasten liim, I communi- 
cated to him the draught of his instructions, and he 
made an observation which may render a small change 
expedient. You know it had been concluded that 
he should go without any defined character, in order 
to save expense. He observed that, if his character 
was undefined, they would consider him as an Am- 
bassador, and expect proportional liberalities; and he 
thought it best to fix his character to that of Consul, 
which was the lowest that could be employed. Think- 
ing there is weight in his opinion, I have the honor 
to inclose you a blank commission for him as Consul, 
and another letter to the Emperor, no otherwise differ- 
ent from that you signed, but as having a clause 
of credence in it. If you approve of this change, 
you will be so good as to sign these papers and re- 
turn them; otherwise the letter before signed will 
still suffice. 

I inclose you a Massachusetts paper, whereby you 
will see that some acts of force have taken place on 
our eastern boundary. Probably that State will send 
us authentic information of them. The want of an 
accurate map of the Bay of Passamaquoddy renders 
it difficult to form a satisfactory opinion on the point 
in contest. I write to-day to Rufus Putnam to send 
me his survey, referred to in his letter. There is a 
report that some acts of force have taken place on 
the northern boundary of New York, and are now 
under consideration of the Government of that State. 

The impossibility of bringing the Court of London 
to an adjustment of any difference whatever, renders 
our situation perplexing. Should any applications 



* Mission as Consul to Morocco. Mr. Barclay had been an agent 
for negotiating a treaty between the United States and Morocco in 
1786. See Washington's Writings, Vol. X. pp. 60, 144. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 365 

from the States^ or their citizens, be so urgent as to 
require something to be said before your return, my 
opinion would be, that they should be desired to 
make no new settlements on our part, nor suffer any 
to be made on the part of the British within the 
disputed territory ; and if any attempts should be 
made to remove them from the settlements already 
made, that they are to repel force by force, and ask 
aid of the neighbouring militia to do this, and no 
more. I see no other safe way of forcing the Bri- 
tish Government to come forward themselves and de- 
mand an amicable settlement. If this idea meets 
your approbation, it may prevent a misconstruction 
by the British of what may happen, should I have 
this idea suggested in a proper manner to Colonel 
Beckwith. 

The experiments, which have been tried, of distil- 
ling sea-water with Isaac's mixture, and also without 
it, have been rather in favor of the distillation with- 
out any mixture. 

A bill was yesterday ordered to be brought into 
the House of Bepresentatives here for granting a 
sum of money for building a Federal Hall, House 
for the President, &c. 

You knew of Mr. Bobert Morris's purchase of Gor- 
ham and Phelps of one million, three hundred thou- 
sand acres of land of the State of Massachusetts, at 
five pence an acre. It is said that he has sold one 
million, two hundred thousand of these in Europe, 
through the agency of Mr. Franklin, who, it seems, 
went on this business conjointly with that of printing 
of his grandfather's works. Mr. Morris, under the 
name of Ogden, and perhaps in partnership with him, 
has bought the residue of the lands licld in the same 
country by Massachusetts, for . The Indian 

31 =••' 



366 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

title of the former purchase has been extinguished 
by Gorham, but that of the latter is not 3 perhaps it 
cannot be. In that case, a similarity of interest will 
produce an alliance with the Yazoo Companies. Per- 
haps a sale may be made in Europe to purchasers 
ignorant of the Indian right. 

I shall be happy to hear that no accident has 
happened to you in the bad roads you have passed, 
and that you are better prepared for those to come 
by lowering the hang of your carriage, and exchang- 
ing the coachman for two postilions ; circumstances 
which, I confess to you, appeared to me essential for 
your safety, for which no one on earth more sincerely 
prays, both from public and private regard, than he 
who has the honor to be, 

With sentiments of the most profound respect, 

Sir, &c., 

Thomas Jefferson,. 



FROM HENRY KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR. 

'War Department, 10 April, 1791. 

Sir, 
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
your separate letter of the 4th instant, and also of 
your joint letter of the same date, to the heads of 
the departments. By the information from Fort Har- 
mar, of the 17th, and Pittsburg, of the 31st^ it would 
appear that the Delawares and Wyandots are com- 
mitting depredations, and that they will be joined in 
the war against us. But, what is still more disagree- 
able, it is to be apprehended that the Senecas, mainly, 
may be in the same predicament. For a party of 
Munsey or Delaware Indians, who reside upon the 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 367 

waters of the Alleghany, towards Lake Erie, on the 
21st ultimo, murdered nine men, women, and children, 
within twenty miles of Fort Pitt, on the west side of 
the Alleghany. 

This was on the day the Cornplanter set out from 
Fort Pitt. The inhabitants were so blindly enraged, 
as to suspect the Cornplanter and his party, and agi- 
tated plans to cut him off. Had they proceeded and 
succeeded, it would have completed the business, and 
the war would indisputably have become general. 
Lieutenant Jeffers, of the federal troops, accompanied 
Cornplanter, and would probably have shared his fate. 

Every exertion must be made to prevent the Six 
Nations from joining the western Indians. The post 
at French Creek must be strengthened, and perhaps 
a party sent to protect the Cornplanter's settlements 
from the fury of the whites. AfQiirs being so critical 
with the Six Nations, I have judged it advisable to 
assemble them as soon as possible, in order to bright- 
en the chain of friendship, and to prevent all jea- 
lousies. I have accordingly desired Colonel Picker- 
ing, who may be depended upon, to invite them to 
a meeting, at some convenient place, at an early 
day, and that, in the mean time, he should repair to 
this city for particular orders. I shall lay this sub- 
ject before the Vice-President, and the other heads 
of departments to-morrow, for their approbation. 

The recruiting service proceeds well. I judge v;e 
have about three hundred regulars and levies enlisted 
in diflercnt places, to Connecticut, inclusively. One 
company of levies, well clothed, will march from Car- 
lisle about the 25th, and the rest as flist as recruit- 
ed. The marching of the regulars will commence hy 
companies, I hope by the 1st of i\Iay, and follow in 
succession as fast as recruited. Present appearances 



368 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

indicate that the main force will be collected by the 
15th of July, as originally designed. 

Brigadier-General Butler was directed to have set 
off for Maryland on the 6th; but he has delayed it 
until this day. But, as the Virginia and Maryland 
levies will not have far to march, I hope they will 
be on the frontiers by the 15th or 20th of June. I 
have the honor to be, with the highest respect. 
Your obedient, humble servant, 

Henry Knox. 



FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 

Philadelphia, 10 April, 1791. 

Sir, 

I have duly received the private letter which you 
did me the honor to write me, of the 4th instant. 

It is to be lamented that our system is such as 
still to leave the public peace of the Union at the 
mercy of each State Government. This is not only 
the case as it regards direct interferences, but as it 
regards the inability of the National Government, in 
many particulars, to take those direct measures for 
carrying into execution its views and engagements, 
which exigencies require. For example, a party comes 
from a county of Virginia into Pennsylvania, and 
wantonly murders some friendly Indians. The Na- 
tional Government, instead of having power to appre- 
hend the murderers and bring them to justice, is 
obliged to make a representation to that of Pennsyl- 
vania ; that of Pennsylvania, again, is to make a re- 
quisition of that of Virginia. And whether the mur- 
derers shall be brought to justice at all, must depend 
upon the particular policy, and energy, and good dis- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 369 

position of two State Governments, and tlie efficacy 
of the provisions of their respective laws. And the 
security of other States, and the money of all, are at 
the discretion of one. These things require a remedy; 
but when it will come, God knows. 

From present appearances, a pretty general Indian 
war is not a little to be apprehended. But there is 
now nothing for it, but to encounter it with vigor; 
and thus far in my department the provisions are 
adequate. I have the honor to remain, with the tru- 
est and most respectful attachment. Sir, 
Your obedient servant, 

Alexander Hamilton. 



FROM COUNT DE MOUSTIER. 

(Translation.) 

Berlin, 2G April, 179L 

Sir, 

T received but yesterday, the letter with which 
you honored me on the Gth of November last. Its 
date recalled to my mind the place where I had the 
satisfaction of pa3dng my first homage to you. That 
interesting period of my life will always be recollect- 
ed with the same sensibility. 

The country life, which you know. Sir, how to 
render as useful to your citizens by your example, as 
agreeable to yourself, is well w^orthy of engaging as 
much of your time as you can give it. I have learnt, 
with very great satisfaction, the influence which it 
lias had on your heallli. It is there that the relaxa- 
tion of the mind, and the exercise of the body, dis- 
pel those evils which arc occasioned by the restraint 
of living in a city, and which arc peculiarly unfavor- 



370 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

able to those, who are constantly occupied in the 
painful cares of Government. 

The success, which attends your cares, Sir, in the 
administration of the United States, is a flattering re- 
compense for those labors which you have so long 
devoted to your country. So well am I convinced of 
the wisdom and virtue of the American Congress, 
that I never fail to present it as a model for my fel- 
low-citizens. If you have ever read the preface, 
placed at the beginning of a translation which I 
solicited, of the American Laws, digested by order 
of Congress in 1789, you would there have seen 
my opinion. I am the author of those reflections, 
which I have developed on more than one occasion. 
Minds which incline to extremes in my country, are 
not yet disposed to receive them. Instead of the 
energy, which results from a public force well organ- 
ized, we see that violence reign, which results from 
a force placed without its centre. The end has been 
missed. I, however, love to flatter myself that it will 
return. They have exaggerated the evils which they 
suffered, and have employed, in consequence thereof, 
remedies excessively violent, and in no manner suited 
to the disorder which they had to handle. I hope 
those who are firm, have a desire to retrace their 
steps, which requires more courage and talents than 
to go straight forward. Any sacrifice, even that of 
self-love, ought to be accounted as nothing, by a good 
citizen; and if they claim that Kings should make 
an avowal of their errors, why should simple citizens 
claim to persevere in theirs? 

I did not attach myself to any party during my 
stay in France. I flattered no idol of the moment, 
because I had never flattered any heretofore. I love 
my country with ardor. For a long time, I have de- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 371 

voted myself to her. I lamented the abuse of the 
former Government ; I lament that they have not 
made the one which follows it better. I wait until 
they renounce those chimeras, and descend from the 
regions of perfection, which do not belong to the hu- 
man condition. I confine myself to fulfilling, in my 
sphere, the duties which are allotted me. Our nation 
deserves to be happy. The crime of leading her 
away from happiness is great, in proportion as it is 
easy to conduct her to it. The tissue of a false 
glory, enthusiasm for the perfection of government, 
cupidity, vengeance, and hatred, are not good ingre- 
dients for forming the chiefs of a Revolution. It was 
good perhaps to demolish; but it is rare that a demo- 
lition is suitable when the passions dispel the judg- 
ment. I have seen you. Sir, grieve at a Henry. How 
many Henrys have we in France ! 

In whatever situation I may be, I shall not cease 
to prove the lively interest which I take in the pros- 
perity of the United States ; and I shall always re- 
gard it as a mark of good fortune, to have been in 
a situation to admire you, and to give testimonies of 
the veneration which is due to your virtues and to 
your eminent qualities. 

I am, with respect. Sir, &c.. 

Count de Moustier. 



FROM MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Faris, 3 May, 1701. 

jNIy DEAR General, 
I wish it was in my power to give you an assur- 
ance, that our troubles are at an end, and our Con- 
stitution totally established. But, although dark clouds 



372 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

are still before us. we come so far as to foresee the 
moment when a Legislative corps will succeed this 
Convention; and unless foreign powers interfere, I 
hope that within four months your friend will have 
reassumed the life of a private and quiet citizen. 

The rage of parties, even among the patriots, is 
gone as far as it is possible, short of bloodshed; but, 
although hatreds are far from subsiding, matters do 
not appear so ill disposed as they formerly were to- 
wards a collision among the supporters of the popular 
cause. I myself am exposed to the envy and attacks 
of all parties, for this simple reason, that, whoever 
acts or means wrong, finds me an insuperable obstacle ; 
and there appears a kind of phenomenon in my situa- 
tion ; all parties against me, and a national popularity 
which, in spite of every effort, has been unshakable. 
A proof of this I had lately, when disobeyed by the 
guard, and unsupported by the administrative powers 
who had sent me, unnoticed by the National Assem- 
bly, who had taken fright. The King I do not men- 
tion, as he could do but little in the affair, and yet 
the little he did was against me. Given up to all 
the madness of license, faction, and popular rage, I 
stood alone in defence of the law, and turned the 
tide up into the Constitutional channel. 

I hope this lesson will serve my country, and help 
towards establishing the principles of good order. 
But, before I could bring my fellow-citizens to a sense 
of legal subordination, I must have conducted them 
through the fear to lose the man they love. Inclosed 
is the speech I delivered on the occasion. I send it, 
not for any merit of it, but on account of the great 
effect it had on the minds of the people, and the 
discipline of an army of five-and-forty thousand men; 
upward of thirty [thousand] of them are volunteers; 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 373 

and whO; to a man, are exposed to all the suggestions 
of a dozen of parties, and the corruptions of all kinds 
of pleasure and allurement. 

The Committee of Revision is going to distinguish, 
in our immense materials, every article that deserves 
to be constitutional; and as I hope to convene, in a 
tolerable state of union, the members of that Com- 
mittee, as their votes will in the House influence the 
popular part of the Assembly, I hope that, besides 
the restoration of all natural rights, the destruction 
of all abuses, we may present to the nation some 
very good institutions of government, and organize 
it so as to ensure to the people the principal conse- 
quences and enjoyments of a free Constitution, leav- 
ing the remainder to the Legislative corps to mend 
into well digested bills, and waiting until experience 
has fitted us for a more enlightened and less agitated 
National Convention. 

In the mean while, our principles of liberty and 
equality are invading all Europe, and popular revolu- 
tions preparing everywhere. Should foreign powers 
employ this summer with attacks against our Consti- 
tution, there will be great bloodshed; but our liberty 
cannot fail us. We have done every thing for the 
general class of the country people ; and, in case the 
cities were frightened into submission, yet the pea- 
sants would swarm round us and fight to death, rather 
than give up their rights. 

Adieu, my beloved General. My best respects wait 
on Mrs. Washington. Ilemember me to Hamilton, 
Jay, Jefferson, Knox, and all friends. Most respect- 
fully and affectionately I am, my dear General, 

Your filial friend, 

Lafayette. 

VOL. IV. 32 



374 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM THOMAS JEFI^ERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE. 

Bennington, 5 June, 1791. 

Sir, 

In my last letter from Pliiladelpliia, I mentioned 
that Mr. Madison and myself were about to take a 
trip up the North River, as far as circumstances 
should permit. The levelness of the roads led us 
quite on to Lake George, where, taking boat, we 
went through that, and about twenty-five miles into 
Lake Champlain. Returning then to Saratoga, we 
concluded to cross over through Vermont to Connect- 
icut River, and go down that instead of the North 
River, which we had already seen -, and we are so far 
on that route. Li the course of our journey we have 
had opportunities of visiting Stillwater, Saratoga, 
Forts William Henry and George, Ticonderoga, Crown 
Point, and the scene of General Stark's victory. 

I have availed myself of such opportunities as oc- 
curred, to inquire into the grounds of the report that 
something disagreeable had taken place in the vicini- 
ties of the British posts. It seems to have been the 
following incident. They had held a small post at a 
block-house on the North Hero, an island on the Yer- 
mont side of Lake Champlain, and something further 
south than their principal post at the Point-au-Fer. 
The Maria, hitherto stationed at the latter for cus- 
tom-house purposes, was sent to the block-house, and 
there exercised her usual visits on boats passing to 
and from Canada. This, being an exercise of power 
further within our jurisdiction, became the subject of 
notice and clamor with our citizens in that quarter. 
The vessel has been since recalled to the Point-au- 
Fer; and, being unfit for service, a new one is to be 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 375 

built to perform her functions. Tliis she has usually 
clone at the Point-au-Fer with a good deal of rigor, 
bringing all vessels to at that place, and sometimes 
under such circumstances of wind and weather as to 
have occasioned the loss of two vessels and cargoes. 
These circumstances produce strong sensations in that 
quarter, and not friendly to the character of our Go- 
vernment. The establishment of a custom-house at 
Albiu^g, nearly opposite to Point-au-Fer, has given' 
the British considerable alarm. A groundless story 
of two hundred Americans, seen in arms near Point- 
au-Fer, has been the cause, or the pretext, of their 
reenforcing that place a few days ago with a com- 
pany of men from St. John's. It is said here, they 
have called in their guard from the block-house ; but 
the information is not direct enough to command 
entire belief 

On inquiring into the dispositions in Canada, on 
the subject of the projected form of Government 
there, we learn that they are divided into two par- 
ties ; the English, who desire something like an English 
Constitution, but so modelled as to oblige the French 
to choose a certain proportion of English Hepresenta- 
tives ; and the French, who wish a continuance of the 
French laws, moderated by some ingraftments from 
the En dish Code. The Jud^'e of their Common 
Pleas heads the former party ; and Smith, the Chief 
Justice, secretly guides the latter. 

We encounter the Green Mountains to-morrow, with 
cavalry in part disabled, so as to render our pros- 
pects a little uncertain. I presume, however, I shall 
be in Philadelphia in a fortnight. I have the honor 
tu be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect 
and attachment. Sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble servant, 

Thomas Jefferson. 



376 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON 



FROM THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. 

Paris, 6 June, 1791. 

My dear General, 

I most heartily thank you for your letter, dated 
March the 19th ; the more welcome to me, as I had 
long lamented your silence, and was panting for news 
from you, wherein I could be informed of every thing 
respecting your public and private concerns. I re- 
joice and glory in the happy situation of American 
affairs. I bless the restoration of your health, and 
wish I could congratulate you on your side of the 
Atlantic. 

But we are not in that state of tranquillity, which 
may admit of my absence ; — the refugees hovering 
about the frontiers ; intrigues in most of the despotic 
and aristocratic Cabinets; our regular army divided 
into Tory officers and undisciplined soldiers ; licentious- 
ness among the people not easily repressed; the 
capital, that gives the ton to the empire, tossed about 
by antirevolutionary or factious parties ; the Assem- 
bly fatigued by hard labor, and very unmanageable. 
However, according to the popular motto, ga ira, it 
will do. We are introducing, as fast as we can, re- 
ligious liberty. 

The Assembly has put an end to her existence by 
a new convocation ; has unfitted her own members for 
immediate reelection and places in the Executive ; and 
is now reducing the Constitution to a few principal 
articles, leaving to the Legislative Assemblies to exa- 
mine and mend the others, and preparing every thing 
for a Convention, as soon as our machine will have 
had a fair trial. I stand the continual check to all 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 377 

interior factions and plots. By the inclosed speech 
of mine, and the giving up my commission, I gave a 
spring to the power of law over licentiousness; and 
was I equally supported in repressing it, as I should 
be against aristocratic exertions, the people could 
soon be brought to a proper sense of liberty. As to 
the surrounding Governments, they hate our revolu- 
tion, but do not know how to meddle with it, so 
afraid they are to catch the flacjue. We are going to 
take measures to discipline the army, both officers 
and soldiers. They will prepare to encamp and leave 
the cities. They will have the same power as in 
time of war. M. de Conde and his party will be 
summoned to explain themselves, and, if they con- 
tinue caballing and enlisting, declared traitors. To 
M. de Ternant I refer for more particulars. 

Mr. Jefferson and myself had long thought that 
Ternant was a very proper man to act as French 
Minister in America. lie in great measure belongs 
to both countries. He is sensible, honest, well-in- 
formed, and has a plain and decisive way of doing 
business, which will be very convenient. He has 
long been an officer under your command, feeling 
and acting in an American capacity. He is person- 
ally much attached to you 5 and I had, in this revolu- 
tion, many instances to experience his friendship to 
me. He might have been a Minister in the Council, 
but was rather backward on the occasion, and be- 
haved as a prudent, not an ambitious man. So that 
I take him to be fit to answer your purpose. He 
will let you know what has passed in the Assembly 
respecting American affairs. 

The last transactions are an undoubted proof of 
their sentiments, and show that the faux ims^ in the 
regulation of duties, is to be attributed to the want 



378 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

of knowledge or sense, not of friendship. They have 
considered me as an American, who did only mind 
American profit, and did not know matters so well as 
a few mercantile men, most of them on the aristo- 
cratic side of the House, who presented foolish calcu- 
lations 5 and you know the difficulties to unmake our 
decrees. But you may depend on this point, that 
brotherly measures to unite the two nations wath the 
ties of most intimate affection, of common principles 
and common interest, will be most heartily received 
in France; and on that ground you may work your 
plan, and send it to France, with a private copy for 
me. The United States and France must be one 
people, and so begin the confederation of all nations 
who wdll assert their own rights. 

I have, in the affair of the black free men, acted 
according to my conscience, not to policy. Should 
the British look for advantage of honesty, I hope 
you will influence the Colonies to submit to a decree 
so conformable to justice. 

Mr. Short, who does the business of the United 
States wdth all the zeal and ingenuity of a most pa- 
triotic and most sensible man, w^ho is respected and 
loved in France in a manner equally useful to the 
public and honorable to himself, has written to Mr. 
Jefferson respecting New Orleans. France will do 
every thing in her power to bring Spain to reason; 
but will have a difficult and probably unsuccessful 
task. Upon the whole, that navigation we must have ; 
and, in case the people of Louisiana wish to make a 
fifteenth State, w^ho can help it? and who ought, 
Spaniards excepted, not to rejoice at it? For my 
part, certainly, I should not be a mourner. 

My best respects to Mrs. Washington. My compli- 
ments to the family ; to my dear Aid, George, and 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 379 

his family. Most respectfully and affectionately, my 
beloved General, 

Your filial friend, 

Lafayette. 



FROM HENRY KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR. 

War Department, 8 June, 1791. 

Sir, 

Colonel Procter has just arrived in this city by 
the way of Fort Pitt. He was unable to go forward 
to the Avestern Indians without an escort of the Six 
Nations. He would have obtained such an escort, 
after counselling with them at Buffalo Creek, from 
the 23d of April until the 15th of May; but the 
Indians could not proceed either in canoes along the 
Lake, or by land, but required a vessel. He applied 
to Colonel Gordon, Commanding Officer at Niagara, 
for a vessel, either public or private, for which he 
would pay ; but he could not obtain one. The design, 
therefore, of inviting the hostile Indians to peace, 
previously to striking them, has been frustrated. 

Brant, with thirty w^arriors, having Girty and Me- 
Kee with him, set out from Grand Biver to the west- 
ern Indians about the 11th of May. The Senecas 
say, his design is peace ; that he will return in June 
to the treaty at the Painted Post, and the others go 
forward to oblige the western Indians to peace. 

The Cornplanter continues his attachment to the 
Ignited States; but he is exceedingly suspected by 
Brant's people, who are in an o[)positc interest. The 
Six Nations are for peace. Colonel Procter transmit- 
ted from Port Pitt a full account of his proceed higs 
to General St. Clair. He will, therefore, be no longer 



380 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

ill doubt about pushing forward tlie Kentucky expe- 
dition. Colonel Procter has not made a written re- 
port yet, but he will do it soon. I have thought it 
proper to submit the substance of his mission to you. 
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, Sir, 
Your most obedient, humble servant, 

Henry Knox. 



FROM THOMAS PAINE. 

London, 21 July, 1791. 

Dear Sir, 

I received your favor of last August, by Colonel 
Humphreys -, since which I have not written to or 
heard from you. I mention this that you may know 
no letters have miscarried. 

I took the liberty of addressing my late w^ork, 
" Rights of Man," to you ; but though I left it, at 
that time, to find its w\ay to you, I now request your 
acceptance of fifty copies, as a token of remembrance 
to yourself and my friends. The work has had a 
run beyond any thing that has been published in 
this country on the subject of government -, and the 
demand continues. In Ireland it has had a much 
greater. A letter I received from .Dublin, 10th of 
May, mentioned that the fourth edition was then on 
sale. I know not what number of copies were print- 
ed at each edition, except the second, which was ten 
thousand. The same fate follows me here, as I at 
first experienced in America, — strong friends and 
violent enemies ; but, as I have got the ear of the 
country, I shall go on, and at least show them, what 
is a novelty here, that there can be a person beyond 
the reach of corruption. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 381 

I arrived here from France about ten days ago. 
M. de Lafayette was well. The affairs of that coun- 
try are verging to a new crisis, — whether the Govern- 
ment shall be monarchical and hereditary, or wholly 
representative. I think the latter opinion will very 
generally prevail in the end. On this question the 
people are much forwarder than the National Assem- 
bly. 

After the establishment of the American Revolution, 
it did not appear to me that any object could arise, 
great enough to engage me a second time. I began 
to feel myself happy in being quiet. But I now ex- 
perience that principle is not confined to time or 
place, and that the ardor of Seventy-six is capable 
of renewing itself I have another work in hand, 
which I intend shall be my last; for I long much to 
return to America. 

It is not natural that fame should wish for a rival. 
But the case is otherwise with me ; for I do most sin- 
cerely wish there was some person in this country 
that could usefully and successfully attract the public 
attention, and leave me with a satisfied mind, to the 
enjoyment of quiet life. But it is painful to see 
errors and abuses, and sit down a senseless spectator. 
Of this, your own mind will interpret mine. 

I have printed sixteen thousand copies. When the 
whole are gone, of which there remain between three 
and four thousand, I shall then make a cheap edition, 
just sufficient to bring in the price of the printing 
and paper, as I did by ^-Common Sense." 

Mr. Green, who will present you this, has been 
very much my friend. I wanted, last October, to 
draw for fifty pounds on General Lewis Morris, who 
has some money of mine ; but as he is unknown in 
the commercial line, and American credit not very 



382 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

good, and my own expended, I could not succeed, 
especially as Gouverneur Morris was then in Holland. 
Colonel Humphreys went with me to your agent, Mr. 
Walsh, to whom I stated the case, and took the liber- 
ty of saying, that I knew you would not think it a 
trouble to receive it of General ^Morris, on Mr. Walsh's 
account. But he declined it. Mr. Green afterwards 
supplied me, and I have since repaid him. He has 
a troublesome affair on his hands here, and is in dan- 
ger of losing thirty or forty thousand pounds, em- 
barked under the flag of the United States, in East 
India property. The persons who have received it, 
withhold it, and shelter themselves under some law 
contrivance. He wishes to state the case to Congress, 
not only on his own account, but as a matter that 
may be nationally interesting. 

The public papers will inform you of the riots and 
tumults at Birmingham, and of some disturbances at 
Paris; and, as Mr. Green can detail them to you 
more particularly than I can do in a letter, I leave 
those matters to his information. I am. Sir, with 
affectionate concern for your happiness and Mrs. 
Washington's, &c., 

Thomas Paine. 



FROM HENRY KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR. 

War Department, 22 September, 1791. 

Sir, 
The Minister of France has written me a letter, of 
which the inclosed is a copy.""-' As this crisis of affairs 

* The following is the letter from the French Minister, here al- 
luded to. 

"Philadelphia, 21 September, 1791. 
" Sir, 

" The distressed and very alarming situation in which I learn the 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 383 

is of the highest importance to the essential interests 
of France, and as it appears a singular opportunity 
for the United States to manifest their zeal to repay, 
in some degree, the assistance afforded us during the 
perilous struggles of the late war, I have assured him 
of every aid in my department which shall be author- 
ized by you. Accordingly, I have instantly despatched 
an express to receive your orders on the occasion. 

The articles, which are in readiness, are requested, 
and may be spared from the Arsenal of West Point, 
without any detriment to the public service, except- 
ing the cartridge-boxes, which are much damaged, 
but which, however, might answer in this exigenc3\ 
In order, therefore, to save time, I have despatched 
a person to West Point, to have the arms and stores 
prepared for sea transportation, and forwarded to New 
York; but, to wait your orders for the final delivery. 

As the aid requested for the exigent service of a 
nation, with which the United States are in close 
alliance, and from which they received the most 

French settlements of Hispaniola have just been reduced by an insur- 
rection of negroes, that threatens the most fatal consequences, obliges 
me to forward immediately to that Island a supply of muskets, car- 
tridges, and powder, which the Government appears to be in the most 
pressing want of As these objects can be better and more speedily 
obtained from the Federal Arsenal of West Toint, I have to request, as 
a signal service, that you will give immediate orders for sending to 
New York, and delivering to M. de la Forest, one thousand muskets 
comj)lete, one thousand carti-idge-boxcs, fifty thousand cartrid<res to suit 
the muskets, and about twenty thousand wt-ight of musket powder. 
Those objects may either be rotunu*! in nature, or accounted for in a 
future settlement of accounts between our nati(jns, as the President of 
the United States may choose to determine. 

" I hope the extreme urgency of the case, and the interest I am con- 
^i^(•L'd you take in the Avdfare of my nation, will induce you to 'M-ant 
my rcfpiost, which I am going to lay Inunediatcly before the rrcsidrut 
of the United States. 

'' I have the honor to be, &c., 

" Tehnant." 



384 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

eminent support during the late war, and being for 
the purpose of quelling an internal rebellion, no fo- 
reign nation can take umbrage at the measure. As 
it can be afforded without impediment or injury to 
the public service, and, as all the stores in the ar- 
senals are under your direction, as President of the 
United States and Commander-in-chief, I feel but 
little hesitation in submitting, as my opinion, that the 
circumstances of the case render it highly proper to 
afford the supplies requested, and that your authority 
is competent to the occasion. 

I am, Sir, with the highest respect, &c., 

Henry Knox. 



FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 

Philadelphia, 22 September, 1791. 

Sir, 
I have received a letter from the Minister of 
France, of which the inclosed is a copy. Having 
full authority from you in relation to payments to 
France, and there being funds out of which that which 
will constitute the succour requested may wdth pro- 
priety be made, and being fully persuaded that, in 
so urgent and calamitous a case, you will be pleased 
with a ready acquiescence in what is desired, I have 
not hesitated to answer the Minister that the sum he 
asks is at his command.* 



* The French Minister had written to the Secretary of the Trea- 
sury, that the distressed condition of the inhabitants of the French co- 
lony of Ilispaniola made it necessary for him to forward, without de- 
lay, large supplies of provisions for their relief; and he requested that 
he might be enabled "to draw on the Federal Treasury to an amount 
not exceeding forty thousand dollars, to be accounted for in any future 
reimbursements of the United States to France." 



OFFICIAL a:s^d frivate. 385 

With the most j^erfect respect and truest attach- 
ment, I have the honor to be, Sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble servant, 

Alexander Hamilton. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE. 

Philadelphia, 7 November, 1791. 

Sir, 

I have duly considered the letter you were pleased 
to refer to me, of the 18th of August, from his Ex- 
cellency Governor Pinckney, to yourself, together with 
the draught of one proposed to be written by him to 
the Governor of Florida, claiming the redelivery of 
certain fugitives from justice, who have been received 
in that country. The inconveniences of such a re- 
ceptacle for debtors and malefactors, in the neidi- 
bourhood of the Southern States, are obvious and 
great; and I wish the remedy were as certain and 
short as the letter seems to suppose. 

The delivery of fugitives from one country to an- 
other, as practised by several nations, is in conse- 
quence of Conventions settled between them, definina' 
precisely the cases wherein such deliveries shall take 
place. I know that such Conventions exist between 
France and Spain, France and Sardinia, France and 
Germany, France and the Netherlands, between the 
several sovereigns constituting the Germanic body, 
and, I believe, very generally between the cotermi- 
nous states on the Continent of Europe. England 
has no such Convention with any nation, and their 
laws have given no power to their Executive to sur- 
render fugitives of any description. They are accord- 

voL. IV. 33 



386 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

iugly constantly refused ; and hence England has been 
the asylum of the Paolis, the La Mottes, the Ca- 
lonneS; in short, of the most attrocious offenders as 
well as the most innocent victims, who have been 
able to get there. 

The laws of the United States, like those of Eng- 
land, receive every fugitive, and no authority has 
been given to our Executives to deliver them up. 
In the case of Longchamp, a subject of France, a 
formal demand was made by the Minister of France, 
and was refused. He had, indeed, committed an of- 
fence within the United States ; but he was not de- 
manded as a criminal, but as a subject. 

The French Government has show^n great anxiety 
to have such a Convention with the United States 
as might authorize them to demand their subjects 
coming here. They got a clause in the Consular 
Convention, signed by Dr. Franklin and the Count 
de Yergennes, giving their Consuls a right to take 
and send back Captains of vessels, mariners, and jjas- 
sengers. Congress saw the extent of the word passen- 
gers^ and refused to ratify the Convention. A new 
one w^as therefore formed, omitting that word. In 
fact, however desirable it be that the perpetrators of 
crimes, acknowledged to be such by all mankind, 
should be delivered up to punishment, yet it is ex- 
tremely difficult to draw^ the line between those and 
acts rendered criminal by tyrannical laws only. Hence 
the first step always is a Convention defining the 
cases w^here a surrender shall take place. 

If, then, the United States could not deliver up to 
Governor Quesada, a fugitive from the law^s of his 
Government, we cannot claim, as a right, the delivery 
of fugitives from us ; and it is worthy consideration, 
whether the demand proposed to be made in Go- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 387 

vernor Pinckney's letter, should it be complied with 
by the other party, might not commit us disagreea- 
bly, perhaps dishonorably, in the event. For I do not 
think we can take for granted, that the Legislature 
of the United States will establish a Convention for 
the mutual delivery of fugitives ; and, without a 
reasonable certainty that they will, I think we ought 
not to give Governor Quesada any grounds to ex- 
pect that, in a similar case, we would redeliver fugi- 
tives from his Government. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

Thomas Jefferson. 



FROM JAMES WILSGN.^^' 

riiiladelphia, 31 December, 1791. 

Sir, 

By the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, 
I am empowered to "digest into proper order and 
form, the laws of that Commonwealth," and "report 
such alterations, additions, and improvements, as the 
principles and forms of the Constitution may require." 
In this work I have made some progress; during 
which it has occurred to me, that a similar work, 
with regard to the laws of the United States, might, 
with propriety, accompany that in which I am en- 
gaged. 

To you it is unnecessary to make any general re- 
marks concerning the immense importance of a good 
code of municipal law. Tliore are two circumstances 
which induce me to think that, to the United States, 
this subject is peculiarly interesting. 

* One of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United 
States. 



388 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

1. Their Government is newly formed and organiz- 
ed. A good system of legislation introduced into it 
now, will have a salutary, a decisive, and a permanent 
influence upon its future fortunes and character. Good 
principles, at least principles congenial to those of 
the Constitution, should be laid betimes, as the found- 
ation of subsequent regulations. 

2. It is of much moment, that those principles be 
established and ascertained, in complete and correct 
theory, before they are called forth into practical 
operation. The most intricate and the most delicate 
questions in our national jurisprudence will arise, in 
running the line between the authority of the Na- 
tional Government and that of the several States. A 
controversy, which happens between two individuals, 
is considered and determined with coolness and im- 
partiality, like a question of law. A controversy, 
happening between the United States and any parti- 
cular State in the Union, wall be viewed and agitated 
wdth bias and passion, like a question of politics. For 
this reason, the principles and rules, on which it 
must be determined, should be clearly and explicitly 
known before it arises. 

To the happy achievement of such a revolution as 
that of the United States, the foregoing observations 
are applicable with a force uncommonly striking and 
powerful. I have intimated my opinion that a digest 
of the laws of the United States might, with propri- 
ety, accompany that of the laws of Pennsylvania. 
This opinion is grounded on the following reasons. 

1. In the latter digest, the difficult and delicate 
line of authority, which I have mentioned, must be 
run ; and the country lying on the side of the Com- 
monw^ealth, must be explored and delineated. Can 
there be a fitter occasion for exploring and delineat- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 389 

ing the country, which lies on the side of the United 
States ? To explore and delineate the country on 
both sides is, perhaps, the best mode of discovering 
and ascertaining with accuracy the different directions 
which this line ought to take. From one employed 
to do the business on both sides, impartiality, as well 
as accuracy, might be reasonably expected. 

2. There is a peculiar propriety in running the 
line between the Government of the United States 
and that of Pennsylvania. Since the establishment 
of the Constitution of the United States, that of 
Pennsylvania has been made. With an express "and 
avowed reference to the Constitution of the United 
States, that of Pennsylvania has been sedulously 
framed. It is probable, therefore, that the directions 
which the line above mentioned ought to take, may 
be traced with a satisfactory degree of clearness, as 
well as of precision; and that neither vacancies nor 
interferences will be found, between the limits of the 
two jurisdictions. For it is material to observe, that 
))oth jurisdictions together compose, or ought to com- 
pose, only one uniform and comprehensive system of 
Government and laws. 

In what follows, I must speak concerning myself 
I shall speak with freedom and with candor. I speak 
to a friend, as well as to a judge. If you think that, 
at a proper time, it ought to be recommended by 
you to the National Legislature, or the two Houses 
which compose it, to authorize one to prepare for 
their consideration, such a digest as I have mentioned. 
I declare my willingness, nay, my desire, to under- 
take it. I know that I am unequal to the task ; 1 
know that, in performing it, I should not be able to 
attahi even that degree of excellence, of which I my- 
self can form an idea. 



o o :> 
DO ' 



390 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

My offer proceeds from the following considerations. 
In the formation of both Constitutions, that of the 
United States, and that of Pennsylvania, I took a 
faithful and an assiduous part. So far, therefore, as 
my abilities can reach, I may be supposed to know 
their principles and their connection, and the various 
relations and dependencies, which their principles and 
connection ought to produce in the different parts of 
Legislation. In the study and in the practice, too, 
of law and systematic politics, I have been engaged 
for a time considerably long, and on a scale consi- 
derably extensive. I am already employed in execut- 
ing one part of the great plan. If I can command 
a tolerable share of success in that part, I can com- 
mand an equal share in the other also. Nay, I be- 
lieve that both parts can be executed together, better 
than either part can be executed separatel}^ Permit 
me farther to suggest, that my deficiencies in point 
of abilities would, in some degree, be compensated by 
the ardor of my inclination to acquit myself as well 
as possible in a trust so honorable and so important. 
This ardor, believe me, would be greatly increased, 
as well as gratified, by executing this important and 
honorable trust under your auspices, and during your 
administration ; from which every thing connected 
with them will receive and reflect a lustre. 

With sentiments of the most perfect esteem and 
attachment, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c., 

James Wilson. 



FROM EDMUND RANDOLPH. 

Philadelphia, 21 January, 1792. 

Sir, 
By the papers, which I have now the honor of re- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 391 

turning to you, a wish seems to be expressed that 
the President should recommend to Congress a digest 
of federal law, the appointment of one person only to 
such a service, and the selection of the author of 
those papers for that work. 

Whether, at a future day, when Congress shall ap- 
pear to have neglected or slumbered over the sub- 
ject, it may be expedient to rekindle their attention 
by a special recommendation, I pretend not to fore- 
see. But; at present, it may be affirmed, that the 
House of Representatives possess, in the four last 
paragraphs of the notes to the Report on the Judicial 
System, an unequivocal suggestion of this very point. 
I therefore take the liberty of referring you to them. 

The suggestion, indeed, having come from a quar- 
ter which affects no title to the deference of that 
body, would undoubtedly be enforced by the solici- 
tude of the Executive. But I have greatly erred, if 
I do not discover one characteristic of its conduct to 
be, not to throw any weight of personal or official 
character into measures, when no crisis demands it. 
If, then, the judicial system shall ever be revised, 
a federal code will stand prominent to view. If the 
judicial system shall not be revised, the federal code 
itself, as speaking more feebly to the particular in- 
terests and feelings of the House, can hardly expect 
to be more kindly treated. In the midst of the agi- 
tations, which have been or will be produced by de- 
liberations on the war, the excise, the fisheries, the 
manufactures, the trade with Great Britain, the regu- 
lations of a mint, the militia, and many other topics 
of an animating cast, it will probably be asked, wlial 
peculiar and immediate urgency has the President re- 
marked for inviting Congress to this abstract inquiry? 
Is there any danger of the two branches of the Le- 



392 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

gislature forgetting it, if it be important ? Especially 
as it is their direct duty to originate proposals for 
establishing or amending any system of laws. 

If, with a recommendation to this effect, another 
should be united, that a single person should execute 
the work, some uncommon sensations of surprise may 
be created. To qualify that single person,, he ought 
to be accurately versed in the legislation and juris- 
prudence of every State. Nay, I am not certain that 
he ought not to know the very prejudices of each 
State. For it will not be enough to draw a line of 
partition between the Federal and State Governments, 
without having some regard to the temper of the 
latter. The necessary information can be contributed 
only by a number of able men, differently situated in 
the United States. These men can be found, and 
perhaps their reluctance may be overcome, and they 
may be induced to divide the Herculean task among 
them. But, even with a division of the responsibility, 
they ought to be diffident. 

Should it, however, be thought advisable, that the 
project should be now favored by a special communi- 
cation from the President, and that a single person 
should be preferred, I certainly shall add nothing 
concerning any gentleman who may be so happy as 
to enjoy the highly- valuable endowments requisite for 
the fulfilment of the trust. But may it not be seri- 
ously apprehended, that the employment of a Judge 
in such a business, will excite a jealousy among those 
of his associates, who will not acknowledge their in- 
feriority? Will it not warp him in all his decisions 
to those interpretations which he may have given of 
the Constitution? May he not rather lean in his 
judgments more to what he recollects to have been 
his intention in drawing a law, than obey the settled 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 393 

rules of construction? And who can say, let him he 
a Judge or what he w^ill, that the glossary or com- 
ment, w^hich he alone shall furnish, may not, insen- 
sihly, and contrary to his own honest mind, be tinc- 
tured wdth party yiews? 

Upon the whole, although I believe that the digest 
will sooner or later be attempted, yet am I sure that 
the Legislature will not cordially patronize it, until 
its necessity shall be more obvious. I intended to 
have waited on you personally with this letter ; but 
havin<r been detained in Court durino; the whole 
week, I was unable to do so. 

I have the honor to be. Sir, with a sincere, and 
affectionate attachment and respect, &c., 

Edmund Eandolph. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE. 

riiiladclphia, 4 February, 1792. 

Sir, 

The late appointment of a Minister Resident to 
the Hague has brought under consideration the con- 
dition of Mr. Dumas, and the question whether he is 
or is not at present in the service of the United 
States. 

Mr. Dumas, very early in the war, was employed, 
first ]:)y Dr. Franklin, afterwards by i\Ir. Adams, to 
transact the alllxirs of the United States in Holland. 
Congress never passed any express vote of confirma- 
tion, but they opened a direct correspondence with 
Mr. Dumas 5 sent liiin orders to be executed; con- 
firmed and augmented liis salary; made that aug- 
mentation retrospective ; directed him to take up his 
residence in their Hotel at the Hague; and passed 



394 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

such other yotes, from time to time^ as established 
him, de facto, their Agent at the Hague. 

On the change, on the organization of our Govern- 
ment in 1789, no commission nor new appointment 
took place with respect to him, though it did in most 
other cases ; yet the correspondence with him from 
the Office of Foreign Affairs has been continued, and 
he has regularly received his salary. A doubt has 
been suggested, whether this be legal. I have my- 
self no doubt but that it is legal. I consider the 
source of authority with us to be the nation. Their 
will, declared through its proper organ, is valid till 
revoked by their will, declared through its proper or- 
gan also. Between 1776 and 1789 the proper organ 
for pronouncing their will, whether Legislative or Ex- 
ecutive, was a Congress formed in a particular man- 
ner. Since 1789 it is a Congress, formed in a differ- 
ent manner, for laws, and a President, elected in a 
particular Avay, for making appointments and doing 
other Executive acts. The laws and appointments of 
the ancient Congress were as valid and permanent in 
their nature as the laws of the new Congress, or ap- 
pointments of the new Executive ; these laws and 
appointments, in both cases, deriving equally their 
source from the will of the nation. And when a ques- 
tion arises whether any particular law or appointment 
is still in force, we are to examine, not whether it 
was pronounced by the ancient or present organ, but 
whether it has been at any time revoked by the au- 
thority of the nation, expressed by the organ compe- 
tent at the time. 

The nation, by the act of their Federal Convention, 
established some new principles, and some new or- 
ganization of the Government. This was a valid de- 
claration of their will, and, ijyso facto, revoked some 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 30 



O 



laws before passed, and discontinued some offices and 
officers before appointed. Wherever, by this instru- 
ment, an old office was superseded by a new one, a 
new appointment became necessary; but where the 
new Constitution did not demolish an office, either 
expressly or virtually, nor the President remove the 
officer, both the office and officer remained. This was 
the case with several. In many of them, indeed, an 
excess of caution dictated the superaddition of a new 
appointment; but where there was no such superad- 
dition, as in the instance of Mr. Dumas, both the 
office and officer still remained ; for the will of the 
nation, validly pronounced by the proper organ of 
the day, had constituted him their Agent, and that 
will has not, through any of its successive organs, 
revoked his appointment. I think, therefore, there is 
no room to doubt its continuance, and that the re- 
ceipt of salary by him has been lawful. 

However, I would not wish to take on myself alone 
the decision of a question so important, whether con- 
sidered in a legal or Constitutional view; and there- 
fore submit to you. Sir, whether it is not a proper 
question whereon to take the opinion of the Attorney- 
General. 

Another question then arises ; ought Mr. Dumas to 
be discontinued ? I am of opinion, he ought not. 
First, not at this time ; because Mr. Short's mission 
to Madrid will occasion an inmiediate vacancy at tlie 
Hague again ; and because, by the time that will bo 
over, his appointment at the Hague must be discon- 
tinued altogether, unless Congress should enlarge the 
foreign fund. Secondly, not at any time ; l»ccausc 
when, after tlie peace, Mr. Duma.s's agency became 
of loss importance, Congres.s, under various views of 
his sacrifices and services, manifested that their con- 



396 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

tiniiance of liiiii was in consideration of tliese, and of 
his advanced years and infirm state, which render it 
impossible for him to hannch into a new line of gain- 
ing a livelihood; and they thought the continuance 
of a moderate competence to him for moderate ser- 
vices was more honorable to the United States than 
to abandon him, in the face of Europe, after and un- 
der such circumstances. 

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the 
most profound respect and attachment, Sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble servant, 

Thomas Jefferson. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE. 

Pliiladelphla, 7 February, 1792. 

Sir, 

An account, presented to me by Mr. John B. Cut- 
ting, for expenditures incurred by him in liberating 
the seamen of the United States in British ports, dur- 
ing the impressments which took place under that 
Government in the year 1790, obliges me to recall 
some former transactions to your mind. 

You will be pleased to recollect the numerous in- 
stances of complaint or information to us, about that 
time, of the violence committed on our seafaring 
citizens in British ports by their pressgangs and offi- 
cers; and that, not having even a Consul there at 
that time, it was thought fortunate that a private 
citizen, Avho happened to be on the spot, stepped for- 
ward for their protection; that it was obvious that 
these exertions on his part must be attended with 
expense, and that a particular demand of fifty pounds 
sterling for this purpose, coming incidentally to my 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 397 

knowledge, it was immediately remitted to Mr. Cut- 
ting, with a request to account for it in convenient 
time. He now presents an account of all his ex- 
penditures in this business, which I have the honor 
to communicate herewith. 

According to this, the oppression extends to a 
much greater number of our citizens, and their re- 
lief is more costly, than had been contemplated. It 
will be necessary to lay the account before the Le- 
gislature, because the expenditures being of a de- 
scription which had not occurred before, no appro- 
priation heretofore made would authorize payment at 
the Treasury; because, too, the nature of the trans- 
actions may, in some instances, require justly that the 
ordinary rules of evidence, which the Auditor is bound 
to apply in ordinary cases, should suffer relaxations, 
which he probably will not think himself authorized 
to admit, without the orders of the Legislature. 

The practice in Great Britain of impressing seamen, 
whenever war is apprehended, will fall more heavily 
on ours than on those of any other foreign nation, 
on account of the sameness of language. Our Minis- 
ter at that Court, therefore, will, on these occasions, 
be under the necessity of interfering for their protec- 
tion in a way which will call for expense. It is de- 
sirable that these expenses should be reduced to 
certain rules, as fir as the nature of the case will 
admit ; and the sooner they are so reduced, tlie better. 
This may be done, however, on surer grounds, after 
the Government of Great Britain shall have entered 
with us into those arrangements on this particular 
subject, whicli the seriousness of the case calls for on 
our part, and its dilliculty may admit on tlicirs. This 
done, it will be desirable that legislative rules be 
framed, which may equally guide and justify the pro- 

VOL. IV. 34 



398 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

ceedings of our Minister^ or other agent at that Court, 
and at the same time extend to our seafaring citizens 
the protection of which they have so much need. 

Mr. Cutting, being on the spot, will himself furnish 
the explanations and documents of his case, either to 
the Legislature, or a Committee of it, or to the Audi- 
toi', as he shall be required. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Thoivias Jefferson. 



FROM BENJAMIN HAWKINS. 

Senate Chamber, 10 February, 1792. 

Sir, 

Prompted by the free and candid manner you ex- 
pressed yourself in political affairs to me some days 
past, I shall, without reserve, communicate to you the 
reasons which induced me yesterday to vote for 
striking out the second section in the bill which I 
inclose to you. That I may be understood through- 
out, I must take a retrospect on Indian affairs for 
some years back. During the war, we acknowledged 
the Indians as brothers; told them of our difficulties 
and embarrassments, arising from our contest with 
Great Britain ; assured them of our disposition, though 
unable, to furnish them such comforts as they had 
been accustomed to receive; urged them to be patient; 
and declared that, when success crowned our efforts, 
they should be partakers of our good fortune. They 
were then acknowledged to be possessors of the soil 
on which they lived. 

At the close of the war, being anxiously desirous 
of paying to our officers and soldiers as much of 
their well-earned dues, as was apparently within the 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 399 

view of the Government^ we seem to have forgotten 
altogether the rights of the Indians. They were 
treated as tenants at will. AYe seized on their lands, 
and made a division of the same, as possessing allo- 
dial right ; allotted certain portions to the Indians for 
hunting grounds; and did not even think of offering 
them compensation for any claims they might pretend 
to have to those reserved for other purposes of the 
Government. 

This doctrine, it might he expected, would he dis- 
liked by the independent tribes. It was so, and was 
complained of by them. It is the source of their 
hostility. However, we persevered in this doctrine 
till the treaty at Fort Harmar, in 1788. At that 
period, the Government pursued different measures. 
The boundaries were recognized and established by a 
principle of imrchade. Some of the now hostile Indians 
complained of the conduct of their brethren in ceding 
their lands. These complaints reached the Govern- 
ment, and Governor St. Clair was ordered to remedy 
the defects in some future treaty. But they would 
not attend to his invitation, and assigned, as a rea- 
son, that he only wanted a relinquishment of their 
claims to their lands, and that they were unwilling 
to part with them. It was natural to expect, that, 
as from our conduct they conceived themselves de- 
prived of what they deemed most precious, they 
would be in a state of hostility against us, and the 
more so, as the British in Canada were ready enough 
to misrepresent all our conduct, to furnish them with 
military stores, and for some purposes, arising from 
State or commercial jealousy, to encourage them. 

I read, at the last session of Congress, the painful 
detail of IFarmar's expedition, and the measures pro- 
[>osed l»y the Secretary at War to retrieve the honor 



400 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

of our military reputation^ and to restore peace. I 
acquiesced in the measures proposed, not because I 
thought them right, but because I was told that you 
approved of them, and that they would give elD&cacy 
to some pacific plans you had in contemplation. Ge- 
neral Knox told the Committee of the Senate that 
the President had it in view to bring about a peace 
by other means than coercive. General Schuyler and 
some others declared they would converse freely with 
you, and could point out how peace could be obtain- 
ed without the further effusion of blood. Since this, 
I know of no efforts made by the Executive to in- 
duce the Indians to come to an accommodation pre- 
viously to the last defeat, except that of Gamelin, 
which was a feeble one, that of Procter, the Corn- 
planter, and one other, which failed from unforeseen 
difficulties. 

I thought, and still think, the means of communi- 
cating with them are abundant. At St. Vincent's, at 
Kaskaskia, and even in Canada, there are French, the 
favorites of these people, and friendly to us. While 
we contemplate the going into their country, we may 
bid adieu to peace. Their attachment to their native 
soil is such, that they will part with it but with their 
lives. The Miami may be convenient to us, but ruin 
to them to part with it. They may be circumscribed, 
for aught I know, with the western Indians and Ca- 
nada, as the Six Nations are by their neighbours, 
and have no place of their own to retreat to. 

I shall make no remark on the defeat of the 4th 
of November. You are a military judge. I will only 
offer as my opinion that the Indians did not, nor 
cannot, exceed twelve hundred effective warriors. As 
soon as the military arrangements were before the 
Senate, I determined to examine more accurately than 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 401 

formerly what was proper for me to do. I applied to 
the Secretary at War for iuformation on two points; 
first, whether the plan sent in was the result of your 
opinion, or of that of the War Office; and, secondly, 
whether, if it was committed, and the Committee ap- 
plied for your opinion, it was likely you would give 
it. I understood his reply to the first to be, that it 
was the result of his reflections submitted to you, 
and by you to Congress. And as to the second, he 
thought you would not like to give an opinion. I 
then determined to exercise my own. I have a great 
respect for the War Officer, but he appears to me to 
be anxiously desirous of having a considerable stand- 
ing military force. All his views, in my estimation, 
tend to that end. He is not alone in that opinion. 
We have some in the Senate, who say that such an 
establishment is necessary, nay more, indispensable 
to the preservation of liberty. To a disposition of 
this sort, I attribute the feeble efforts made to pur- 
chase a peace. Those at the head of afHiirs to the 
westward, were for war; all who are dependent on 
the department, are for war; this is their harvest; 
and the Indians are, to this moment, wholly unac- 
quainted with the real disposition of our Government. 
From the best view of our situation, to my under- 
standing, I am for completing the present establish- 
ment, adding the cavalry mentioned in the bill, and 
making aderj[uate provision for such effective militia 
as may be called out, and enabling the Executive to 
employ such Indians as arc friendly to us, and wil- 
ling to aid us. The present establishment and cavalry, 
brought all of them for the occasion to a point, aided 
by suitable militia and the friendly Indians, under an 
officer of activity, will accomplish every Avish I have 
on the su])ject, which, I confess, are not many. I am 






402 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

for peace ; I am for the establishment of posts, not 
in their country, but in our own. As long as we 
attempt to go into their country, or to remain there, 
w^e shall be at war. Our finances are unequal to the 
expensive establishments contemplated by some. We 
can, with the force mentioned, gain by victory or 
purchase, a peace. We should be to blame to run 
any further risk of being insulted by the British. If 
they wall not give up the posts, they w^ill not quietly 
suffer an establishment in the neighbourhood of them. 
We are unable to take them; and it is, thus circum- 
stanced, better for us to be passive for the present. 

I beg you to be persuaded. Sir, that, although I 
write thus freely to you, it is to you only; and 
that I hold it unbecoming in myself to write or speak 
any thing, that may lessen the respect due to the Go- 
vernment and every officer of it. I have the honor to 
be, most respectfully. Sir, &c., 

Benjamin Hawkins. 



FROM henry KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR. 

War Department, 28 July, 1792. 

Sir, 
Since the letter I had the honor of transmitting 
the 21st instant, I have received a letter from Go- 
vernor Blount, dated the 4th instant. A meeting of 
the Cherokees, at Estanaula, had taken place, which 
lasted from the 24th of June to the 1st of July, at 
which the Little Turkey and many other Chiefs were 
present; but the Bloody Fellow, and John AVatts, 
whom the Governor, in his former letter, styled "the 
champions for peace," were absent. But most of the 
others who composed the delegation were present. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 403 

The dispositions manifested were friendly. A number 
of Chiefs were selected to protect the boats, which 
were to pass down the Tennessee with the goods de- 
signed for the Conference to be held with the Chick- 
asaws and Choctaws, at Nashville. But the Little 
Turkey expressed considerable dissatisfaction at the 
line towards Cumberland, alleging it to be the hunt- 
ing grounds of the Four Nations, to wit, the Creeks, 
Cherokees, Choctaws, and Chickasaws. It is to be 
observed that this man is the most influential Chief 
of the Cherokees, and that he w^as neither at the 
treaty of Hopewell, in 1785, nor Ilolstein, in 1791. I 
have had some doubts, w^hether that part of the line 
was agreeable to the opinion of the Cherokees gene- 
rally ; and it really appears to me that something 
will yet be to be arranged on that subject. 

Some Indians, supposed to be Creeks, have com- 
mitted several murders at Nashville, and have wound- 
ed General Robertson and his son. The Governor 
has had discretionary power to call forth such por- 
tions of militia as he should judge expedient for the 
protection of the exposed parts of his Government, 
and he has, at difterent periods, actually called for 
five companies of militia, most of wdiich are now in 
service. The Governor expected the Chickasaws and 
Choctaw^s to meet him, at Nashville, about the 25th 
instant. The goods for the Conference at Nashville 
left Ilolstein, under the charge of Mr. Allison, the 3d 
instant, under a proper escort, besides the Indian 
Chiefs before mentioned. The Governor and General 
Pickens were to set out for Nashville on the 5th in- 
stant, to cross Cumberland jNIountains, escorted by 
some horse, which he called out for the occasion. 

The Governor has transmitted the affidavits of two 
men, reccnlly from the Creek country, tending to 



404 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

prove the interference of the Spanish Agent to pre- 
vent the Creeks from running the line; and also of 
some parties of Creeks making depredations on the 
Cumberland settlements. It would seem the Creeks 
consider the Cumberland settlers as intruders on the 
joint lands of the Four Nations, and therefore they 
have a right to steal horses, and, in case of opposition, 
to kill. It is to be hoped the Governor may devise 
some measures to prevent the progress of those depre- 
dations, which lead to a general confusion and war 
with the Creeks and Cherokees. I shall WTite him 
by the way of Fort Pitt. 

No information yet of Colonel Hardin or Major 
Trueman. General Wayne, on the 20th, gives inform- 
ation of some recent depredations by small parties 
hi Ohio county. About three hundred and twenty 
effectives of his troops had arrived. The information 
of recruits, since the last return, is agreeable to the 
within. The desertions of the troops, on the march, 
are excessive. Out of about three hundred and fifty, 
nearly fifty deserted from Reading to Fort Pitt. 

General St. Clair has returned from the western 
parts of this State. I have intimated to him your 
desire of his repairing to his Government; but he 
says it will be extremely inconvenient to him to do 
it, as he has a law^suit to be tried in September next. 
He seems to think that it would not be proper or 
necessary for him to be present at the trial of Ensign 
Morgan. He is to deliver me his evidence in a week 
or ten days, when I shall order Mr. Morgan to join 
the army, for his trial. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Henry Knox. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 405 

FROM HENRY KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR. 

War Department, 5 August, 1792. 

Sir, 

Yesterday afternoon Mr. Vigo arrived here from 
Fort Washington, and brought despatches from Briga- 
dier-Generals Putnam and Wilkinson to the 9th of 
July, as will appear by the abstracts of Brigadier 
Wilkinson's letter of the 9th of July, herein inclosed. 
I have the honor to inclose, for your consideration, 
General Putnam's letter, giving his opinion of the 
operations proper to be pursued. On this letter I 
shall, by the next post, submit to your view some 
observations. The fate of poor Trueman is but too 
probably sealed, and perhaps that of Hardin too. 

General Putnam, in his letter of the 5th of July, 
which principally contains the same information as 
that mentioned in Wilkinson's letters, states it as his 
opinion, that a treaty ought to be concluded, as soon 
as possible, with the Wabash Indians, and presents 
be made. Being fmnly persuaded of the soundness 
of this opinion, I shall direct the measure. It is 
more especially necessary, as Mr. Vigo informs me, 
that the said Indians would not come even to Fort 
Washington, much less to Philadelphia. Brigadier 
Wilkinson's attention to all parts of his duty, and 
his activity, render him a great acquisition to the 
public. 

A banditti, without any fixed residence, consisting 
of about ten Cherokees, thirty Creeks, and fourteen 
Shawanese, outcasts from llieir respective tribes, are 
perpetually committing depredations on the Cumber- 
land settlements. They have lately attacked a mili- 
tary station near Nashville, and carried it. Twenty- 



406 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

one men were killed, or taken ; but the Clierokees 
compelled the said banditti to deliver up their pri- 
soners, amounting to six. These are the same rascals, 
probably, who attacked Major Doughty in the year 
1789. I have this information from Mr. Vigo. The 
necessity of the case will justify the measure of em- 
powering Governor Blount to call out sixty or one 
hundred mounted riflemen, to cut off, if possible, the 
said banditti. He has that number at present in 
service ; and, as he has been empowered to retain in 
service as many as he shall judge proper, there can 
be no doubt but he will keep them up as long as 
necessary. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Henry Knox. 



FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 

Philadelphia, 18 August, 1792. 

Sir, 

I am happy to be able, at length, to send you 
answers to the objections which were communicated 
in your letter of the 29th of July.'-' 

They have unavoidably been drawn in haste, too 
much so to do perfect justice to the subject, and 
have been copied just as they flowed from my heart 
and pen, without revision or correction. You will 
observe, that here and there some severity appears. 
I have not fortitude enough always to bear, with 
calmness, calumnies, which necessarily include me as 
a principal agent in the measures censured, of the 

* See this letter in AVashington's Writings, Yol. X. p. 283 ; and the 
"answers to the objections," here mentioned, in Hamilton's Works, Vol. 
lY. p. 2-18. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 407 

falsehood of -wliicli I have the most unqualified con- 
sciousness. I trust that I shall always be able to 
bear, as I ought, imputations of errors of judgment ; 
but I acknowledge that I cannot be entirely patient 
under charges which impeach the integrity of my 
public motives or conduct. I feel that I merit them 
in no degree; and expressions of indignation sometimes 
escape me, in spite of every effort to suppress them. 
I rely on your goodness for the proper allowances. 

With high respect, and the most aflectionate at- 
tachment, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c., 

Alexander HLvmilton. 



fro:m henry kxox, secretary of war. 

AVar Department, 31 August, 1792. 

Sir, 
I have the honor to submit herein, inclosed, a let- 
ter to the Governor of Georgia, and one to Mr. Sea- 
grove ; the former draughted by the Attorney-General, 
and both approved by the same, and the Secretary 
of the Treasury. The principles you were pleased to 
suggest have been the basis of these papers."-^' The 
manner of treating the Spaniards and McGillivray, 
was unanimously considered as the most proper to be 
adopted in the present conjuncture. One of tlic 
Spanisli Commissioners is at present in Virginia, and 
the oilier iu the country, l)ut will return either to- 
day or to-morrow. I shall see him, and, conformably 
to the advice of the gentlemen, mention the alliiir 
verbally and informally ; the result of which I will 
liavc the honor to transmit to vou. 



* Washington's Writings, Vol. X. p. 267. 



408 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Letters have just been received from Major-General 
Wayne. All quiet. He has transmitted his ideas of 
the further progress of the war^ in case the negotia- 
tions should fail; which shall be transmitted by the 
next post. I have directed that the express be fur- 
nished with one hundred dollars^ out of which he 
will return the money you were pleased to advance 
him. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Henry Knox. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON^ SECRETARY OF STATE. 

Philadelphia, 17 October, 1792. 

Sir, 

In a letter from Monticello, I took the liberty of 
saying that, as soon as I should return here, where 
my letter-books were, I would take the liberty of 
troubling you with the perusal of such parts of my 
correspondence from France, as would show my genu- 
ine sentiments of the new Constitution. When I ar- 
rived in Philadelphia, the 5th instant, I found that 
many of my letters had been already put into the 
papers, by the gentlemen possessed of the originals, 
as I presume ; for not a word of it had ever been 
communicated to me, and the copies I had retained 
were under a lock, of which I had the key. 

These publications are genuine, and render it un- 
necessary to give you any further trouble, than to 
see extracts from two or three other letters, which 
have not been published, and the genuine letter 
for the payment of the French debt. Pardon my 
adding this to so many troubles as you have. I 
think it necessary you should know my real opinions, 



OFFICIAL AND PKIYATE. 409 

that you may know liow to make use of me ; and it 
is essential to my tranquillity not to be misknown 
to you. I hope it is the last time I shall feel a ne- 
cessity of asking your attention to a disagreeable 
subject; being, with sincere wishes for your tranquil- 
lity and happiness, and with perfect respect, &c., 

Thomas Jefferson. 



FROM GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 

Paris, 22 October, 1791. 

My dear Sir, 

Yours of the 21st of June, is at length safely ar- 
rived. Poor Lafayette ! '•' Your letter for him must 
remain with me some time. His enemies here are as 
virulent as ever, and I can give you no better proof 
than this. Among the King's papers was found no- 
thing of what his enemies wished and expected, ex- 
cept his correspondence with M. de Lafayette, which 
breathes, from beginning to end, the purest sentiments 
of freedom. It is therefore kept secret, while he 
stands accused of designs, in conjunction with the 
dethroned monarch, to enslave his country. 

The fjxct, respecting this correspondence, is commu- 
nicated to me by a person to whom it was related 
confidentially by one of the parties who examined it. 
You will have seen, in my letters to Mr. Jefferson, a 
proposition made by Mr. Short respecting M. de La- 
fayette, with my reply. I had very good reason to 
apprehend that our interference, at that time, wouhl 

♦ Lafayette was made prisoner on tlic frontier of France, by the 
Austrians, on the 20th of August, and was soon afterwards confined 
in the castle of AVezel. Thence he was transferred successively to the 
prisons of Magdeburg, Glatz, Ncisse, and Ohuutz. 
VOL. IV. 35 



410 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

have been injurious to him; but I hope that a mo- 
ment will soon offer, in which something may be 
done for his relief In reading my correspondence 
with Mr. Short, you must consider that I wrote to 
the French and Austrian Government, as each would 
take the liberty to read my letters. 

You will have seen, also, that, in my letters to Mr. 
Jefferson, I hint at the dangers attending a residence 
in this city. Some of the sanguinary events vrhich 
have taken place, and which were partial executions 
of great plans, will point to a natural interpretation 
thereof; but these w^ere not what I contemplated. 
Should we ever meet, I will entertain you with the 
recital of many things which it would be improper 
to commit to paper, at least for the present. You 
will have seen that the King is accused of high 
crimes and misdemeanours ; but I verily believe that 
he wished sincerely for this nation the enjoyment of 
the utmost degree of liberty which their situation 
and circumstances will permit. He wished for a good 
Constitution ; but, unfortunately, he had not the means 
to obtain it, or, if he had, he was thwarted by those 
about him. What may be his fate, God only knows ; 
but history informs us, that the passage of dethroned 
monarchs is short from the prison to the grave. 

I have mentioned to Mr. JeJBferson, repeatedly, my 
wish to have positive instructions and orders for my 
government. I need not tell you. Sir, how agreeable 
this would be to me, and what a load it would take 
from my mind. At the same time, I am fully sensible 
that it may be inconvenient to give me such orders. 
The United States may wish to temporize, and see 
how things are likely to end ; and in such case, leav- 
ing me at large, with the right reserved to avow or 
disavow me according to circumstances and events, is 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 411 

for the Government an eligible position. My part in 
the play, is not quite so eligible ; but, although I wish 
the Senate to be sensible of this, I am far from wish- 
ing that any precipitate step be taken to relieve me 
from it, for I know how contemptible is every pri- 
vate consideration, when compared with the public 
interests. One step, however, seems natural; namely, 
to say that, before any new letters of credence are 
given, it will be proper to know to whom they are 
to be directed, because the Convention, a mere tem- 
porary body, is to be succeeded by some fixed form, 
and it may be a long time before any such form 
will be adopted. 

Mr. Jefferson, from the materials in his possession, 
will be able to give you an accurate account of the 
military events. I discover three capital errors in 
the conduct of the Duke of Brunswick. First, his 
proclamation arrogated rights, which, on no construc- 
tion, could belong to him or his employers, and con- 
tained threats which no circumstances could warrant, 
and which, in no supposable success, could be execut- 
ed. They tended, however, to unite the nation in 
opposing him, seeing that no hope remained for those 
who had taken any part in the revolution ; and the 
conduct observed towards Monsieur de Lafayette and 
his companions, was a severe comment on the cruelty 
of the rest. Thus, in the same moment, he wounded 
the pride, insulted the feelings, and alarmed the fears 
of all France. And, by his thundering menaces to 
protect the royal fiimily, he plunged them into the 
situation from which he meant to extricate them. 

The second error was, not to dash at Paris the in- 
stant he received the news of the afHiir of the tentli. 
lie should then have advanced at all hazards, and if, 
in so doing, he had declared to the several Generals 



412 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

and armies, that lie expected their assistance to re- 
store their dethroned Prince and violated Constitu- 
tion, I am persuaded that he would have met with as 
much support as opposition. I learn, within these two 
days, that the Delegates of Lorraine and Alsace had 
so little hope, or rather were so thoroughly persuaded 
that those Provinces would join the enemy, that they 
made unusual haste to come forward, lest they should 
be apprehended. Great activity, in that moment, 
would have done wonders j but then he was not 
ready. 

The third great error was, that, after w^aiting so 
long, he came forward at all, this season. By menac- 
ing the frontiers with great and increasing force, vast 
numbers of the militia would have been drawn to the 
utmost verge of the French territory. The difficulty 
of subsisting them there would have been extreme. 
By taking strong and good positions, his troops would 
have been preserved in full vigor, and the French, 
wasted by disease, tired of inaction, and stimulated 
by their natural impatience and impetuosity of tem- 
per, would have forced their Generals to attack, even 
if they had the prudence to be quiet. The conse- 
quence of such attack, excepting alwaj^s the will of 
God, must have been a complete victory on his part, 
and then it would have been next to impossible for 
them to escape. Then the towns would have surren- 
dered, believing the business to be over, and he might 
have come as far forward this autumn as the needful 
transportation of stores would permit. Next spring 
France w^ould have found it almost impossible to sub- 
sist the armies needful for the defence in that part 
of the country which is most defensible, and, of con- 
sequence, her enemy would have reached the point 
from which he lately retreated, without the smallest 
difficulty. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 413 

The appearances are so vague and contradictory, 
that I cannot pretend to tell you whether the alli- 
ance will or will not be preserved for the next cam- 
paign. If I were to hazard conjectures on the jire- 
sent state of things^ it might cast suspicions where I 
have not sufficient ground, and therefore I will bury 
them in my own bosom, lest accident should put this 
letter into improper hands. France has a strong ally 
in the feelings of those nations who are subject to 
despotism ; but, for that very reason, she has a mortal 
enemy in every Prince. If, as is very possible, the 
league should hold firm till next spring, it will then 
have gained considerable auxiliaries, and I am very 
much mistaken if this nation will make as great ef- 
forts as those she is now making. The character of 
nations must be taken into consideration in all poli- 
tical questions, and that of France has ever been an 
enthusiastic inconstancy. They soon get tired of a 
thing. They adopt without examination, and reject 
without sufficient cause. They are now agog with 
their republic, and may perhaps adopt some form of 
Government with a huzza ; but that they will adopt 
a good form, or, having adopted, adhere to it, is what 
I do not believe. There is a great body of Royalists 
in the country, who do not now declare themselves, 
because it would be certain death ; but a favorable 
occasion would bring them out of their holes. 

The factions here are violent, and among those Avho 
administer the Government there is not, I am told, 
that degree of character which lays hold of the es- 
teem and respect of mankind, but rather the contrary. 
In tlicir (»[»[H)nents, there is a nervous temper, whicli 
sticks at nothing; and, if I sec rightly, there is in 
tlie current of tlieir affairs, a strong eddy or counter 
tide, which may change materially both men and 



414 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

things. Yet, let what will happen, I think it hardly 
possible that they should blunder as much as the 
emigrants ; and I am prone to believe that, in war 
and politics, the folly of our adversaries constitutes 
our greatest force. The future prospect, therefore, is 
involved in mist and darkness. 

There is but one sovereign in Europe, the Empress 
of Russia, wdio is not, in the scale of talents, consider- 
ably below par. The Emperor, who, it is said, is con- 
sumptive and cannot live long, is now much influenced 
by Manfredi, a statesman of the Italian school, who 
takes insincerity for wisdom. The Prussian Cabinet 
is far from strong. Leuchesini, an able man, is said 
to be rising in influence there ; but there is such a 
mixture of lust and folly in the Chief, that no one 
man can keep things steady. The alliance with Vi- 
enna is disagreeable to the Prussians, and particularly 
to the inhabitants of Berlin, which may have some 
influence in destroying it ; and his Majesty has given 
three strong proofs, since his accession, that he is by 
no means nice on the subject of public faith. The 
invasion of Brabant will, I am persuaded, alarm both 
Britain and Holland; but whether they will confine 
themselves to court intrigue, or come into the field, 
is doubtful. 

Thus you will perceive. Sir, that nothing can be 
predicted, with tolerable certainty, respecting the af- 
fairs of this country, either internal or external, at 
the present moment. I am, &c,, 

GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS. 



OFFICIAL AND PllIVATE, 415 

FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 
Treasury Department, 19 November, 1792. 

Sir, 

I have carefully reflected on the application of Mr. 
Ternant, for an additional supply of money for the 
use of the Colony of St. Domingo, on account of the 
debt due to France, which I regard more and more 
as presenting a subject extremely delicate and em- 
barrassing. Two questions arise; first, as to the abi- 
lity of the United States to furnish the money, Avhich 
is stated at about three hundred and twenty-six thou- 
sand dollars, in addition to the sum remaining of the 
four hundred thousand dollars some time since pro- 
mised; secondly, as to the propriety of doing it, on 
political considerations. 

With regard to ability, I feel little doubt that it 
will be in the power of the Treasury to furnish the 
sum. Yet, circumstanced as we are, with the possibi- 
lity of more extensive demands than at present exist, 
for exigencies of a very serious nature, I think it 
would not be desirable to be bound by a positive 
stipulation for the entire amount. 

With regard to the propriety of the measure on 
political considerations, more serious difficulties occur. 
The late suspension of the King, which is officially 
communicated, and the subsequent abolition of royalty 
by the Convention, which the newspapers announce 
with every appearance of authenticity, essentially 
change, for the moment, the condition of France. 

If a restoration of the King should take place, I 
am of opinion that no payment, which might be made 
in the interval, would be deemed regular or o])liga- 
tory. The admission of it to our credit would couse- 



416 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

quently be considered as matter of discretion, accord- 
ing to the opinion entertained of its merit and utility. 
A payment to the newly constituted power, as a re- 
imbursement in course, or in any manner which 
^vould subject it to be used in support of the change, 
would doubtless be rejected. 

An advance, however, to supply the urgent neces- 
sities of a part of the French empire, struggling un- 
der the misfortune of an insurrection, of the nature 
of that which has for some time distressed, and now 
exposes to the danger of total ruin by famine, the 
Colony of St. Domingo, is of a different complexion. 
Succours, furnished in such a situation, under due 
limitations, would be so clearly an act of humanity 
and friendship, of such evident utility to the French 
empire, that no future Government could refuse to 
allow a credit for them, without a disregard of mode- 
ration and equity. But the claim for such credit 
would not be of a nature to be regularly and of 
course valid; consequently would be liable to be dis- 
puted. 

The condition in which the Colony has lately placed 
itself, by espousing the last change which has been 
made in France, operates as a serious difficulty in the 
case, and may be made a ground of objection to any 
aid which may be given them. There is even a 
question, whether there be now any organ of the 
French nation, which can regularly ask the succour; 
whether the commission to Mr. Ternant be not vir- 
tually superseded. It is also an objection (in the 
view of regularity and validity) to the supply asked, 
that the decree of the National Assembly, on which 
it is founded, contemplated a negotiation between the 
Executive power in France, and our Minister there. 
The channel has not been pursued, and no substitute 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 417 

has been provided. The business wants organization, 
in every sense. 

From these premises I deduce, — that nothing can 
be done without risk to the United States 5 that, there- 
fore, as little as possible ought to be done ; that ^Yhat- 
ever may be done, should be cautiously restricted to 
the idea of preserving tJie Colony from destruction hj 
famine; that, in all communications on the subject, 
care should be taken to put it on this footing, and 
even to avoid the explicit recognition of any regular 
authority in any person. Under these cautions and 
restrictions, but not otherwise, I beg leave to submit 
it as my opinion that succours ought to be granted, 
notwithstanding the degree of risk which will attend 
it; that they should be effected by occasional ad- 
vances, without previous stipulation, and with only a 
general assurance that the United States, disposed to 
contribute by friendly offices to the preservation of 
an important portion of the French Empire, and to 
that of French citizens from the calamity of famine, 
will endeavour, from time to time, as far as circum- 
stances will permit, to afford means of sustenance. 

According to a statement of M. do la Forest, the 
provisions desired to be shipped in the course of No- 
vember would amount to eighty-three thousand eight 
hundred dollars, including the total supply of fish 
and oil. Towards this he computes the application 
of fifty thousand dollars out of the remainder of the 
four liundred thousand doUars heretofore promised, 
which would leave a deficiency of thirty-three thou- 
sand eight hundred dulhirs. This sum, or, in round 
numbers, forty thousand, can be engaged to be fur- 
nished ; and in December, if no future circumstances 
f(n]»id, a fnrtlior sum can be engaged to be supplied, 
payable at a future short period. It will bo proper 



418 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

that the most precise measures should be taken to 
ascertain^ from time to time, the investment of the 
moneys supplied, in purchasing and forwarding provi- 
sions from this country to the Colony in question. 
It has been heretofore understood that the balance of 
the sum, some time since stipulated, was to be fur- 
nished ; which, accordingly, has been and is doing. 
Engagements for supplies have been entered into 
upon the basis of that stipulation; and payments to 
as great, if not a greater amount, are becoming due, 
in which the citizens of the United States are mate- 
rially interested. 

The caution, which is deemed necessary, has refer- 
ence not only to the safety of the United States in 
a pecuniary respect, but to the consideration of avoid- 
ing a dangerous commitment, which may even prove 
a source of misunderstanding between this country 
and the future Government of the French nation. 
From all that is hitherto known, there is no ground 
to conclude that the governing power, by the last 
advices, will be of long duration. I have the honor 
to be, Avith the highest respect and truest attachment. 
Sir, &c., 

Alexander Hamilton. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE. 

Phlladelpliia, 1 January, 1793. 

Sir, 

I have duly considered the translation of the letter 

of December 27th, from M. de la Forest, stating that 

the French Consuls here have a right to receive their 

salaries at Paris; that, under the present circum- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 419 

stances, they cannot dispose of tlieir bills ; and desir- 
ing that our Government will take them as a remit- 
tance in part of the moneys we have to pay to 
France. No doubt he proposes to let us have them 
on such terms as may insure us against loss either 
from the course of exchange of cash for cash at 
Philadelphia, Amsterdam, and Paris, or from the dif- 
ference between cash and assignats at Paris, in which 
latter form they will probably be paid. 

I do not observe any objection from the Treasury, 
that this channel of remittance would be out of their 
ordinary line, and inadmissible on that account. Tak- 
ing it, therefore, on the ground merely of an ad- 
vance unauthorized by the French Government, I 
think the bills may be taken. We have every rea- 
son to believe the money is due to them, and none 
to doubt it will be paid, every creditor being author- 
ized to draw on his debtor. They will be paid indeed 
in assignats, at the nominal value only ; but it is pre- 
viously understood that these will procure cash on 
the spot, of the real value we shall have paid for 
them. The risk, if any, is certainly very small, and 
such as it would be expedient in us to encounter in 
order to oblige these gentlemen. I think it of real 
value, to produce favorable dispositions in the agents 
of foreign nations here. Cordiality among nations de- 
pends very much on the representations of their 
agents mutually ; and cordiality, once established, is 
of immense value, even counted in money, from the 
favors it produces in commerce, and the good under- 
standing it preserves in matters merely political. 

I have the honor to ])(\ with sentiments of the 
most perfect respect and attachment. Sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble servant, 

Thomas JEFrEiisoN. 



420 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 

Paris, 14 February, 1793. 

My dear Sir, 

I have received yours of the 20th of October, 
which was very long on its way. You will find that 
events have blackened more and more in this coun- 
try. The present prospects are dreadful. It is not 
so much, perhaps, the external force, great as that 
may be -, for there are always means of defence in so 
vast a nation. The exhausted state of resources might 
also be borne with, if not remedied. But the disor- 
ganized state of the Government appears to be irre- 
mediable. The venality is such, that if there be no 
traitors, it is because the enemy have not common 
sense. Without the aid of venality, there are not 
a few who, from mistaken zeal, and from ignorance, 
contribute to the success of those powers who are 
leagued against France. Many, also, under the garb 
of patriotism, conceal their attachment to the former 
Government. In short, the fabric of the present sys- 
tem is erected on a quagmire. The new Constitution 
has not yet made its appearance, but it is easy to 
conjecture what it will not be. In the mean time I 
learn, that the Ministers of War and Marine declare 
it impossible for them to go on. How all this will 
end, God only knows ; but I fear it will end badly. 

I will not speak of my own situation; you will 
judge that it is far from pleasant. I could be popu- 
lar, but that would be wrong. The different parties 
pass away like the shadows in a magic lantern, and 
to be well with any one of them, would, in a short 
period, become the cause of unquenchable hatred with 
the others. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 421 

Happy, happy America; governed by reason, by 
law, by the man whom she loves, whom she almost 
adores! It is the pride of my life to consider that 
man as my friend, and I hope long to be honored 
with that title. God bless you, my dear Sir, and 
keep and preserve you ! Your cool and steady temper 
is now of infinite consequence to our country. As 
soon as I can see the way open to any thing decisive, 
I shall inform you of it. At present I weary myself 
with unavailing reflection, meditation, and conjecture. 
A partition seems the most probable event at present. 
Adieu. 

GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS. 



FROM EDMUND RANDOLPH, ATTORNEY-GENERAL. 

Philadelphia, 14 February, 1793. 

Sir, 

I have revolved, with great attention, the matter 
of the letter which you yesterday did me the honor 
of confiding to my perusal. Convulsed as we are, I 
cannot but believe that there is scarcely a man in 
the Government, whom party will not, sooner or later, 
destine for an attack. A communication, therefore, 
which seems even to be tinctured with particular ob- 
jects, will naturally excite caution. I hope, however, 
that I shall not be understood to insinuate the most 
distant suspicion of that affectionate attachment which 
is professed ; for I am truly persuaded of it. I mean 
no more than that kind of caution which would pre- 
vent you from heartily acceding to, or rejecting, pro- 
positions so delicate in themselves. 

AVhat is due to the French nation up to the close 
of 1792, ought, if practicable, to be paid to the ex- 

VOL. IV 3G 



422 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

isting authorities of France. This can never be ques- 
tioned as to its validity or propriety, let the shape 
of their Government be what it will ; nor can it give 
just umbrage to any member of the hostile Confede- 
racy. But, as this sum is probably far below the 
wishes of the French Minister, it wdll be asked 
whether the large advance of three million tournois 
can be made ; and, if it can, ought it to be made ? 

You informed me. Sir, that the ability of the trea- 
sury to accomplish this, depended upon the success 
of a bill now on its passage through the Legislature. 
Of course the United States are not yet in a capa- 
city of advancing, unless the other advice be followed, 
of scrutinizing the Treasury Department, and thence 
discovering funds ; or of instituting a new loan. The 
former is in a train of being executed, and could not 
now be quickened. Should the Executive at this mo- 
ment originate a similar investigation, it might look 
like something more than a neutrality between the 
parties. Possibly, at a future day, when the result of 
the Congressional inquiry shall be known, if it should 
not be satisfactory to you, you may deem it expedi- 
ent to impart the nature of the information referred 
to in the letter to the Secretary of the Treasury. In 
the mean time, while Congress are still in motion on 
the subject of finance, I presume that the proposed 
alternative of a loan must be suspended. 

Let me next suppose, that money adequate to the 
advance was now in hand. Even the situation of 
France, with respect to other powers, is serious and 
important. A voluntary payment of w^hat is not yet 
due, carries with it causes of jealousy. On the op- 
posite side, threatened famine will, if not attempted 
to be averted, rouse the zealous partisans of French 
politics in America. Perhaps, too, it may deserve 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 423 

consideration, how far the opportunity of forming a 
close connection with the French republic may be 
lost or weakened by refusing to gratify it, and how 
flir it may spread a favorable impression of the Fe- 
deral Administration throughout the United States. 
Again ; should the advance be approved, the allied 
nations can well be told, if they remonstrate, that the 
danger of a famine was a leading motive. Should it 
be disapproved, the French will be conscious that they 
have no right to demand it, and that money cannot 
be furnished in republics at will, or in the same pro- 
fusion as in monarchies. Upon the whole, I should be 
inclined to the advance, if it was easily within our 
reach. But I see no reason, nor a state of things 
sufficiently ripe, for deciding the question at this mo- 
ment. 

I take the liberty, therefore, of suggesting, whether 
Mr. Ternant may not be informed that the balance, 
up to the end of 1792, shall be paid, and that a de- 
finitive answer, as to the residue of the requisition, 
will be given as soon as the fiscal arrangements of 
Congress shall be finished. Then, and not till then, 
will you be possessed of the facts, necessary in such 
a case • then, and not till then, will you be able to 
avoid the appearance of sheltering one officer, or of 
countenancing his adversary. Mr. Ternant cannot but 
acquiesce in the fitness of the measure ; and it will 
l)e seen, by the gentleman Avho wrote the letter, that 
while you will not precipitate yourself into the steps 
recommended, you have marked out, in your own 
mind, a d;i}', reasonably distant, fur again calling the 
subject into view. 

T liavc the honor to be, &c., 

FdMUND EANDOLni. 



424 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON, 



FROM EDMUND RANDOLPH, ATTORNEY-GENERAL. 

Philadelphia, 22 February, 1793. 

Sir, 
I do myself the honor of presenting to you some 
of those vieAvs, which the very delicate affair of the 
removal affords, and the result of a provisional in- 
quiry which I set on foot. 

1. The charges have come in an ambiguous form, 
half private, half public ; and it must be uncertain, 
until the arrival of the new Minister from France, to 
what extent those charges are to be pressed. To 
seize so imperfect an opportunity for dismission, might 
argue an eagerness to get rid of the officer ; and, 
before such a stroke is given to the reputation of 
any man, ought he not to be heard ? 

2. I understand, however, that a middle ground 
has been recommended; by exchanging the gentle- 
man in question for another diplomatic resident. At 
first sight, this expedient has the advantage of being 
conciliatory, although, even in this particular, it may 
possibly fail. But what will be the reason given out 
to the world for such an alteration ? I here take it 
for granted, that if, on any such occasion, the Cabinet 
can conceal the genuine motive, on this it will be 
notorious. It will be known in France, and through- 
out the United States, that the disgust of the French 
Ministry at the hostility of our officer's politics was 
the leading cause of the decisive step. The people 
of the United States will immediately say, that he 
is not only protected in his misconduct, but that a 
partiality is discovered for his ideas on government, 
against which they are eminently inveterate, from 
their real sympathy with the revolution of France. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 425 

Again; it will be difficult to satisfy the people of 
France^ that it was consistent with an affectionate 
regard for their welfare, to send a Minister thus pre- 
judiced against them, whom they assert to he "dan- 
gerous from his talents/' to the Court of London, 
which has now probably become an avowed enemy 
to them. 

3. I doubt, therefore, exceedingly, whether any de- 
termination ought yet to be made ; especially as, dur- 
ing the recess of the Senate, you may remove, if you 
think proper. But I can scarcely doubt on the im- 
propriety of the substitute proposed, considered rela- 
tively to the present time, although after circum- 
stances may perhaps require these sentiments to be 
revised. 

4. Supposing the ultimate possibility of a dismis- 
sion, I have labored, provisionally, to bring about the 
other arrangement. But I find this to be impracti- 
cable ; the one gentleman being immovable in the 
resolution wdiich he expressed to you the other day, 
and the other gentleman being very explicit, that it 
is absolutely inadmissible, in his mind, to enter into 
the Administration under either of the aspects con- 
templated, or, indeed, under any other. 

I have the honor, &c., 

Edmund Randolph. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE. 

G June, 1793. 

Sir, 
I cannot but think, that, to decline the proposition 
of Mr. Genet on the subject of our debt, without as- 
signing any reasons at all, would have a Acry dry 
36 =^= 



426 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

and unpleasant aspect indeed. We are then to ex- 
amine what are our good reasons for the refusal, 
which of them may be spoken out, and which may 
not. 

1. Want of confidence in the continuance of the 
present form of Government, and consequently that 
advances to them might commit us with their succes- 
sors. This cannot be spoken out. 

2. Since they propose to take the debt in produce, 
it would be better for us that it should be done in 
moderate masses yearly, than all in one year. This 
cannot be professed. 

3. When M. de Calonne was Minister of Finance, 
a Dutch company proposed to buy up the whole of 
our debt, by dividing it into sections, or shares. I 
think M. Claviere, now Minister of Finance, was their 
agent. It was observed to M. de Calonne, that to 
create such a mass of American paper, divide it into 
shares, and let them deluge the market, would de- 
preciate them, the rest of our paper, and our credit 
in general; that the credit of a nation was a deli- 
cate and important thing, and should not be risked 
on such an operation. M. de Calonne, sensible of the 
injury of the operation to us, declined it. 

In May, 1791, there came, through Mr. Otto, a 
similar proposition from Schweizer, Jeanneret and Co. 
We had a representation on the subject from Mr. 
Short, urging this same reason strongly. It was re- 
ferred to the Secretary of the Treasury, who, in a 
letter to yourself, assigned the reasons against it; and 
these were communicated to Mr. Otto, who acquiesced 
in them. This objection, then, having been sufficient 
to decline the proposition twice before, and having 
been urged to the two preceding forms of Govern- 
ment (the ancient, and that of 1791), will not be 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 427 

considered by them as founded in objections to the 
present form. 

4. The law allows the whole debt to be paid only 
on condition it can be done on terms advantageous to 
the United States. The Minister foresees this objec- 
tion ; and thinks he answers it by observing the ad- 
vantage which the payment in produce will occasion. 
It would be easy to show that this was not the sort 
of advantage the Legislature meant, but a lower rate 
of interest. 

5. I cannot but suppose, that the Secretary of the 
Treasury, much more familiar than I am with the 
money operations of the Treasury, would, on exami- 
nation, be able to derive practical objections from 
them. We pay to France but five per cent. The 
people of this country would never subscribe their 
money for less than six. If, to remedy this, obliga- 
tions at less than five per cent, w^ere offered and ac- 
cepted by Mr. Genet, he must part with them imme- 
diately at a considerable discount, to indemnify the 
loss of the one per cent. ; and at a still greater dis- 
count to bring them down to par with our present 
six per cent. ; so that the operation would be equally 
disgraceful to us, and losing to them, &c. 

I think it very material, myself, to keep alive the 
friendly sentiments of that country, as far as can be 
done without risking war, or double payment. If the 
instalments, falling due this year, can be advanced, 
without incurring those dangers, I should be for do- 
ing it. 

AVe now see, Ijy the declaration of the Prince of 
Saxe-Coburg, on the part of Austria and Prussia, that 
the ultimate point they desire is, to restore the Con- 
stitution of 1791. Were tliis even to be done before 
the pay-days of this year, there is no doubt, in my 



428 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

mind, but that that Goyernment (as republican as the 
present, except in the form of its Executive) would 
confirm an advance so moderate in sum and time. I 
am sure the nation of France would never suffer their 
Government to go to war with us for such a bagatelle, 
and the more surely if that bagatelle shall have been 
granted by us so as to please, and not to displease 
the nation; so as to keep their affections engaged on 
our side. So that I should have no fear in advanc- 
ing the instalment of this year, at epochs convenient 
to the Treasury; but, at any rate, should be for assign- 
ing reasons for not changing the form of the debt. 

These thoughts are very hastily thrown on paper, 
as will be but too evident. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Thomas Jefferson. 



FROM THE COMTE DE HERTZBERG. 

(Translation.) 

Berlin, 14 June, 1793. 

Sir, 

From your humane character, you will doubtless 
permit me to introduce to you. Sir, the bearer of this 
letter, Mr. Laurent, a native of Hamburg, but of 
Prussian descent, who goes to America on commercial 
business, in order to recommend him to your protec- 
tion, and to request you to favor him with your coun- 
sel and directions. It appears that he is a young 
man of good character, of good behaviour, well inform- 
ed, and likely to succeed. 

I have always admired your great virtues and qua- 
lities, your disinterested patriotism, your unshaken 
courage and simplicity of manners; qualifications, by 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 429 

Tvhicli you surpass men, the most celebrated of anti- 
quity. 

My name will not be unknown, nor altogether in- 
different, to you. I presided thirty years in the Mi- 
nistry of Foreign Affairs, under the great and happy 
King Frederic II. Under his auspices, I alone made 
the celebrated peace of Hubertsburg, of Warsaw, of 
Teschen, of the Germanic Union ; and, under the pre- 
sent King, that of Eeichenbach. I had even the sa-' 
tisfaction of approving, as Minister of the Cabinet, 
the treaty of amity and commerce concluded between 
the King of Prussia and the United States of Ameri- 
ca, on the 10th of September, 1785, in which you 
have doubtless had the principal part, and by wliich 
the two parties agreed, in the twenty-third article, 
to act hostilely, in case of war, only against those 
who should be found armed, and not to interrupt 
merchants, or give letters of marque against merchant 
vessels. I acknowledge that I have felt the greatest 
pleasure on seeing that your nation had looked upon 
King Frederic II. as a worthy philosopher, by mak- 
ing a proposition of this kind to him, in order to 
give the example to other nations ; and for the same 
reason, I readily accepted it ; nor should I have neg- 
lected endeavouring to establish a direct commerce 
between Prussia and the United States of America, 
if I had not been forced, by the intrigues of my ene- 
mies, to retire, in the month of July, 1791, from the 
department of Foreign Affairs, and from our Cabinet 
(which till then I had directed, with as much probity 
and disinterestedness as success), not to be obliged 
to abandon the ancient and true system of a King of 
Prussia, by which the deceased and present King, 
notwithstanding the mediocrity of their monarchy, 
have nearly been masters of the equilibrium of all 
Europe. 



430 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

I have iiotj however, entirely quitted the Ministry, 
but «im now in the General Council of State, and 
have confined myself to the direction of the Academy 
of Science ; to the culture of the national silk, which 
I have pushed to a certain point; to the writing of 
a history of Frederic II., my friend and constant 
companion, who, during the last six weeks, kept me 
alone near him; and, in a word, by cultivating the 
land (as Curius and Cincinnatus) at Brientz, about a 
mile from Berlin, which I have also pushed to a 
high degree of cultivation by very simple means. 
You may see sketches of all this, in some small im- 
pressions, which I have given to Mr. Laurent, which 
are in fact, for the greatest part, in German, but 
which you will find no difficulty in having translated 
in a country which is inhabited by so many Ger- 
mans. 

I request you not to suppose that vanity has dic- 
tated all this ; but that it is of much consequence to 
me, to assure myself the suffrage of a great man, 
who has immortalized himself by creating a happy 
republic, with all the principles of which I pique 
myself in sympathizing, although I was born in a 
monarchical State, which is supposed to be despotic. 

I wish you and your republic a constant prosperity, 
and all the happiness possible, to the termination of 
your days; and I shall never cease to be, wdth the 
highest esteem. Sir, 

Your sincere friend and admirer, 

COMTE DE HeRTZBERG. 



OFFICIAL AND PKIVATE. 431 

FROM GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 

Paris, 25 June, 1793. 

My dear SiR; 

I have just received yours of the 25th of March. 
Not having had time to read the gazettes^ which are 
but just (and hut in part) arrived, I cannot from 
them derive the information you aUude to; but my 
first glance at them shows what I am sorry to see ; 
and from thence I am induced to quote a sound 
maxim from an excellent book; — "J. houBe divided 
against itself cannot stand!' 

As to your reacceptance, Sir, you know my senti- 
ments, which, on that, as on some other subjects, are, 
I think, unchangeable. It will be time enough for 
you to have a successor, when it shall please God to 
call you from this world's theatre. If such successor 
is then able to fill the President's chair, it will be 
matter of surprise to those who can form a compe- 
tent idea of the office ] but, during your life, I con- 
sider the thing as utterly impossible. And do not 
imagine, my dear Sir, that you can retire, though 
you may resign. You will, in such case, become the 
man of the opposition: However your good sense may 
differ from their madness, and your virtue from their 
villany, depend on it, they will cite you as being 
of their sentiment. If you are silent, you assent ; and 
if you speak, you are committed. In the mean time, 
your poor successor is obliged to struggle under all 
the weight of your reputation, as well as that of the 
office. And lie must l)e a strong man, who can carry 
cither; of course, a very rash man, who would attempt 
to take up botli. 

I am very happy to find, that the determination 



432 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

to maintain a strict neutrality is so common in Ame- 
rica. I shall not dwell on that topic^ because my 
several letters to Mr. Jefferson contain enough of it 
to ^Yeary your patience. By the by, I am mortified 
more than I can tell you, at the delay my letters 
experience in their passage. I task my mind, to its 
utmost bent, to discover those events which are most 
likely to happen, in order that (so far at least as my 
judgment can be relied on) you may be duly pre- 
pared; and, after all, you hear of the event before 
my almanac comes out. This is provoking, and would 
be much more so, did I not find, from experience, 
that the things I wish are done as well, and perhaps 
better, than if my conjectures had reached you. 

I trust that, long ere this, you will have received 
what I had the honor to write on the 28th of Decem- 
ber, 5th and 10th of Januaiy, and 14th of February. 
You will have seen that, in the end of last month and 
beginning of this, the long-expected insurrection took 
place, by which a new set of men are brought into 
power. Should the present society be able to esta- 
blish themselves, I think M. Genet will have a suc- 
cessor ; and if, the revolution completed, things return 
to the point from whence they started, I am sure M. 
Genet will have a successor. As to those who rule, 
or rather the few by w4iom they are directed, you 
may depend that they have just ideas of the value 
of popular opinion. They are not, however, in a con- 
dition to act according to knowledge; and, should 
they be able to reach a harbour, there will be quite 
as much of good luck as of good management in it. 
At any rate, a part of the crew will be thrown over- 
board. It is my opinion that the members of the 
Convention lately arrested will do nothing, for the 
greater part of them have only parole energy; and 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 433 

if I were called on by any cogent motive to act, it 
should be in conformity to that idea. In my letter 
to Mr. Jeirerson, of this day, I tell him that I shall 
implicitly obey his orders ; but this is in reply to 
the broad hint, that my embarrassments may have 
arisen from inattention to the principles of free go- 
vernment. You may rely, Sir, that I shall be cau- 
tious to commit the United States as little as pos- 
sible to future contingencies. In my last letter I 
gave you my idea (di looimlarity, 

I have never thought that three parties could con- 
veniently exist in any one country; and therefore it 
seems to me that one of those, into which they who 
call themselves democrats are divided, must join the 
royalists. I do not inquire what negotiations are 
carried on to that effect; for I have no desire to 
meddle with such affairs, directly or indirectly, and 
should be very sorry to have the appearance of sid- 
ing with any one party or faction whatever, being 
convinced that I can best do the business of the 
United States by keeping aloof from them all. 

Those who command the royal or Christian army, 
as they call themselves, on the Loire, are good offi- 
cers. Their enemies have, in my mind, passed the 
highest eulogium on them, in saying that the soldiers 
are brought to such a pitch of folly and madness, as 
to rush on, armed only with clubs, and possess them- 
selves of the artillery, to whose fire they were expos- 
ed. As far as I have been able to learn, they pro- 
fess themselves the friends of order and justice, and 
act conformably to such professions, protecting both 
persons and property wherever they arrive, and pay- 
ing for whatever they take. Hence it happens, that 
their dominion is constantly extending itself; and if 
they sliould get possession of Nantes, which seems to 

VOL. IV. 37 



434 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

be their present object, tliey will be truly formidable, 
because then, by means of the Loire, a joassage will 
be opened into the heart of the kingdom for as 
many troops as foreign powers may choose to send 
thither ; or, if they should prefer fighting the battle 
with Frenchmen, they need only furnish money and 
warlike stores, and they would have as many men 
as they please, and the most fertile part of France 
to subsist in. 

Farewell, my dear Sir. May God bless and keep 
you, not merely for your sake, and still less for that 
of your friends, but for the general good of our 
country ! 

GOUVERNEUE, MORRIS. 



FROM WILLIAM MOULTRIE. 

Charleston, 11 July, 1793. 

Dear and respected Sir, 

General Pickens will do me the honor to deliver 
you this. He is a gentleman of great worth and in- 
tegrity, and is well acquainted with the situation of 
these Southern States, particularly the Indian afiliirs. 
He and I have had some conversation respecting 
them. We agree that nothing else can be done, than 
that an expedition, composed of the militia of the 
three Southern States, should be immediately under- 
taken, and that four or five thousand men be raised 
and marched into their country. That number can 
be raised by the 1st of October, which will be a very 
good time to take the field. 

I know of no man who is so proper to conduct 
this business as General Pickens. He is well known 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 435 

and respected in these Southern States, and well ac- 
quainted with the Indian warfare. I humbly suggest, 
should you agree with us in opinion that an expedi- 
tion is necessary against the Creek nation of Indians, 
that a special commission be given to General Pickens 
for that purpose, to prevent the other Generals from 
having any dispute with him. This expedition will 
be but one expense, and may terminate in three 
months after they take the field, and will establish' 
a firm and lasting peace with the Indians. 

I have the honor, &c., 

William Moultrie. 



FROM THE REVEREND WILLIAM GORDON.'^ 

St. Neot's, liuntingdonsliire, 17 August, 1793. 

My dear Sir, 
The renewed choice of your Excellency to the Pre- 
sidentship, was what I expected; and I was much 
pleased when, looking over the Gazette of the United 
States, it appeared that the vote of every elector was 
in your favor. When the war commenced between 
Great Britain and France, I was repeatedly asked, 
What part will the Americans take? I always an- 
swered, I apprehend they will observe a strict neu- 
trality; for peace and trade with the whole world is 
the interest of the United States. The arrival of 
your proclamation confirmed my opinion. But I sus- 
pect that the Court of St. James will not admit of 
your acting upon the principle of neutral vessels 
making neutral property, with an exception of war- 
like articles. You will, unduubtedly, maintain the 



Author of a History of tho American Revolution. 



436 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

principle, should prudence prevent entering upon hos- 
tilities to support it; but, by firmly maintaining the 
principlCj instead of making the smallest concessions, 
you will vindicate your future conduct upon the oc- 
casion, whenever the opportunity offers of your sup- 
porting it by force, without any considerable hazard 
to yourselves. This, however, has not influenced me 
to trouble you with the present letter ; but something 
of more consequence to the United States. 

There is a prevailing idea in Great Britain, if not 
in other parts of Europe, that, whenever you are re- 
moved, the Federal Union will be dissolved, the States 
will separate, and disorder succeed; for that the 
American Government cannot, in its own nature, be 
lasting. The confusions in France, and the eccentric 
publications in the United States, tend to strengthen 
the idea. I am fully convinced, from what I have 
read in the manuscripts you possess, that nothing 
will give you greater satisfaction than being the 
means of disappointing such expectations. Some con- 
jecture, that when you have been removed from these 
lower regions (may it be to the regions of perpetual 
bliss), for a few years the States will quarrel about 
who shall be President, and thereby produce a sepa- 
ration. I am fully convinced that one, if not more, 
of the first persons of the United States, is of opinion 
that, in time, an hereditary President must be chosen, 
to prevent the dangerous contests that periodical 
elections will produce, similar to what has happened 
repeatedly in choosing Polish sovereigns. An heredi- 
tary President will become, most probably, in a series 
of years, but another name for an hereditary monarch •, 
and the whole spirit of government be changed into 
European, Asiatic, or African, whatever may be its 
bodily shape. Allow me, then, to ask your opinion, 



OFFICIAL AND PKIVATE. 437 

whether the following plan might not^ if brought into 
execution; be preventive of such a deplorable event. 

Let an alteration be made in that part of the Fe- 
deral Constitution, that -relates to the choice of Presi- 
dent. Let it be agreed, by the United States, that, 
after your decease or declining the Presidentship, 
the President shall be chosen^ alternately, from each 
State (in the same form as now) for four years, the 
population of each State to determine the rotation, 
from the highest to the lowest, the first and the last; 
the population to be settled as soon as possible, and 
then the order for each State's furnishing a President, 
be declared. When every State has enjoyed the pri- 
vilege, before the last in rotation has completed its 
term of four years, let the population of the States be 
taken afresh, and a new orderly list be formed, as 
the variations produced by sixty years and more may 
require. Though Virginia has furnished a President 
once and again, before such alteration in the choice 
of a President, her right to the order of the rotation 
not to be vacated. I cannot be absolutely certain, 
but I conceive that it was at length agreed, by the 
former Congress, that the President should be chosen 
in rotation from the respective States, or a State that 
had not before furnished one. 

Whether we may judge alike upon this delicate 
and important subject, I know not; but I am con- 
vinced that your Excellency will give me credit for 
my attachment to the welfare of the United States, 
and will deem it respectful that I have not communi- 
cated these thoughts to any other correspondent, and 
have intrusted it with you to digest, and ripen, and 
l)iing forward the plan, if honored with your appro- 
bation, in your own Avay and time. I am too much 
attached to American liberty and the United States, 
37* 



438 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

to fail in praying for their continued and increasing 
prosperity. 

Mrs. Gordon joins me in wishing your Excellency, 
and your lady, the best of Divine blessings through 
the remainder of life, and an infinitely better life 
hereafter, through the merits of our Lord and Saviour 
Jesus Christ. 

I deplore the situation of our friend Lafayette, but 
can obtain no news of him, other than of liis general 
imprisonment. May he be supported through the 
trial, and at length be restored to the public and his 
friends ! 

I remain, &c., 

William Gordon. 

P. S. If what the newspaper, which arrived yes- 
terday, mentioned, should be true, that Mr. Hamilton 
had written to all the American ports to admit French 
prizes, but not prizes taken by the powers at war 
with France, and there is a settled determination on 
the part of the Americans to fulfil the articles of the 
treaty with them in 1778, wherein special privileges 
are granted them beyond those who are their ene- 
mies, — however desirous you may be of observing a 
neutrality in other respects, I divine, from the hauteur 
of the British Ministry, that prudence will require 
your getting ready for a rupture, that you may have 
the chance of preventing it. May heaven forbid such 
a rupture ! Should it take place, I can pray for my 
friends, though I can no longer correspond with them. 



OFFICIAL AND PEIYATE. 439 

FROM GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 

Paris, 19 October, 1793. 

My dear Sir^ 

I had hopeS; until last evening, that the persons, 
who are to go out as Commissioners from hence, 
would have embarked with Captain Culver; but cir- 
cumstances have delayed the appointment. The plan 
which was in agitation, and which will probably be 
carried into effect, is to send over three or four Com- 
missioners, one of whom will be charged with Letters 
of Credence, but instructed to conform to the direc- 
tions of the Board. It is probable that the new Mi- 
nister, immediately on being presented, will ask you 
to aid in securing the person and papers of the old 
one. My public despatch of this day contains a re- 
mote hint to lead the investigation of the Secretary 
of State. I did not choose to be more particular, be- 
cause you can both give and take the informations 
you think proper. 

I have favored, or rather excited the idea of this 
procedure, for the following reasons. First, such a 
public act will place in a contemptible light the fac- 
tion connected with M. Genet. Secondly, the seizure 
of his papers, by exposing his connections with prime 
movers, will give a lesson to others. And thirdly, the 
Commissioners who exercise this high-handed author- 
ity will, on reflection, feel the necessity of respecting 
your Government, lest they should meet a similar 
fate. Having alarmed their apprehensions, as to the 
effect which M. Genet's imprudence might produce, 
and knowing the public and private views of the par- 
ties, I have insinuated the advantage which might re- 
sult from an early declaration on the part of the new 



440 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Minister, thatj as France has announced her determi- 
nation not to meddle with the interior affairs of other 
nations, so he can know only the Government of Ame- 
rica. In unison with this idea, I told the Minister 
that I had observed an overruling influence in their 
affairs, which seemed to come from the other side of 
the Channel, and at the same time had traced the 
intention to excite a seditious spirit in America ; 
that it was impossible to be on a friendly footing 
with such persons ; but that at present a difierent 
spirit seemed to prevail. This declaration produced 
the effect I intended. The Minister has himself the 
wish to go out to America as Plenipotentiary, and 
M. Otto, his principal Secretary, having the same 
wish, they will, I believe, endeavour, while they stay, 
to put things in good train here. 

It may be an important judicial question, how far 
the Minister is protected by the law of nations, after 
the arrival of his successor. In my opinion, the same 
principles, which exempt him from the municipal law, 
subject him to the will of his sovereign, and, of 
course, the aid given to the new Minister is not an 
act of the judmary but of the Executive, performed as 
an ally and friend, and is merely discretionary. I find 
that this Commission will endeavour to get hold of 
the debt from America to France by anticipation. If 
no other reasons militated against the advance, the 
advantage of a pledge to satisfy damages wdiich our 
citizens may sustain during the present violence, is 
considerable, and will not, I presume, be overlooked. 

I am, &c., 

GOUVERNEUR MoRRIS. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 441 

FROM JONATH.iN TRUMBULL. 

Lebanon, 31 October, 1793. 

Dear Sir^ 

By some unaccountable delay, the letter with which 
you have favored me, of the loth instant, did not 
reach me till the 30th. While writing mine of the 
2d of this month, the doubt which you have been 
pleased to mention, respecting the law of Congress 
fixing the seat of Government, occurred to me ; but, 
turning to the law, I found the fifth section mentions, 
" That prior, &c., all offices attached to the seat of 
Government shall be removed to Philadelphia, &c., at 
which place, the session of Congress next ensuing, shall 
be held." The sixth section mentions, "That in the 
year 1800 the seat of Government shall be transfer- 
red, &c., and all offices, &c. shall be also removed, 
&c.;" but not a word of the Legislature; by which 
it would seem it is left to its own adjournment, and 
the discretion of the President on extra occasions. In- 
deed, I conceived that the Constitution, in granting 
this discretion, must have contemplated place, as well 
as time, of meeting ; because the necessity for its ex- 
ercise might be grounded equally in one as the 
other. Witness the existing instance, the first that 
has occurred. 

Moreover, the Constitution must be paramount to 
the law in such cases ; otherwise, the power granted 
may be so controlled as not to be sufiicient to sur- 
mount the necessity of the occasion. The like neces- 
sity may also exist under other circumstances ; such 
as the total destruction of the city by fire, or other 
means ; its being in complete possession of an enemy, 
and other insurmountable calamities which might oc- 



442 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

cur. In all Avliicli cases if the law, fixing the seat 
of Government, must rise superior to the Constitu- 
tion, the discretionary i^ower of the President, calcu- 
lated to afford a remedy under such exigencies, must 
be futile, and prove totally inadequate to the pur- 
poses for which it was intended. 

I also considered that, should doubts arise, they 
would be easily obviated by reflecting that this exer- 
cise of discretion could not be dangerous, because it 
would be in the power of Congress, as soon as met, 
to remedy the evil, should they apprehend any, by 
an immediate adjournment to wherever they might 
judge proper. Besides, it is calculated to remedy an 
existing inconvenience and danger to themselves, 
which in its nature is only temporary, and is hoped 
to prove of but short continuance. 

As to the place of meeting, I am very sensible it 
will be an object of delicacy to decide. When I took 
the liberty to suggest the hints I gave to you, this 
difficulty presented itself* and I was then almost 
tempted to add a word on that head, but was re- 
pressed by the fear of assuming too much. I there- 
fore now mention, what I before thought, that in cast- 
ing about, it is probable the towns of Baltimore and 
New York will present themselves to your mind as 
the most convenient places. To the latter, I am sen- 
sible, objections will be started by some, notwithstand- 
ing its superior advantages, perhaps, for the present 
temporary occasion. To obviate, therefore, these ob- 
jections to New York, should they appear with weight, 
and to save any uneasiness in the misds of our south- 
ern brethren from that quarter, I have thought for 
myself (and in this I have been joined by others) 
that I should perfectly acquiesce in Baltimore. I 
should mention the expedient of convening Congress 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 443 

somewhere in the vicinity of Philadelphia, and leave 
the final decision of ijlace to their determination 
but that I fear such event may occasion disputes 
and delay, not to say heats, perhaps, which might 
prove much more detrimental to our general interests 
than your fixing, at once, a place by your own judo-- 
ment and discretion. I mos't sincerely hope that, 
whatever place is appointed, the melancholy occasion 
of leaving Philadelphia may speedily be removed, and 
that Congress may soon be able to return to that 
city again. 

With real regard and respect, I am, &c. 

Jonathan Trumbull. 

P. S. Before closing this letter we are gratified 
with much more favorable accounts from Philadelphia 
than for some time past. I really hope they may 
prove true, and that circumstances in that distressed 
city may continue to meliorate, so that you may 
have complete relief from your present dilemma on 
that score.'^" 



FROM WILLIAM GODDARD. 

Johnston, near Providence, IG December, 1793. 

Sir, 
Removed to the humble vale of rural life, it was 
but recently that the " Memoirs of the Life of Charles 
Lee" fell under my observation; and, as I once an- 
nounced a design of publishing a w^ork nearly similar 
in title, though far dilforent in contents, I am com- 
pelled, by the most unfeigned respect to your charac- 

* Alludinnr to t]ic yellow fever, which prevailed there with great vio- 
lence in the summer and autumn of 1793. 



444 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

ter, as well as justice to myself, to address you on 
the subject, presuming upon the liberality and candor 
I have formerly experienced from you, that you will 
give due credit to my assertions, when I utterly dis- 
claim, as I now solemnly do, all share or concern in 
the printed "Memoirs" that have been so improperly 
ushered [via London) to the public eye. 

The editor, while I was absent, clandestinely took 
the manuscripts of General Lee from my house, and, 
urged by his necessities and avarice, hath, without 
judgment to discriminate, compiled and sent abroad 
a heterogeneous collection of letters, essays, and frag- 
ments, even private letters, written to and by distin- 
guished characters, at periods of friendship and confi- 
dence, which ought, and I am persuaded was the wish 
of the writers, to have been buried in oblivion. 

When I contemplated the publication of the Me- 
moirs of the late General Lee, my design was to pub- 
lish certain literary and military papers, with such 
epistolary ™tings as would, I judged, by interesting 
the public, at once promote my own interest as a 
printer, and enhance the fame of a departed friend, 
w^ho, it must be allowed, inherited from nature a rare 
and brilliant genius, and possessed a cultivated un- 
derstanding. It was, indeed, foreign to my design to 
introduce an essay, a letter, or a sentiment^ that 
would wound the feelings, or excite the disapproba- 
tion, of a single worthy person, or cast the least 
blemish upon the reputation of General Lee, by sport- 
ing with his lively sallies, and unguarded (because 
confidential) communications, or even to give cur- 
rency to a single line, that "dying, he would wish 
to blot." 

Sensible, Sir, of the great importance (particularly 
at this juncture) of your avocations, I shall not pre- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 445 

sume longer to obtrude on your time, having, I hope, 
been sufficiently explicit to exculpate myself from an 
imputation of disrespect to a character, for whom, 
with applauding millions, I feelingly accord my hum- 
ble, though sincere, tribute of grateful veneration. 

William Goddard. 



FROM EDMUND RANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STATE. 

Philadelphia, 2 January, 1794. 

Sir, 

I do myself the honor of inclosing to you a certi- 
ficate from Judge Wilson, of my having qualified as 
Secretary of State. A duplicate is deposited among 
the files of the office. 

I must entreat you. Sir, to receive my very affec- 
tionate acknowledgments for the various instances of 
your confidence, and to be assured that, let the con- 
sequence be what it may, in this office no considera- 
tion of party shall ever influence me. Nothing shall 
relax my attention or w^arp my probity; and it shall 
be my unremitted study to become an accurate mas- 
ter of this new and important business. At the com- 
mencement of my duties, I have thought it advisa- 
ble to write to the Secretaries of the Treasury and 
of War, and to the President of the Bank of the 
United States, the letters of which the inclosed are 
copies. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Edmund H.vndolpii. 



VOL. IV. 38 



446 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON 



Philadelphia, 26 Januarj^, 1794. 

Sir, 
I have examined all Mr. Morris's ministerial corres- 
pondence ; and, after the impression which I had re- 
ceived from others, whom I supposed to be conversant 
with it, I am really astonished to find so little of 
what is exceptionable, and so much of what the most 
violent would call patriotic. The parts to be with- 
held, will probably be of these denominations; — 1, what 

relates to Mr. G 1 ; 2, some harsh expressions on 

the conduct of the rulers in France, which, if return- 
ed to that country, might expose him to danger ; 3, 
the authors of some interesting information, who, if 
known, would be infallibly denounced. He speaks 
indeed of his Court, a phrase which he might as well 
have let alone. I shall do myself the honor of wait- 
ing on you in the morning ; and I write now, only to 
give you an outline of the true state of the business. 
I have the honor. Sir, to be, with the highest respect. 
Your most obedient servant, 

Edmund Randolph. 



FROM HENRY KNOX, SECRETARY OF WAR. 

(Private.) 

19 March, 1794. 

Sir, 

As it is understood that the bill for fortifying the 

ports and harbours has passed into a law, I beg 

leave respectfully to lay before you the following 

thoughts upon the manner of executing this business. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 447 

The operation of the Federal Government upon the 
State Governors and State officers, it is well known, 
has been, in general, rather irksome than otherwise, 
as it has tended to lessen their patronage and influ- 
ence, and perhaps, in their opinion, of course some- 
what to impair their dignity, w^hen compared with 
their situation under the Confederation. The Govern- 
ors are Commanders-in-chief of the militia of their 
respective States, and, as such, were the last year 
called upon, in the name of the President of the 
United States, to perform certain unpleasant duties 
relative to the preservation of our neutrality. 

These observations are made with this view, that 
it would most probably be a conciliatory and grate- 
ful measure to them, as Commanders of the militia, 
to be the Agents of the United States, in a certain 
degree, of the proposed fortifications. For instance, 
the Engineers might be desired to consult and take 
the opinions of the Governors upon the points most 
proper to be fortified, and to report to them the rea- 
sons on which their opinions should be founded, which 
opinions the Governors might confirm or reject, and 
transmit the result to the Secretary of War, in order 
to be submitted to the President of the United 
States. The Governors might also be required to ap- 
point some suitable person to superintend the erec- 
tion of the works, the keeping of the accounts, &c., 
and also of the mounting of such cannon as are to 
be mounted in, or furnished by, the respective States. 

By an arrangement of this sort, it is conceived that 
the Governors woukl be kindly brought to act by sys- 
tem to support the General Government, and that, 
unless something of this nature shall be devised, they 
might be displeased and disgusted. Some Agents 
must be appointed. The Governors are on the spot, 



448 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

and well acquainted with cliaracters^ and really pos- 
sess higher responsibility than any other individuals. 
It may, therefore, perhaps be expedient, in an econo- 
mical as well as political view, to request their as- 
sistance on this occasion. Whether these ideas be 
well founded, or not, is respectfully submitted. 

I am, &c., 

Henry Knox. 



FROM EDMUND RANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STifTE. 

Philadelpliia, G April, 1794. 

Sir, 

I conclude, from what you observed yesterday, that, 
in the nomination of an Envoy Extraordinary to Lon- 
don, you prefer some statement more special than is 
customary in nominations. I beg leave, therefore, to 
present to you a short review of the subject, that 
you may determine whether the occurrences in the 
Legislature are ripe for such a statement. 

I believe that I was among the first, if not the 
first, who suggested this mission to your considera- 
tion, and I am still its advocate. I was induced to 
think favorably of the measure, — 1. Because the re- 
presentations made by our Minister in Ordinary, seem- 
ed to rest on the British files among the business, 
which, if ever entered upon, would be entered upon 
at extreme leisure. 2. Because the recent accumu- 
lation of injuries called for pointed notice. 3. Be- 
cause the merchants and insurers would suspect an 
inattention in Government, if their interests were left 
to the routine and delays of common affairs, and 
would, on the other hand, be highly gratified by the 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 449 

movement. 4. Because the British nation, without 
whose affections the British Minister can do nothing; 
of importance in war, ought to be retained, by the 
strongest demonstrations, in the persuasion that we 
mean peaceable negotiation, rather than war. And 
5. Because a distinguished character, sent fresh from 
the feelings of the United States, would wdth more 
confidence assert, and with more certainty impress. 

I confess that two remarks, which came from your- 
self, had for some time employed my thoughts. 
These related to the sensations which might be ex- 
cited in Mr. Pinckney, and to those which may be 
excited in the people of our country. To wound un- 
necessarily a valuable and meritorious officer, as Mr. 
Pinckney is, may be affirmed to be a public mis- 
chief But this will not be the case, I hope. He 
will admit, that on great occasions, such missions are 
often instituted; that they are never interpreted by 
the diplomatic world as a disparagement of the Mi- 
nister Resident ; and that a step of so much eclat will 
rouse the British Court from their profound slumber 
over our various applications. He may, moreover, re- 
ceive such declarations of continuing confidence, as to 
calm little possible inquietudes. 

The same kind of considerations will satisfy the 
animadversions of our citizens. For if a man, the 
most conspicuous for talents and character, were now 
the stationary representative of the United States at 
London, the efficacy of a solemn and special mission 
may still, upon the foregoing principles, be easily 
conceived. And yet, tlio difference betweeu one grade 
and another is not so powerful as of itself to secure 
a difference of reception to our demands. Tlic Envoy 
will be impotent, if ho is to carry with him only the 
language of rhetoric or of menaces, without the power 



450 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

of revenge. To fulfil the purpose of his creation, he 
must show that the United States can and will vin- 
dicate their rights. But measures of this kind de- 
pend on Congress alone, and from them we have the 
embargo alone. They are employed in discussions 
leading to these objects. To nominate an Envoy im- 
mediately, or until you see the nature and extent of 
the preparations, may perhaps be to nominate a use- 
less officer; and if, by such a nomination, it is pro- 
posed to give a direction to the views and delibera- 
tions of Congress, may it not be better to send a 
message to them, urging them to adopt the prepara- 
tory steps, than to run the risk of appointing a gen- 
tleman, who, if our state of imbecility is to remain, 
cannot, except from personal qualities, have more in- 
fluence than Mr. Pinckney? It would be unusual, 
too, to expect, by an act done to the Senate in its 
Executive capacity, that its influence should extend 
to the other House in its Legislative. 

I believe, indeed, that to postpone the nomination, 
will be attended with two advantages. The one is, 
that after Congress shall have given nerve to our 
affairs, the propriety of the mission will no longer be 
questionable; nor will it require those arguments, 
which, in the present state of things, will not be suffi- 
ciently apparent. The other is, that the person no- 
minated will then be able to decide, whether he 
would choose to be the missionary, after certain acts 
of Congress. For example, it might accord with the 
opinions of some gentlemen to go, with an act of 
sequestration in their hands. 

Notwithstanding the suspension of the nomination, 
you may perhaps approve of mentioning, in the mean 
time, your intention eventually to the person whom 
you contemplate. I must request your instruction, 



OFFICIAL A]^D PRIVATE. 451 

whether I am to prepare the message to the Senate 
immediately. 

I have the honor. Sir, to be, &c., 

Edmund Randolph. 



FROM CHARLES M. THURSTON. 

Frederick Countj, 21 June, 1794. 

Sir, 

That there is existing at Kentucky a powerful 
faction for placing that country under the protection 
of the British Government, and separating from the 
Union of the States, the most recent intelligence 
seems to evince, as well private epistolary as other. 
And further, that this contagion is not confined to a 
few obscure individuals, but widely diffused through 
the leading characters of that community, is much to 
be apprehended, and not without some suspicion of 
its having penetrated our very camp. 

For some days I have been balancing, whether to 
say thus much to your Excellency, not as a fact, 
but from information probable and highly worthy of 
inquiry into; and have delayed it, lest I might be 
impertinent. But it is a circumstance which may 
lead to consequences so full of importance, that, whe- 
ther it be true or ill-founded, or whether notice on 
the subject already has come to your hands, the oc- 
casion, I trust, is such a one as will plead, if not 
my justification, at least an excuse with your Excel- 
lency. My sole motive is a simple and honest one, 
the safety of our country. 

Notwithstanding the professions of the Britisli and 
Spaniards, the intelligent part of the frontiers, who 
are friends to Government, are still not without sus- 



452 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

picions of their designs^ and of their connections by 
the Lakes and Mississippi. May I take, therefore, 
permission to add, that, in case of invasion or other 
sudden emergency, no man with us could collect with 
promptitude, in this quarter, so good and useful a 
body of effective soldiery, as our old General Mor- 
gan ; as, from Potomac to South Carolina, the appli- 
cations to him for services, in expectation of a war, 
have of late been exceedingly numerous ? I have the 
honor to be. Sir, your most 

Obliged, and most obedient, humble servant, 

Charles ]\I. Thurston. 



FROM JOHN JAY. 
(Private.) 



London, 23 June, 1794. 

Dear Sir, 

On Sunday, the 15th of this month, I arrived here. 
The next day I made inquiries for Mr. Lear, and 
was informed that he had gone to Liverpool to em- 
bark for America. I asked whether it was probable 
that letters, sent by the post, would find him still 
there. The ansAver was, that it was highly impro- 
bable. Under these circumstances, and knowing the 
jealous attention now paid to letters passing through 
the post-office, I thought it most advisable to for- 
bear making the experiment, and to return that let- 
ter to you. 

My letter of this date, to Mr. Randolph, contains 
an exact account of the present state of the affairs 
of my mission here. I shall be disappointed if no 
good result. As yet, the Minister stands entirely un- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 453 

committed. From some light circumstances, I incline 
to believe that our mercantile injuries will be re- 
dressed ) but how, or how far, I cannot conjecture. 
My next conference will doubtless place things in 
more particular and in clearer points of view. 

Dr. Gordon has information, which he relies upon, 
that the posts will not be surrendered, and he au- 
thorizes me to tell you so, in confidence. His inform- 
ation does not make so strong an impression on my 
mind as it does on his. It merits attention; but, in 
my opinion, is not conclusive. The observations I 
have hitherto made, induce me to believe that the 
war with France is popular ; and that a war with us 
would be unpopular. The word Jacobin is here a 
term of reproach, and used as such among the com- 
mon people. They who wish the reform of this Go- 
vernment do, I apprehend, wish a certain degree of 
success to the present French cause, not because they 
like it, but because they think such success would 
promote their favorite objects. I often hear gentle- 
men converse on these subjects, but think it prudent 
to be reserved. As to their internal parties and di- 
visions, I make it a rule to remain silent. 

Your Administration is greatly commended. The 
idea, entertained by some, of applying private debts 
to compensate public injuries, alarms and disgusts, 
and impairs credit. I am anxious to have it in my 
power to communicate something decisive. As yet, I 
am entirely satisfied with the Minister. I ought to 
add, tliat ^Mr. Pinckney's conduct relative to me, cor- 
responds with my ideas of delicacy and propriety. 
With perfect respect, esteem, and attachment, I am, 
dear Sir, 

Your obliged and obedient servant, 

John Jay. 



454 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

P. S. The inclosed copies of a note of the 19th 
instant, from Lord Grenyille, and of my answer, af- 
ford indications of his present temper that will not 
escape you. It is always useful to communicate such 
papers, but seldom useful to publish them. Publi- 
cations, unnecessarily and frequently made, naturally 
increase reserve and circumspection to such a de- 
gree as, in great measure, to exclude confidence and 
conversation, and to confine negotiation to the slow 
and weary mode of w^ritten communications ; written, 
too, under the impression and expectation of publica- 
tion. 



FROM WILLIAM BRADFOKD, ATTORNEY-GENERAL. 

5 July, 17DI. 

Sir, 

I have paid attention to the note of the 30th ulti- 
mo, with which you have honored me; and, although 
my first impressions w^ere in favor of the measure 
suggested, yet a further consideration of it has excit- 
ed doubts of its expediency. 

Mr. Jay's instructions were to sound the Ministers 
of Denmark and Sweden, with a view of learning the 
disposition of their respective Courts to support the 
right of neutral navigation. The object of this seems 
to have been to ascertain how far we might depend 
upon their concurrence and aid, if it should become 
necessary for us to protect, by force of arms, that 
freedom of navigation which the universal law of na- 
tions permits to neutral powers. In order to secure 
their cooperation, and induce them to coincide with 
our views, it might have been necessary for the 
United States to have entered into strict engage- 



OFFICIAL AXD PEIYATE. 455 

merits, and made a common cause with them, how- 
ever inexpedient it might have been for this conntiy 
to involve herself, in connections of this nature, with 
the European powers. But this necessity cannot now 
arise. We know the determination of Sweden and 
Denmark. If circumstances shall demand it, America 
may cooperate with them, without any formal Con- 
vention, and, at the same time, be at liberty to adopt 
such measures as future exigencies may require. 

It is probable that, before any instructions coukl 
reach Europe, the British Court will either have re- 
cognized the rights of neutral navigation, or that 
reprisals will have issued, and war be commenced. ^ 
In the first case, the general principle will no doubt 
extend itself to us ; or, if a partial arrangement takes 
place between Great Britain and those two northern 
powers, we cannot expect any cooperation from them. 
On the contrary, if war should take place in conse- 
quence of the determination of those powers to make 
reprisals, it will then be competent to the United 
States to cooperate in that war, without embarrassing 
themselves with any formal engagements. How fir 
the Executive could constitutionally engage, that the 
United States should take part in a war actually be- 
gun, may be doubtful ; and, as the event of Mr. Jay's 
negotiation cannot be known long before the meeting 
of Congress, the subject (if a war should have taken 
place) Avould perhaps come more properly before ihat 
Ijod}', in whom the riglit of declaring war is vested. 

Mr. Pinckney has intimated, tliat there is a dispo- 
sition in the British Court to make a real, if not an 
avowed, discrimination between tlie navigation of llic 
United States and that of the northern European 
powers. If this should bo actually made, it will be 
a question of much delicacy, how far this country 



456 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

ought to interfere, the decision of which the President, 
perhaps, ought not to delegate to any person whatso- 
ever. 

Upon the whole, I incline to think that the mea- 
sure proposed is not expedient at present; but it is 
not without some hesitation that I form this opinion. 
I have the honor to be, &c., 

William Bradford. 



FROM GOVERNOR LEE. 

Norfolk, 3 September, 1794. 

Sir, 

Although I have had near two days to reflect on 
the purport of the letter received from the Secretary 
of the Treasury, on the 1st instant, I confess I am 
not yet relieved from the agitation of mind produced 
by that communication. 

My grief for the necessity of pointing the bayonet 
against the breasts of our countrymen, is equalled only 
by my conviction of the wisdom of your decision to 
compel immediate submission to the authority of the 
laws, and by my own apprehensions of my inade- 
quacy to the trust you have been pleased to honor 
me with. I never expected to see so strange a crisis; 
much less to be called to the command of an army, 
on the judicious direction of which may perhaps de- 
pend our national existence. But being ready to 
give my aid on the awful occasion, I was willing to 
take any part in the measures you might think pro- 
per to order for quelling the insurrection, without re- 
gard to rank or station.* 

* Alluding to the insurrection in the western parts of Pennsyl- 
vania. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 457 

The honor you have fixed to my name, by the late 
signal testimony of your approbation and confidence, 
impresses me with every feeling which the most affec- 
tionate gratitude can inspire. I will bestow, invari- 
ably, the whole power of my mind and body, to give 
the most propitious effect to your wishes. If success 
attends my endeavours, I shall be happy indeed. If 
the reverse happens, I shall be truly miserable to the 
last hour of my life; because I shall attribute the' 
public misfortunes which must ensue to my own in- 
capacity, however strenuous and faithful may have 
been my efforts. 

With these feelings, you will readily anticipate the 
keen solicitude I must momently experience to pre- 
pare myself for the fulfilment of the duties expected 
from me. I cannot so certainly or so easily do this, 
as with you. If, then, the appeal expected be inevi- 
table (which I pray Heaven may still avert), let me 
entreat you to call me to you at once. A thousand 
things will occur relative to the army and its objects, 
which I ought to understand in time; and I ought 
also to make myself acquainted with the temper of 
the insurgents, the characters and views of their 
leaders, and with the country in which the troops 
are to act. With most affectionate attachment and 
entire respect, I have the honor to be, 

Your most obedient servant, 

Henry Lee. 

VOL. IV. 39 



458 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM JOHN JAY. 

(Private.) 

London, 13 September, 1794. 

Dear Sir, 

My letter to Mr. Randolph, which accompanies this, 
contains very full and accurate information respecting 
our negotiations here. You will perceive that many 
parts are under consideration, and that alterations will 
probably yet take place in several articles. Although 
it is uncertain, yet it is not altogether improbable, 
that Lord Grenville and myself may agree on terms 
which, in my opinion, should not be rejected. In that 
case I shall be strongly induced to conclude, rather 
than, by delays, risk a change of views and measures 
or Ministers, which unforeseen circumstances might 
occasion. 

The Secretary's letter by Mr. Monroe, and the 
speech of the latter to the Convention, are printed; 
and have caused a disagreeable sensation in the pub- 
lic mind here, and probably in that of the Govern- 
ment. The one written by you is spoken of as being 
within the limits of diplomatic forms. Gentlemen, 
whether in or out of office, are doubtless free in their 
personal affections or predilections for persons or na- 
tions. But, as the situation of the United States is 
neutral, so also should be their language to the belli- 
gerent powers. Neither can it be proper to adopt 
any mode of pleasing one party, that would naturally 
be offensive to the other ; and more particularly at a 
time when, with that other, a negotiation for peace, 
commerce, and friendship is pending. To be fair, 
upright, and prudent, is to be politic ; and of the 
truth of this maxim, your character, and very singu- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 459 

lar degree of respectability^, weighty and reputation, 
afTord the strongest proof. 

I learn that Virginia is escheating British property ; 
and I hear of other occurrences that I regret. But 
they shall not abate my perseverance in endeavour- 
ing to preserve peace, and bring the negotiation to 
such a conclusion as will either insure peace Avith 
this country, or produce union among ourselves in 
prosecuting war against it. Whatever may be the 
issue, I am determined not to lose the only satisfac- 
tion that I can be sure of j namely, the satisfaction 
resulting from a consciousness of having done my 
duty. That attempts will be made, in America, to 
frustrate this negotiation, I have not the most distant 
shadow of a doubt. I brought that belief and opinion 
with me; and my dependence then was, and still is, 
on the wisdom, firmness, and integrity of the Govern- 
ment ; on the general good sense of our people ; and 
on those enlightened and virtuous characters among 
them, who regard the peace, honor, and welfare of 
their country as primary objects. These men regret 
the differences which subsist between this country and 
their own ; and sincerely desire to see mutual animo- 
sities give way to mutual good will. As to a politi- 
cal connection with any country, I hope it will never 
be judged necessary; for I very much doubt whether 
it would ultimately be found useful. On the contrary, 
it would, in my opinion, introduce foreign influence, 
wliich I consider as tlic worst of political plagues. 
Willi tlie best wishes for your health and happiness, 
and with perfect respect, esteem and attachment, I 
am, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient, and obliged servant, 

Joiix Jay. 



460 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM EDMUND RANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STATE. 

. (Private.) 
Philadelphia, 11 o'clock, 8 October, 1794. 

Sir, 

I was honored by your private letter of the Gth 
instant, about half an hour ago ; and immediately de 
livered to Mrs. Washington the one addressed to her. 

Mr. Butler and Mr. Brown, of the Senate, called 
to learn the intelligence from Europe. I considered 
their title to read the despatches as being no better 
than that of other men ; and I told them, verbally, 
only what I have told others. With the former gen- 
tleman some discussion arose how far the Senate 
might call for the papers relative to the negotiation ; 
but he did not, however, apply the remark to him- 
self as an individual. I cut the matter short, by 
observing that he knoAV my opinion to be that the 
President was bound, in duty, and possessed the right, 
to withhold whatsoever he thought improper to be 
communicated. I could not help asking, at the same 
time, whether the example of Mr. Edwards, which I 
mentioned to you in a late letter, did not prove 
that Senators could disclose secrets as well as other 
folks. 

There is nothing so little talked of as the yellow 
fever. I believe that I am almost the only inquirer 
after it; and those to whom I address myself, seem 
to take time to recollect themselves, as if the subject 
was a perfect stranger to their memory. General 
Knox is with me ; and we shall have ready, for the 
express of Monday, the analysis of an address to Con- 
gress. Mrs. Washington and fjimily were well this 
morning. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 461 

I have the honor to he. Sir, with the highest re- 
spect and affectionate attachment. 

Your most obedient servant, 

Edmund Randolph. 



Sir 



FROM GENERAL MORGAN.* 

Camp, McFarley's Ferry, December, 1794. 



You will see, by a return made to the War Office 
of the troops left under my command for winter de- 
fence, their strength and situation. The business of 
recruiting was put off too late; had it been put in 
practice a week sooner, we could have engaged the 
number of men called for, without difficulty. When 
I was informed of the deficiency, I intended to have 
made up the number wanting in this country, but 
have been so very busy, trying to cover ourselves 
from the inclemency of the approaching season, that 
I have not made the experiment; and am afraid, 
when we do, that the pay will be an obstacle ; and 
the clothing is not a sufficient inducement, as the 
people here don't like to wear that kind of clothing. 

I have some officers out trying to recruit at this 
time, but have had no report from them. Any num- 
ber of cavalry could be raised here; but my own 
opinion is, that a great many men will be unneces- 
sary for this service, as the alarm that these people 
have experienced is so great, that they will never 
iorgct it so far as to fly in the face of the law again. 
I am dealing very gently with them, and am becom- 

* General Morgan commanded a division of the militia raised for 
suppressing the insurrection in Tcnnsvlvania. 

39 * 



462 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

ing very popular, for whicli I am very happy; as it 
has been my opinion, from the first of this business, 
that we ought to make these people our friends, if 
we could do so without lessening the dignity of Go- 
vernment, which, in my opinion, ought to be sup- 
ported at any risk. Several of the outlyers have 
come in within a few days, and delivered themselves 
to me. I have let them go on parole, with orders to 
come to me when called for. I expect this kind of 
treatment will bring in the whole, except Madford, 
the tinker, and one or two others. The names of 
those that have delivered themselves to me, are as 
follows ; —Arthur Gardner; George Parker; Ebenezer 
Golohan, who broke out of jail at Pittsburg; John 
Colecraft, who broke away from the guard coming up 
the river; and John Mitchell, who robbed the mail. 
Those characters I will deliver, when and where I am 
directed; convinced, as I am, that they won't go off'. 
And I think I shall have the people of this country 
in better order than their fellow-citizens in and about 
Carlisle, &c., which will give pleasure. 

Some of the people in this country, but their num- 
ber very inconsiderable, seem to be obstinate, and 
hesitate very much about taking the oath to Govern- 
ment, alleging that they have already taken an oath 
to Government, which, they say, they have not vio- 
lated, and will not take another; that, if compelled 
to do it, they will not think it binding upon them. 
I wish to know what is to be done with characters 
of this description. 

I will thank you for the outlines of the conduct 
that you would wish me to pursue in future. John 
Colecraft, who gave himself up to me, is the Old 
Tinker himself, and not he that broke from the guard 
coming up the river. Benjamin Parkeson and Dan 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 463 

Hamblcton will be in to-morrow ; at least they have 
so informed me. 

I have the honor to be, kc, 

Daniel Morgan. 



FROM THOMAS PINCKNEY.*^' 

London, 30 January, 1795. 

Dear Sir, 
In a letter, Avhich I have lately received from the 
Secretary of State, I am desired to make such ar- 
rangements as may be necessary, previous to a mis- 
sion wdiich you have prepared for me as Envoy Ex- 
traordinary to the Court of Spain. Although, from a 
knowledge of the extent of your unavoidable cor- 
respondence, and of the value of your moments, I 
have generally avoided addressing you directly, yet, 
while I officially express my readiness to undertake 
a business in wdiich you think I may be of utility, I 
cannot refrain from thus assuring you, that I trust I 
feel the full import of the kindness and delicacy of 
this proceeding, as it personally concerns mj^self ; and 
I beg leave to add the expression of the true respect 
and grateful attachment, with which I am, &c., 

Thomas Pinckney. 



* Mr. Pinckney was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary for the Uni- 
ird States at London, January I'itli, 17'J2; and Envoy Extraordinary 
to Spain, November 21th, 17111. 



464 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 

Philadelplila, 4 February, 1795. 

Sir, 

I have been informed, through the Secretary of 
State, that you have been pleased to appoint me to 
the office of Secretary of the Treasury of the United 
States. It is \Yith real diffidence that I undertake to 
discharge the important duties incident to this ap- 
pointment. Yet if constant exertions and strict fide- 
lity can compensate for such qualifications as I may 
not possess, I indulge a hope that my services will 
receive your approbation. 

But whatever may be the effect of my endeavours 
in respect to my own reputation, and the interests 
confided to my care, I beg leave to assure you, that 
this distinguished token of confidence will never fail 
to excite in my breast lively sentiments of respect 
and gratitude. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Oliver Wolcott, Jr. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Monticello, 23 February, 1795. 

Dear Sir, 
You were formerly deliberating on the purpose to 
which you should apply the shares in the Potomac 
and James Eiver Companies, presented you by our 
Assembly; and you did me the honor of asking me 
to think on the subject. As well as I remember, 
some academical institution was thoudit to offer the 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 465 

best application of the money. Should you have 
finally decided in favor of this, a circumstance has 
taken place which would render the present moment 
the most advantageous to carry it into execution, by 
giving to it, in the outset, such an eclat, and such 
solid advantages, as would insure a very general con- 
course to it of the youths from all our States, and 
probably from the other parts of America which are 
free enough to adopt it. 

The revolution, wdiich has taken place at Geneva, 
has demolished the College of that place, which was 
in a great measure supported by the former Govern- 
ment. The Colleges of Geneva and Edinburgh were 
considered as the two eyes of Europe, in matters of 
science, insomuch that no other pretended to any ri- 
valship with either. Edinburgh has been the most 
famous in medicine, during the life of Cullen ; but 
Geneva most so in the other branches of science, and 
much the most resorted to from the Continent of 
Europe, because the French language was that which 
w^as used. M. D'lvernois, a Genevan, and man of 
science, known as the author of a history of that re- 
public, has proposed the transplanting that College, 
in a body, to America. He has written to me on 
the subject, as he has also done to Mr. Adams, as 
he was formerly known to us both, giving us the 
details of his views for effecting it. Probably these 
have been communicated to you by Mr. Adams, as 
D'lvernois desired should be done. But, lest the}' 
should not have been communicated, I will take the 
li))erty of doing it. His plan, I think, would go to 
about ten or twelve Professorships. He names to me 
the following Professors, as likely, if not certain, to 
embrace the plan. 

Mouchon, the present President, who wrote the ana- 



466 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

lytical table for the Eucyclopedists, wliicli sufficiently 
proves his comprehensive science. 

Pictet, known froui his admeasurement of a degree, 
and other works, Professor of natural philosophy. 

His brother, said by ]M. D'lvernois to be also great. 

Senebier, author of Commentaries on Spallanzani, 
and of other works in natural philosophy and meteor- 
ology ; also, the translator of the Greek Tragedians. 

Bertrand and L'Houllier, both mathematicians, and 
said to be inferior to nobody in that line, except La 
Grange, who is without an equal. 

Prevost, highly spoken of by D'lvernois. 

De Saussure and his son, formerl}' a Professor, but 
who left the college to have more leisure to pursue 
his geological researches into the Alps, by which work 
he is very advantageously known. 

Most of these are said to speak our language well. 
Of these persons, the names of Mouchon, Pictet, De 
Saussure, and Senebier, are well known to me, as 
standing foremost among the literati of Europe. Se- 
crecy having been necessary, this plan had, as yet, 
been concerted only with Pictet, his brother, and 
Prevost, who knew, however, from circumstances, that 
the others would join them ; and I think it very 
possible, that the revolution in France may have put 
it in our power to associate La Grange with them, 
whose modest and diffident character wall probably 
have kept him in the rear of the revolutionary prin- 
ciples, which have been the ground on which the re- 
volutionists of Geneva have discarded their Professors. 
Most of these are men having families, and therefore, 
M. D'lvernois observes, they cannot come over but 
on sure grounds. He proposes a revenue of fifteen 
thousand dollars for the whole institution; and, sup- 
posing lands could be appropriated to this object, he 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 467 

says that an hundred Genevan families can readily 
be found, who will purchase, and settle on the lands, 
and deposit for them the capital, of which fifteen 
thousand dollars would be the interest. In this re- 
venue he means to comprehend a College of lan- 
guages, preparatory to the principal one of sciences ; 
and also a third College, for the gratuitous teaching 
of the poor, reading and writing. 

It could not be expected that any propositions from 
strangers, unacquainted with our means and our wants, 
could jump at once into a perfect accommodation with 
these. But those presented to us would serve to 
treat on, and are capable of modifications reconcil- 
able, perhaps, to the views of both parties. 

1. We can w^ell dispense with his second and third 
Colleges, the last being too partial for an extensive 
country, and the second sufficiently, and better, pro- 
vided for already, by our public and private gram- 
mar schools. I should conjecture that this would re- 
duce one third of his demand of revenue, and that 
ten thousand dollars would then, probably, answer 
their remaining views, which are the only important 
ones to us. 

2. We are not to count on raising the money from 
lands, and, consequently, we must give up the pro- 
posal of the colony of Genevan farmers. But the 
wealth of Geneva, in money, being notorious, and the 
class of monied men being that which the new Go- 
vernment are trying to get rid of, it is probable that 
a capital sum could be borrowed, on the credit of the 
funds under consideration, sufficient to meet the first 
expenses of the transportation and establishment, and 
to supply, also, the deficiency of revenue, till the 
profits of the shares shall become sufficiently superior 
to the annual support of the College, to repay the 
sums borrowed. 



468 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

3. The composition of the Academy cannot be set- 
tled, then. It must be adapted to our circumstances, 
and can, therefore, only be fixed between them and 
persons here acquainted with those circumstances, and 
conferring for the purpose after their arrival here. 
For a country so marked for agriculture as ours, I 
should think no Professorship so important as one 
not mentioned by them, a Professor of Agriculture, 
wdio, before the students should leave College, should 
carry them through a course of lectures on the j)rin- 
ciples and practice of agriculture ; and that this Pro- 
fessor should come from no country but England. 
Indeed, I should mark Young as the man to be ob- 
tained. These, how^ever, are modifications to be left 
till their arrival here. 

]\I. D'lvernois observes, that the Professors keep 
themselves disengaged till the ensuing spring, attend- 
ing an answer. As he had desired his proposition to 
be made to our Legislature, I accordingly got a mem- 
ber to sound as many of his brethren on the subject 
as he could, desiring, if he found it would be despe- 
rate, that he would not commit the honor either of 
that body or of the College of Geneva, by forcing an 
open act of rejection. I received his information only 
a fortnight ago, that the thing was evidently imprac- 
ticable. I immediatel}^ forw^arded that information to 
D'lvernois, not giving him an idea that there w^as 
any other resource. Thinking, however, that if you 
should conclude to apply the revenues of the canal 
shares to any institution of this kind, so fortunate an 
outset could never again be obtained, I have sup- 
posed it my duty, both to you and them, to submit 
the circumstances to your consideration. 

A question would arise as to the place of the es- 
tablishment. As far as I can learn, it is thought just 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 469 

that the State, which gives the revenue, should be 
most considered in the uses to which it is appropri- 
ated. But I suppose that their expectations would 
be satisfied by a location within their limits, and that 
this might be so far from the Federal City as moral 
considerations would recommend, and yet near enough 
to it to be viewed as an appendage of that, and that 
the splendor of the two objects would reflect usefully 
on each other. 

Circumstances have already consumed much of the 
time allowed us. Should you think the proposition 
can be brought at all within your views, your deter- 
mination, as soon as more important occupations will 
admit of it, would require to be conveyed as early 
as possible to M. D'lvernois, now in London, lest my 
last letter should throw the parties into other engage- 
ments. I will not trespass on your time and atten- 
tion, by adding to this lengthy letter any thing fur- 
ther than assurances of the high esteem and regard, 
with which 

I have the honor to be, &c., &c., 

Thomas Jefferson. 



FROM JOHN JAY. 

(Private.) 

London, 25 February, 1795. 

Dear Sir, 

Your very friendly letter of the 1st of November 
last, gratified me not a little. Tlie insurrection had 
caused disagreeable sensations in this country The 
objects and efibrts of the Jacobin societies in America 
were known here, and the fate of our Government 
was considered as ])eing involved in that of tlic in- 

VOL. IV. 40 



470 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

surrection. The manner in which it has terminated 
has given sincere satisfaction to this Government, to 
whom all disorganizing innovations give alarm. Their 
confidence in your wisdom, decision, and energy, has 
been confirmed bv the event. The institution and 
influence of such societies among us had given me 
much concern; and I was happy in perceiving that 
the suppression of the insurrection, together with the 
character and fall of similar ones in France, would 
probably operate the extinction of these mischievous 
associations in America. 

Your remarks relative to my negotiations, are just 
and kind. I assure you, nothing on my part has 
been wanting to render the conclusion of them as 
consonant as was possible to your expectations and 
wishes. Perfectly apprised both of my duty and re- 
sponsibility, I determined not to permit my judgment 
to be influenced by any considerations but those of 
public good, under the direction of my instructions. 
I knew, and know, that no attainable settlement or 
treaty would give universal satisfaction; and I am 
far from expecting that the one I have signed will 
not administer occasion for calumny and detraction. 
These are evils which they who serve the people, will 
always meet witli. Demagogues will constantly flatter 
the passions and prejudices of the multitude, and will 
never cease to employ improper arts against those 
who will not be their instruments. I have known 
many demagogues, but I have never known one ho- 
nest man among them. These are among the evils 
which are incident to human life ; and none of them 
shall induce me to decline or abandon pursuits in 
which I may conceive it to be my duty to embark 
or persevere. All creatures will act according to their 
nature, and it would be absurd to expect that a man 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 471 

who is not ujjriglit, will act like one that is. The 
time will come when all books, and histories, and 
errors will be consumed, and when, from their ashes, 
truth only will rise, and prevail, and be immortal. 

I observe, from Mr. Randolph's letters, that certain 
articles of the treaty will be considered as more ob- 
jectionable than they appear to me. Before answers 
to his letters could arrive, its fate will be decided. 
If it should be ratified, additional articles may be 
negotiated, and defects supplied, and explanations 
made. If it should not be ratified, I presume explicit 
instructions will be immediately sent to me on the 
points in question, and I will do my best endeavours 
to adjust them accordingly. 

You will herewith receive a large packet contain- 
ing papers and letters; the former, from Sir John 
Sinclair. The printed papers, inclosed with this let- 
ter, I transmit by the desire of Sir John Dalrymple. 
You will also find herewith inclosed a copy of an 
unofficial letter to me from Lord Grenville, and a 
copy of the memorial mentioned in it. I have added 
a printed report respecting Sierra Leone. The in- 
formation it contains may be new and agreeable to 
you. 

Among my despatches to Mr. Randolph, by this 
ship, is a copy of a letter I have received from Mr. 
Monroe, at Paris, and of two which I have written 
to him. The expediency of correcting the mistakes, 
which the French Convention seem to have imbibed, 
will doubtless strike you. From the last of my two 
letters to Mr. Monroe, you will remark, that Colonel 
Trumbull is going to Stutgard with my consent. His 
presence there is necessary about some plates, which 
an engraver there has nearly finished for him. 

Be pleased to present my best compliments to Mrs. 



472 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Washington; and be assured of the perfect respect, 
esteeni; and attachment with which I am^ dear Sir^ 
Your obliged and affectionate servant, 

John Jay. 



FROM GENERAL MORGAN. 

Camp, McFaiiey's, 9 April, 1795. 

Sir, 

I was honored with your letter of the 27th ultimo, 
and for the hints it contains I return you my thanks. 
Your approbation of my conduct, and that of the 
army under my command, affords me peculiar satis- 
faction, which is heightened by the coincidence of 
opinion between us relative to the intention for which 
an army was stationed in this country. 

To impress upon the army a due respect for the 
laws, and urge the necessity of an uninterrupted har- 
mony existing between them and the citizens, was 
my first care, and what I have uniformly practised. 
To promote this good understanding I found rather 
an arduous task, owing, not so much to a licentious- 
ness in the troops, as to an unaccommodating dispo- 
sition in the people, wdiich I find but too prevalent 
among a great part of this community. In my ab- 
sence, while attending the election in Berkley and 
Frederick, some little bickering took place, and some 
suits were brought by certain individuals against a 
part of the army; the cause of which, in my opinion, 
was trifling in itself, and such as reflects highly on 
those who instituted them. 

Mr. B., I am well informed, was the person who 
advised, nay, urged, those suits to be brought. This 
man I consider as a bad member of society, and who 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 473 

will; I fear, do all in his power to foment disturb- 
ances in this country. It is a flattering consideration, 
however, notwithstanding these things, that I have it 
in my power to observe, that affairs in general are 
in a promising train. It shall be my endeavour to 
settle all disputes as amicably as possible. I have, 
since my return to camp, terminated some, and the 
others are in a fair way. I will use every precaution 
to prevent such misunderstandings taking place in 
future. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Daniel Morgan. 



FROM ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. 

Clermont, 8 July, 1795. 

Dear Sir, 
Possessing no official situation, which entitles me 
to offer my sentiments on political measures, I may 
possibly be deemed intrusive when I offer my unask- 
ed advice. But, Sir, feeling the same ardent love 
for my country, which has so frequently, in times of 
danger and difficulty, served as an apology for my 
letters, I still presume, without any other than that 
which arises from my solicitude, in the present alarm- 
ing situation of our affairs, to offer you the unbiased 
sentiments of a citizen, whose whole life has been 
employed in endeavouring to understand, and, as far 
as in him lay, in promoting the interests of his coun- 
try; of one, who considers your glory as closely con- 
nected with that interest, and who views the present 
as a favorable moment to place it above the reach of 
party violence, and to procure to yourself a second 

40=== 



474 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

time, by tlie common consent of America, the endear- 
ing appellation of the saviour of your country. 

In my present retired situation, I have carefully 
read and considered the treaty with England. I see 
in it not the slightest satisfaction for our wrongs. I 
see them, in some instances, authorized. In the com- 
mercial part, I see articles, which, though professing 
to be mutual, are in no sort reciprocal. I see a want 
of precision in many, which may involve us in fre- 
quent disputes. But, above all, I dread, in the ratifi- 
cation of the treaty, an immediate rupture with 
France, where (as I am informed by letters from 
thence) the very apprehension has already excited 
very disagreeable sensations. To discuss these points, 
or even to dwell on the construction which France 
may put on the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth articles, 
would be an unnecessary waste of your time, since 
the objections to them could not have escaped your 
discernment; and they may possibly admit of a con- 
struction variant from that, which they at first view 
appear to carry with them. But, at any rate, they 
were unnecessary, and peculiarly improper at the pre- 
sent moment. 

There are two other articles which, though less 
pointed at, France can hardly, in my opinion, consider 
as much short of a direct declaration of hostilities. 
By the twenty-seventh article, it is expressly admitted 
that enemies' property, on board of American ships, is 
liable to capture. This is, at least, a question of con- 
siderable doubt, since the general assent of civilized 
nations to the principle of the armed neutrality, Bri- 
tain alone dissenting. And surely this was a very 
improper moment to turn that doubt into a certainty, 
to the injury of ourselves and our allies. By the lat- 
ter part of the twelfth article, this question, it seems. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 475 

is again to be revived^ within two years after the imr. 
Now, as this question is capable of discussion as well 
at this as at any future time, and as it depends in 
no sort upon the war, what other construction can 
France possibly put upon this delay than a tacit 
agreement between us and Britain to aid her, even 
at our own expense, in her determined hostility to 
that Republic, while we were availing ourselves of a 
contrary principle to protect the property of her rival ? 

This argument derives additional force from the 
eighteenth article, which, notwithstanding what we 
have suffered from the British construction of sieo-e 
and blockade, leaves it still undefined, and, of course, 
agreeably to a known principle of the law of nations 
(Vat. 2d lib. 27th cap.), acquiesces in their absurd 
and unlimited constructions, and enables them, as I 
am just informed they have done, to renew their 
attempt to starve France and her Colonies. In our 
treaty with France, tar, turpentine, cordage, masts, 
sails, plank, &c., are expressly declared not to be 
contraband. By this treaty, all these articles are 
made contraband. Upon what principle can France 
suppose that we entered into this stipulation at this 
time, and in the very face of our proclamation, by 
which you refer to the modern law of nations for a 
just definition of the word contraband, unless it were 
to distress them ? 

Pardon me, Sir, on the score of my solicitude for 
the peace and welfare of my country, if I intrude 
upon your time and patience. I dread a war with 
France, as the signal for a civil war at home. Slie 
can, and I greatly fear that she M'ill, should the 
treaty be ratified, compel us to enter the lists by 
claiming the effect of our guaranty of the Islands. 
Rent, as our country unhappily is, by parties, nothing 



476 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

but personal consideration for your virtues can attach 
the public confidence to the measures of Government; 
nothing but your glory can save, under these circum- 
stanceS; the honor of our nation. 

I have the honor to be, &c., 

Robert R. Livingston. 



FROM THOMAS RUSSELL. 

Boston, 13 August, 1795. 



Sir 



I have the honor and the pleasure to inclose to you 
a copy of the dissent of a number of the citizens of 
Boston, to the doings of the town, at their late meet- 
ing relative to the treaty with Britain ; and also a 
copy of the proceedings of the Boston Chamber of 
Commerce, upon the same subject. 

The instrument of dissent was designed only to col- 
lect the sentiments of the merchants and traders, pro- 
visionally, not for the purpose of attempting to influ- 
ence or interfere wdth the measures of Government. 
But, having been represented in the public newspa- 
pers and other ways, as approving the resolutions of 
the town at that meeting, the merchants and others, 
whose names are thereto subscribed, deem it expedi- 
ent now to transmit to you. Sir, that instrument, with 
their names, together with the resolutions of the 
Chamber of Commerce. 

From these documents they presume it will most 
fully appear, that the general disposition of the mer- 
chants of Boston is not to reprobate, but to approve 
of the decision of the Executive of the Union, upon 
that important subject, as wise and prudent, in the 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 477 

present critical state of affairs. With the greatest 
respect; I have the honor to be^ Sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

Thomas Eussell. 



FROM EDWARD CARRINGTON. 

Eiclimond, 6 December, 1795. 

Dear Sir, 

On the 20th ultimo, I did myself the honor to 
communicate to you the result of a proposition in 
the lower House of Assembly here, approving the 
vote of the two Senators from this State against the 
treaty; and, at the same time, took pleasure in men- 
tioning the decorum observed during the debate re- 
specting yourself and the ratifying Senators. On the 
next day, however, the active persons of the party, 
presuming on the decided turn which they supposed 
had been fixed in favor of their views, unveiled them- 
selves, and carried, in the House, some points very 
extraordinary indeed, manifesting disrespect towards 
you. It is highly probable you may have seen the 
proceedings in the public papers. 

The result of these proceedings, together with the 
original vote of approbation, went to the Senate ; the 
approving vote was there concurred in, with an im- 
material amendment ; but a very decided discounte- 
nance was put on the other proceeding, by an amend- 
ment totally reversing its aspect. By this time it 
was observed, that many in the lower House had be- 
come dissatisfied with their former conduct, and, when 
the amendment came down, the zealots of anarchy 
were backward to act on it, while the friends of 
order were satisfied to let it remain for furtlicr GfTects 



478 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

of reflection. On the 4tli instant, the amendment of 
the Senate was taken up and carried by a majority 
of seventy-eight against sixty-two ; and I believe that 
on the same question now, the majority would be 
much greater The fever has raged, come to its crisis, 
and is abating. 

As evidence that the temper of the people at large 
is not such as our members in Congress will proba- 
bly exhibit an appearance of, references may be had 
to the consequences of insidious attempts to get sign- 
ed, through the country, some seditious petitions, which 
were sent in vast numbers from Philadelphia. These 
petitions were at first patronized with great zeal, by 
many of our distinguished anarchists ; but, from the 
best intelligence I can get, I am satisfied that very 
few copies will be sent to Congress fully signed. 
After a very short time they were viewed with con- 
tempt, in most places. I think this information is 
correct. A short time will show how far it is so, as 
it is not to be doubted that all the copies will be 
laid before Congress, which are but tolerably signed. 

It will be no new intelligence to you to be inform- 
ed, that several of our members of Congress have 
been the most active in endeavours to dissatisfy the 
people with the treaty, and other measures of admi- 
nistration, which have saved us from war, foreign de- 
pendence, and domestic wretchedness. My hope is 
that, from the other States in the Union, better dis- 
positions will be met on that floor, where the great 
republican principle is perhaps to be put to trial ; for, 
if it really turns out that, in any one of the branches 
of Government, resentment against one nation, or 
love for another, is to supersede a calm consideration 
of our own interests and happiness, a dependence, ut- 
terly inconsistent with freedom, must be the result. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 479 

Let it once be ascertained that the people of the 
United States are incapable of self-government, and 
where else can it be tried again ? I trust and believe 
they will preserve the sacred principle. I have the 
honor to be, Avith great affection, dear Sir, 
Your obedient servant^ 

Edward Carrington. 



FROM JOHN JAY. 



(Private.) 

New York, 26 January, 1796. 

Dear Sir, 

The British ratification of the treaty not having 
arrived, and consequently the time for appointing the 
Commissioners mentioned in it not being come, I 
have thus long postponed replying to yours of the 
21st of last month. It certainly is important that 
the Commissioners relative to the debts, and also the 
captures, be men the best qualified for those places. 
Probably it would be advisable to appoint one lawyer 
and one merchant for each of them. The capture 
cases are to be decided in London. From much that 
I have heard, and the little I have observed of Mr. 
Higginson, of Boston, I am induced to think him, as 
a merchant, the best qualified of any I am acquainted 
with ; and the mass of the captures being from the 
Eastern and Middle States, it perhaps would be most 
satisfactory that the Commissioners should be from 
those countries. With liim I should be inclined to 
join Mr. King, or Mr. Dexter, or perhaps Mr. Smith, 
of South Carolina. 

For the debts, it seems to me best to take some 



480 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

sensible merchant, north of the Potomac, and particu- 
larly of Philadelphia, if one of acknowledged weight 
and character could be found willing to serve. If not, 
I should think of Colonel Wads worth, or some other 
like him; and associate with him Judge Paterson, or 
Mr. Benson, or Mr. Marshall. 

I am really very much at a loss about Sir John 
Sinclair's plan. It pleases me, and I wish that our 
country would offer bounties for useful discoveries, 
wherever made. Perhaps no inconveniences could 
arise from recommending such a measure to Congress, 
in general terms, without having any reference to 
Great Britain. But even this, I think, had better be 
postponed until the treaty business shall have been 
despatched. With perfect esteem and attachment, I 
am, dear Sir, 

Your obliged and affectionate servant, 

John Jay. 



FROM HENRY KNOX. 

Boston, 28 January, 1796. 

My dear Sir, 
I cannot refrain from trespassing on your time, by 
expressing to you the perfect satisfaction, which the 
people of New England possess, by the operations of 
the General Government. The unanimity of the Le- 
gislature of this State was such, as to overbear all 
dispositions of a disorganizing nature. Had the Le- 
gislature conceived it proper, or Constitutional, they 
would have expressed their approbation in the high- 
est degree. But they conceived this would be a two- 
edged sword. Mr. Adams, the Governor, may con- 
sole himself with his good intentions, but he has no 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 481 

credit for tliein in the opinion of the ^yise and en- 
lightened part of his countrymen. 

The whole country, from Maryland to New Hamp- 
shire inclusively, may be considered as a phalanx of 
good order and attachment to the administration of 
the General Government. A conviction of the exist- 
ence of this disposition, and the most cordial affection 
to you, must afford you sensations of satisfaction 
which are inexpressible, especially after the gloomy 
threatenings of anarchy, which prevailed but in too 
many places the last summer. May this satisfaction 
never be clouded for a moment ! 

I am, with perfect attachment, &c., 

Henry Knox. 



FROM CHARLES LEE, ATTORNEY-GENERAL. 

Sunday, 20 March, 1796. 

Dear Sir, 

I have very little doubt, that ]Mr. John Marshall 
would not act as a Commissioner under the treaty 
with Great Britain, for deciding on the claims of 
creditors. I have been long acquainted with his pri- 
vate affairs, and I think it almost impossible for him 
to undertake that office. If he w^ould, I know not 
any objection that subsists against him. First, he is 
not a debtor. Secondly, lie cannot be benefited or in- 
jured by any decision of the Commissioners. Thirdly, 
his being employed as counsel, in suits of that kind, 
furnishes no reasonable objection; nor do I know of 
any opinions tliat he has published, or professes, tliat 
might, Avith a view to impartiality, make him liable 
to be objected to. 

Mr. Marshall is at the head of his profession, in 

VOL. IV. 41 



482 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Virginia, enjoying every convenience and comfort; in 
the midst of liis friends and the relations of his wife 
at Richmond; in a practice of his profession that 
annually produces about five thousand dollars on an 
average; with a young and increasing family; and 
under a degree of necessity to continue his profession, 
for the purpose of complying with contracts, not yet 
performed. 

I think it probable that Colonel Lines would accept 
of this appointment. Of him I cannot speak with as 
much certainty as I have done of Mr. Marshall; but 
I believe he is neither a debtor nor a creditor ; that 
he will not be benefited nor injured by any decision 
of the Commissioners ; nor do I know of any opinions 
that he professes or has published, that would make 
his impartiality be suspected. He and Mr. B. Ran- 
dolph married sisters; and, though Mr. B. R. is him- 
self clear of British debts, there are some of his re- 
lations much involved. This circumstance affords, in 
my mind, no just objection to the appointment of 
Colonel Innes; and the only one, wdiich I can think 
of, is his reluctance to business and want of diligence. 
As the Commissioners will have a Clerk, and sit as 
Judges, I suppose he will, if he undertakes this office, 
be sufficiently active for its duties. 

I am, &c., 

Charles Lee. 



FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Monticello, 19 June, 179G. 



Sir, 
In Bache's Aurora, of the 9th instant, which came 
here by the last post, a paper appears, wiiich, having 
been confided, as I presume, to but few hands, makes 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 483 

it truly wonderful how it should have got there. I 
cannot be satisfied^ as to my own part, till I relieve 
my mind by declaring (and I attest every thing sa- 
cred and honorable to the declaration), that it has got 
there neither through me nor the paper confided to 
me. This has never been from under my own lock 
and key, or out of my own hands. No mortal ever 
knew, from me, that these questions had been pro- 
posed. Perhaps I ought to except one person, who 
]DOssesses all my confidence, as he has possessed yours. 
I do not remember, indeed, that I communicated it 
even to him. But, as I was in the habit of unlimited 
trust and counsel with him, it is possible I may have 
read it to him — no more -, for the quire, of which it 
makes a part, was never in any hand but my own, 
nor was a word ever copied or taken down from it 
by any body. I take on myself, without fear, any 
divulgation on his part. We both know him incapa- 
ble of it. 

From myself, then, or my paper, this publication 
has never been derived. I have formerly mentioned 
to you, that, from a very early period of my life, I 
had laid it down as a rule of conduct, never to write 
a word for the public papers. From this I have 
never departed, in a single instance; and on a late 
occasion, when all the world seemed to be writing, 
besides a rigid adherence to my own rule, I can say, 
with truth, that not a line for the press was ever 
communicated to me by any other, except a single 
petition, referred for my correction ; which I did not 
correct, however, thougli the contrary, as I have 
heard, was said in a public place, by one person 
through cri'or ; through malice, by another. I learn 
that this last has tliought it worth his while to try 
to sow tares between you and me, by representing 



484 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

me as still engaged in tlie bustle of politics, and in 
turbulence and intrigue against the Government. I 
never believed, for a moment, that this could make 
any impression on you, or that your knowledge of 
me would not overweigh the slander of an intriguer, 
dirtily employed in sifting the conversations of my 
table, where alone he could hear of me ; and seeking 
to atone for his sins against you by sins against 
another, wdio had never done him any other injury 
than that of declining his confidences. 

Political conversations I really dislike, and there- 
fore avoid, where I can, without affectation. But, when 
urged by others, I have never conceived that having 
been in public life requires me to belie my senti- 
ments, or even to conceal them. When I am led by 
conversation to express them, I do it with the same 
independence here, which I have practised every 
where, and which is inseparable from my nature. 
But enough of this miserable tergiversator, who ought, 
indeed, either to have been of more truth, or less 
trusted by his country. 

While on the subject of papers, permit me to 
ask one from you. You remember the difference of 
opinion between Hamilton and Knox, on the one 
part, and myself on the other, on the subject of 
firing on the Little Sarah, and that we had exchang- 
ed opinions and reasons in writing. On your arrival 
in Philadelphia, I delivered you a copy of my rea- 
sons, in the presence of Colonel Hamilton. On our 
withdrawing, he told me he had been so much en- 
gaged that he had not been able to prepare a copy 
of his and General Knox's for you; and that, if 1 
would send you the one he had given me, he would 
replace it in a few days. I immediately sent it to 
you, wishing you should see both sides of the sub- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 485 

ject together. I often after applied to botli tlie 
gentlemen, but could never obtain another copy. I 
have often thought of asking this one, or a copy of 
it, back from you, but have not before written on 
subjects of this kind to you. Though I do not know 
that it will ever be of the least importance to me, 
yet one loves to possess arms, though they hope 
never to have occasion for them. They possess my 
paper, in my own handwriting. It is just, I should 
possess theirs. The only thing amiss is, that they 
should have left me to seek a return of the paper, or 
a copy of it, from you. 

I put away this disgusting dish of old fragments, 
and talk to you of my pease and clover. As to the 
latter article, I have great encouragement from the 
friendly nature of our soil. I think I have had, both 
the last and present year, as good clover from com- 
mon grounds, which had brought several crops of 
wheat and corn, without ever having been manured, 
as I ever saw on the lots around Philadelphia. I 
verily believe, that a field of thirty-four acres, sowed 
on wheat, April was a twelvemonth, has given me a 
ton to the acre, at its first cutting, this spring. The 
stalks, extended, measured three and a half feet long 
very commonly. Another field, a year older, and 
which yielded as well last year, has sensibly fallen 
off this year. My exhausted fields bring a clover not 
high enough for hay; but I hope to make seed from 
it. Such as these, however, I shall hereafter put into 
pease, in the broadcast, proposing that one of my sow- 
ings of wheat shall be after two years of clover, and 
the other after two years of pease. I am trying tlie 
white boiling pea of Europe (the Albany pea) this 
year, till I can get the hog pea of England, whicli 
is the most productive of all. 
41 * 



486 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

But the true winter- vetch is what we want ex- 
tremely. I have tried this year the Caroline drill. 
It is absolutely perfect. Nothing can be more simple, 
or perform its office more perfectly for a single row. 
I shall try to make one to sow four rows at a time 
of wheat or pease, at twelve inches distance. I have 
one of the Scotch threshing-machines nearly finished. 
It is copied exactly from a model of one Mr. Pinck- 
ney sent me, only that I have put the whole works, 
except the horse-wheel, into a single frame, movable 
from one field to another on the two axles of a wa- 
gon. It will be ready in time for the harvest which 
is coming on, which will give it a full trial. Our 
wheat and rye are generally fine, and the prices 
talked of bid fair to indemnify us for the poor crops 
of the two last years. 

I take the liberty of putting under your cover a 
letter to the son of the Marquis de Lafayette, not 
exactly knowing where to direct to him. With very 
affectionate compliments to Mrs. Washington, I have 
the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem and 
respect, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient and most humble servant, 

ThoMxVS Jefferson. 



FROM TIMOTHY PICKERING, SECRETARY OF STATE. 

Department of State, 27 July, 1796. 

Sir, 
On the 25th I received letters from Colonel Hum- 
phreys, dated April 30th, May 30th, and June 1st, 
accompanied by a large packet from Mr. Barlow, at 
Algiers. The substance of the information respecting 
the pending treaty with Algiers is, that Mr. Donald- 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 487 

son liacl gone to Leghorn, with orders from Mr. Bar- 
low to transmit two hundred thousand dollars to Al- 
giers, which would procure the redemption of our 
captive citizens ; that Mr. Humphreys had sent to 
Mr. Donaldson, at Leghorn, a letter of credit for four 
hundred thousand dollars ; and, in case he failed of 
obtaining the half of that sum. Colonel Humphreys 
authorized Mr. Barlow to draw on Bulkley & Son, 
at Lisbon, for two hundred thousand dollars, payable 
at sight, so as to insure the liberation of our prison- 
ers within the three months allowed by the Dey ; 
but with his explicit opinion, that no part of it should 
be paid unless the captives w^ere released. From 
these arrangements, it seems to me highly probable 
that our fellow-citizens will now recover their liberty; 
and that the payment of the gross sum of two hun- 
dred thousand dollars will so far soothe the Dey, as 
to prolong his patience until the original stipulations, 
and the new one for the frigate, can bo accomplished. 
Although the Dey's disappointment in not receiving 
the stipulated sums on Mr. Barlow^'s arrival, put him 
into so violent a rage as to render all applications 
fruitless, yet, after some days, he sent notice to Mr. 
Barlow that he was willing to receive him as the 
Consul of the United States, and desired him to bring 
his Consular presents. Mr. Barlow readily complied. 
The presents were distributed to the Dey and his 
grandees. The Dey, in return, presented Mr. Barlow 
with a fine Barbary stallion. C^ithcart writes that 
Mr. Barlow gives great satisfaction, and is respected 
by every one who knows him. This admission of 
Mr. Barlow as Consul, wiili ilio distribution of the 
Consular presents, cannot fail to have a favorable in- 
lluence on the ailairs of the United States at Algiers, 
and, from his information of the customary and peri- 



488 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

odical delivery of Consular presents, it does not ap- 
pear that it will occasion any material extra expense 
to the United States. 

Mr. Barlow's packet contains long and interesting 
details of the nature of the Algerine Government, 
whence results the fickleness of its measures, and its 
frequent breaches of peace with the Christian States, 
on the most trifling and unreasonable pretexts. Be- 
cause the armed vessels of the King of Naples car- 
ried into his port a Danish vessel, having on board 
three hundred and twenty Turkish soldiers, bound 
from the Levant to Algiers, the Dey ordered his 
cruisers immediately to bring in all the Danish ves- 
sels they could meet with. In a few days, about a 
dozen were captured and brought in, and their fate 
remained undecided. Mr. Barlow details divers in- 
stances of breaches with other powers ; whence he 
concludes that, on an average, we might count on a 
renewal of hostilities with ourselves once in six 
years. But the expenses of renewing, thus often, our 
treaties with that regency, may be willingly incurred, 
when the commercial profits of the Mediterranean are 
taken into view. Of one and the other, Mr. Barlow 
has given estimates, which, with his observations on 
the commerce of that part of the world, manifest 
much information, and that good sense for which he 
is distinguished. 

Mr. Barlow describes the policy and utility of 
forming commercial and friendly relations with the 
Italian States ; with Austria, on account of her great 
trading port of Trieste ; and with the grand Seignior. 
Colonel Humphreys, concurring in these ideas (so far 
as respects the grand Seignior, he has formerly ex- 
pressed the same), strongly recommends Mr. Barlow 
as the fittest person for the negotiator, particularly 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 480 

with the Turk^ under the countenance of France ; Mr. 
B. being a French as well as an American citizen. 
Mr. Barlow would cheerfully engage in these enter- 
prises; and I am now inclined to think it would not 
be easy to find another person equally qualified for 
these negotiations.'^' 

As these matters do not demand an immediate de- 
cision^ I imagined it w^ould be acceptable to you to 
receive this general account of the contents of the 
despatches from Colonel Humphreys^ and that the pe- 
rusal of these would be more agreeable to you on 
your return to Philadelphia. 

I have the honor to be^ &c., 

Timothy Pickering. 

P. S. Colonel Talbot expected to sail yesterday, 
or the day before, for the West Indies. 



FROM COUNT SEGUR.f 

Paris, 4 August, Thcrmiclor the 17tli, 1796, 
the 4th year of the Republic. 

Sir, 
I hope that your Excellency will permit me to re- 
member myself to you. You have so much accustom- 
ed my relations and myself to your kindnesses, that I 
do not fear to be troublesome in begging of you to 
be so kind as to forward the inclosed letter to M. 



* Joel Barlow was appointed Consul-General " for the city and 
Kingdom of Algiers," on the 3d of January, 1797. 

f Count Segur came to the United States and joined the French 
anny after the capitulation of Yorktown, and was Colonel of a regi- 
ment. He returned to France with the army, in 1783, and was ap- 
pointed Ambassador to the Court of Russia, two years afterwards. 



490 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

Lafayette/^ my nephew. You are his second father, 
and I hope this motive will make you forgive the 
liberty, which I take, to put under your direction 
the letter which I write to him. 

I have received, by an indirect way, some news of 
his unfortunate father.f His health is better, but his 
captivity does not soften at all, and his wife cannot 
obtain any thing from the Emperor. The passions, 
which weaken and wear themselves out here, begin to 
let more than one influential person feel, that it should 
be shameful to make peace without obtaining from 
the Court of Vienna the liberation of the Frenchmen 
arrested for the cause of liberty. But this happy dis- 
position is not as yet sufficiently general or pronounced. 
All that I desire is, that it would be the wisdom, and 
interest of the American Government, which would 
determine the French Government to that measure. I 
know that my friend would doubly enjoy his liberty, 
if he owed it to you ; and it appears to me that the 
moment is arrived, when the advice that I speak of, 
could be given to the Directory without compromising 
the Minister who would be intrusted with the com- 
mission. J 

I beg you would permit me, with your usual kind- 
ness, to assure you of the tender attachment, and of 
the profound respect. 

With which I have the honor to be, &c., 

L. P. Segur. 

* George TVasliington Lafayette, who was then in the United States. 

f At the time this letter was written, General Lafayette was in 
the prison of Olmutz. 

X Washington had already written to the Emperor of Austria soli- 
citing that Lafayette might be released, and permitted to come to the 
United States. See Washington's AVritings, Yol. XI. p. 125. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 491 

FROM RUFUS KING.''"" 

London, 12 November, 179G. 

Dear Sir, 

I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 
25th of August; and Dr. Nicholl, upon advice I have 
asked, has heen so obliging as to give me information 
respecting the manner in which the order of the Court 
of Chancery should he published. In a day or two, 
I will procure its insertion in the proper newspaper. 
Some little attention will be requisite to avoid, as far 
as practicable, the great expense which commonly at- 
tends this kind of publication. The newspapers con- 
taining the notification shall be transmitted to you, 
agreeably to your directions. 

It is extremely difficult to form a satisfactory 
opinion respecting the probability of peace. I meet 
with few persons who appear to have much confidence 
in the success of Lord Malmesbury. The declaration 
of war by Spain, at a moment when England ap- 
peared to be making serious efforts to conclude a 
general peace, strengthens the belief of many that 
France prefers still to continue the war. All the in- 
ternal movements of this Government that are visible, 
indicate a determination to prosecute the war w^ith 
vigor. The funding of the floating debt earlier than 
usual, and at the commencement of the negotiation 
with France, when its influence upon the stocks is 
such as a measure so direct for the restoration of 
peace is calculated to produce, the augmentation of 
the militia by the addition of sixty thousand men, 
and the means employed to recruit the regular army, 

* Rufiis King Avas appointed Minister rienipotcntiary to the Court 
of Great Britain, on the 20tli of May, 17DG. 



492 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

if peace is near, would seem to be improvident and 
unwise ; l3ut, if the war continues, twelve millions will 
have been funded on advantageous terms. The Go- 
vernment will have removed an important obstacle to 
the further use of their credit, and, by an increase 
of the internal strength of the nation, placed at their 
disposal the regular forces to be employed abroad. 

France will bend all her energies against that com- 
merce in which England finds such immense resources 
to prosecute the Avar, not by attacking her navy, not 
by attempting the threatened invasion, but by com- 
pelling the neighbouring nations to exclude the com- 
merce of England from the great and profitable mar- 
kets of Europe. England, in turn, will endeavour to 
balance the account by conquering or emancipating 
the Colonies of Spain and France, thereby opening 
new and extensive markets in another quarter of the 
globe. Should the war unfortunately still go on, the 
meditated expedition against Canada by the Missis- 
sippi ma}^ possibly be undertaken. I think it much 
less probable, since the evacuation of our frontier 
posts by the British forces. Though I cannot seriously 
believe that such an expedition will be attempted, 
still it may be the part of prudence to consider it as 
possible, in order to guard against its mischiefs. 

Spain enumerates, among the injuries received from 
Great Britain, the treaty concluded with us; and 
France was satisfied neither with that treaty, nor 
with the subsequent one, that was concluded at a 
fortunate moment between us and Spain. Both may 
have been dissatisfied from motives connected with 
the project of an expedition through the Mississippi. 

With perfect respect I have the honor to be, (fee, 

RuFus King. 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 493 

FROM HENRY KNOX. 

Boston, 15 January, 1797. 

My dear Sir, 

Possessing, as I do, a thousand evidences of your 
friendship, I am persuaded that you will readily be- 
lieve me, when I say that my silence of late has 
been the effect of my unwillingness to intrude, lest I 
should for a moment prevent the consideration and 
different views you give to the important subjects in- 
cessantly before you. 

Although the same cause continues to prevent my 
interruption, yet I am apprehensive sometimes that 
you may think me unmindful of your kindnesses, 
especially after the receipt of your affectionate letter 
by Mr. Bingham, the last summer. The loss of two 
lovely children, on which you condoled in that letter, 
has been recently revived and increased by the death 
of our son, of seven years of age, bearing your name. 
His health has always been delicate, having been 
born prematurely. We flattered ourselves that his 
constitution would mend with his years, but we have 
been disappointed. Unfortunate, indeed, have we been 
in the death of eight of our children, requiring the 
exercise of our whole stock of philosophy and reli- 
gion. We find ourselves afflicted by an irresistible, 
but invisible power, to whom we must submit. But 
the conflict is almost too great fur the inconsolable 
mother, who will go m<jurning to her grave. 

We have lately come from St. George's to pass the 
winter in this town. Indeed, this is our general plan. 
We may, however, as we grow older, find it inconve- 
nient. We are distant about two hundred miles by 
land, which we may easily ride in six days, the snow 
VOL. IV. 42 



494 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

being on the groimcl, or with wheels with a little 
improvement of a small portion of the road. The 
taverns on the route are as good as on any other 
two hundred miles on the Continent. 

I am beginning to experience the good effects of 
my residence on my lands. I may truly say that 
the estate is more than double in its value^ since I 
determined to make it my home. The only inconve- 
nience we experience^ is the want of society. This 
will probably lessen daily. Our communication by 
water to this town is constant and cheap. We can 
obtain the transportation of any article from this town 
to St. George's, cheaper than the same can be carted 
from any store to the vessel. This egotism would re- 
quire an apology to any other person than yourself. 

For your own sake, I rejoice at the near approach 
of your retirement. In it, I pray God that you may 
enjoy all the felicity, of which the human condition 
is susceptible. The consciousness of having acted well, 
would, under any circumstances, have elevated your 
soul above the peltings of storms raised by malice 
and envy. But in addition to this consciousness, the 
consecration of your retirement by the unlimited grati- 
tude of your country, must present, in the decline of 
your life, the most perfect reward. 

I flatter myself, before you leave the helm, you 
will have dissipated the clouds raised by the cause- 
less jealousy of the French Administration. If not, 
we must appeal from them, mad and drunk with 
power as they may be, to the time when they shall 
have recovered their senses. We have not injured 
them, but have only taken those due precautions, 
which our own happiness required. If they madly 
continue to war against our innocent and rightful 
commerce, we must make an account thereof, and 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 495 

look for compensation through all the events of ages, 
and we shall assuredly find it at some period or 
other, with full interest. But I hope we shall not, 
under any circumstances, at present, attempt reprisals. 
Their fit of insanity cannot last long. St. Domingo 
is, and will be in the course of this winter, the vic- 
tim of the villany of its Administration. The whites 
Avill either be starved or murdered by the blacks. 

It cannot be expected that there will be any dan- 
ger of the French attempting an invasion of our 
country. But if they should, we must resist. And 
this appears to be the only case in which we should 
suffer ourselves to be dragged into the war. What 
an eventful winter this will be at Paris ! Especially, 
if the army of Italy should be arrested, or defeated, 
in addition to the retreat of the two armies of Jour- 
dan and Moreau, from Germany. From information 
generally circulating here, and particularly from , 

who has the last autumn arrived from France, in 
which he resided for several years, no doubt rests in 
my mind, but the measures of the French Adminis- 
tration towards this country, have been excited by 
the Americans in Paris, in consequence of letters re- 
ceived from persons of the same opinions in the Uni- 
ted States. 

I had not intended to intermix any politics in this 
letter, which I meant solely as the recognition of a 
grateful heart. But they have thrust themselves in 
unawares. Mrs. Knox unites with me in presenting 
our respectful and affectionate attachments to you and 
Mrs. Washington. And I am, &c., 

IIexry Kxox. 



496 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

FROM ROBERT FULTON. 

London, 5 February, 1797. 

Sir, 
Last evening Mr. King presented me with your 
letter, acquainting me of the receipt of my publica- 
tion on Small Canals, which I hope you will soon 
have time to peruse in a tranquil retirement from 
the busy operations of a public life. Therefore, look- 
ing forward to that period, when the whole force of 
your mind will act upon the internal improvement 
of our country, by promoting agriculture and manu- 
factures, I have little doubt but easy conveyance, the 
great agent to other improvements, will have its due 
weight, and meet your patronage. 

For the mode of giving easy communication to 
every part of the American States, I beg leave to 
draw your particular attention to the last chapter, on 
creative canals ; and the expanded mind will trace 
down the time when they will penetrate into every 
district, carrying with them the means of facilitating 
manual labor and rendering it productive. But how 
to raise a sum in the different States, has been my 
greatest difficulty. I first considered them as national 
works. But, perhaps, an incorporated company of 
subscribers, who should be bound to apply half, or a 
part, of their profits to extension, would be the best 
mode ; as it would then be their interest to ]3romote 
the work, and guard their emoluments. 

That such a work would answer to subscribers, ap- 
pears from such information as I have collected rela- 
tive to the carriage from the neighbourhood of Lan- 
caster to Philadelphia. To me it appears, that a 
canal on the small scale might have been made 



OFFICIAL AND PRIVATE. 497 

to Lancaster for one hiinclred and twenty thousand 
pounds ; and that the carriage^ at twenty shillings 
per ton, would pay fourteen thousand per annum, of 
which, seven thousand to subscribers, and seven thou- 
sand to extension. By this means, in about ten 
years, they would touch the Susquehanna, and the 
trade would then so much increase as to produce 
thirty thousand per annum, of which, fifteen thousand 
to subscribers, the remainder to extension ; continu- 
ing thus, till, in about twenty years, the canal would 
run into Lake Erie, yielding a produce of one hun- 
dred thousand per annum, or fifty thousand pounds 
to subscribers, wdiich is forty per cent. Hence the 
inducement to subscribe to such undertakings. 

Proceeding in this manner, I find that, in about 
sixty or seventy years, Pennsylvania would have 
nine thousand three hundred and sixty miles of ca- 
nal, equal to bringing water-carriage wdthin the easy 
reach of every house ; nor would any house be more 
than ten or fourteen miles from a canal. By this 
time the wdiole carriage of the country would come 
on water, even to passengers; and, following the pre- 
sent rate of carriage on the Lancaster road, it ap- 
pears that the tolls would amount to four million per 
year ; yet no one would pay more than twenty-one 
shillings and threepence per ton, whatever might be 
the distance conveyed ; the whole would also be a 
canal in which there is an equal facility of convey- 
ance each way. Having made this calculation to 
show that the creative system would be productive 
of great emolument to subscribers, it is only farther 
to be observed, that if each State was to commence 
a creative system, it would fill the whole country, 
and, in less than a century, bring water-carriage with- 
in the easy cartage of every acre of the iVmerican 

42=== 



498 LETTERS TO AVASHINGTON. 

States^ conveying the surplus labors of one hundred 
millions of men. 

Hence, seeing that, by system, this must be the 
result, I feel anxious that the public mind may be 
awakened to their true .interest; and, instead of di- 
recting turnpike roads towards the interior country, 
or expending large sums in river navigations, wdiich 
must ever be precarious and bad, I could wish to see 
the labor and funds applied to such a system as 
would penetrate the interior country, and bind the 
whole in the bonds of social intercourse. 

The importance of this subject, I hope, will plead 
my excuse for troubling you with so long a letter; 
and in expectation of being favored with your thoughts 
on the system, and mode of carrying it into effect, 
I remain, &c., 

Robert Fulton. 



FROM RUFUS KING. 

London, 6 February, 1797. 



Sir, 



I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 
22d of December. Count Rumford being in Bavaria, 
I have requested the Minister of that country at this 
Court to forward your letter to the Count with his next 
despatch. I have delivered to Mr. Fulton the letter for 
him, and, as soon as Sir John Sinclair returns to town, 
I will also deliver the letter addressed to him. I have 
before sent two copies of the Gazette, containing the 
publication of the Chancery order that you inclosed 
to me for that purpose. By this opportunity I trans- 
mit a third. 

Our affairs here, relative to the execution of the 



OFFICIAL AND PRIYATE. 499 

treaty, are in a good train. Some delays and diffi- 
culties have existed, but they exist no longer, and 
the Commissioners are going on in a satisfactory man- 
ner. In the conferences that I have had T^ith this 
Government, upon these and other topics, I have 
found them candid and impartial, in as great a de- 
gree as I had expected. Several important points, 
not settled by the treaty, still remain open, and both 
time and patience are requisite, even now, to form a 
safe opinion, how far we shall in the end, be able to 
agree. I think I am not deceived in supposing, that 
a sincere and general desire exists in this country to 
live in harmony and friendship with us. This dis- 
position is, however, fettered and enfeebled by preju- 
dices, and opinions connected with the national com- 
merce and marine, which make the Government slow 
and cautious in every step which has a reference to 
these important concerns. 

Some uneasiness has been manifest here for some 
few weeks past, concerning the situation of the Bri- 
tish territories in the East Indies. It is not very 
easy to obtain good information upon this subject, 
but there is reason to believe, that much disaffection 
exists among the native troops in the Company's ser- 
vice. The establishment is understood to be twenty 
thousand Europeans, and sixty thousand native or 
black troops. Whatever the origin of these discon- 
tents may have been (and they are supposed to be 
of several years' standing), they have lately risen to 
such a pitch, tliat the Local Government of India has 
been compelled first to temporize, and then, as is 
cominonly the consequence, to submit to measures 
they were unable to prevent. Lord Cornwallis is 
suddenly to be sent to ]5engal, and witli sucli exten- 
sive powers as, it is lioped, will enable him to restore 



500 LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 

tranquillity. What may be his success, my want of 
accurate information forbids me to conjecture. 

From the continent, as a balance to the glory ac- 
quired by the Arch Duke, we have just received the 
accounts of the astonishing victories lately gained by 
Bonaparte in Lombardy. The immediate consequences 
must be the fall of Mantua, and the easy subjugation 
of the South of Italy. 

Whether these victories, or any recent information 
from America, have had any influence with the Di- 
rectory, respecting the situation of General Pinckney, 
remains to be ascertained ; but I have this morning 
been informed, by letters from Paris, that, on the 28th 
ultimo, the General was ordered by the Directory to 
leave Paris, and that he intended to depart on the 
3 1st for Amsterdam. 

With perfect respect, &c., 

RuFus King. 



INDEXES 



INDEXES 



No. I. 



LETTERS ADDRESSED TO WASHINGTON. 







Vol. 


Page 




Vol. 


Page 


A 








BOUDINOT, ElIAS, 






Adams, John, 








13 May, 1778, 


II. 


122 


6 January, 


1776, 


I. 


112 


BowDOiN, James, 






1 April, 


— 


— 


177 


April, 1780, 


II. 


430 


29 August, 


1790, 


IV. 


349 


29 ]May, — 


— 


456 


Armstroxg, Joiix, 








17 August, — 


III. 


60 


5 June, 


1779, 


II. 


309 


Bradford, AVilliam, 






12 January, 


1780, 


— 


377 


5 July, 1794, 


IV. 


454 


Arnold, Benedict, 






Brodiiead, Daniel, 






25 September, 


1775, 


I. 


40 


10 Noyember, 1779, 


II. 


349 


13 October, 


— 


— 


60 


11 February, 1780, 


— 


399 


5 December, 





— 


87 


18 March, — 


— 


416 


14 Januar}^ 


1770, 


— 


116 


24 April, — 


— 


437 


27 February, 


— 


— 


154 


13 May, — 


— 


448 


8 :May, 


— 


— 


194 


30 — — 


— 


458 


25 June, 


— 


— 


237 


29 June, — 


III. 


9 


13 January, 


1777, 


— 


326 


21 July, — 


— 


32 


31 — 








334 


18 August, — 


— 


62 


11 March, 








353 


21 — — 


— 


63 


26 — 


— 


— 


359 


5 September, — 


— 


77 


16 June, 


— 


— 


384 


14 — — 


— 


84 


22 — 


1778, 


II. 


143 


17 — — 


— 


90 


5 May. 


1779, 





290 


17 October, — 


— 


119 


G March, 


1780, 





409 


7 December, — 


— 


102 


6 August, 





III. 


50 


25 February, 1781, 


— 


243 


8 — 


— 


— 


50 


27 March, ' — 


— 


273 


11 September, 


— 


— 


80 


29 August, — 


— 


397 


12 — 


— 


— 


82 


Bcrgoyne, John, 






14 — 








85 


4 April, 1778, 


11. 


95 


ir, — 


13. 




90 


Burr, A.vuox, 

20 July, 1777, 
Butler, Hichard, 

19 July, 1779, 


I. 
II. 


405 
328 


B.vMSTER, John, 














K; April, 


177S, 


ir. 


107 


C. 






BiuxAHY, Andrea 


', 










9 April, 


1778, 


11. 


100 








Baylok, George, 








C.vi)\yAL VDER, John, 






19 October, 


1778, 


11. 


222 


26 December, 1770, 


I. 


309 


Be.vel, Jonathax, 








27 — — 


— 


313 


22 June, 


1780, 


HI. 


3 


12 March, 1778, 


11. 


84 


Bland, Tiieodoric, 






27 April, — 


— 


109 


25 March, 


1783, 


IV. 


14 


4 Di'ccmbcr, — 


— 


237 


10 April, 






2.) 


5 June, 1781, 


III. 


329 



504 LETTERS TO 


WASHINGTON. 


[Index, 






Vol. 


Page 




Vol. 


Page 


Cadwalader, Lambert, 






Dickinson, Philemon, 






7 October, 


1778, 


II. 


217 


24 September, 1777, 


I. 


434 


Carringtox. Edwj 


lRD, 






1 November, — 


IL 


22 


6 December, 


1795. 


IV. 


477 


28 — — 


— 


49 


Chittenden, Thomas, 






12 January, 1781, 


in. 


205 


6 March, 


1779, 


II. 


258 


Drayton, William Henry 


, 




15 January, 


1781, 


III. 


209 


5 July, 1778, 


II. 


153 


14 November, 




— 


440 


DuANE. James, 






16 March, 


1782, 





492 


4 May, 1780, 


II. 


444 


Clark, George R. 








19 September, — 


IIL 


92 


21 May, 
26 — 


1781, 


III. 


317 


10 October, — 


— 


113 







323 


9 December, — 


— 


169 


Clinton, George, 








9 September, 1781, 


— 


401 


15 July, 


1776, 


I. 


260 


16 December, 1784, 


IV. 


85 


18 April, 
17 Mav, 


1777, 





371 


DucHE, Jacob, 








— 


376 


8 October, 1777, 


I. 


448 


26 July, 





— 


414 


DuER, William, 






9 August, 





— 


420 


28 January, 1777, 


I. 


329 


20 December, 





11. 


58 


DUPORTAIL, 






24 July, 


1778, 




168 


26 October, 1779, 


II. 


337 


3 March, 


1779, 





255 


17 May, 1780, 


— 


450 


18 — 








262 


DWIGHT. TOIOTHY, 






18 May, 


— 


— 


298 


8 March, 1778, 


IL 


81 


24 April, 


1780, 


— 


440 








13 June, 


— 


— 


472 


E. 






18 October, 


— 


III. 


121 








30 — 





— 


130 


Eden, Robert, 






14 Eebruary, 


1781, 





228 


17 April, 1778, 


II. 


108 


15 June, 








335 


EsTAiNG, Count d'. 






21 January, 


1782, 


— 


463 


8 July, 1778, 


II. 


155 


20 October, 


— 


— 


539 


13 — — 


— 


156 


17 April, 


1783, 


IV. 


28 


17 — — 


— 


157 


14 October, 





— 


47 


3 August, — 


— 


171 


Clinton, Ja3ies, 








20 October, — 


— 


224 


9 August, 


1781, 


III. 


374 


Ettwein, John, 






Cobb, David, 








25 March, 1778, 


IL 


89 


30 June, 


1781, 


III. 


345 








Clymer, George, 








F. 






7 January, 


1777, 


I. 


324 








August, 


1780, 


III. 


71 


FlTZHUGH, WiLLIASr, 






Cooke, Nicholas, 








17 August, 1779, 


II. 


329 


12 July, 
31 — 


1775, 


I. 


1 


Franklin, Benjamin, 











11 


22 July, 1776, 


I. 


263 


8 August, 





— 


17 


19 MaVch, 1780, 


IL 


417 


11 — 








20 


Fulton. Robert, 






30 — 


— 


— 


26 


5 February, 1797, 


IV. 


495 


2 September, 


— 


— 


30 








9 — 


— 


— 


34 


G. 






14 — 


— 


— 


35 








26 — 








49 


Gadsden, Christopher, 






10 October, 


— 


— 


58 


10 August, 1781, 


IIL 


376 


25 — 





— 


67 


Galloway, Joseph, 






19 December, 





— 


97 


18 December, 1777, 


IL 


56 


21 January, 
6 May, 


1776, 





131 


Gardoqui, James, 











192 


29 October, 1787, 


IV. 


187 


6 September, 
23 February, 


1778, 


II. 


283 

78 


Gates, Horatio, 

28 August, 1776, 
22 August, 1777, 


I. 


279 

427 


D. 






5 October, — 


— 


437 










23 November, — 


IL 


48 


Dana, Francis, 








25 June, 1778, 


— 


144 


11 June, 


1778, 


II. 


137 


30 September, — 


— 


214 



Ko. I] LETTERS 


TO 


WASHINGTON. 




505 






Vol. 


Pa ye 






Vol. 


Page 


Gates, Horatio, 








Greene, Nathanael, 






4 March, 


1779, 


II. 


256 


7 December, 


1780, 


Ill 


165 


8 November, 


— 





349 


28 — 







189 


15 — 








359 


13 January, 


1781, 





207 


30 August, 


1780, 


in. 


66 


24 — 


— 





214 


3 September, 


— 


— 


74 


28 — 


— 





217 


22 May, 


1781, 


— 


319 


9 February, 


— 





225 


7 October, 


— 


— 


421 


15 — 


— 





233 


17 August, 


1782, 


— 


528 


28 — 


— 





244 


Gkrard, 








10 March, 


— 





259 


18 September, 


1779, 


II. 


335 


18 — 








266 


Gerry, Elbridge 








29 — 








277 


24 September, 


1777, 


I. 


435 


1 May, 


— 





299 


13 January, 


1778, 


II. 


66 


14 — 


— 





310 


12 — 


1780, 


— 


376 


22 June, 








341 


Glover, John, 








17 July, 








354 


27 January, 


1778, 


II. 


72 


6 August, 








368 


GoDDARD, "William, 






26 — 


— 





393 


30 May, 


1785, 


IV. 


105 


17 September, 


— 


— 


406 


16 December, 


1793, 


— 


443 


25 October, 


— 


— 


429 


Gordon, William 


> 






21 November, 


— 


— 


447 


17 August, 


1793 


IV. 


435 


24 January, 


1782, 





465 


Graham, Catharine, Macaulay, 


7 February, 








476 


10 October, 


1786, 


IV. 


138 


9 March, 


— 


— 


490 


— 


1789, 


— 


283 


19 Mav, 


— 


— 


507 


Grayson, William, 






11 July, 








524 


Mar, 


1785, 


IV. 


102 


29 August, 


— 





529 


25 JulV, 


— 


— 


112 


4 October, 








535 


27 JSIay, 


1786. 





132 


10 December, 








541 


Greene, Christopher, 






16 March. 


1783, 


IV. 


3 


14 October, 


1777, 


II. 


3 


20 April, 


— 


— 


33 


17 November, 


— 


— 


43 


8 August, 


— 





37 


Greene, Nathanael, 






3 November, 








51 


21 May, 


1776, 


I. 


206 


Greene, William 








25 July, 


— 


— 


263 


5 November, 


1779, 


II. 


341 


24 October, 


— 


— 


297 


25 June, 


1780, 


III. 


8 


31 — 


— 


— 


299 










7 November, 


— 


— 


301 


H 








9 — 


— 


— 


302 










17 May, 


1777, 


— 


376 


IIaldimand, Frederic, 






21 July, 


1778, 


II. 


162 


11 August, 


1783, 


IV. 


39 


28 August, 







188 


Hamilton, Alexander, 






16 Sei/terabcr, 


— 





206 


2 November, 


1777, 


II. 


24 


24 April, 


1779, 


— 


271 


— 


— 


— 


26 


26 — 


— 


— 


279 


10 — 


— 


— 


32 


14 Novcmlicr, 


— 


— 


352 


12 — 


— 


— 


36 


January, 


1780, 


— 


371 


14 — 


— 


— 


38 


7 Fel)nuirv, 


— 





393 


15 — 


— 





41 


6 March, ' 


— 


— 


405 


26 June, 


1778, 


— 


145 


31 — 


— 


— 


422 


28 — 


— 


— 


149 


2 April, 


— 


— 


426 


20 July, 


— 


— 


160 


23 Mav, 


— 


— 


453 


23 — 


— 





166 


23 June, 


— 


111. 


G 


26 October, 


1779, 





J^37 


24 — 


— 


— . 


7 


17 March, 


1780, 





3 August, 





— 


46 


8 June, 








469 


5 — 





— . 


48 


22 November, 





III. 


152 


5 October, 


— 


— 


106 


27 April, 


17S1, 




297 


10 — 


— 


— 


116 


2 Mav, 


— 


— 


300 


I'.i — 


— 


— 


123 


1 March, 


1782, 





487 


31 — 





— 


137 


— 








488 


3 November, 





— 


140 


7 Ffliruarv, 


17.^3, 





549 


19 — 


— 


— 


150 


17 March, ' 


— 


IV. 


6 


VOL. IV 








43 









506 LETTERS TO WASHINGTO 


N. 


[Index, 






VoJ. 


Page 






Vol. 


Page 


Hamilton, Alexander, 






Harrison, Benjamin, 






25 March, 


1783, 


IV. 


10 


6 January, 


1784, 


IV. 


86 









12 


8 February, 


1785, 


— 


89 


11 April, 
15 — 








17 


Hawkins, Benjamin, 












31 


10 June, 


1784, 


IV. 


69 


23 November, 


1785, 


— 


121 


10 February, 


1792, 


— 


398 


3 July, 
30 October, 


1787, 





172 


Hawlet, Joseph, 













189 


21 June, 


1776, 


I. 


229 


17 — 


1790, 





354 


Hazelavood, John 








10 April, 


1791, 





368 


23 October, 


1777, 


II. 


12 


22 September, 


— 


— 


384 


26 — 


— 


— 


18 


18 August, 


1792, 


— 


406 


Heath, William, 








19 November, 


— 


— 


415 


17 August, 


1776, 


I. 


276 


Hancock, John, 








18 — 


— 


— 


277 


30 September, 


1775, 


I. 


55 


19 January, 


1777, 


— 


328 


5 October, 


— 


— 


56 


30 — 


— 


— 


333 


8 December, 





— 


90 


6 February, 


— 


— 


336 


22 — 





— 


98 


25 October, 


1777, 


II. 


16 


16 January, 


1776, 


— 


121 


18 July, 


1779, 


— 


325 


20 — 





— 


129 


19 — 


— 


— 


326 


29 — 








138 


10 February, 


1780, 


— 


395 


6 March, 





— 


164 


30 April, 


— 


— 


443 


25 — 





— 


175 


31 May, 


— 


— 


460 


23 April, 


— 


— 


188 


12 July, 


— 


III. 


12 


21 May, 


— 


— 


205 


16 — 


— 


— 


28 


11 June, 


— 


— 


221 


21 — 


— 


— 


35 


18 — 





— 


225 


25 — 


— 


— 


41 


21 — 





— 


227 


— 


— 


— 


42 


25 — 





— 


235 


26 — 


— 


— 


43 


6 Julv, 








256 


31 — 


— 


— 


45 


13 — 








257 


6 Januarv, 


1781, 


— 


193 


2 August, 








267 


15 May, 


— 


— 


312 


1 Januar}', 


1777, 


— 


317 


Henry, Patrick, 








6 — 





— 


322 


29 March, 


1777, 


I. 


361 


25 February, 


— 


— 


347 


5 September, 


— 


— 


430 


17 March, 


— 


— 


356 


30 October, 


— 


11. 


21 


26 — 








358 


6 December, 


— 


— 


52 


4 April, 








363 


13 March, 


1779, 


— 


260 


9 — 








364 


19 — 


1785, 


IV. 


93 


5 June, 








378 


Hertzberg, Comte de. 






13 — 








381 


14 June, 


1793, 


IV. 


428 


24 — 








390 


HoPKiNsoN, Fran 


:;is. 






17 August, 


— 


— 


424 


14 November, 


1777, 


II. 


40 


22 — 





— 


429 


Howe, Eobert, 








1 September, 


— 


— 


429 


17 July, 


1779, 


II. 


319 


6 — 


— 


— 


432 


— 


— 


— 


320 


9 — 








433 


18 — 


— 


— 


325 


12 — 








433 


19 — 


— 


— 


327 


30 — 








436 


Howe, William, 








9 October, 


— 


11. 


1 


21 September, 


1776, 


I. 


289 











2 


Humphreys, David, 






12 — 








3 


1 November, 


1786. 


IV. 


147 


17 — 


— 


— 


8 


21 September, 


1789, 


— 


272 


25 — 


— 


— 


18 


26 — 


— 


— 


274 


17 November, 


1780, 


HI. 


148 


27 — 


— 


— 


279 


15 October, 


1783, 


IV. 


49 


30 November, 


1790, 


— 


355 


21 — 


1789, 





289 


Huntington, Jedediah, 






23 — 







290 


16 April, 


1783, 


IV. 


27 


Hanson, John, 








Huntington, Samuel, 






10 November, 


1781, 


III. 


439 


10 July, 


1781, 


III. 


352 


Harrison, Benjamin, 














15 Februarv, 


1782, 


III. 


482 











No. I.] 



LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 



507 



Irvine, William, 




2 December, 


1781 


7 February, 


1782 


20 April, 


— 


21 May, 


— 


16 June, 


— 


11 July, 


— 


J 




Jamesox, John, 




27 September, 


1780, 


Jay, John, 




21 April, 


1779, 


26 — 





25 August, 





2 March, 


178G, 


16 — 





27 June, 





7 January, 


1787, 


4 Julv, 
8 — 
17 — 


1788; 


z 


21 September, 


— 


23 June, 


1794, 


13 September, 


— 


25 Foruary, 


1795, 


26 January^ 


1790, 


Jefferson, Thomas, 


23 June, 


1779, 


17 July, 


— 


1 October, 


— 


28 November, 





16 December, 





10 February, 


1780, 


11 June, 


— 


2 July, 


— 


3 September, 





23 — 





26 — 





22 October, 


— 


26 — 


— 


3 November, 


— 


10 — 


— 


26 — 


— 


13 December, 





10 Januarv, 


1781, 


17 FebruaVv. 





8 .Alanli, ' 





23 April, 


— 


9 :\lav, 


— 


28 — 





15 Manli, 


ITS}, 


10 D«MrnilKT, 





10 July, 


1785, 


15 l)ccciul»cr, 


1789, 


2S Au-ust, 


1790, 


27 March, 


1791, 


5 June, 




7 November, 


— 



Vol. Page 






Vol. 


Page 




Jefferson, Thomas, 








4 February, 


1792, 


IV. 


393 




7 — 







396 


III. 452 


17 October, 








408 


— 472 


1 January, 


1793, 





418 


— 501 


6 June, 








425 


— 509 


23 February, 


1795, 





464 


— 516 


19 June, 


1796, 





482 


— 522 


Jenifer, Daniel of St. Thomas, 




22 June, 


1780, 


III. 


3 




Johnson, Thomas 










11 December, 


1787, 


IV. 


195 




Johnstone, George, 






III. 101 


10 June, 
Jones, Joseph, 


1778, 


II. 


136 


II. 268 


19 June, 


1780, 


II. 


476 


— 283 


18 July, 




III. 


29 


— 333 


7 August, 








51 


IV. 127 


6 September, 


— 


— 


78 


— 130 


2 October, 


— 


— 


103 


— 134 


21 February, 


1781, 





241 


— 153 


8 March, " 







257 


— 227 


16 May, 


— 





313 


— 227 


27 Februar}', 


1783, 


— 


554 


— 228 


6 May, 


— 


IV. 


34 


— 234 


Jones, Paul, 








— 452 


9 November, 


1787, 


IV. 


192 


— 458 


20 December, 


1789, 





307 


— 469 










— 479 


K 








II. 313 


IvALB, Baron de 








— 322 


12 May, 


1780, 


II. 


448 


— 336 


King, Rufus, 








— 359 


12 November, 


1796, 


IV. 


490 


— 369 


6 February, 


1797, 


— 


498 


— 394 


IvNOx, Henry, 








— 470 


5 December, 


1775, 


I. 


86 


11. 11 


17 - 




— 


94 


lo 


17 jNIay, 


1777, 





376 


— 93 


5 June, 








378 


— 98 


15 — 


1778, 


II. 


139 


— 124 


7 Fcbruarv, 


1781, 


III. 


222 


— 129 


27 March, " 






275 


— 141 


2 July, 


— 





346 


— 143 


29 :Marih, 


1782, 





496 


— 154 


16 ApriL 




— 


500 


— 175 


21 Fcl)ruary, 


1784, 


IV. 


58 


— 199 


28 May, 








68 


— 236 


24 March, 


1785, 





96 


— 257 


14 Januarv, 


1787, 





156 


— 29() 


14 Ati-usf, 








176 


— 307 


3 October, 








177 


— 325 


28 July, 


1788, 





230 


V. 62 


21 December, 








242 


— 82 


15 Fel)ruary, 


1790, 


— 


315 


— 107 


10 April, 


1791, 


— 


366 


— 305 


8 June, 








379 


— 347 


22 September, 


— 


— 


382 


— 363 


28 July, 


1792, 


— 


402 


- 374 ' 


5 Au<,'ust, 


— 


— 


405 


— 385 


31 — 


— 


— 


407 



508 



LETTERS TO WASHINGTON 



[Index, 



Kxox, Henry, 
19 March, 
28 Januaiy, 
15 — 



Lafayette, 

9 February, 

25 March, 

19 May, 

26 June, 

6 August, 
25 — 

1 September, 

24 — 
28 — 

5 January, 

27 April, 

13 November, 

28 — 

2 March, 

7 — 

15 — 

25 — 

13 April, 

23 — 

4 May. 

8 — 

24 — 

24 June, 

20 July, 
30 — 

6 August, 

21 — 

8 September, 
30 — 

16 October, 

29 November, 

21 December, 

5 February, 

9 March, ' 
10 August, 

8 October, 

22 — 

21 December, 

4 July, 

14 — 

3 September, 
10 February, 

26 October, 

5 May, 

15 October, 
1 January, 

25 May, 

17 March, 
28 August, 

7 March, 
3 May, 

6 June, 



1794, 
1796, 
1797, 



1778, 



1779, 
1780, 



1781, 



1783, 
1784, 



1786 



1787 



1788, 



1790, 



1791 



Vol. Page 

IV. 446 

— 440 

— 492 



IL 



III. 



IV. 



74 
93 
127 
147 
174 
181 
196 
209 
213 
247 
441 
146 
159 
248 
254 
264 
270 
287 
295 
303 
306 
316 
320 
342 
360 
364 
366 
389 
400 
412 
425 
451 
460 
545 
60 
76 
79 
81 
86 
106 
109 
116 
125 
143 
168 
183 
198 
215 
320 
343 
361 
371 
376 



Langdon, John, 

28 February, 1788, 
Laukens, Henry, 

4 April, 1778, 

8 — — 

14 — — 

27 — — 



Vol. Page 
IV. 211 



3 May, — 

8 June, — 
10 — — 

7 Julv, — 

18 — — 
29 August, — 

10 October, — 
20 November, — 

Laurens, John, 

25 Julv, 1778, 

23 August, — 
2 September, — 

14 February, 1780, 

14 March, — 

9 April, — 

4 October, — 
4 February, 1781, 

24 March, — 

11 April, — 

12 February, 1782, 

19 May, ' — 
12 June, — 

Lear, Tobias, 

2 June, 1788, 

22 — — 
Lee, General Charles, 



January, 



1776, 



March, — 

5 Api'il, — 

10 May, — 
1 July, — 

12 November, — 

19 — — 
26 — — 

Lee, Charles, 

29 October, 1788, 

20 March, 1796, 
Lee, Henry, 

21 February, 1778, 
28 June, 1780, 
16 Febmary, 1786, 

7 August, — 

11 October, — 

3 September, 1794, 
Lee, Kichard Henry, 

1 August, 1775, 
26 September, — 



II. 



February, — — 



96 

— 98 

— 103 

— 110 

— Ill 

— 115 

— 117 

— 132 

— 140 
~ 154 

— 159 

— 194 

— 221 

— 233 

IL 169 

— 179 

— 201 

— 401 

— 413 

— 435 
in. 105 

— 220 

— 268 

— 285 

— 480 

— 505 

— 515 

IV. 219 

— 224 



106 
124 
135 
139 
145 
151 
156 
161 
182 
201 
243 
304 
306 
307 



IV. 240 

— 480 



II. 
III. 



IV. 126 

— 137 

— 140 

— 456 

L 11 

— 51 



No. L] 



LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. 



509 



Vol. Page 



Vol. Page 



Lee, Richard He: 


S'RY, 






Livingston, "William, 




»"6,v- 


22 October, 


1775, 


I. 


65 




7 October, 


1780, 


III. 


111 


6 December, 


— 





88 




23 — 







125 


13 June, 


1776, 





224 




14 May, 


1782, 





504 


10 April, 


1777, 





366 


LovELL, James, 








20 October, 





11. 


10 




24 July, 


1777, 


I. 


408 


20 November, 








44 


Luzerne, Chevalier, 






16 May, 


1778, 


— 


123 




23 January, 


1780, 


IL 


382 


5 October, 




— 


215 




29 April, 


— 


— 


442 


12 Jmie, 


1781, 


IIL 


332 




30 July, 


— 


IIL 


44 


17 September, 




— 


407 




5 December, 







IGl 


12 October, 


— 


— 


423 




27 March, 


1781, 





272 


22 July, 


1784, 


IV. 


75 




1 June, 


— 





327 


3 IMay, 


1785, 


— 


100 




13 April, 


1782, 





498 


15 July, 


1787, 


— 


174 




15 February, 


1785, 


IV. 


91 


11 October, 




— 


179 




17 January, 


1790, 


— 


308 


6 April, 


1789, 


— 


254 


Li 


NCii, Thomas, 








Lee, Thomas Sim, 










13 November, 


1775, 


I. 


82 


30 Auf,mst, 


1781, 


III. 


397 




16 January, 


1776, 




125 


Lincoln, Benjamin, 






Li 


on, James, 








4 January, 


1777, 


I. 


320 




25 December, 


1775, 


I. 


100 


12 August, 


— 


— 


423 












17 ]\rarcb, 


1778, 


ir. 


85 












1 June, 


— 





131 




M 








19 December, 








241 












5 January, 


1779, 


— 


244 


Madison, J.vmes, 








7 November, 


— 


— 


344 




2 July, 


1784, 


IV. 


71 


8 January, 


1780, 


— 


375 




11 November, 


1785, 





119 


23 — 


— 


— 


385 




1 — 


1786, 





146 


12 February, 


— 


— 


401 




21 Febniarv, 


1787, 





162 


4 ^larch, ' 


— 


— 


403 




18 March, ' 







165 


24 — 


— 


— 


418 




14 October, 


— 


— 


182 


y April, 


— 


— 


433 




28 — 


— 





185 


11 August, 


— 


in. 


59 




18 November, 








193 


25 September, 


— 


— 


95 




25 Januan,', 


1788, 





202 


25 December, 


— 


— 


181 




3 Fcbniary, 


— 


— 


206 


25 January, 


1781, 


— 


216 




20 — 


— 


— 


209 


15 February, 


— 


— 


231 




10 April, 


— 





213 


31 August, 


— 


— 


399 




25 June, 








226 


26 October, 


— 


— 


431 




15 August, 








232 


4 January, 


1786, 


IV. 


123 




21 October, 


— 


— 


236 


27 — 


1788, 


— 


203 




12 January, 


1789, 





244 


3 February, 


— 


— 


205 




8 March, 







251 


6 — 


— 


— 


208 




19 — 








252 


3 June, 


— 


— 


222 




20 November, 








291 


23 May, 


1789, 


— 


266 




5 December, 








294 


Livingston, Henry Brockholst, 


]\L 


iLCOM, "William 








16 June, 


1782, 


III. 


517 




5 June, 


1779, 


11. 


307 


Livingston, Robert li.. 






.^r. 


iNi.KiLLON, Joseph, 






9 August, 


1776, 


I. 


272 




1 June, 


1790, 


IV. 


338 


12 — 


— 


— 


274 


yi. 


VRSII.VI.L, ThOMAJ 


», 






12 October, 


— 


— 


294 




12 February, 


1789, 


IV. 


245 


22 June. 


17 so, 


iir. 


1 




26 June, 








268 


2C) Fcbruarv, 


17s:}, 


— 


552 




1 1 September, 


1790, 


— 


353 


12 March, ' 


— 


IV. 


1 


yi. 


isov, (Jeorge, 








24 — 


— 


— 


9 




14 October, 


1775, 


I. 


62 


12 April, 


— 


— 


522 




2 April, 


1776, 





178 


H July, 


1 795, 


— 


473 




6 November, 


1787, 


IV. 


190 


r.I V I N<; STo'v, Wl LLI A M, 






M. 


VTUKW.^, John, 








16 February, 


1778, 


II. 


75 




15 September, 


1780, 


III. 


87 


21 December, 








242 




17 October, 








118 


8 May, 


1779. 


— 


295 




30 Januari', 


1781, 


— 


218 



510 



LETTERS TO WASHINGTON. [Lvdex, 



^Maxwell, William, 

22 July, 1780, 

Mazzei, Philip, 

27 January, 1779, 

McDougall, Alexander, 

29 April, 1777, 
17 May, — 

4 June, 1779, 

17 July, — 

30 October, 1780, 
McIxTOsn, Lachlax, 

16 February, 1776, 
8 March, — 

27 April, 1779, 
McKean, Thomas, 

8 October, 1777, 
12 August, 1781, 

12 October, — 
Meigs, Return J. 

25 July, 1776, 
Mercer, Hugh, 

7 September, 1776, 
Mifflin, Thomas, 

6 August, 1776, 

28 December, — 
Miles, Samuel, 

29 August, 1781, 
Monroe, James, 

15 August, 
Morgan, Daniel, 

2 July, 1778, 

20 September, 1781, 

December, 1794, 

9 April, 1795, 
Morris, Gouverneur, 

27 May, 
9 June, 

11 November, 

26 April, 
29 March, 

16 April, 

29 — 
SI July, 
22 January, 

7 April, 
1 May, 

22 October, 

14 February, 

25 June, 
19 October, 

Morris, Robert, 

26 December, 

30 — 
1 Januarv, 
7 — 
6 March, 

10 May, 

15 June, 

13 August, 

28 — 
26 January. 



Vol. Page 

III. 31 

II. 249 

I. 373 

— 376 
n. 305 

— 322 
III. 135 

I. 148 

— 167 
11. 284 

I. 443 

in. 378 

— 421 

I. 265 

I. 285 

I. 270 

— 314 

III. 396 



1782, III. 527 



177! 



1779, 
1782, 



1776, 



1781, 



1782. 



II. 152 

III. 411 

IV. 461 

— 472 

11. 129 

— 135 

— 226 

— 281 

III. 496 

— 500 

IV. 255 

— 269 



1790, — 



1792, 
1793, 



311 
313 
322 
330 
409 
420 
431 
439 



I. 310 

— 315 

— 316 

— 324 

— 348 

— 375 
III. 339 

— 381 

— 394 

— 467 



Moultrie, William. 
11 July, 1793, 

MousTiER, Count de, 
11 May,' ' 1790, 

26 April, 1791, 

N. 

Nash, Abner, 

6 October, 1780, 

14 December, — 
4 April, 1781, 

Nelson, Thomas, 

28 November, 1779, 
Newenham, Sir Edward, 

10 October, 1789, 

Nixon, John, 
Ausrust, 



Vol. Page 
IV. 434 



0. 



Otto, L. W. 
1 October, 



Paine, Thomas, 
31 January, 
17 March, 
7 September, 
21 September, 
2 October, 
1 Mav, 
31 — 
21 July, 
Paradise, John, 
June, 



1779, 
1782, 



1783, 



1790, 



1790, 



Parsons, Samuel H. 

11 July, 1779, 

14 March, 1781, 

Peters Richard, 

13 August, 1781, 

Pickering, Timothy, 



9 April, 
14 — 

7 May, 

11 August. 

18 February, 

14 April, 

19 July, 

5 October, 
23 — 

8 Februan-, 
23 — 

29 May, 
18 January, 
31 December, 

15 January, 



1777. 



1780, 
1781, 



1782, 



1783, 
1790, 
1791, 
1796, 



IV. 



335 
369 



III. 


107 





179 


— 


282 


n. 


362 


IV. 


286 


III. 


71 



1780, 



1785, IV. 117 



1791, — 



II. 251 
III. 494 
— 532 
43 
45 
328 
337 
380 



IV. 



IV. 342 

II. 314 

III. 260 

III. 381 

I. 365 

— 368 

— 374 

III. 60 

— 238 

— 289 

— 358 

— 418 

— 427 

— 477 

— 484 

— 511 

— 544 

IV. 358 

— 359 

— 486 



No. I] LETTERS TO 


WASHIisGTON. 


511 






Vol. 


Page 






Vol. 


Page 


PiNCKJfEY, Charles, 






EOCHAMBEAU, COUXT DE, 






14 December, 


1789, 


IV. 


299 


5 February, 


1782, 


III. 


471 


PiNCKXEY, Cn-VP.LES COTESWORTH, 


27 February, 


1782, 





485 


24 May, 


1788, 


IV. 


214 


8 June, 







513 


19 June, 


1790, 





340 


17 July, 








526 


PiXCKXEY, TU03IAS 








7 September, 








531 


30 January, 


'l795, 


IV. 


463 


30 October, 


— 


— 


540 


Pulaski, Count, 








13 July, 


1783, 


IV. 


36 


December, 


1777, 


II. 


53 


Rodney, C.esar, 








19 — 


— 


— 


57 


13 July, 


1780, 


III. 


14 


9 January, 


1778; 


— 


64 


Rogers, Robert, 








19 March, 


— 


— 


87 


14 13ecember, 


1775, 


I. 


92 


PuTXAM, Israel, 








Rutherford, Robert, 






31 July, 


1777, 


I. 


417 


8 February, 


1779, 


II. 


252 


8 October, 


— 


— 


438 


RuTLEDGE, Edward, 






— 


— 


— 


441 


11 September, 


1776, 


I. 


287 


16 — 


— 


II. 


5 


18 December, 


1778, 


II. 


238 


25 — 








15 


14 August, 


1781, 


III. 


387 


7 November, 


— 


— 


30 


RuTLEDGE, John, 








14 — 


— 


— 


38 


27 August, 


1780, 


III. 


64 


7 May, 


1779, 


— 


293 


28 December, 








187 


29 — 


1 780, 


— 


457 


5 October, 
Russell, Thomas, 


1781, 


— 


415 


Q 








13 August, 


1795, 


IV. 


476 


QUINCY JOSIAH, 








S 








31 October, 


1775, 


I. 


72 








27 Noyember, 


1778, 


III. 


156 


Schuyler, Philip, 








R 








15 July, 


1775, 


I. 


3 










18 — 


— 


— 


6 










31 — 


— 





8 


EANDOLrn, Edmux 


D, 






6 August, 








13 


21 May, 


1778, 


IT. 


128 


27 - 








22 


4 January, 


1786, 


IV. 


124 


31 — 








28 


2 March, 


— 


— 


128 


20 September, 


— 


— 


39 


6 December, 


— 


— 


152 


26 - 








53 


— 


1789, 


— 


297 


12 October, 


— 


— 


58 


21 January, 


1792, 


— 


390 


26 — 


— 


— 


68 


14 February, 


1793, 


— 


421 


6 Noyember, 


— 


— 


77 


22 — 


— 


— 


424 


28 — 








85 


2 January, 


1794, 


— 


445 


5 January, 


1776, 





108 


6 April, ' 


— 


— 


448 


13 — 








114 


8 October, 


— 


— 


460 


12 April, 


— 


— 


186 


IvAXDOLPii, Peyton 


', 






12 June, 


— 





223 


6 September, 


1775, 


I. 


32 


25 — 








239 


Read, Jacoh, 








1 July, 








247 


i;3 Au«,aist, 


1784, 


IV. 


77 


9 September, 


— 


— 


286 


IvEED, JoSKI'ir, 








14 June, 


1777, 


— 


382 


3 March, 


1770, 


I. 


162 


16 — 








383 


IS June, 


1777, 


— 


3SC, 


2S — 








391 


24 April, 


1779, 


II. 


27.') 


7 Jiilv, 








393 


14 July, 


— 


— 


316 


9 — 








395 


4 June, 


17S(). 


— 


463 


14 — 








397 


20 — 


— 


— 


478 


28 — 








415 


15 July, 


— 


HI. 


15 


4 August, 








419 


ItENDON, lUAXCISCO. 






19 — 








425 


2 ( )ctobcr, 


1781, 


III. 


41 ( 


6 March, 


1780, 


II. 


407 


4 December, 


1786, 


IV. 


l.-)(» 








411 


]{o(n.vMiiK.vu, Col 


XT DE, 






.i April, 








427 


.22 .July, 


1780, 


III. 


:u) 


21 .laiuiarv. 


17S1, 


III. 


212 


14 November, 


— 


— 


147 


3 April, ■ 






2!<0- 



12 



LETTERS TO WASHINGTON, 



[Index, 



Schuyler, Ppiilip, 


15 January, 


1782, 


2 :May, 


1789, 


Scott, Charles, 




30 June, 


1778. 


Scott, John Morix, 


14 February, 


1777, 


Segur, Count, 




4 August, 


1796, 


Sheldon, Elisha, 




12 September, 


1780, 


Smith. Samuel, 




16 October, 


1777, 


Stark, John, 




13 July, 


1780, 


30 November, 


— 


9 April, 


1781, 


15 July, 


— 


23 September, 


1782, 


St. Clair. Arthur, 


17 July, 


1777, 


3 June, 


1779, 


28 January, 


1780, 


7 October, 


— 


7 January, 


1781, 


26 November, 


— 


Steuben, Baron, 




28 IMarcb, 


1780, 


23 October, 





11 January, 


1781, 


15 April, 


— 


23 August, 


1783, 


Stirling, Lord. 




11 March, 


1776, 


20 — 





10 May, 


1779, 


9 December, 





16 Januarv, 


1780, 


23 June, 





Sullivan, John, 




29 October, 


1775, 


17 December, 




3 June, 
5 — 


1776, 


8 — 
24 — 


— 


25 — 





9 March, 


1777, 


26 December, 





2 March, 


1778, 


1 May, 


— 


13 August, 


— 


23 — 


— 


3 September, 


— 


16 April, 


1779, 


6 November, 


— 


1 December, 


z 


12 November, 


1780, 


7 Januarv, 


1781, 


10 — 





6 March, 


— 



Vol. 
III. 


Page 
462 


IV. 


263 


II. 


150 


I. 


340 


IV. 


489 


in. 


83 


II. 


7 


in. 


13 


— 


160 


— 


284 


— 


353 


— 


533 


I. 


400 


IL 


303 





388 


III. 


112 


— 


195 


— 


449 


II. 


420 


in. 


126 


— 


203 


— 


290 


IV. 


41 


I. 


172 


— 


173 


II. 


297 


— 


368 





380 


in. 


5 


I. 


70 


— 


96 





210 


— 


211 


— 


216 


— 


231 


— 


241 


— 


352 


II. 


63 


— 


79 





113 





175 


— 


178 


— 


204 


— 


264 


— 


342 


— 


343 


— 


365 


in. 


144 


— 


194 


— 


198 



Vol. Page 



Ternay, Chevalier de, 
8 August, 1780, 

10 — — 

Tilghman, Tench, 

27 October, 1781, 

Tho:mas, John, 

7 April, 1776, 
27 — — 

8 May, — 
Thompson^! "William, 

2 June, 1776, 

Thomson, Charles, 

21 Julv, 1777, 

22 April, 1785, 
Thurston, Charles M., 

21 June, 1794, 

Tru3ieull, Jonathan, 
13 July, 1775, 



III. 


54 
57 


III. 


434 


I. 


185 
189 
196 


I. 


207 


I. 

IV. 


406 
99 



IV. 451 



17 — 


— 





4 


31 — 








9 


11 August, 








21 


5 September. 


— 


— 


31 


15 — 


— 


— 


37 


1 Januai-v, 


1776, 





103 


15 — 


— 


— 


118 


24 — 


— 


— 


137 


5 February, 


— 


— 


141 


12 — 


— 


— 


143 


4 July, 


— 


— 


253 


5 August, 


— 


— 


268 


31 — 








281 


11 October, 


— 


— 


291 


21 Febmary, 


1777, 


— 


342 


29 May, 


1779, 


II. 


301 


5 November, 








341 


9 Julv, 


1781, 


III. 


350 


17 — 


— 





356 


15 September, 


— 





403 


6 November, 


— 





436 


20 April, 


1784, 


IV. 


66 


Trumbull, Jonathan Jr. 






15 November, 


1783, 


IV. 


51 


9 Januarv, 


1788, 





200 


28 October, 


— 


— 


238 


31 — 


1793, 


— 


441 


Tudor, William, 








26 July, 


1788, 


IV. 


229 


TuppER, Benjamin 








20 October, 


' 1785, 


IV. 


118 


23 November, 


1786, 


— 


149 


W 








Walton, George, 








7 January, 


1777, 


I. 


324 


Ward, Artemas, 








4 Mav, 


1776, 


I. 


191 


9 — 




— 


200 


20 — 


— 


— 


204 


20 June, 


— 


— 


226 



No. IL] 



MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS. 



51i 







Vol. 


Page 




Vol. 


Page 


Wakkex, James, 








Wharton, Thomas, 






2 September, 


1785, 


IV. 


113 


10 March, 1778, 


II. 


32 


Waeren, Mrs. Mercy, 






Wilkinson. James, 






1 May, 
Watxe, Anthoxt, 


1790, 


IV. 


326 


24 October, 1777, 


II. 


13 








Williams, Otho, H.. 






17 May, 
30 June, 


1777, 


I. 


376 


26 September, 1778, 


II. 


211 


1778, 


11. 


150 


12 July, 1784, 


IV. 


73 


4 February, 


1780, 





392 


Wilson, James, 






21 July, 

22 — 




III. 


34 


31 December, 1791, 


IV. 


387 








37 


WoLCOTT, Oliver, 






2 Januaiy^ 


1781, 


— 


192 


4 February, 1795, 


IV. 


464 


8 July, 
Weare, Meshech, 





— 


347 


Wood, James, 












12 November, 1778, 


II. 


229 


20 January, 


1781, 


IIL 


211 


Woodford, William, 






13 August, 


— 


— 


385 


3 April. 1780, 


II. 


430 


Webster, Noah, 








Woodward, Beza, 






18 July, 


1785, 


IV. 


111 


30 xVugust, 1780, 


III. 


68 


WiiARTOx, Thomas 








WoosTER, David, 






2-4 October, 


'l777. 


II. 


14 


29 August, 1775, 


I. 


25 


15 Januar}^, 


1778, 




69 


21 January, 1776, 




133 



No. IL 
MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS. 
APPENDIX TO THE FIRST VOLUME. 



OPERATIONS IN CANADA. 



Major John Brown to Governor Trumbull. 
Colonel Ethan Allen to General Schuyler, 
General Montgomery to General Schuyler, 
Colonel Seth Warner to General ]Montgomery, 
General Montgomery to General Schuyler, 



Brook Watson to William Franklin, 
General Montgomery to Governor Carlcton, 
M.VJOR Prkston to General Montgomery, 
General Montgomery to ^Major Trestim, 

to (iencral Schuyler, 
Colonel Arnold to General Montgomery, 
Genkral Montgomery to th<> |i>'i:il.lt:nit-^ of 
Montreal, .... 

ArTICLE-S of CAl'ITrLATH>N, 
(iENERAL MoNTGO.MERY's AnSWKU, 

General Montgomery to General Sdniylcr, 
Colonel Arnold to General Montgomery, 







Page 


14 August, 


1775, 


461 


14 September, 


— 


463 


19 — 


— 


465 


27 — 


— 


466 


28 — 


— 


467 


6 October, 


— 


468 


1.'} — 


— 


469 


19 — 


— 


471 


22 


— 


472 


1 November, 


— 


473 


— 


— 


473 


;} 


— 


474 


8 — 


— 


475 


12 — 





477 


— 


— 


477 


— 


— 


479 


13 — 


— 


480 


. — 


— 


482 


14 — 


— 


482 



514 MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS. 

Colonel Arnold to Licut.-Govcrnor Cramabe, 14 November, 

15 — 

to General Montgomery, . 16 — 

General Montgomery to General Scbuyler, . 19 — 

Colonel Arnold to General Montgomery, . 20 — 

to General Wasbington, — 

General Montgomery to General Schuyler, 24 — 

5 December, 

to Govcraor Carleton, . 6 — 

to General Wooster, . 16 — 

to General Scbuyler, . 18 — 

26 — 

Colonel Arnold to General Wooster, . .31 — 

2 Janiiaiy, 

General Arnold to Continental Congress, . 11 — 

12 — 

24 — 

to President of Congress, . 1 February, 
to General Schuyler, . . 20 April, 

30 — 
The Commissioners in Canada to General 

Scbuyler, 10 May, 

Charles Carroll and Samuel Chase to Dr. 

Franklin, — 

General Arnold to the Commissioners in 

Canada, 15 — 

17 — 

25 - 
Samuel Chase and Charles Carrol to General 

Thomas, 26 — 

General Arnold to the Commissioners, . .27 — 
Articles for the Exchange of Prisoners, 

General Arnold to General Sullivan, . . 5 June, 
General Scllitan's Instructions for General 

Tbomjison, 6 — 

General Arnold to General Schuyler, . — 

10 — 

to General Sullivan, . .10 — 

to General Schuyler, . .13 — 

19 — 
30 July, 
General Gates's Instnictions to General Arnold, 7 August, 
General Arnold to General Schuyler, . .8 — 

to General Gates, . . .31 — 

7 September, 
12 October, 
to General Schuyler, . .15 — 

24 — 
General Gates to General Schuyler, . . .31 — 

to the President of Congress. . 5 November, 



[Index, 

Page 

1775, 483 

— 484 

— 485 

— 485 

— 487 

— 489 

— 490 

— 492 

— 494 

— 495 

— 496 

— 497 

— 499 
1776, 501 

— 502 

— 505 

— 505 

— 507 

— 509 

— 511 

1776, 512 

— 513 

— 514 

— 516 

— 517 

— 518 

— 520 
523 

— 524 

— 525 

— 526 

— 527 

— 528 

— 529 

— 531 

— 531 

— 534 

— 535 
~ 537 

— 538 

— 540 

— 542 

— 544 

— 546 

— 547 

— 548 



No. n.] 



MISCELLANEOUS LETTERS. 



515 



APPENDIX TO THE SECOND VOLUME, 



L OPERATIONS DJ VIRGINIA AND SOUTH CAROLINA. 



Fkaxk Eppes to General Lee, 
General Lee to General Robei't Howe, 
TuE Committee of Safety to General Lee, 
Proceedixgs of the Committee of Safety, 
General Lee to General Amistrong, 

to the Committee of Secrecy, N. C 
Thomas Burke to General Lee, 
General Lee to General Moore, 
Edmund Pendleton to General Lee, 
General Lee to Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, 
to President of Congress, 
to Edmund Pendleton, . 



to Colonel Thompson, 
to President of Congress 
to Sir Henry Clinton, 
to Archibald Bullock, 
to John Rutlcdge, 
to Edmund Pendleton, 
Sir Henry Clinton to General Lee, 
General Lee to President of Congress, 



. .31 


March, 


. 5 
. 10 


April, 


, 13 


— 


. 22 


— 


. 23 


— 


. 5 
. 6 


May, 


7 


— 


. 9 


— 


1 June, 


. 21 


— 


. 2 
. 3 


July, 


. 18 


— 


. 19 


— 


. 20 


— 


. 22 


— 


. 24 August 



17TG. 



Pnae 
483 
48.^) 
486 
488 
490 
490 
491 
492 
493 
494 
49G 
499 
500 
501 
502 
505 
506 
507 
508 
509 
510 



H. OPERATIONS OF THE NORTHERN AR^IY IN OPPOSING 
THE EXPEDITION UNDER GENERAL BURGOYNE. 



General St. Clair to General Schuyler, 
Brockholst Livingston to Govenior Livingston, 
General St. Clair to General Schuyler, 
Brockholst Livingston to Governor Livingston, 

(ikneral Schuyler to General Lincoln, 

(Jkneral Lincoln to the Council of Massacluisctts, 10 August 
(Jkneral Buugovne to Lieutenant-Colonel Baiini, 
(iEN'ERAL Arnold to General Gates, 

CJiiXKRAL Lincoln to (ho Coiimil of Massacliusetts, 
CJeneral Arnold to General Gates, 
(Jknkral Burgoyne to (k-neral (Jales, 
(Jkneual Eraser to General Gates, 
General Gates to Gcikt:.) I'nis.r 



25 June, 


1777 


Pace 
510 


3 July, 


— 


511 


8 — 


— 


51.3 


17 — 


— 


514 


21 — 


— 


515 


31 — 


— 


516 


10 August, 


— 


516 


14 — 


— 


517 


21 — 


— 


518 


23 — 


— 


519 


25 — 


— 


520 


28 — 


— 


521 


30 — 


— 


522 


1 September, 


— 


522 


2 — 


— 


523 



516 



MISCELLANEOUS 



General Lixcolx to General Gates, 

General Lincoln to Colonel Brown, 

to General Gates, 
General Gates to General Lincoln, 
General Lincoln to Colonel Brown, . 

to the Council of Massachusetts 
General Gates to General Putnam, 
Thomas Chittenden to General Gates, 
General Burgoyne to General Gates, 
General Gates to General Burgopie, . 
General Lincoln to Colonel John Laurens 



LETTERS. 


[Index, 


4 September, 


Page 
1777, 524 


11 — 


— 525 


. 12 — 


— 525 


. 14 — 


— 526 


. 19 — 


— 527 


. 21 — 


— 527 


setts, 23 — 


— 528 


2 November, 


— 530 


. 22 — 


— 531 


. 11 February, 


1778, 531 


. 2 March, ' 


— 532 


5 February, 


1781, 533 



HL OPERATIONS ON HUDSON'S RIVER. 



General Pctnam to Governor Clinton, 



to General Gates, 
to Governor Clinton, 
Governor Clinton to General Gates, 
General Putnam to Governor Clinton, 

Governor Clinton to General Putnam, 
General Putnam to Governor Clinton, 

Governor Clinton to General Putnam, 
General Gates to Governor Clinton, 
Governor Clinton to General Gates, 
General Gates to Governor Clinton, . 
Colonel Hamilton to General Putnam, 
General Putnam to Governor Clinton, 
Robert R. Livingston to General Washington, 
General Washington to Robert R. Livingston, 



29 September, 


1777 


Page 
536 


4 October, 


— 


537 


6 — 


— 


538 


9 — 


— 


538 


— 


— 


540 


— 


— 


540 


15 — 


— 


542 


16 — 


— 


542 


17 — 


— 


543 


20 — 


— 


544 


27 — 


— 


544 


— 


— 


545 


29 — 


— 


546 


30 — 


— 


546 


2 November, 


— 


547 


9 — 


— 


549 


10 — 


— 


550 


14 January, 


1778 


550 


12 March,' 


— 


553 



No. in.] 



GENERAL INDEX. 



517 



No, III 



GENERAL INDEX. 



Adams, Axdkeav, on the proceedings 
of Congress, II. 19G. 

Adams, Joiix, on shutting up the har- 
bour of Boston, I. 73, 75. On Dr. 
Frankhn's row-galleys, 75. On secur- 
ing New York, 112. On Francis Dana, 
and the evacuation of Boston, 177. 
Commissioner to meet British Com- 
missioners, 288. Memorial of, to Count 
dc Vergennes, III. 170. Eifects a post- 
ponement of the choice of a Minister 
of AVar, 253. Opposed to the Cincin- 
nati Society, IV. Gl. Keceived in 
Great Britain, 109, 112. DitFers from 
Jefferson respecting a peace Avith Al- 
giers, 145. His return, 183. Election 
of, to the Vicc-rrcsidency, 239, 243, 
254. On allowing British troops to 
march through the United States to 
attack Spanish posts, 347, 349. 

Adams, Johx Qlincy, IV. 112. 

Adams, Samuel, IV. 222, 480. 

Ad mi rait I/. Court of, I. 125. 

Agxew, a Britisli General, killed, I. 446. 

AfjriculU(re,lV. 114, 115. On a Pro- 
fessorsliip of, 468. 

Albany, defenceless, I. 3. Enemy ad- 
vance towards, 448, II. 517, 539, 543. 
Continental troops detained at and 
near, 25. Importance of, 27. 

Alulrg, custona-housc at, IV. 375. 

Alkieui, ode by, sent to Washington, 
IV. 342. 

Algiers, IV. 127, 134. On a peace 
and treaty with, 145. 4SG. 

Allen, Ehekezer, Captain, successes 
of, against tlie enemy retreating from 
Ticonderoga, II. 5.'n. 

Allen', Ethan, Colonel, despatched to 
Canada with a Declaration, I. 40, 43, 
80, 4G3. Arrival of his company at 
Ticonderoga, 45. Captured, Gt», 302, 
4GG. 471. Treatment of, SG, 110, 472, 
4'<s, 491. On exchanging, 32:5, 515, 

II. 5()G, 509. Brings a permission to 
liuudinot to visit New York, 122. 
Overtures to, by the British, respect- 
ing Vermont, III. 442. Negotiations 
of, respect ing jjrisoners, 442. 

Allen, Ira, Colonel, sent to ('anada 
to ne;:;oliate an e.\cliange of i)risoners, 

III. 44G. 

VOL. IV. 44 



American Academy^ IV. 123. 

American Congress^ a vessel, I. 181. 

Amsbury, William, and his canteen, 
I. 383. 

Andre, John, III. 81, 101. 

Andriani, Count, IV. 342, 343. 

Angell, Israel, Colonel, II. 4, 8, 21. 
At Hartford, 359. Near Vauxhall, 
III. 6. 

Annapolis, Convention at, IV. 157. 

Anne, Eort, I. 394, 399, 405, 520, II. 
515, 524, 526, 534. Surrender of, III., 
133, 442. 

Antill, Edavard, Lieutenant-Colonel, 
L 129, 240, 493. On evacuating Ca- 
nada, 533. Stationed, III. 336. 

Aquackanoclc, I. 304. 

Arbuthnot, M., Admiral, III. 35, 36, 
54. Arrives in the Chesapeake, 276. 

Armand, Marquis de la Kouerie, 
Colonel, I. 375. Commissions held 
by, 376. Legion of, unfit for duty 
and ordered to Virginia, III. 191, 247. 
Difficulty in completing his legion un- 
der French Officers, 422. 

Armistice, proposed. III. 515. 

Arms, want of, I. 144, 166, 180, 183. 
Manufacture of, 163. 166. From 
France, 358, IL 384, IIL 60, 161, 268. 
llepair of, I. 430. For the Southern 
Department, IL 471, 472, 491, III. 
137. Want of, by Virginia, IL 487, 
III. 94, 292, 314. Borrowed of Fenn- 
sylvania, 138, 140. Application for 
])'ay for, by soldiers wlio left theui in 
camp, 149. 

Armstrong, John. Brigadier-General, 
I. 161. Ordt'red to the Southern De- 
partment and receives instructions, 
161, 162, 165, II. 490. Intluence of, 
in rennsylvania, I. 389. ^Lijor-Ge- 
neral ; on projects in Congress, IL 309. 
On the finances and regulating of 
prices by law, 377. 

Army, the American, appointment of 
its commander-in-chief, I. 1. Keen- 
forccments, provisions, and ammuni- 
tion for the, 5, 9, 12, 17. Sec A'/j//a7- 
7/1^^/5. Commissary-General appoint- 
c<l, 10. Visit to, by ii Committee 
from Congress, 55, 82. Perilous con- 
dition, 91, 99. Takes ]iossession of 
Boston. 176, 178. Detachment from 



518 



GENERAL INDEX. 



[Index, 



to Canada. 210. Measures for re- 
enforcing, 347, 366. Medical Depart- 
ment of. 364. Adjutant-General. 36.5, 
368. Sec PiCKERiNXr. Unfitted for 
vigorous action, II. 46. Committee 
appointed for regulating it, 66. See 
Greexe. E-eenforcements from Vir- 
ginia, 128, Pursues the British across 
New Jersey, 144. Distribution of it 
for the winter of 1778-79, 226. On 
the Distribution for the winter of 
1779-80, 353, 380. Evils of dividing, 
354. On requisitions to the States 
for reenforcing. 376. Dissatisfaction 
and confusion in the civil depart- 
ments, 421. Committee to proceed 
to head-quarters, and consult on its 
affairs, 454. Relation of Congress 
to it, 476. Troops raised for it in 
Massachusetts. 477. Exertions of la- 
dies for its relief, 480, III. 28. Fur- 
ther exertions to obtain supplies, 1, 
71. On giving reasons for its move- 
ments, 46^ New arrangement, 87, 92, 
103. Jealousy respecting it in Con- 
gress, 89, 145. On raising a perma- 
nent, 92. 97, 114, 118, 126, 156. Ar- 
ranged, 114, 126, 145, 275. Mutinies, 
192. See Pennsylvanh line. British 
emissaries to the, seized and executed, 
195, 196, 198, 199, 200. Junction of 
the French, 346. Plans for the cam- 
paign of 1782, 381. Exertions to pro- 
cure supplies and craft, and levies, on 
its march against Cornwallis, 394, 
398. Its progress to Virginia, 399. 
Hamilton, on its temper and situation, 
549. Discontents in the, respecting 
pay, 550, 556, IV. 4, 6, 8, 10, 13, 15, 
17, 24. The Commander-in-chief 
charged with not espousing its inte- 
rests, III. 551. On continuing in 
service till it is paid, IV. 11, 15, 38. 

Army, Northern. See Sciiuylek. 

Arnold, Benedict, Colonel, I. 45. 
Progress of, to Fort Western, 46. 
Sufferings of his men, 60, 475, 487, 
490. Expectations from, 69, 92, 469. 
At Quebec, 87, 480-485, 489. Re- 
tires from Quebec, 87, 487. Joined 
bv Montgomery, 88, 95, 110, 492. 
Wounded at Quebec, 114, 117, 156, 
500. 505. Account of his defeat, 116, 
129J 499, 501. Brigadier-General; 
takes the command in Canada, 125, 
502. On the condition of Quebec, 154, 
504, 506. On the troops and fortifica- 
tions ; corresponds with the Commis- 
sioners, 194, 509, 516. At Montreal, 
208, 214. 509, 524. Does not obey 
orders, 21 6, 242. Abandons Montreal ; 
difficulty about goods, 217, 237, 528, 
529, 542. Retreat of, and action with 



the enemy. 223, 237, 528, 543, 544, 546. 
At Providence, 326. Superseded, 355, 
360. Appointed Major-General, for 
his bravery at Danbury, 355, 356. De- 
mands a Court of Inquirv, 360. At 
Fort Schuyler, 426, 430, 11. 518, 521. 
To raise the siege at Fort Stanwix. I. 
427. Histrial, 11.275, 290. His project 
of settling in the western part of New 
York, 292. Recommended for the 
command at West Point, III. 2. His 
letters from Robinson's House, 50, 56, 
82, 90 ; from Dobbs's Ferry, 80. His 
last interview with Washington, 90. 
Joins the enemy, 90. Remarks on 
his treason, 105, 111. Movements 
against, in Vii-ginia, and their failure, 
237, 242, 264, 272, 287, 290, 314. 
Commander-in-chief of the British ar- 
my in Virginia, 316, 325. His ravages 
at New London and Groton, 403, 423. 
437. 

Artillery, wanted by Lee, I. 157, 160. 
Rank of French officers in the, 379. 
Emban-assments in the duties of the 
department of, II. 139. Under Crane 
and Harrison, 359, 360 ; Innes and 
Arundel, 498. On the raising and 
officering. III. 275. See Knox. 

Arundel, Captain, II. 497, 498. 

AsGiLL, Charles, Captain, III. 533. 

Ashley River, II. 413. British works 
on. 418. Crossed by the enemy, 431, 
433, 435. 

Auvergne, IV. 199, 255. 

Avery, Deputy-Commissary in Cana- 
da, I. 247, 280. 



B. 



Babcock, Joshua, I. 37. To wait 
on Washington, 283. 

Babcock, Colonel, dismissed, I. 192. 

Badgely', Abner, detention of, IH. 
505. 

Badlam, Captain of artillei-v, I. 146, 
157, 160. 

Bahama Islands, Mded to the British, 
IV. 10. V f \ 

Baker, Captain, killed, I. 29. 

Balfour, Colonel, III. 98. 

Ballston, buildings destroyed at. III. 121, 
130, 133. 

Baltimore, Congress at, I. 311. La- 
fayette's engagements with the mer- 
chants of. III. 453. 

Baltimore Resolution respecting oflBcers, 
II. 129. 

Banister, John, on additional boun- 
ty to soldiers, II. 107. 

Barber, Francis, Colonel, wounded 
at Yorktown, III. 426. 



No. m.] 



GENERAL INDEX. 



519 



Barber, Major, Division Inspector, 
wounded at YorktoAvn. III. 426. 

Barclay, Thomas, mission of, to 
Morocco, IV. 304. 

Barlow, Joel, Consul at Algiers, 
IV. 486. 

Barras. Count de, demand on, by 
Count dc Grasse, III. 413. 

Barringtox, Admiral, I. 153. 

Barrox, Commodore, III. 419. 

Bartlett, Josiah, on the feelings of 
Congress as to the British Commis- 
sioners, II. 142. 

Bastille, key and picture of, sent to 
Mount Vernon, IV. 322, 328. 337. 

Balm, a Hessian lieutenant-colonel, I. 
426. Instructions to, II. 517. Cap- 
tured, 522. 

Bayley, Jacob, General, influence of, 
II. 257. At Castleton, 528, 529. 

Baylor, George, Captain, I. 30. Aid 
to AVashington, 152. Despatched 
to Congress after the battle at Tren- 
ton, 317. Presented by Congress with 
a horse, 318. Promotion of, to a colo- 
nelcy, 318. Surprised, wounded, and 
captured, 11. 211, 222. Commander 
of the light troops at the South, III. 
515. 

Beall, Joxathak, on supplying 
troops, III. 3. 

Beall, Thomas, Captain, court-mar- 
tialed, II r. 62, 162. 

Bedel, Timothy, Colonel, 1.45,491, 
493. Ordered to the Cedars, 510. In- 
oculation of his regiment, 516. On 
plunder by his men, 523, 524. Ordered 
to trial, 525. 

Bedfoui), in Massachusetts, I. 144. 

Belton', Joseph, project of, for destroy- 
ing ships, I. 203. 

JJcmnnfjton, battle of, I. 425, II. 518, 522. 
Treatment of ])risoncrs taken at, 522, 
523. Stitferings and patriotism of tlie 
peuplc there, 259. 518. 

JUi;/(n, cxncdition to. III. 9, 34, 40. 

licnnwld Jsldnds, project for getting 
powder from the, 1. 17-20, 30, 34,36, 
49, 58, 67. Want provisions, 20, 30. 
Fricnilly. 67. Discouragement tliere 
of ])rivatccring. HI. 25. 

HithbhniK the Moravians at, II. 89. 

JiKTTrt, Captain, conduct of, in action, 
11.315. 

Bj(;elow, Timothy, Major, in tlie ex- 
pedition against Quebec, I. 47. Prom 
Islc-uu-Noix with a lUig of truce, 
280. 

liiLLiNGS, Captain, killetl in the meet- 
ing of the Pennsylvania line, HI. 193. 

liiNciiiAM. on the ministerial writings, 
II. 47. 

liirmiinjluim rials, IV. 382. 



Blaxd, Richard, I. 33. Indecision 
of, 183. 

Blaxd, Theodoric, Colonel, com- 
mander of the Convention Troops, II. 

369. Congress declines remunerating, 

370. On measures to meet the dis- 
contents in the army, IV. 11, 15, 23. 

Bleecker. Joux, taken and retaken, 
III. 375. 

Blewer, Captain, I. 90. 

Blodget. Lieutenant, recommended to 
sign passes, 264. 

Blouxt, Governor, on the Indian con- 
ference at Estanaula, IV. 402. Calls 
out militia. 403. 

Board of War, on constituting a new 
one, out of Congress, II. 10, 44. Gates 
appointed to the, 60. Committee 
from, to cooperate with a committee 
of Congress respecting the army, 66. 
Colonel Wilkinson, Secretary of the,67. 

BoxAPARTE, successes of, IV. 499. 

BoxD, William, Colonel, at Sorel, I. 
218. 

BOXFIELD, I. 515, 517. 

Boston, British vessels sail from, I. 11, 
25, 27. Projects for securing the en- 
trance to the harbor, 12, 51, 72. On 
attacking, 100. Evacuation of, 174, 
175, 177", 178, 182, 194. Portilications 
erected at, 191, 200. Count d' Estaing 
sails to, II. 178, 180, 182, 1S6, 188, 
191. Ailray in, with persons connect- 
ed with the French licet, 206. Con- 
jectures of British designs on, 200, 
207, 210, 216. lleception of Lafayette 
at, on his return from Prance, 444. 
Arrival of troops at. HI. 41. Atten- 
tion shown to Lafayette at, 461, IV. 
81. Departure of Preneh troojjs from, 
HI. 540. Exports from, IV. 230. 
President's visit to, 289. Action at, 
respecting the British treaty, 476. 

BouDixoT, Elias, at camp, II. 23. 
Goes to New York and ctlects an ex- 
change of prisoners, 122. 

Boititties, for New England trooj)S, I. 
163, 343. Additional, for reenlist- 
ments in tlic Virginia regiments, II. 
107, 230, 361. Of land, 230. For 
recruits in Massachusetts, 443. For 
useful discoveries, recommended, IV. 
480. 

Bow DO IX, James, I. 72. On a Con- 
stitution of Government for Massachu- 
setts, II. 430. On alfairs at Halifax, 
456,461. On the arrival oi' the AUi- 
aiHf and the blockade at Urost. HI. 60. 

Bowman, ("(.lonel, II. .U.i, HI. 9. On 
an expedition against Kentucky, 119. 

BuADFouD, William, Attorney-Ciene- 
ral, on neutral navigation, IV. 454. 

Bkadlev, Lieutenant-Colonel, I. 119. 



520 



GENERAL INDEX. 



[Index, 



Brady, Captain-Lieutenant, captures 
Indians, III. 10. On command, 119. 
Wanted near Fort Pitt, 274. 

Brandijwine, battle of the, I. 433. 

Brant, Joseph, III. 132. Forces un- 
der, 133. Visits western Indians, IV. 
379. 

Brehak, Marchioness de, IV. 184, 237. 
Portrait of Washington by, 33.5. 

Brinkerhoff. Colonel, to join Clin- 
ton. IL 540. 

British Army, recruits and auxiliaries to 
the, I. 172. Evacuates Boston, 174, 
175. Movements of, near New York, 
299, 302, 304, 308; in New Jersey, 
313, 324, 385. Retreats from Bruns- 
wick, 390. Probability of accessions 
to the, II. 125. Marches across New 
Jersey, 144. On Staten Island, 342. 
Leaves New Jersey, III. 7. In Chesa- 
peake Bay, 141. Purposes of, to ope- 
rate in the South, 176. Lands at 
Yorktown and Gloucester, 366, 380. 
See Carletox, Clinton, and Corn- 

WALLIS. 

British Boats at Peekskill Cove, II. 
307. 

British Commissioners, I. 153, 163. 
Their mode of operation, 173. Ef- 
fects of, 184. Interview of, with a 
Committee of Congress, and the effect 
on France, 288, 351. Expected, IL 
100, 108, On the appointment of a 
Committee to meet, 112, 118. Arrival 
of, and names, 136. Letter to, by the 
President of Congress, 136. Letters 
brought by them, 136, 141 - 143. Their 
second letter to Congress, 160; their 
third letter, 195. Disrespectful as to 
France. 209. 

British Treaty, opposition to the, IV. 
459, 470, 474,' 476, 477. Approbation 
of it, 477. Commissioners relative to 
the, 479-481. Executed, 498. 

British Vessels, sail from Boston, I. 11, 
15, 27. Infest Connecticut, 17, 31, 38. 
Bound for Quebec, to be intercepted, 
56. Arrive at New York, 119. At 
Georgia, 150, 167. Frightened from 
New York, 152. Arrive at Cape Fear 
River, 201, II. 491, 496, 500. Sail 
up the North River, I. 260. Belton's 
project for destroying, 263. Attacked 
Avith fire-ships, 276. Pass up and 
down the North River, 303, II. 6, 14, 
15.537. Sail from Newport, 1.360. 
In' Chesapeake Bay, 429, 431. In the 
Delaware, II. 7, 12, 20, 43. Burnt 
and sunk at Rhode Island, 177. Cap- 
tured, 280, 410. Seventy sail of, at 
King's Ferry, 307. Operations of, at 
the South, 388.401, 402,410,418, 431. 
Pass Fort Moultrie, 431, 434, 436, 450, 



Sail eastward, 456. In the Chesa- 
peake, III. 124, 138, 141, 200, 208. 
237, 276, 291. In York River, 343. 
Sail down Hudson's River, 359. Un- 
der Digby, arrive at Sandy Hook, 
420. See Prizes. 
Brodhead, Daniel, Colonel, expedi- 
tion of, to Detroit, II. 349. 396, IIL 
85. On affairs at Fort Pitt and De- 
troit, II. 399, 437, 449, III. 10, 63, 
85, 90. 121. On hostilities bv Indians, 
II. 416, 439. 449, 458, III. *9, 32, 63, 
77. 91, 163, 244, 397. Detaches par- 
ties against the Wyandots, 32, 33, 77, 
91. On courts-martial, 62, 85, 162. 
On involving the Indians in wars 
against each other, 62, 164. Proposes 
to surprise Indians about Coochock- 
ing, 274. Difficulty between Gibson 
and, as to command, 397,453. Charges 
against, 454. 
Bromfield, I. 215. 
Brooks, John, General, with troops 
to receive the President at Cambridge, 
IV. 290. 
Brown, John, Major, his excursion in- 
to Canada, to procure intelligence, I. 
8,23,461, Despatched with a Declara- 
tion, 40. At St. John's, 40, 465, 466. 
To manage a conference, 468. His 
promises to Canadians, 493. Diffi- 
culty about his rank, 508. Despatch- 
ed to Lake George Landing, II. 525- 
528, 534. Killed, III. 133. 
Brown, John, Anticipations from, re- 
specting the Federal Constitution, IV. 
213. On the separation of the western 
countrv from the Union, and on Spa- 
nish business, 248, 252, 353 ; 291. Re- 
elected to Congress, 353. Rejection 
of his application for information from 
Europe, 460. 
Brown. Joseph, Captain, I. 28. 
Brow^n, Montfort, on exchanging, I. 

289. 
Brunswick, Duke of, his errors, IV. 

411. 
BuELL, Captain, I. 59. Lieutenant- 
Colonel, 511. 
BuFORD, Colonel, marching to Charles- 
ton, II. 433. Men under, III. 294. 
Bullock, Colonel, I. 168. 
BulPs Feirij, Wayne's attack on, III. 

34, 38. 
Bunker's Hill, I. 90, 105. Works on, 

demolished, 200. 
BuRGOYNE, John, General, command- 
er at Three Rivers, L 218, 241, 531. 
Operations of the Northern Army in 
opposing the expcdhion under, 392, II. 
510. Circulates a Proclamation and 
Summons to the people of the Grants, 
1. 396, 11.514. 515. Expected June- 



No. in.] 



GENERAL INDEX. 



521 



tion of, with Howe. I. 424, 440. II. 
61, 538-540. His orders to Baura, I. 
426, II. 517. Critical situation of, 

I. 436, 437. Advancing towards Al- 
bany, 448, II. 517, 524. Encroach- 
ments and surrender of, 6, 12, 13, 259, 
542. Not to change his port of em- 
barkation, 48. Ilis final correspond- 
ence with "Washington, 95. Citations 
from his speech in Parliament and 
IcXter on the rebel forces, 96. Ex- 
changed, III. 480. Sec Convention 
Troops. 

Burke, ^Edanus, writes against the 
Cincinnati Society, IV. 59, 71. 

BuiiKE, Thomas, Chairman of the 
Committee of Secrecy of North Caro- 
lina, writes to Lee, II. 491. 

BuKXABY, AxDREW, writcs to the com- 
mander-in-chief on reconciliation to 
England, II. 100. 

Burnett, Major, Greene's Aid, des- 
j^atched to the Commander-in-chief, 
III. 369. 

]5uRR, Aarox, on his appointment as 
colonel, I. 405. Bravery of, at Que- 
bec, 500. Sent .by McDougal to St. 
Clair, II. 303, 306. 

BuRUELL, Colonel, detached to Canada, 
L 137, 186, 218. 

Butler, Pierce, Delegate to the Fe- 
deral Convention, IV. 166. Declines 
serving in the South Carolina Con- 
vention, 215. Applies to the Secre- 
tary of State for information, and is 
refused, 460. 

Butler, Richard, Colonel, on retir- 
ing from Verphmck's Point, II. 328. 
Brigadier-General ; commands levies 
against western Indians, IV. 368. 

Butler, Thomas, Colonel, at the 
battle of Monmouth, IL 150-152. To 
join Stark, 1G9. 

i^utts's Iliil, Greene posted at, III. 36, 
42. 

Byles, Major, at the battle of Mon- 
mouth, II. 150. 

Byrd, Aiil to General Lee, I. 152, 218. 
Sent with a flag of truce to Clinton, 

II. 506. 

Byuox, Admiral, fleet of, II. 177, 180, 
237. 



C. 



Caiiot, George, IV. 266. 

Cadwalader, John, (icncral, prevent- 
ed by ice from crossing the Delaware, 
I. 309, 312. Proceeds to Bordentown, 
313, 314. Removal of, from Pcnn-^yl- 
vaniu to Maryland, II. 84. Collects 
volunteers, 143. Declines a commis- 
sion in the armv, 237. Asks Wash- 



ington to take command of the forces 
in Virginia, III. 332. 

Cadwalader, Lambert, Colonel, on 
joining his regiment without being ex- 
changed, 11.217. 

Caghnawaga, troops ordered to, III. 337. 
See Indians. 

Calderwood, Lieutenant, I. 542. 

Caldwell, James, joins Hamilton, II. 
166. Articles left with, 381. 

Calonne, M. do, his plan of Provincial 
Assemblies in Erancc, IV. 169. Let- 
ter of, to be framed into an arret of 
Council, 184. Minister of Finance, 
426. 

Cambridge, Convention Troops at, II. 
16. On receiving the President at, 
IV. 290. 

Camden, II. 347, IIL 66, 188, 319. 
Cornwallis at and near, 66, 75, 108, 
138, 167. Greene before, 307, 309. 
Evacuated by the enemy, 310. 

Campbell, Archibald, a British lieu- 
tenant-colonel, and Scotch grenadier, 
taken, L 226. On exchanging, 266, 
289. Treatment of, 357. Accom- 
panies Boudinot to New York to effect 
an exchange of prisoners, II. 128. 
Exchanged, 123. 

Campbell, John, Colonel, on the dis- 
satisfaction respecting the intention of 
Congress concerniuir the ^Mississippi, 
IV. 167, 249. 

Campbell, William, Colonel of Vir- 
ginia riflemen, marches to the Yadkin, 
III. 75. Disposition of prisoners 
taken bv, 168. To join Greene, 245, 
258. 

Campbell, William, Lord, quits 
South Carolina, I. 130. 

Campbell, British General, with Wal- 
deckers, attacked by Dickinson, and 
escapes, II. 49. 

Campbell, a British lieutenant-colo- 
nel, killed in the assault on Fort Mont- 
gomery, II. 6. 

Camus, M. de, reconnoitres the ship- 
ping in York River, III. 343. 

Canada, Major Brown's excursion to, 
to j)rocurc intelligence, I. 8, 23, 461. 
0|)cniti()ns against, 9, 461. Expedi- 
tious against, 23, 40, 186, 188, 468, 
475. British forces in, 41, 66, 462. 
I'rospccts of success in, 77, 86. Ame- 
rican forces in, 86. Defeat in, 114, 
11 fi. Troops raised for, 1 1 5, 121, 1 29, 
137, 142, 188. Ilostilitv of the priests 
of. 134, 213, 221, 486. " Koute to, 137. 
Advance against, 186. Alarming in- 
telligence from, 187. State of the 
army in, 189. 194, 196. 209, 239. Rc- 
enforccmcnt of the British in. 197,220, 
232, 241. Advance of the enemy in, 



44=1: 



►22 



GENERAL INDEX. 



[Index, 



208. 217. Militia, 218. Evacuation 
of, 223, 237, 253, 528, 531. Inquiry 
into the conduct of officers in, 227. 
Lafayette on an expedition to. II. 74, 
93, 233. Expedition to, abandoned. 
256. Petition of Beza Woodward and 
others on tlie importance of securing, 
in. 68. British forces in, 69. See 
Arnold, Benedict : Livingston, 
James ; Montgomery, Eobert ; 
Quebec; Schuyler, Philip: Small- 
pox; Sullivan, John ; and Tho3ias. 
John. 

Canadians, dispositions of the, towards 
the Americans, L 4, 6, 29, 41, 66, 79, 
80, 232, 461, 463, 471, 486, 494, 503. 
Killed, 44. Less friendly, 190. Do 
not aid Thomas in his retreat, 197. 
Their unhappy condition, 210, 522. 
Their joy at the an-ival of Sullivan, 
212. Join the Americans, 213, 214. 
Brown's promise to, 493. Dispositions 
of, respecting a new form of govern- 
ment, IV. 375. 

Canals. Pulton on, IV. 496. 

Cape Fear, British at and near, II. 491, 
496, 500. 

Carey, Mathew, IV. 88. 

Carleton, Sir Guy, L 7, 111. 188, 
464. Seeks the cooperation of the In- 
dians, 22. Stopped and escapes from 
Montreal, 85, 92, 480, 485. His treat- 
ment of prisoners, 118, 472, 495, 505. 
Wooster calls in his commissions and 
gives others, 134. Advance of, 208, 
211,527. Forces under, 212. Appli- 
cation to, for exchange of prisoners, 
266. Paroles given by, 290. On the 
forces in the action on Lake Cham- 
plain, 546. Retreats from Crown 
Point, 548. Apprehensions from, III. 
514. Liberates Livingston on parole, 
517. Livingston's interviews with, 520. 
Urges execution of the Article on con- 
fiscated estates, IV. 22. Evacuation 
of iSTcAV York by, i3. Sec Dorches- 
ter, Lord. 

Carlisle, Earl of, commissioner for 
carrving into effect the Conciliatory 
Bills, n. 136. Lafayette's challeng^e 
to, 210,'224. 

Carmarthen, Marquis of, refuses to 
surrender the western posts, IV. 133. 

Carmichael, William. II. 48, IV. 
151. 

Carrington, Edward, Lieutenant- 
Colonel, meets commissioners on a 
cartel for exchange of prisoners. II. 
415. Commended, IIL 234. Des- 
patched to Congress and to the Com- 
mander-in-chief, 476. At Charleston, 
IV. 37. On action in Virginia re- 
specting the British treaty, 477. 



Carroll, Charles, commissioner to 
Canada, I. 511. 
Castleton, IL 529. 

Castries, M. de, IIL 147. 269, 286. 
C.ASAVELL, Richard. Colonel. L 178, 

II. 492. Governor, I. 381. Orders 
out troops, II. 405. 

Cathcart, Lord, dragoons of, captur- 
ed, IL 410. 

Cavalry, opinions of Congress on, I. 
237, 246. Want and importance of, 
246, IL 491, 499, 504. Pulaski's plans 
for organizing, 53, 57, 87. Difficulty 
of quartering, at Trenton, 64. Regi- 
ment of, voted in Virginia, 1 28. Want 
of, by Morgan, 152. Under Baylor 
and Bland, 360. Remarks on, by 
Steuben, IIL 127. 

Cayenne, plan of Lafayette for liberating 
and establishing negroes at. III. 547, 
IV. 110. 

Cedars, men posted at the, and made 
prisoners, I. 195, 215, 220, 510, 518: 
their treatment and exchange, 258, 
521. 

Challus, Count de. III. 147. 

Chamhlee, forces at, I. 24, 41, 208. Re- 
duction of, 69, 79, Gondolas building 
at, 194, 195. Important, 215. Re- 
treat to, 217, 533. Goods sent to, by 
Arnold, 528, 529. Burnt, 533. 

Champlain, Lake, fleet on, I. 534, 537- 
547. Action on, 543, 546. Visited 
by Madison and Jefferson, IV. 374. 
Difficultv at the British posts there, 
374. 

Charleston, I. 244, IL 312, 490, 500, 
508. On the attack and defence of, 
345, 385, 403, 418, 422, 430-436, 445, 
457. Lincoln at, 375, 385, 401,445. 
On detachments to, 422, 430, 445. 
Anxiety respecting, 422, 444. British 
break ground there, 433, 435. Hero- 
ism of inhabitants at, 445. Surrender 
of, 450. 466, 470, 479. Losses of the 
enemy near. III. 180. Inhabitants of, 
transported to St. Augustine, 180, 188. 
376. Arrival of Leslie at, 190, 192. 
On taking, 370, 373, 406, 416, 417, 
429-433, 447. British reenforcements 
for, 465, 471, 476. Vessels sail from 
to New York. 514. On the evacua- 
tion of, by the British, 514, 525, 535, 
541. On fortifying, 537, 543, IV. 3. 
Mobs and riots in, 38. 

Chase, Samuel, commissioner to Ca- 
nada, 209, 210, 511, 513. On Gates's 
letter to Adams, 540, 542. 

Chastellux, le Chevalier de, II. 417, 

III. 147, 162, 345. 

Chaudih-e Pond and River, I. 47, 60. 
Cheesman, Captain, killed. I. 500. 



No. III.] 



GENERAL INDEX, 



523 



Cherry Valley^ movements against, II. 
169. 

Chickahominy, British expedition to, III. 
296. Wayne at, 347. 

Chipman, Joiix, Captain, surrender 
of, at Fort George, III. 133. 

CniTTENDEK, TnoMAS, Govemor of 
Vermont, on the sutferings and pa- 
triotism of the Green Mountain Boys, 
II. 258. On successes against the ene- 
my, 531. On Vermont patriotism and 
an exchange of prisoners. III. 210. 
His sketches of tlic situation and policy 
of Vermont, 440. On the accession 
of Vermont to the Confederacy, 492. 

CiioiSEUL. Duke of, I. 454. 

CiiOiSY, M. dc, III. 361, 486. 

Ciiouix, despatched to the Com- 
mander-in-chief and to Congress by 
Count d'Estaing, II. 156, 196. 

Cincinnati Society, jealousy of the, IV. 
58. Burke's pamphlet against, 59, 71. 
Meeting of the, in Boston, 59. Op- 
position to, by Americans in France, 
61. Alterations proposed in its Con- 
stitution, 121. Foreign applications 
for admission to the, 242, 

Clark, George Rogers, expedition 
of, to St. Vincent's, II. 313,394. Fur- 
ther plans for, 394, 438. Heady to 
cooperate with Brodhead against 
Indians. 417. Destroys Shawanesc 
towns, III. 63, 77. Ilis proposed 
expedition against Detroit, 100, 176, 
244, 273, 317, 323, 455. 

Clinton', George, calls out troops, I. 
260. Occupies Fort Montgomery. 261. 
Appointed brigadier-general by Con- 
gress, 359, 372. On reenforcements 
for Fort Montgomeiy, 414. Chosen 
governor of New York. 415. Wounded ; 
escapes from Fort Montgomery, 439, 

II. 541. On defences for Hudson's 
River, 58. On Indians on the fron- 
tiers, 255, 262. 299. His expedition 
to Albany and below Crown Point, 
474. On the butcheries and dis- 
tresses on the frontiers of New York, 

III. 229, Disposition of forces by, 336, 
Guard left by, for the protection of 
Schuyler, 462. Corresponds with 
Haldimau respecting prisoners, 464. 
On a peace estahlislinicnt, IV. 2S, 48. 
Opposes the atloption of the Federal 
Constitution, 2.'U. 

Clinton, Sir Hknrv, Britisli (Jeneral, 
I. 149, 547. (Joing home. 326. Opera- 
tions of, on Hudson's Hiver, 442, H. 
536. 539, ('ommissioner for carrying 
into elfcct the Conciliatory JJills, I'M). 
Orders to, for exchanging the Con- 
vention Troops, 3H2. (Joes to the 
soutliward, 401-4U3. His operations 



against Charleston, 402, 403. Re- 
moval of, to the northward. Ill, 11, 
Explained his movements to Stony 
Point, 47, Sends despatches to Corn- 
wallis, 421. 

Clinton, James, Colonel, I. 117, Ge- 
neral, wounded, escapes from Fort 
Montgomcrv, 439, 442. Ordered to 
Westl^oint'472. 

Clinton, Fort, British repair, II. 5 ; 538, 
Commanded by Parsons ; the force at, 
308. 

Closter Seven, II. 46. 

Clothing^ troops do not march for want 
of, li. 419. Provided for Virginia 
troops, 487, III. 483. Destitution of, 
134, 137,166,183,485,490,524. From 
France, 161, 422, 483. Bad arrange- 
ments as to, 184. Not brought by 
Paul Jones, 242. Detained by Steu- 
ben, 247. Law in Maryland for seiz- 
ing, 330. Furnished to Lafayette's 
troops by merchants of Baltimore, 
453. 

Clough, Alexander, Major, mortally 
woimded, II. 212, 213, 222, 

Clymer, George, on a committee of 
Congress to remain in Piiiladelphia, 
I. 311, 324. On depending on the 
Pennsylvania Bank for supplies for 
the army, in. 71. 

CocB, David, Aid to the Commander- 
in-chief HI. 345. Delegate to a gene- 
ral meeting of the Cincinnati Societv, 
IV. 59. 

Coinage, IV. 113. 

Collins, John, on a committee to 
Avait on the Commander-in-chief, I 
283. 

Colt, Henry, commander of the army 
of observation, 1. 33. Appointed com- 
missary-general of purcliases, II. 40. 

CombaJiee Jxiver, action on the, IH, 530. 

Commerce, IV, 46, 114, 115, Insuffi- 
ciency of the authority of Congress 
respecting, 46. Treaty of, between 
France and England, 144 ; the Unit- 
ed States and England, 322, 331. 

Committee from Congress to the army, I. 
55, 82. Wanted in the Northern Dc- 
jiartment, 77,481, Recommendations, 
of tlie. adoi»ted, 82. Sent to the Nortli- 
crn Department and gives in>^tructions, 
85. 90, 185, 190, 225, 512. 514. Visits 
New York, 139, 140. 157. Interview 
of, with Howe, 188,456, Appointed to 
transact Continental business in Piiila- 
delphia, 31 1, 324. To i)roeeed to head- 
(|iiarters ami consult on the affairs of 
tlic army, II. 454. To quiet the mu- 
tiny in the IVunsylvania line. III, 194, 
19S ; appoints eommissioncrs to adjust 
their claims, 199. 



524 



GENERAL INDEX 



[Index, 



Commutation, III. 559, IV. 8, 14. Clamor 
against, in Connecticut, 52, 53. i'avor- 
ably received in North Carolina, 71. 
See Half-pay. 

Confederation of the United States, on the 
adoption of the, II. 446. On complet- 
ing the. III. 80, 101, 104, 219. Ver- 
mont joined to the, 492, IV. 167. On 
strengthening the, III. 548. Jealousy of 
the, iV. 48,52. On altering the ninth 
Article of the, 105, 113. Inadequacy 
of the, 126, 131, 137, 155, 160, 173, 
263. Sec Convention. 

Confiscation, on restitution for, IV. 2, 22, 
36, 70. 

Congress, Continental, appoints a com- 
mittee respecting the army, I. 55, 82. 
Committee of, to the Northern Depart- 
ment, 85, 90, 185, 190. Eesolution of, 
as to attacking Boston, 100. Meas- 
ures of, for the defence of Canada, 121, 
129, 188, 225 ; the Middle and South- 
ern States, 123, 130. Orders inquiry 
into the conduct of officers in Canada, 
227. On suppressing insurrections 
and promoting good order and obedi- 
ence to the laws of the States, 236. 
Declaration of Independence by. 256. 
Resolves of. on the treatment of prison- 
ers taken at the Cedars, 258. On 
retaliation, 259, 357, 381. On delegat- 
ing power to fill vacancies, 267. Re- 
solve of, respecting the treatment and 
exchangeof Lee, 311, 322, 357,11. 106. 
At Baltimore and at Philadelphia, I. 
348, 349. Appoints major-generals, 
and neglects Arnold, 355. 357. Votes 
monuments to Warren and Mercer, 
364. On the rank of French officers, 
379. Orders an inquiry into the evacu- 
ation of Ticonderoga,'429, II. 97, 133, 
Adjourns from Lancaster to York- 
town, 1. 437. On compelling prisoners 
to labor on British works, II. 3. Ad- 
journment of to Yorktown, 8. Henry 
Laurens chosen President, 10. See 
Laurens, Henry. Appoints a com- 
mittee to regulate affairs in the army, 
and passes resolves respecting Bur- 
goyne's troops, 66. Resolves of, con- 
cerning Henry Lee, 99. Procrastination 
of business in, 107, 121, 133. On army 
ai'rangements and half-pay for officers, 
107, 111, 119,133,135. On the treaty 
with France, 116, 117, 124. On the 
disagreements of the commissioners 
to France, 117, 133. Lord North's 
Conciliatory Bills, 134, 136 ; and the 
British Commissioners, 136, 141, 142, 
160, 195. On the Confederation, 138 ; 
courts-martial of St. Clair and Lee, 
222; an expedition to Canada, 235. 
Financial acts of, 253, 310, 371. 412, 



420, 423, 424, 446, 447, 476. John Jay 
elected President, 268. Disagreement 
of, with States, 272, 280. Marine com- 
mittee of, 283. Convention broken by 
Burgoyne, 331, Territory claimed by 
Virginia, 364. Discussion in, respect- 
ing Greene, 428. Relation of, to the 
arm V, 476. Its powers, 476. Factions 
in, III. 88, 103, 145, 158. Its early false 
estimate of the power and persever- 
ance of the enemy, 115. Washington's 
influence in, 150. Improvement of its 
character, 169. Committee of, to sup- 
press the mutiny in the Pennsylvania 
line, 194: 198. Duties laid by, to de- 
fray the expenses of the year 1781, 219. 
Appoints officers for the great depart- 
ments, 243, 253. Huntington resigns 
and McKean is chosen President, 352. 
Proposes to retaliate for the treat- 
ment of prisoners at St. Augustine, 
388. John Hanson elected President, 
439. Approves the conduct of Lafay- 
ette's troops, 451 , 452, Passes resolves, 
and grants Lafayette permission to 
return to France, 452. States indif- 
ferent to the requisitions of, 466. On 
the exchange of Coniwallis, 480. Mes- 
sage to, by Carleton, 521. Movements 
in, respecting the public debt, 554, IV. 
7. Embarrassments of, respecting reso- 
lutions from the army, 10, 15, 21, 24. 
Commutation of half-pay by, 14, 21, 
Insufficiency of the authority of, 46, 48, 
52, 69, 78, 148, 152, 153. See Confede- 
ration. Jealousy of, 48, 52. Absence 
of delegates from, 62, 104, 132, 162, 
166. Improved character of, 87, 92. 
On the sale of the western territory, 
101-103, On the Connecticut cession 
of western territory, 132. On the pro- 
posed treaty with Spain, 138, 140, 167, 
174. Discussion respecting the treaty 
of peace, 162; and the General Con- 
vention. 162, 177. Passes an ordinance 
for a temporary government beyond 
the Ohio, 1 74, On a future seat for, 
195, 231, 232,291, 

Congress under the Federal Constitu- 
tion, first assembling of the, IV, 251, 
254. Power of the Executive to change 
the place of its meeting, 441. 

Connecticut, I. 2, Supplies and rcenforce- 
ments from, 5, 10, 37. Troops of, will 
not serve but under their own officers, 
69, 109. Troops from, to defend New 
York, 107, 173. Treatment of Schuy- 
ler by. 109. Aids Lee in fortifying 
New York, 1 1 9, 1 20, 1 24, 1 35, Troops 
raised in, 125,135, 137, 138, 142, 269. 
Spirit of the people, 135, 137, 142. 
On a cession of Avcstcrn land by, IV. 
132. 



No. Ill] 



GENERAL INDEX. 



525 



Connecticut Assrmhli/, iinanimity in die, 

I. 103. Acts of the, for raisinj; and 
equipping one fourth part of the militia, 
103; against loyalists. 104; for pro- 
viding armed vessels, 104. ^Misunder- 
standing in the, as to eight battalions 
of infantry, 11.293. Adoi)ts the new 
plan of finance, 447. Provisions voted 
bv the. III. 313. Reflections on the, 
351, 356. Jealous of Congress, IV. 52. 

Connecticut militia, I. 103, 417, 441. Or- 
dered to cooperate with Count d' Es- 
taing, II. 341. 

Connolly, John, in close custody, I. 
89. Sends letters to Detroit, 130. 'Co- 
lonel, III. 318. Conduct of, respecting 
the navigation of the Mississippi, IV. 
248. Measures for apprehending, 252. 

Constitution, Fed'era/, reception of, by the 
people, IV. 178; in Massacluisetts, 
178, 182, 186. 201-209, 211, 212, 222, 
243 ; New Jersev, 178, 183, 243 ; Con- 
necticut, 178, i82, 200, 243; Virginia, 
178, 185, 191, 193, 194, 202.221,225- 
227, 240, 293 ; Rliode Island, 182, 233, 
243; Pennsvlvania, 183, 243; New 
York, 189, 227, 230, 235, 243; Mary- 
land, 197, 213, 214, 243; New Hamp- 
shire, 211, 219, 224, 225,243; Ken- 
tuckv, 213; South Carolina, 213, 214, 
221 ;' Delaware, 243; North Carolina, 
297. 

Constitution, Fort, sloops, boats, and mili- 
tia ordered to. I. 261. On maintaining, 
418. British take possession of, II. 
538, 540. Demolislied, 5. On throw- 
ing a boom across the river and erect- 
ing batteries near, 30, 60. 

Convention, at Annapolis, IV. 131, 157. 

Convention for revising the Articles of 
Confederation, ])roposed, IV. 131, 154, 
157. Discussion in Congress respect- 
ing it, 162. Appointments to the, 163, 
165. Favorable opinions respecting 
the, 172, 182. Its results, 177. 

Convention Troops, II. 13, 16, 45, 48. 
Glover cliarged with tlieir embarka- 
tion, 49, 72, 532. Their mardi and 
the charges on tlieir wav to Cam- 
bridge, 72. Desert, 299, 324, III. 97, 
142, 144, 154. On cx<hanging the, 

II. 331, 382, III. 59, 96. Tayhn's 
regiment of guards to the, II. 360. 
lihind's command of, 369. Instruc- 
tions to Clinton respecting them, 3S2. 
Correspondence between Ikirgoync 
and Gates on the resolves of Congress, 
respecting them, 531. 532. 

Conway, TnoM.vs, Major-deneral. II. 
10; or adjutant-general, 11, 44. In 
the Northern Department, 74, 94, 

Comnuja Cabal, II. 239, 252, 269, 
366. 



Cooke, Nicholas, Goveraor of Rhode 
Island, I. 1, 17, 34. On sending to Ber- 
muda for powder, 27, 30, 34, 36, 50. 
"Wants a detachment from the main 
army, 98, 193. On supplies to the 
enemy at Newport, 131. On votes of 
the Congress, and fortifying Newport, 
192. On the evacuation of Long 
Island, 283. On filling up the army 
and giving to slaves their liberty. II. 78. 

Cooper, Samuel, of Boston, L 72. 

CoRiUN, Richard, IV. 240. 

CoRNPLANTER, an Indian chief, IV. 
367,379. 

CoRNWALLis, Earl, I. 163. Returns to 
New York, II. 213. North Carolina 
threatened by, 491. Successes and posi- 
tion of, at the South, III. 66, 75, 108. 
Advances into North Carolina, 123. 
Retreats towards Camden, 138. 141. 
At Weymsborough, 167, 190. 217. Pro- 
position by, for exchange of prisoners, 
168. His pursuit of Greene and his 
troops, 225, 234, 236, 245, 251, 252. 
Force under, 227, 234, 242, 266, 325, 
370. Issues a Proclamation, 245. Pur- 
sued by Greene, 254, 257, 282 ; 306, 309. 
Lafayette's operations respecting, 320, 
347. Joined by Arnold and reen- 
forced from New York, 325, 333. 
Lands at York, and Gloucester, 366, 
380,390. Closely confined, 390. British 
eftbrts to relieve, 421. Terms of his 
caj)itulation approved by Congress, 
434. On exchanging for Laurens, 
480. 

COUTLANDT, PlIlLIP, Coloucl. 1.417. 

In the Northern Department, 427. To 
join the main army, II. 42. Conse- 
(pienccs of the dej)arture of his regi- 
ment, 299. Lieutenant-Governor of 
New York, 472, 473. Dilliculty be- 
tween Livingston and, as to rank, 551. 
In the expedition against Cornwallis, 

III. 399. 

CoLcbnija, ])lundcr. III. 102. 

Cowpcns, III. 236. 

Cox, Mr., Quarter-master, II. 274, 275. 

CoxE, Colonel. I. 313. 

Craio, Captain, in an expedition 
against Indians, III. 455. 

CuAJiAiife, Arnold's summons to, I. 
483. 

Crank, Colonel, II. 359, III. 27.5. 

Crann/ Islcind, on fortifying, I. 1S3. 

Crawkmm), William, Cdloiiel. com- 
mander of an expedition against San- 
dusky, III. 510. Defeat* (1 and tor- 
tured' to death, 516, 523. On retalia- 
tion for, 523. 

Cukvr.iii.ru, IIi:ctou St. John dp, 

IV. 172, 182. 



526 



ge:n^eral index. 



[IXDEX, 



Crockett, Colonel, to guard British 
Conventioners, III. 142. 

Crosby, Captain, dangerously wound- 
ed near Green Spring Farm,' III. 349. 

Crown Point, troops at, I. 9. Advance 
of Montgomery from, 28 ; of others, 
186. On fortifying, 232, 239. Sick- 
ness at, 235. Eetreat of the enemy 
from, 548. Enemy at, and in the 
neighborhood of. III. 134, 337. 446. 

Cumberland Settlements, Indian hostility 
to, IV. 403-405. 

CusHiNG, Colonel, discontent among 
his men, II. 516, 520. Marches to 
Stillwater, 517. 

Cdttixg, John B., accounts of, for 
liberating impressed seamen, IV. 
396. 

D. 

Dalrtmple, General, British com- 
missioner for exchange of prisoners, 
III. 496. 

Damas, a French officer, visits "Wash- 
ington, III. 148. 

Dana, Francis, Delegate in Congress, 
II. 137. Aid of, in the new army ar- 
rangements, 138. Delegate to the 
General Convention, IV. 166. 

Davidson, General, of North Carolina 
militia, III. 110, 190, 226. 

Davis, Thomas, Captain, I. 5. 

Dayton, Elias, Colonel, I. 548, III. 6. 

Deane, James, Indian interpreter. I. 
392. 

Deane, Silas, I. 351. Recommends 
Marquis Armand, 376. On rank of 
French officers, 378. His agreement 
with French engineers, 407, 408, 410. 
Robert Morris and, IV. 20. 

Deane, Simeon, II. 116, 133. 

Dearborn, Henry, Lieutenant-Colo- 
nel, III. 360. 427-429. 

Dechamheaiu I. 199, 208,213,514,518, 
532. 

Decker''s Point, detachment against, II. 
381. 

Dehaas, John Philip, Colonel in 
Canada, I. 209, 214, 216. 217, 218,520, 
524. Kept from Sorel, 216, 242. 
Sickness in his regiment, 233. 

Dehart, Lieutenant, mortally wound- 
ed, IIL 40. 

Dejean, on parole, II. 361. 

Delap, Major, I. 548. 

Delaval. Captain. IL 320. 

Delaware, details of affairs in, I. 443, II. 
46, 77. Supplies for the army taken 
from, 77. Annexed to the Southern 
Department, III. 139. 

Delaware militia, called out, I. 443. Or- 
dered to the main army, III. 15. 

Delaware River, machines to be sunk 



there, I. 75. Measures for fortifying, 
381, 385, 424. 

Desertions, encouraged, I. 378. Effect 
of the leniency of the Commander-in- 
chief's publications respecting, II. 
53. Difficulty of apprehending desert- 
ers in Delaware, 77. Frequent, 144- 
146. Hessian, from the Convention 
Troops, 299. Numerous American, 
391. British, 550. Pardoned by 
Heath, III. 13. Lincoln and Stark, 
on pardoning, 232. 284. Of fifty from 
Wayne's troops, IV. 404. See Con- 
vention Troops. 

Destouches, Chevalier. III. 250. 

Detroit, I. 89, 130. Expeditions to, pro- 
posed, II. 350, 394. 437. Fortifica- 
tions at, 400. Measures for obtaining 
information as to, 459. On reducing 
and holding, IIL 100,475. Draught of 
the works of, brought by Bawbee, 165. 
Clark's proposed expedition against, 
176. 324, 456. The force at, 474. See 
Brodhead. 

Dexter, Samuel, recommended for 
the commission relative to the British 
treaty, IV. 479. 

Dickinson, Philemon, General, I. 
275. Commander of New Jersey 
militia, 432, 434. His attack on Sta- 
ten Island, II. 23, 49. Pursues the 
British across New Jersey, 146, 148. 
Movements of, during the mutiny in 
the Pennsylvania line. III. 205. 

DiGBY, Robert, Admiral, arrival of, 
IIL 421. 

DiGGES, Lieutenant-Governor of Virgi- 
nia, on parole, III. 333. 

DiMON, Lieutenant-Colonel, I. 417. 

Dobhs''s Ferry, enemy at, 1. 301. Removal 
of stores from, 302. Enemy march 
from, 305. 

Dorchester, Lord, (Sir Guy Cai'leton) 
disposition of respecting the naviga- 
tion of the Mississippi,"lV. 249. On 
granting to him permission to march 
troops through the United States 
against the Spanish in Louisiana, 347, 
350. 

Douglas, Captain, I. 44. Major, 119. 

Drake, Colonel, L 159, IL 253. 

Drayton, William Henry, drafts 
charges against officers for evacuating 
Ticonderoga, II. 132. On the battle 
of Monmouth, 153. 

Dresden, petition from a convention at, 
to secure Canada, III. 68. 

Drummond, Lord, on terms offered by 
England, I. 127. Letter of, stopped, 
165. 

Duane, James, I. 252, II. 444. On the 
siege of Charleston, 445 : money mat- 
ters and the Confederation, 446. On 



No. III.] 



GENERAL INDEX. 



527 



the army and its new an-anrjcmcnts, 

III. 92. U 3. On the prospects for 1781, 
169. Sends the freedom of Trenton to 
Washington, IV. 85. Decision bv, 85. 

Dubois, Colonel, I. 331, 414,' .508. 
Wounded ; escapes from Fort Montgo- 
mery, 442, II. 59, 539, 541. Defends 
posts on Hudson's liiver, 59. 

DuBUYSSOX, Lieutenant-Colonel, aid 
to De Kalb, III. 75, 99. 

Due HE, Jacob, an Episcopal clergy- 
man, letter of, to Washington, I. 448, 
II. 40. 

DucouDRAY, on the fortifications on 
the Delaware, I. 381. Proposal of. for 
a camp between Wilmington and Phi- 
ladelphia. 433. 

DuER, William, on a committee of 
the New York Convention, I. 330. On 
an inquiry into the Ticonderoga affair, 
II. 97, 98. 

DuGGAX, Colonel, L 215. 

Dumas, on continuing, at the Hague, 

IV. 393. 

DuNMORE, Lord, L 64, 65, 83, 88, 122, 

224, II. 488, 505. 
DupoRTAiL, Chevalier, L 407, 408, 

II. 337. Calculates forces for North 

River, 353. On the surrender of 

Charleston, 450. 
DuRKEE, Colonel, I. 105, 417. 
DwiGiiT, Timothy, II. 81. 



E. 



Easton', James, Colonel, I. 45, 475, 
493, 508. 

Eden, Robert, Governor, seizure of 
his papers, L 203, II. 494, 496. On 
the reconciliation of Great Britain and 
America, 108. 

Edex, William, British commission- 
er, II. 109, 136. 

Edlsto, British vessels at, II. 401, 402. 
Debarkation there, 402. 

Edward, Fort, L 186, 394, 396. 397; 
II. 514, 517, 524. Evacuated, IH. 122. 

Edwards, Joxathax. receives advance 
])ay for Indians, I. 253. 

Edwakds, Major, rei)ulses tlic enemy, 
II. 380. Attacks the enemy near 
Green Spring Farm, III. 348. 

EUzahrllitown, II. 388, 389, 392. Meet- 
ing of commissioners at, for exchange 
of prisoners. III. 496, 501. 

Elliot, Andrew, liritish commis- 
sioner for exchange of prisoners, 111. 
496. 

Elmobk. Samuel, Colonel. I. 270. 

Ely, Major, accompanies Huntington 
to Long Ishmd, I. 281. 

Emjiw rrs, oYiWwixncii of Louis for, trans- 
\ latcd, I. 406. Sent over by Franklin 



and Dcanc, 407,408. Taken into ser- 
vice, 407. Their rank and pay, 407, 
408, 410, II. 497. Wanted by Lee, 499. 

Enlistments and reenlistmcnts, I. 50, 91, 99, 
103, 494. In Connecticut, 135, 142, 
254^ In the Southern States, 150. 
Evils of short, 348, 361, 519. After 
the battle of Trenton, 317. Difficuhies 
respecting, in Virginia, 361, II. 21, 126, 
230, 360. In Pennsylvania, 69, 479. 
Of slaves, in Rhode Island, 78. In 
Maryland, 84. Additional bounty for, 
in Virginia, 107, 230. Lee on, 215. 
In Connecticut, 293. In Massachu- 
setts, 443, 462, 477. In Delaware, 
III. 14. In Pennsylvania, 20. In 
Virginia, 73, 292. Action of Congress 
respecting, 114. In New England, 
after the revolt in the Pennsylvania 
line, 224. For a limited period, 224. 
In New Hampshire, 385, 534. Money 
for, to be provided by the States, 468. 
For suppressing the Pennsylvania in- 
surrection, IV. 461. 

Exos, Roger, Colonel, I. 47. Leaves 
Arnold, 92, 476. 

Eppes, Fraxk, II. 483. 

EsTAixG, Count d', IL 155 - 159. Ef- 
forts of, to debark, 157 ; to pass Sandy 
Hook, 158, 171. Sails for Rhode 
Island, 160, 166. Interview of, with 
Greene, 173,178-180,184. Visited 
by Lafayette, 174, 178. Pursues the 
British fleet, 175. Driven off and in- 
jured bv a storm. 176, 180, 183. Sails 
for Boston, 178, 180, 182, 186, 198. 
Effects of the arrival of his fleet, 182 ; 
of its departure for Boston, 185,188, 
190, 195, 203. His interviews at Bos- 
ton, 199, 207. Departure of, 237. Pro- 
jects in case of his return, 309, 341, 344. 
Operations of, against Savannah, 338. 
Gone to Europe, 363. 

Ettweix, Joiix, on the INIoravians, II. 
87. 

Eustace, Aid to General Lee, I. 153, 
203, 224, 322. 

Eustis, II. 216. 

Eutaio Springs, action at. III. 407, 430. 

Exjn-csscs, establishment of, l)y Congress. 
I. 221. Line of, from the south, II. 
470. To the army, 471. 



F. 



Eiirfuld, surprised bv the enemy. IL 
294. 

Fairly, Major, IV. 121. 

Edhnnut/i, burning of, by Mowal, I. 71, 
76, 122. 

Fay, Joskpii, II. 260. Major, nego- 
tiates nn exchange of prisoners, III. 
443, 446. 



528 



GENERAL INDEX. 



[Index, 



Febiger, Christian, Colonel. III. 450. 

Federalist, 2'he, a Avork on the Constitu- 
tion, by James Madison, John Jay, 
and Alexander Hamilton, IV. 194. 

Tergusox, Adam, secretary of the 
commissioners for carrying iHto effect 
the Conciliatory Bills, II. 136. 

Fermoy, General. I. 403. 

Feav, Colonel, III. 190, 191. 

Finances, xhnerican, II. 27 1 . Movements 
on, in Congress. 309, 371, 373, 412, 
423, 446, 476. Sad condition of the, 
378, 412, 420. New plan of, adopted 
by Connecticut and Massachusetts, 
447. Morris chosen financier. III. 
243. Improvement in, 353. See Pay, 
Public Credit, and Puhlic Debt. 

Fish, Nicholas, Major, I. 341. 

FiSHBOURX, Major, at the battle of 
Monmouth, 11. 151, III. 193, 197. 

Fisheries, American, II. 280, 310, 311, 
III. 552. IV. 1. 

Fishki/l, II. 15, 319, 320, 473. 

FiTZHDGH, William, II. 329, 332. 

Flags and flag-boats, tl, 62. To pass 
once a month, 243. Suspected and dis- 
couraged, 369. 

Florida, on recovering fugitives to, IV. 
385. 

Flying- Camp, formation of the, I. 257, 
274, 275, 286. 

FoLSOM, Nathaniel, on a committee 
for regulating the army, II. 67. 

Foreign Affairs, Jay chosen secretary 
of, IV. 87. 

Foreign debt, II. 234, 235. See Public 
debt. 

Forest, M. de la, IV. 417, 418. 

Forestalling. II. 330. See Speculators. 

FoRMAX, General, II. 148. 

Foster, Bexjamix, I. 102. 

Foster, Captain, I. 220. At the Ce- 
dars. 258, 522. On the agreement with, 
290, 521. 

Fox's Mills, enemy routed at. III. 131. 

Finance, application to, for aid, I. 163. 
Arrival of arms from, 358. Treaty of, 
with the United States, II. 116,' 117, 
124. Laui'cns, on borrowing money 
from, 234. Promise of arms and am- 
munition from, 384. Laurens sent to, 
to solicit aid, III. 140. Supplies and 
money from, 286, 379, 422, 483. Ship 
voted to the King of, 531. Calonne's 
plan of Provisional Assemblies in, IV. 
169, 199. Progress of liberal ideas 
in, 255, 284, 310, 321, 376. Near to 
anarchy, 270. On a commercial trea- 
ty with, 311, 313, 322. Proceedings 
of the National Assembly of, 344. 
National Guard of, 345. Constitution 
for, 373, 374, 376, 377. On payments 
to, by shipments to Hispaniola, 383, 



384, 415. On further payments to, 
419, 421, 425. See French, Lafay- 
ette, Laurexs, and Luzerxe. 

Fraxcis, Colonel, I. 253. 

Fraxklix, Bexjamix, I. 55, 82, 185, 
511, 513. Visits Braintree, 72. His 
row-galleys, 75, 76. On Belton's pro- 
position to destroy the enemy's ships, 
263. Commissioner to meet British 
commissioners, 289. His engagement 
of French engineers, 407, 408, 411, 
His recommendation of Chastellux, 
II. 417. Agencv of, in France, III. 

.268, 269. 285, ^379. Returns from 
France, IV. 110. His grandson, 110. 

Fraser, Simox, General, 1.227, 11. 522, 

Frazer, Major, I. 204. Attempts the 
surprise of Marion, and is repulsed, 
in. 538. 

Frederic the Second, lOng of Prus- 
sia, IV. 429. 

Fredericksburg, stores at, II. 487. 

Freire, Chevalier de, Minister from 
Spain to the United States, IV. 356, 357. 

Frexch, Christopher, Major, at Que- 
bec, L 266. 

French armij, II. 17 5. Under Rocham- 
beau, arrives at Newport, III. 12, 28 
On speedy cooperations Avith the, 51, 
65. Junction of the, with the Ameri- 
can, 363. 

French fleet, under Count d'Estaing, IL 
155, 455. From Brest, 456. Under 
Ternay, arrives at Newport, III. 12, 
28. Measures for effecting a junction 
of the two squadrons, 54. Expect- 
ed in the Chesapeake to act against 
Portsmouth, 265. Under DeGrasse, 
270. Encounters the British off the 
Capes, 271. Second division of the, 
341. See EsTAixG, Grasse, Ro- 
chambeatj, and Terxat. 

Frye, Joseph, Brigadier- General, I. 
125. 

Fugitives, on the delivery of, IV. 385. 

Fulton, Robert, on canals, IV. 496. 



Gadsdex, Christopher, treatment of, 
at St. Augustine, III. 376. Facts re- 
specting, 377. 

Gage, Thomas, General, I. 471. 

Galloavay. Joseph, I. 363, II. 56. 

Galpiiix. John, of the Creek Nation, 
IV. 277, 279, 282. 

Galvan, Major, II. 384, 470, IIL 301, 
303. Attacks the front of the enemy, 
348. 

Galvez, Don Bernardo de, IIL 414. 

Gansevoort, Colonel, I. 548, II. 135, 
472. To protect the country near 
Crown Point, 134. 



I 



No. Ill] 



GENERAL INDEX 



529 



Gardoqui, Dox Diego. CJiarg^ d'af- 
faires from Spain, III. 378, IV. 112, 
187, 248. 300. 
Gates, Horatio, Major-General, I. 
7, 59, 84. 137, 141, 203. Arrival of, 
at Congress, 205. Detached to Cana- 
da, 225, 239^ 241, 251. Ilis arrival in 
tlie Northern Department, 426, 427, 

II. 533. On the condition of affairs, 
I. 427. 437. His instructions to Ar- 
nold, 535. On the retreat of tlie Bri- 
tish from Crown Point, 548. His des- 
patches to Cono-ress on the defeat of 
Burgoyne, II. 13. H?.J objections to 
reenforcino- the main army. 27, 32, 38. 
On oliserving the terms of Burgoyne's 
capitulation, 48. Api)oiuted to the 
Board of AVar, 60, 67. Takes post 
at White Plains, 144. Marches to 
Hartford, 349, 359^ Unfriendly to the 
Commander-in-chief, 367, III. 280. 
Ordered to the Southern Department, 
11.477. On the promotion of Morgan, 

III. 29. Defeated at Camden, 66,' 73, 
76, 107, 108, 188. His distresses for 
provisions and transportation, 139. 
Inquiry into his conduct, 165, 168, 
280, 3*19, 420, 529. Invited to join 
the army. 528. 

Gexet, Minister of the French Re- 
public, IV. 425. Successor to, 432, 
439. On seizing his papers, 439. 

Geneva, on the transfer of the College 
of, to the United States. IV. 465. 

Georfjc, Yort. J. 7, 110,189, 393, 396, 
399. Abandoned and burnt, II. 514. 
Surrender of. III. 133, 442. 

Geonje, Lake. I. 6. Bateaux at, 223, 224. 

Georffia, troops to be raised by, I. 131. 
Mcintosir.-^ accounts of, 148, 168. Mo- 
ravians in. II. 90. Excursion from St. 
Augustine into, 242. Troops of for 
defending Charleston, 346 ; fur defend- 
ing itself, 347. Exposed and import- 
ant, 504, 506, 508. On recovering, 
III. 52,64, 188. Militia of, to join 
Morgan, 190. Exjjosed to Inclian 
hostilities, IV. 300. See Samunah. 

GtuAKD, Minister Pknipotintiary from 
France to the United States, II. 158, 
159, 161, 195. Goes to camp, 273, 
279,281. His farewell to the Com- 
mander-in-cl»ief, 335. 

dnimn Flats, 1. 253. Troops at, HI. 
336. 

G'triiiniitnu'n, battle of, I. 445, II. 1. 

(iKKKV, ELHUnxiK. I. 435. ( >n a com- 
mittee for regulating the aft'airs of the 
army, 11.66. Delegate to the Gene- 
ral Convention. IV, 166. lli> olijec- 
tions ti» tiic Constitution, 193, 203. 

\;ilU!S. Major, II. 202. 208. 
j (Jin»oN, .John, Colonel, II. 360, 43S. 

VOL. IV. 45 



439, III. 85, 397. 453. To join Clark, 
323. Commands at Fort Pitt, 324. 
GiMAT, Colonel, III. 301, 344. 426. 
GiRTY, Simon, III. 523, IV. 379. 
Gist, Nathaniel, Colonel, I. 431. II. 
360. General, opposes the enemy at 
Combahee River, III. 530. Takes a 
galley, 538. 

Gloucester, British works at. III. 343. 
British land at, and fortify, 366, 380. 
389. Stores at, taken possession of 
427. Battery left at, 526. 
GlOver, John, General, II. 25. To 
join the main army, 32,33,37, 42. Has 
charge of the Convention Troops, 49, 
72. Asks a dismission, 73 ; 327, 328. 
535. 
GoDDARD, William, proposition of, 
to publish General Lee's manuscripts, 
IV. 105, 443. 

Gordon, George, Lord, letters of, in- 
tercepted, III. 61. 
Gordon, William, IV. 436. 
GoRiiAM, Nathaniel, Delegate to the 

General Convention, IV. 166. 
GouviON, a French engineer, I. 407, 
408. Colonel.Il. 340, 111.81,146,322. 
At Jeffery's Hook, 159. Despatched 
to the French squadron and to Steu- 
ben's camp, 249, 251, 255. 
Graham, Mr. and Mrs. Catharine 

Macaulay. IV. 100, 138, 283. 
Graham, Colonel, II. 144, 168. 
Grasse, Count de, III. 270. On co- 
operating with, 341, 342 -344, 368, 392. 
398, 400, 401, 406, 436. Arrival of, 
401,406; 419,431. Defeat of, in the 
West Indies, .506. 507, 513. 
Graves, Admiral, III. 35, 36, 54. Ex- 
pected to relieve Cornwallis, III. 421. 
Gray, Ebenezer, Colonel, defeats the 
enemy's attempt on Bahway, II. 391. 
Grayson, William, Colonel, I. 184. 
Collecting a regiment in Virginia, 
362. On the sale and cession of west- 
ern lands, IV. 102, 132. On the re- 
fusal to surrender the western posts. 
133. 

(heat Britain, excitement in. on the 
treaty with France, 11.118. Refusal 
])y, of the mediation of Spain. 333. 
Disturbances and troubles in. III. 173. 
On the sending of a minister from, to 
the United States. IV. :{2."). 3,JI. 352. 
DitVuidty between Spain and, 337, 
347. 349. On taking i)art in it, 347, 
349. On sending a minister to, 351. 
Aggressions by, on the eastern and 
northern frontiers, 364. Appointment 
of an envoy extraordinary to, 448. 
452. Hufus King, minister plenipo- 
tentiiuv to, 491. War between Spoia 
and. 491. 



530 



GENERAL INDEX. 



[IXDEX, 



Greaton, John, Colonel, at Sorel, I. 
218, 512. 

Green Spring Farm, action near. III. 
347. 

Greene. Christopher, Colonel, in 
the expedition to Quebec, I. 47,48. At 
the Fort at Red Bank, II. 3. Reen- 
forces Fort Mifflin, 8. His brave de- 
fence of the fort at Red Bank, 12. On 
the state of fortifications on the De- 
laware, 43. At Hartford, 359. At 
Butts's Hill, III. 36, 42. 
Greene, Nathanael, General, I. 206. 
On Long Island, 263. On milita- 
ry operations, 297-304. Dissatisfied 
Avith his orders to Lee, 306. Has a 
separate command in New Jersey, 
352. Appointed as quarter-master, 
II. 95, 163, 274. Despatched to Count 
d'Estaiug, 173, 178; to Providence, 
174. On the forces and fortifications 
in Rhode Island, 188. On the battle 
and retreat, 192. Application of, to 
resign as quarter-master, 273, 279. 429. 
On the deplorable condition of his de- 
partment. 371, 405, 424, 426. Cen- 
sures the views of the army by Con- 
gress, 424. Altercations in Congress 
respecting, 428. On combined opera- 
tions against New York, 455. On 
public explanations for movements 
of the army. III. 46. His resignation 
as quarter-master, 48, 53, 78. To 
command the Southern Army, 116, 
119, 123, 137, 139, 179. On the con- 
dition of the Southern Department, 
137, 150, 166, 191, 207, 214. His 
plans, 138, 140. Notices Morgan's 
victory, 214, 21 7. Pursuit of, by Corn- 
wallis'; his manoeuvres, 225, 233, 236, 
244. Sufferings of his troops, 234, 
465, 490, 524. Pursues Cornwailis, 
254, 257, 282, 291. Reenforced by 
Virginia troops, 258-260, 266, 267, 
278. Unsuccessful in an action with 
Cornwailis, 266. Junction of Lafay- 
ette with, 267, 278. 287, 296, 299. Car- 
ries the war into South Caa-olina, 278, 
287. Before Camden, 307, 309. His 
plans for cooperation against the ene- 
mv. 368, 406. Threatens retaliation 
in the case of Hayne, 393, 431. Bat- 
tle of Eutaw Springs, 407. Sickness 
among his troops, 430, 524, 538. Re- 
enforced, 433, 448, 465, 471, 476, 486 ; 
490. Takes post at Ashley River, 
524, 529.* On the evacuation and for- 
tification of Charleston, 535, 541, IV. 
3. On discontents in the army and 
marching troops to the north, 4, 33, 
37. Complimented with cannon, 51. 
His death. 145. 
Greene, William, Governor, on the 



evacuation of Rhode Island, II. 341. 
On eff'orts to raise troops, III. 8. 

Greenwich, Connecticut^ Colonel Webb 
to take his station at, I. 21, 37. 

Gregory, General, III. 264. On the 
other side of the Dismal Swamp, 365. 
To collect forces and press near to 
Portsmouth, 367. 

Grenville, Lord, IV. 454, 471. 

Griffin, I. 8, 23, 152. Resignation of, 
161. 

Griffin, Cyrus, IV. 203. Commis- 
sioner to neirotiate a treaty with South- 
ern Indians'; 272, 273, 278. 

Groton. Arnold's ravages at, III. 404, 
423, 437. 

GuiCHEN, Count de, IIL 58, 105. 

Guilford Court-House, arrival of troops 
at, IIL 227, 233. Enemy moves to- 
ward, 245, 260. Action at, 66, 283. 



Hague, on continuing Dumas at the, 
IV. 393. 

Haldimand, Frederick, Governor 
of Canada, on delivering up posts 
according to treaty, IV. 39, 41. 

Half-paij for officers, discussed in Con- 
gress, II. Ill, 119, 311. Voted, IIL 
126, 145, Commutation of, 559, IV. 
8, 14, 21. See Commutation, and Offi' 
cers. 

Halifax, inquiries with a view to attack- 
ing. II. 456, 460. Forces at, 460. 
Chart of, 461. Sketch of. obtained, 
IIL 61. 

Halsted, John, Commissary, I. 507. 

Hambleton. Colonel, III. 246. 

Hamilton, Alexander, Aid to the 
Commander-in-chief, IL 24-30, 32- 
38, 42. His letter to Putnam, 39, .549. 
Efforts of, to procure intelligence while 
the British arc crossing New Jersey, 
145, 147, 149. His interview with 
Count d'Estaing, 160, 166. At Great 
Egg Harbor, 337. Meets commis- 
sioners for exchange of prisoners, 415. 
On the movements of Knyphausen 
from Staten Island to Ncav Jersey, 
469. Furnishes Steuben with a plan 
of the arrangement of the army, III. 
126. Desires military distinction, 1 52. 
Recommended for adjutant-general, 
159. His virtues, abilities, and ser- 
vices, 252, 297, 300, 488. Nominated 
secretary of foreign affairs, 253. 
Applies for command, 297, 300. At 
Yorktown, 426. On the continuance 
of, in the army, 488. In Congress ; 
on the discontents of the army, 549, 
IV. 6, 8, 10, 12, 17, 21. On the Pro- 
visional Articles of Peace, 6. On the 



No. ni.] 



GENERAL INDEX. 



531 



public debt and public credit, 19. 
Chairman of a committee for peace 
arrangements, 22. On alterations in 
the Constitution of the Cincinnati So- 
ciety, 121. Delegate to the General 
Convention, 166; 172, 189. On Steu- 
ben's claims and necessities, 189. On 
succors to the French in Hispaniola, 
384, 415. Keplies to calumnies, 406. 
Diticrs from Jefferson respecting tlie 
firing on the Little Sarah, 484. 

Hamilton'. IIexuy, Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor, in jail, II. 322, 336, 361. Not to 
be exchanged. III. 99. 

Hampton, Colonel, attacks the enemy. 
III. 348. 

Hanxock, John, L 55, 176, 205. On 
the attack on GermantoAvn, II. 1. He- 
signs the presidency of Congress, 8, 
18. Escort for, 9, 18. Aids d'Estaing 
and urges his return to Newport, 189. 
Visited by d'Estaing and Lafayette, 
I99J207. On arms lodged in camp 
fofthe benefit of the United States, 
III. 149. His letter to the Command- 
er-in-chief on his retiring from the 
army, IV. 49. Favors the adoption 
of the Constitution, 186, 205. Pre- 
sides over the Convention for the 
adoption of the Constitution, 205. 
Tenders hospitalities to the President, 
289. 

Hand, Edward, Colonel, I. 302. Ge- 
neral, 431, III. 159. 

Hansox, Joiix, President of Congress, 
III. 439. 

Jlarhors, plan for executing the law to 
fortify, IV. 446. 

IIaudix, Colonel, IV. 404, 405. 

Haumak, Lieutenant-Colonel, attacks 
tlie enemy near Green Spring Farm, 
III. 348. General; expedition of, 
against Indians, IV. 399. 

Jfannar, Fort, treaty at, IV. 399. 

IIakhis. Jamks, manager of the James 
Hiver Company. IV. 129. 

Hauuisox, Bkn.jamin, on a committee 
to visit the army, I. 55, 82. Chosen 
Speaker of the House, in Virginia, 
11.128. Governor, 111.482. Exertions 
of, to raise men. 483. On shares of Po- 
tomac" and .lames liivcr Companies, 
voted to \Vasliiiigt<m, IV. 57,89. His 
reelection to the chair, 119. 

Jlar/J'urd, meeting of the Fniich and 
Ameriean commanders at, HI. 90. 
Commissioners to meet tlie conven- 
tion at. 136. 

Haskkm.. Major, IV. 243. 

Hawkins, Hi;N.rA.Mix, on acts of North 
Carolina, IV'. 70. Indian vocabulary 
ly. 165. His vote ; takes a retro>i»ei t 
of Indian allair-;, 39S. 



Hawley, Joseph, I. 229. 

Hay, Udxey, Colonel, I. 262, 393, IIL 

81. 
Hay, Major, in confinement, II. 361, 

III. 99. 
Hayxe, Isaac, Colonel, executed by 

the cnemv, and retaliation threatened, 

III. 393, 431, 448, .533. 
Hazelwood, Joiix, Commodore, II. 

12, 20. On cooperation between the 

fleet and army, 18, 19. 
Hazex, Moses, Colonel, I. 240, 515, 

533. Refuses to take charge of goods 

sent from Montreal by Arnold, 528. 

Commended, 510, 511, II. 257, 388, 

III. 399. Ordered to Caghnawaga, 

337, 339. Mutiny in his regiment, 
337. 

Head of Elk, Lafayette's march to. III. 
248, 254, 255. Stores deposited at, 
394, 398. 

Heath, William, Major-General, I. 
276, 307. Summons Fort Independ- 
ence to suiTcnder. and retreats, 328, 
332, 333, 337. Censured, 332, 336, 

338. On providing for the Convention 
Troops, II. 16. Visited by Count 
d'Estaing and Lafayette, 199. His 
march to Peekskill, 325, 327. On 
bounties for recruits, 443. On forces 
at Halifax, 460; and Penobscot, 461. 
Eff'orts of, in the recruiting service, 462. 
Takes command at West Point, III. 
117. Mission of, to Connecticut for 
supplies, 312. 

Heckewelder, Joiix, II. 439, III. 
63, 85. 

Hexry, Patrick, L 361, II. 20, 52. 
On movements against Indians, 261. 
On Washington's accepting shares in 
the Potomac and James River com- 
panies, IV. 93. Declines the mission 
to the General Convention, 168. Op- 
poses the Constitution, 185, 226, 240. 
Proposes another General Convention, 
241. 

Henkv, Lieutcnant-Cohmcl, bravery of, 
on Kliode Island, II. 193. 

Hekkimeu, General, Sir John John- 
son and, I. 427, II. 518 

JUrki'mn; Fort, III. 134. 

J/i')itii(/loir>i, skirmish near. II. 211, 223. 

Heut/.bero, Comtc de, IV. 428. 

Jlessiiius, engaged by ti>e British. I. 172, 
201, 515. On exchanging for Lee; 
322. 323. At Fort Independence. 328. 
On Kliode Island and under Hur- 
goyiie, 334, II. 512. On Stntcn 
Island, I. 419. Captured at IJonning- 
ton, 425, II. 522. Desert, 299, 324, 
III. 97. 142. 

Hkth. William, Captain, to accom- 
pany Clark, 111. 323. 



532 



GENEKAL INDEX, 



[IXDEX, 



HiGGiNSOX, Stephen, recommended 
as commissioner relative to the Bri- 
tish treaty, IV. 479. 

Highlands, guarded, I. 141, 273, 307. 
Should be taken possession of, 296. 
Recnforcements for the, 371, 376. 
Apprehensions for the, 418, II. 536- 
538. Passes in the, taken possession 
of, by General Parsons, 5. Evacuated. 
544, 546. 

Hispaniola, shipments to, from tlie 
United States on account of Prance, 
IV. 382 - 385. Application for further 
aid to, 415. 

Hitchcock, Colonel, I. 305, 310. 

Hobby, Major, I. 40, 119. 

HoGAN, General, arrives at Charleston, 
II. 404. 

Holland, III. 285, IV. 92, 101, 109, 
339. 

Hood, Admiral, III. 531. 

Hopkins, Ezekiel, Commodore, I. 
189. On attacking British ships in 
the Sound, 293. 

HopKiNsoN, Pkancis, ou Duche's let- 
ter to Washington, II. 40. 

HosMER, Titus, II. 197. 

IIouDON. M., his merits and works; 
statue of Washington by, IV. 84, 106, 
107. 

Howard, Lieutenant-Colonel, III. 227. 

Howe, Lord, commissioner to effect a 
:reconciliation, 1. 153, 287. Anchors in 
Chesapeake Bav, 429. Pursuit of, by 
Count d'Estaing, IL 175, 177, 183. 
Arrival of, 202, 205. 

Howe, Robert, Brigadier- General, I. 
161, 165, 241, IL 485. Retreats 
from Savannah, 245. Movements of, 
against Verplanck's Point, and re- 
treat, 319 -321. On leaving the com- 
mand at West Point with. III. 2. 

Howe, Sir William, I. Ill, 188. 
Commissioner to effect a reconcilia- 
tion, 287. Conference with, 288, 450. 
On exchange of prisoners, 289. On 
balls cut and fixed to tlie ends of 
nails, 291. His treatment of Lee, 357. 
Express sent to, from Burgoyne, 398. 
Flag sent to, on compelling prisoners 
to labor on British works, II. 3. Re- 
enforcements for, from New York, 16, 
25, 547. Reasons for not attacking, 
63. 

Howland's Fernj, III. 42, 45. 

HowLEY, Richard, Governor of Geor- 
gia, encourages the enlistment of ne- 
groes, III. 515. 

IIuDDY, Joshua, Captain, III. 500, 
506, 519. 

HuGER, Mrs., treatment of, by the Bri- 
tish, IIL 181. 

HuGER, General, III. 312. 



Hughes, Colonel, L 428, IIL 123, 212, 
511. Aid to General Gates, II. 25, 
III. 239. 

Hughs, Major, commander at Fort 
Schuyler, IIL 135. 

Hull, William, Colonel. IIL 193, IV. 
59. 

Humphreys, David, IV. 148. Com- 
missioner to negotiate a treaty with 
Indians, 272-282. Appointments of, 
to Spain, 355-358. Recommends 
Barlow for a negotiator with the grand 
Seignior, 488. 

Humpton, Colonel, in the expedition 
to Bull's Ferry, III. 38. 

Huntington, Benjamin, despatched 
to Long Island, I. 281. 

Huntington, Jedediah, Colonel, I. 
5, 417, II. 308. On a peace establish- 
ment, IV. 27. 

Huntington, Samuel, resigns the 
presidency of Congress, IIL 352. 

Huss, John, first Moravian settlement 
by the followers of, II. 91. 

Hyrne, Major, IIL 218, 448. 



I. 



Illinois, conquest of, II. 261. 

Impost duly. HI. 554. Rejected, IV. 3, 
38. Accepted, 58, 69, 163. 

Impressments, project of, for fitting out 
the Alliance, III. 220, 231. Of horses 
and teams, 238, 331, 351. Of vessels, 
398. Encouraged in the operations 
against Cornwallis, 409. Of American 
seamen in British ports, IV. 396. 

Independence, American, I. 193, 202, 
256. Duche on, 449. Acknowledg- 
ment of; in Prussia, II. 117. Tendency 
of Virginia legislation to secure, 128. 
British commissioners to acknow- 
ledge, 137, 141, 142. On acknowledg- 
ment of, by Great Britain, 279, 310, 
383. Insinuations respecting, 310. 
Overtures for peace must contain an 
acknowledgment of, III. 521. Ac- 
knowledged, IV. 1, 33. 

Independence, Fort, L 299, 328, 332, 
333. 

Independence, Mount, excursion against. 
IL 526, 528, 530, 531, 534. 

Indian affairs, Commissioners for, ap- 
pointed, 15, 252. Hawkins's retro- 
spect on, IV. 398. 

Indian vocabulary, for the Empress of 
Russia, IV. 125, 165. 

Indians, L 12, IL 254, 521. A confer- 
ence with, at Albany, 1,15, 22. Ap- 
prehensions from, 16. Aid of, sought 
by Carlcton, 22. At St. John's, 40, 41, . 

44. At Fort Pitt, come in slowly to >y 



No. m.] 



GENERAL INDEX. 



533 



the commissioners, 66. Coiif^ress on 
employing, 222, 226, 235, 253, 259, 
268. Appreliensions from, in Tryon 
county, II. 255. Employed by Ame- 
ricans, 515. At Frinceton College, 
503. Measures respecting, in a peace 
establishment, IV. 28. On introduc- 
ing husbandry and civilization among, 
360. Injustice to, 399. 

Indians, CatjJinaicaya, I. 44, 220, 463. 

Indians, Canadian, I. 4, 6, 23, 44, 535. 
Friendly and hostile, 220, 462, 463. 
Attack 'Americans, 232. Treatment 
by, of prisoners taken at the Cedars, 
520. La Chine in danger from, 524. 

Indians, Cherokee, I. 431, II. 261. 
Movements against, 507, 509, III. 
237, 247. Meeting of. at Estanaula, 
IV. 402. Friendly, 403. 

Indians, Creek, interviews of, with the 
commissioners for making a treaty, 
IV. 274, 277-279; 315, 318, 403, 404, 
435. Interference of a Spanish agent 
with, 404 ; 435. 

Indians, Delaware, II. 416, 449, IIL 
274. At war with the Senecas, 163. 
Attack on, near Fort Fitt, 502. 

Indians, Florida, I. 149. 

Indians, Mo/u'jan and Stochbridge, I. 
235, 268. 

Indians, Ohio, treaty with, I. 89. 

Indians, Oneida, I. 527, II. 52. 

Indians, :Seneca, III. 163. Fickcring's 
conference with, IV. 358. 

Indians, Shawanesc, II. 437, III. 473. 

Indians, Six Nations, Conference with, 
at Albany. I. 22. Treaty between 
New York and the, IV. 79, 80. Fick- 
ering invited to be su{)crintcndent of 
the, 460. Must not join the western 
Indians, 367. Invited to a meeting, 
367. See Sullivan. 

Indians, Southern, IV. 272-282, 300. 

Indians, Western, movements against, 
and successes, II. 261, 264, 313, 394, 
III. 10, 32. Frobability of their join- 
ing the exi)edition against Detroit, II. 
350. Hostilities and murders bv, 416, 
439,449,458, III. 9, 63, 77, 9*1, 163, 
244,397,466. 501, IV. 367. Combi- 
nation of, with liritish, III. 176. Sec 
Bucjdul; vi>, Clauk, and Sulli- 
van. 

Indiana, ]\'ifav<lot, HI. 32, 91. Expe- 
dition against, 32-34, 77, 85, 120. 
Cununit dcprctlations, IV. 366. 

IxNES, Colonel, III. 304, IV. 481. 

Ikvink, Willi a.m, Colonel, captured, 
I. 218, 525, 531. Hrigadicr-(Jeiunil, 
III. .38, 198. Details the state of af- 
fairs at Fort Fitt, 452,472,501. On 
nn cxpcilition against Detroit, 473 ; 
rt^ainst Sanduskv, 509, 516. 522. 

1 O === 



IsIe-aux-Xoix, 1. 28, 41, 45, 280, 526. 
American troops at, 40, 42, 44. Un- 
healthy, and abandoned, 231, 238,240. 
Enemy's forces at. III. 539. 

Isle-aux-Tctes, I. 536, 539, 540. 

Isle-la-Motte, I. 232, 240, 243, 541. 

IvKRXOis, M. de, proposition of, to 
transplant the college of Geneva to 
America, IV. 465. 

Izard, Ralph, II. 117. 



Jackson, Colonel, IL 26, 14.3, 359,521. 
Fursues the Britshin New Jersey, 147, 
150. Bravery of, on Rhode Island 
193. 

Jamaica, British troops sent to, II. 312. 

James Ricer Company, one hundred 
shares in the, voted to Washington, 
IV. 57, 89, 93, 97, 119, 464. Frogress 
in the business of the, 129. 

Jamesox, John, Major, II. 153. Lieu- 
tenant-colonel, III. 83, 101, 102. 

Jay, John, Fresident of Congress, II. 
268. On invidious treatment of the 
Commander-in-chief, 269. On Arnold's 
project of a settlement in western New 
York, 292. Minister to Spain, III. 
378, 517. Opposed to the Cincinnati 
Society, IV. 61. Secretary of foreign 
affairs, 87. Fublishes cori-espondence, 
128, 130. On future prospects of the 
country, 134, 153. On a General Con- 
vention, 131, 154. On the adoption of 
the Constitution, 227, 228. Envoy 
extraordinary to Great Britain, 452. 
His negotiations, 452, 454, 458, 470. 
Instructions to, respecting neutral 
navigation, 454. His treaty, 470. On 
commissionci-s relative to the trcatv. 
479. 

Jkfferson, Thomas, Governor, on ex- 
peditions and successes against west- 
ern Indians, 313, 394. On confining 
Governor Hamilton, 322, 336, 361. 
On ilags of truce, and Colonel Bland's 
expense's, 369. On tlie defeat of Gates, 
111. 73. On the removal of the Con- 
vention Troops, 124, 129, 142, 154. 
Transmits to the Commander-in-chief 
Leslie's intercepted letter, 143. Re- 
tires from tlie office of governor, 327, 
3:{3. On the cession of western terri- 
tory by Virginia, IV. 62. On west- 
ern inland navigation from tiic Fo- 
tomac River, 63, 108. On the statue 
of Wiushington by Iloudon, 84, 107. 
Minister in France, 87, 143. Value 
of his services, 184, 200, 218. Appoint- 
ed secretary of .state, 305. On Bur- 
clay's mission, and liritish aggressions 
on the boundaries, 363. Excursion of, 



534 



GENERAL INDEX, 



[Index, 



to Lake Champlain, 374. On the de- 
livery of fugitives, 385. Letters of, 
published without his sanction, 408, 
482. On paying the salaries of French 
consuls, 418. Reasons of, for declin- 
ino- Genet's proposition respecting the 
debt to France, 425. On transferring 
10 the United States the college of 
Geneva, 4G5. Never Avrites for the 
public papers, 483. On crops, 485. 

Jenifer, Uamel of St. Thomas, I. 
245, III. 3. 

Johnson, Guy, Colonel, I. 7, 24, 41. 

Johnson, Sir John, I. 383, 427, II. 
515. Pursuit of, after the action at 
Fox's Mills, III. 132. Forces under, 
133. 

Johnson, Sir William, hostility of, 
I. 15. Protects a sheriff, 16. Son of, 
killed, 44. Incursion by, II. 474. 

Johnson, Thomas, on the condition 
of Maryland and the Constitution, 
IV. 19.5": 

Johnson, Colonel, despatched to Mount 
Independence, II. 526, 528-530, 536 ; 
to Philadelphia respecting the mutiny- 
in the Pennsylvania line, III. 193. 

Johnston, Francis, Colonel, II. 71. 

Johnstone, George, GoA-ernor, com- 
missioner for carrying into effect Lord 
North's Bills, II. 136. Letters bv, 136, 
141, 195, 221. 

Jones, Daniel, a British major-gene- 
ral, II. 122. 

Jones, Joseph, II. 476. On coopera- 
tion with the French forces. III. 51. 
On a resignation in the army, 78. On 
parties in Congress, 103. On discus- 
sions respecting the public debt, 554, 
IV. 34. 

Jones, Paul, III. 161, 242. Goes to 
Europe, IV. 192. In the Russian ser- 
vice, 219, 307. Mission of, to Den- 
mark, 308. 

K. 

Kalb, Baron de, IL 94,448, 471, IIL 4. 
In the Southern Department, 52, 75. 
Killed, 76. Sufferings of his troops, 
107. 

Kearsley, Captain, II. 311. 

Kenhawa, Fort, burnt, I. 89. 

Kentucky, troops for defending, II. 230. 
Indian expedition against, "ill. 119; 
IV. 245, 251. Enticements of emi- 
grants from, to the Spanish territory, 
252. Faction in, 451. 

KiLLBUCK, an Indian, has a son and 
brother at'Princeton College, III. 503. 

King, Rufus, Delegate to the General 
Convention, IV. 166. On the adop- 
tion by Massachusetts of the Federal 
Constitution, 202, 206. Recommended 



for commissioner relative to the Bri- 
tish treaty, 479. Minister plenipoten* 
tiary to Great Britain, 491. On the 
execution of the treaty, 499. 

KhufsBrkhje,!. 141,2*78. British ves- 
sels at. 260. Troops march to, 270, 
272. Force at, 418. 

Kimfs Ferry^ enemy's fleet at, II. 307. 
339, IIL 90. 

Kinrjston, burnt, II. 14, 62, 543. 

KiNLOCH, Mrs., capture of, by the Bri- 
tish, IIL 180. 

Knight, Dr., captured and escapes, 
IIL 522-524. 

Knox, Henry, goes to Ticonderoga 
for cannon and military stores, I. 87. 
Colonel of artillery, 91. His difficul- 
ties and success, 94, 135. On the rank 
of French artillery officers, 379. On 
embarrassments in the duties of his 
department, II. 139. Promises artil- 
lery to Greene, III. 139. Mission of, 
relating to the revolt in the army, 211, 
216, 222. Movements of, for operating 
against Cornwallis, 346. Commis- 
sioner for exchange of prisoners, 496, 
501. On the impost act and Cincin- 
nati Society, IV. 58. Secretary of war, 
98. Estate of, at Thomaston, 98, 493. 
On the rebellion in Massachusetts, 156. 
On a General Convention, 157, 174. 
Sketches of a government by, 160, 
176. On the results of the Conven- 
tion, 177, 178. On the adoption of 
the Constitution, 230, 242. On mea- 
sures for averting an Indian war, 315, 
379, 399, 407. On aggressions by 
western Indians, 366, 403. 

Knyphausen, a Hessian general, II. 
469. Expedition of, to Springfield, 
IIL 6. 

KosciuszKO, Colonel, III. 189, 235. 

KowACz. Colonel, II. 65, 88. 



Lachine, fortification at, I. 214, 524. 

Lacolombe, II. 249. 

Lafayette, General, II. 53, 74, 93, 
233. Recalled from the Northern 
Department, 94. His generosity to 
his soldiers, 95. His pursuit of the 
enemy crossing New Jersey, 147. At 
Providence, 174. Visits Count d'Es- 
taing, 174, 178, 179. On American 
ingratitude, 185, 199. Goes to Boston 
to urge d'Estaing's return to New- 
port, 176, 190, 194, 198. Exertions 
of, to make d'Estaing cooperate, 190, 
Wants to fight, 196. His challenge 
to the Earl of Carlisle, 209, 224. His 
letter, on going to France, 247. His 
return with important instructions, 



No. m.] 



GENERAL INDEX 



535 



441, 444. Arrival of, at Newport, III. 
41. Movement of, to suppress the 
mutiny in the Pennsylvania line, 196. 
His march against Arnold, 248, 254, 
264, 270. 278, 287. On the junction of, 
with Greene, 267, 278, 287, 296, 299. 
On the enemy's visit to Mount Ver- 
non, 295. Refuses to correspond with 
Arnold, 316. Declines an action with. 
Cornwallis, but skirmishes, 321. At 
Richmond, 325. Exertions of, to 
raise cavalry, 334, 343, 365. Attacks 
Cornwallis near Green Spring Farm, 
348, 3G0. Disposition of his forces, 
365. Approbation of Congress com- 
municated to the Virginia array under, 
451. Congress grants him permission 
to return to France and passes re- 
solves, 452. His engagements with 
the merchants of Baltimore, 453. Sails 
in the Alliance, 460. On returning to 
America, 546, IV. 60. Project of, for 
liberating negroes. III. 547, IV. 110. 
His arrival, receptions, and move- 
ments, 76, 78-82, 86. His departure, 
87. Journeys in Europe, 109, 116, 
143. On the Federal Constitution, 
198, 215. His political campaign in 
Auvergne, 199, 255. His popularity 
in France, 199, 255,271, 285, 310,339, 
343,345,361, 372,376. Commander of 
the military, 270, 271, 372. Critical and 
embarrassing situations of, 311, 314, 
345, 361. Sends to Washington the 
key of the Bastille, 322, 328, 337. On 
the National Guard, 345, 372. Impri- 
sonment and treatment of, 409, 489. 
Exertions in his behalf, 409, 489. 

Lafayette, George Washington', 
in. 546, IV. 485. 489. 

Lake George Landlnq, Brown's expedi- 
tion to, I'l. 526 - 530, 536. 

Lamu, John', Captain of artillery, I. 
45, 500. Captured, 157. The 'rais- 
ing and ofiiccring of his regiment, III. 
275. 

Langdon'.Joux, 1.85. On the action of 
New Ilami)shirc as to the adoption of 
the Federal Constitution, IV. 211. 

Lansing, John, D(dcgate to tlie Gene- 
ral Convention, IV. 166. 

La T<)r< he. Captain, takes a i)lan of 
the works at Penobscot, II. 461. 

Lvi MOY, Colonel, at Charleston, II. 
451. 

JiALUKNS. Henky, President of Con- 
gress, 11.10. C-ited. OH. On a com- 
mittee to meet Briti.-h commissioners, 
112, 118. On the treaties between 
France and the L'nited States, 116. 
{\\ the disagreement of the commis- 
sioners to France, 117, 133. Lrttcr 
of, to IJritish connnissiuners, II. 136. 



On an expedition to Canada, 233. On 
exchanging, III. 480. 
Laurens, John, Colonel, despatched 
to Count d'Estaing, II. 157, 158, 179, 
202; to Sullivan, 170. Zeal and ac- 
tivity of, 172. His bravery on Rhode 
Island, 192, 221. On the protest to 
Count d'Estaing, 202, Sent to Gene- 
ral Lincoln, 385, 387. On the Briti.sh 
forces and operations in the south, II. 
401, 413, 435. Special minister to 
France. 140, 221, 231. Results of his 
mission, 268, 285, 402. Application 
by, for the exchange of his father, 

III. 480. On raising a regiment of 
negroes, 506, 515. Killed, 530. 

Lauzun, Duke de. III. 28, 140. Visits 
head-quarters, 147. Troops of, at 
Charlotte court-house, and destitute 
of clothing, 485. 

Laval Montmorency, Marquis de, 
IIL 147. 

Lavalette, left with troops at York- 
town, IIL 526. 

Lawson, General, III. 258. 

Lear, Tobias, private secretary of 
Washington, IV. 123. On views of 
the Federal Constitution in New 
Hampshire, 219, 224. In England, 
452. 

Learned. Ebenezer, Brigadier-Gene- 
ral, I. 382, IL 25, 535. Mutiny of his 
troops for want of pay, 33, 34. To 
join the main army, 37. 

Ledyard, William, Lieutenant-Co- 
lonel, killed, IIL 404. 

Ledyard, Doctor, III. 50. 

Le Balme, Inspector of cavalrv, 
IL 3. 

Lee, Arthur, IL 48. Passenger in 
the Alliance, IIL 61 ; IV. 21, 119. 

Lee, Charles, Major-Gcneral, I. 7, 
46, 59, 65, 84, 118. On fortifying 
New York, 106,112,139. Proposed 
for the command in Canada. 139,147, 
152, 156, 160, 161, 481. Confers with 
Congress committees, 140. Ordered 
to the Southern Department, 161,162, 
165, 172, II. 483. His pel^)lexitics 
and orders, I. 183, 202, II. 485, 490, 
492. 498. His seizure of Edei\'s pa- 
])ers, I. 203, 11. 494. 496. On the at- 
tack on Sullivan's Island, I. 244, IL 
502. Wants cavalry. I. 246. II. 499, 
504. Joins Washington. I. .304. Con- 
gress on the treatnunt of 310, 32.3, 
350,357,11. 218. On exchanging, L 
322, 323, 358.407. Comluct of. at the 
!)attle (.f Monmouth. II. 1.50-152. 
Trial of, 192, 222. Written to, by the 
Virginia Committee of Safety, 486, 
I'ublication of his manuscript papers, 

IV. 105. 413. 



536 



GENERAL INDEX. 



[Index, 



Lee, Charles, of Vii-ginia, IV. 240. 
Attorney-General; on commissioners 
under the treaty with Great Britain, 
481. 

Lee, Fraxcis Lightfoot, Delegate 
to Congress, I. 33. 

Lee, Henry, Captain, II. 77. Ap- 
pointed major of horse, with a sepa- 
rate command, 98. Resolves of Con- 
gi-ess concerning, 99. To convey in- 
telligence of d'Estaing's arrival, 338. 
Near Philadelphia, 469. On an expe- 
dition to Bergen, III. 9. Lieutenant- 
Colonel ; cuts off an advanced party, 
235. To harass Corawallis, 227. His 
successes against Tarleton and To- 
ries, 246, 247, 258, 259. Invests the 
fort at Fridays Ferry, 311. On the 
occlusion of the Mississippi, IV. 137. 
Governor; commander of forces to 
suppress the Pennsylvania insurrec- 
tion, 456. 

Lee. Richard Henry, L 12, 51. On 
affairs in Canada, 66. On letters taken 
to Lord Dunmore from the post-oflRce, 
224. On Conway and a board of 
war, out of Congress, II. 10, 44. On 
Burgoyne and national faith respect- 
ing the Convention Troops, 12.45. On 
the treaty Avith France, 124. On the 
battle of Monmouth, 154. Sends des- 
patches to France, 252. On negroes 
with the enemy, 410. On a gratuity 
to Thomas Paine, IV. 75. On the 
treaty with Spain, 174, 180. On the 
Federal Constitution, 180. 

Lee, Thomas Sim, Governor, on exer- 
tions in Marvland for the army against 
Cornwallis, III. 397. 

Lee, William, III. 410. In Europe, 
411. 

Lee, Fort, 1. 297, 303, 306. 

Leeds, Duke of, Morris's intercourse 
with, respecting treaties, IV. 322, 
330. 

Leslie, A., British General, commands 
British forces at Portsmouth, III. 141. 
Letter of. to Cornwallis. intercepted, 
143. At Charleston, 190, 192. Joins 
Cornwallis, 217. Goes south and 
takes command, 448. Detaches re- 
giments to Jamaica, 506. On an ar- 
mistice, 515. 

Letiz, Moravians at, II. 89. 

Levies, Judge, I. 384. 

Lewis, Andrew^, Lieutenant-Colonel, 
to enlist men, I. 119. Appointed bri- 
gadier-general, and ordered to the 
Southern Department, I. 161, 165. 
Light-horse, II. 478, 490. See Cavalry. 
LixcoLN, Bexjamix. General, I. 305. 
His command of militia and appoint- 
ment as major-general, 320. His 



movements against Burgo}Tie, 423, II. 
516, 520, 527, 528, 533, 535. His ac- 
count of the battle of Bennington, I. 
425. Joined Stark, 427, On the mi- 
litia going to reenforce Washington, 
II. 29. His wound, 86. 132, 246, 536. 
Epaulettes and sword-knot given to, 
131. Takes command in the South- 
ern Department, 241, 312. Marches to 
the defence of Savannah, 245. On the 
attack and defence of Charleston, 344. 
385, 401, 418, 422, 433. Commended, 
368, 445. Capitulation of, 452. On 
a general exchange of prisoners, III. 
216. Exertions of, to man the JL/Zzance, 
221, 232. His reasons for not attack- 
ing Charleston, 431. Chosen secre- 
tary of war, 478. Presides at a meet- 
ing of the Society of Cincinnati, IV. 
59. Suppresses the rebellion in Mas- 
sachusetts, 156, 161. On the action 
in INIassachusetts respecting the Fede- 
ral Constitution, 203-206, 208. Elect- 
ed lieutenant-governor, 223. Com- 
missioner to negotiate a treaty with 
southern Indians, 272, 274. 
LippEXCOT, Richard, Captain, III. 

519. 
Little Turkey, a Cherokee chief, 

IV. 402. 
LiTixGSTOx, Hexrt Brockholst, 
II. 511. Accompanies Jay to Spain, 
as his private secretary, HI. 517 
Captured and paroled; statement of 
his case, 517. 
LivixGSTOX, James, I. 42. Captain ; 
joins Schuyler, 44. Deputy Commis- 
sary in Canada, 247. Colonel ; joins 
Poor's division, 427. Colonel of a 
Canadian regiment, 468, 475, 486. 
Forces under, 501. 
LivixGSTOx, Johx, I. 332. 
LivixGSTOX, Robert, I. 332, IL 14. 
LivixGSTOX, Robert R. on a commit- 
tee of Congress, to visit the Northern 
Department, I. 85, 123. On military 
operations on Hudson's River, 272, 295. 
Delegate in Congress, 111. 1. Secre- 
tary of foreign affairs, 381, 552. On 
the' Preliminary Articles of peace, IV. 
1, 9. 22. Objections of, to the British 
Treaty, 473. 
LivixGSTOX, William, I. 274, 483. 
Governor, II. 75. On flag-boats and 
Tories, 243. On drawing out militia, 
296. On retaliation for the murder of 
Captain Huddy, III. 504. 
LoxG, Colonel, I. 393, 403. 
L.ong Island, I. 21, 25. On pm-ging, of 
Tories, 107, 113. Projected attack on, 
124. Fortified,141, 146, 152, 158. Forces 
on, 174, 282. Despatch to, to divert 
and annoy the enemy, 281. Evacua- 



No. in.] 



GENERAL INDEX 



537 



tion of, 283. On making a descent on, 
291. Dickinson's proposition to at- 
tack, II. 2.3. 
LoRiNG, JosnuA, to go to Elizabeth- 
town to exchange prisoners, I. 290. 
Lieutenant-Colonel ; application of, to 
Congress for a new liearing, III. 232, 
Louis, Colonel, a Caghnawaga Indian, 

L 220. 
LOVEDAY. Joiix, III. 376. 
LovELL, James, exchange of, I. 290, 
302. On rank of French engineers, 
408. Lee's letter to, III. 334. 335. Of 
the partisan legion, 516. 
Loj/aUsts, conduct of, at Portsmouth, I. 
71. Acts of the Connecticut x\ssem- 
bly against, 104. On purging Long 
Island, New York, and Southern 
States of, 107, 113, II. 492, 493. Acts 
of Congress and of Virginia, affecting, 
L 236. II. 488. To be watched, I. 209. 
Defeated, 299. Captured at the battle 
of Bennington, 425. Conduct of, in 
Delaware, 443, 444. On punishing, in 
Philadelphia, II. 2, 131, 135. Alarm 
of, in New York city, 37. Conduct of, 
in Massachusetts, 206. Livingston on 
their freciuent applications to visit the 
enemy, 243. In Georgia, 245. Depre- 
dations by, in Ulster and Orange 
counties, 299, 300. On checking, in 
North Carolina, 386. Depredations 
by, in Soutli Carolina, 404. Influence 
of, in Pennsylvania, III. 17, 25. In 
Canada, 69. On the Yadkin, 110. 
Beyond the mountains, 64. In 
Georgia, 180, 535. In South Carolina, 
246, 535. Surprised on the Ilaw River, 
246, 257. Parsons's inquiry respect- 
ing, 260. Go to St. Augustine and 
New York, 535. 
LuTTEULOU, Colonel, II. 66. 
Luzerne, minister of France, II. 382, 
442, III. 170. On arms and clothing 
from France, 161. On the delay of the 
French division, communications to 
Count de (irasse, subsidy to the 
United States, and the olVcrcd media- 
tion of Kussia, 337. On British pre- 
parations for the campaign of 1782; 
asks for information respecting the 
American forces and means, 499. On 
the state of afiairs in Europe, IV. 92, 
.308. 

liYNCii, Thomas, on a committee to 
visit the army, I. 55, 82. On the con- 
duct of oilicers and the movements 
against ('anada, 82. On tlu; action of 
Coiij^n-ss and oUcrs of Hn-rland, 125. 
Lyon, .I.vmi.s, on an expedition n'_Miust 
Nova Scotia, I. loo. 



M. 



McCall, Colonel, III. 257. 
McCarty, I. 217, Receives goods, 

530. 
McDonald, Donald, difficulty about 

exchanging, I. 289. 
McDouGALL, Alexander, Colonel, I. 
95, Brigadier-General ; marches to- 
wards Bedford, 373. To be in readi- 
ness to march, 417. Detachments from 
his division do not march, II. 26. Or- 
dered to march, 214. Rcenforced with 
Putnam's division, 294. On move- 
ments in the Highlands, 303, 305. 
Nine miles below Fishkill, 308. At 
West Point, III. 117. His interview 
with the legislature, 135. Elected to 
Congress, 136. Minister of marine, 
252. 
;McGillivray, Alexander, a Creek 
chief, IV. 273 - 283. On securing the 
friendship of, 278, 282, 303. On in- 
viting to the seat of government, 317. 
On the treatment of, 407. 
^IcIIenry, James, III. 255. Application 
to Congress to give him a majority, that 
he may act as aid to Greene, HI. 299. 
Mac/das, in Maine, I. 101, II. 461. 
McIntosii, Laciilan, facts respecting, 
I. 148. His account of Georgia, 148. 
Moves against Indians, II. 261. On 
the condition and establishment of 
posts west of the mountains, 284. Sus- 
pended, 419. Commended, 419. 
McIntosii, Colonel, to aid in a descent 

on Long Island, L 292. 
Mcintosh, Fort, III. 472. 
McIntvre, Cajitain, excursion of, to 
take Indians, III. 10, 32, 91. Visits 
Piiiladelphia, 120. 
jNIcKean, Thomas, President of Con- 
gress, HI. 352. 
McKiNLY, John, President of Dcla- 

M-are. taken, I. 443. 

ISIcLean, British Colonel, L 95, 475. 
His advance against the Americans, 
208. Commander at Halifax. 460. 
McLean. Allen, Cajitain, on half-pay, 
reconunendcd to till a majority in 
Armand's lcgit)n. HI. 422. 
M.v<PHKns()\, Duncan, aid to Mont- 
gomery, killed, I. 500. 
M.vci'HEUsov, a British lieutenant, de- 
fends Fort Mott, HI. 311,312. 
Madison, James, HI. 314. On renni- 
nerating Thomas Paine, W. 71. On 
the gratuity to Washiii;;ton by the 
Virginia As.^enibly. 119. On the 
Mississippi alVair, 146, 163. On move- 
nuM\ts in Congress res|)ccting the 
treat V of peace and a General Con- 
vention, 162, 165. On the reception 



538 



GENERAL INDEX 



[Index, 



and adoption of the Constitution, 182, 
185, 193, 202, 206, 209. 213, 226. 
Writer in -'The Federalist," 194. 
Member of the Convention, from 
Orange, 209, 226. On a ph\ce for the 
meetinr^ of Congress, 232, 237. On 
the election of, to Congress, 242, 24.5. 
On the assembling of Congress and 
treasonable movements in the west, 
252, 253. On moving the seat of go- 
A'ernment from New York, 291. Visits 
Lake Champlain, 374. 

Magaw, Robert, Colonel, I. 276, 299. 

jMagill, Major, III. 258. 

Maine^ British aggressions near the 
honntlary of, IV. 364. Pmxhases of 
land in, 365. 

Malco:m. William, Colonel, I. 405, 
406, II. 307, III. 50, 56. 

Manchester^ T?., troops assemble at, I. 
423. 

Manchester, Va., warehouses and tobac- 
co burnt at, III. 308. 

Mandrillox, Joseph, IV. 338. 

Maxly, William, Commodoi-e, I. 99, 
325. 

Maxxixg, Sir James, II. 136, 141, 
213, 221. 

Mansfield, Samuel, Captain, I. 327. 
336. 

Mansfield, Lord, house of, destroyed 
by a mob. III. 61. 

Manufactures, on encouraging, II. 254. 

Manumission, petition for, rejected by 
the Virginia House of Delegates, IV. 
120. See Negroes, and Slaves. 

Marbois, Barbe, IV. 117. 

Marion, Francis, Colonel, III. 191. 
General, 228, 245, 310. Fort Mott 
surrenders to, 311. Takes prisoners, 
393, 430. Routed, 491. Repulses 
Major Frazer, 538. 

Maritime affairs, troulde as to, 11. 283. 

Marshall, John, IV. 268, 480. 

Marshall, Thomas, IV. 245, 268, 
353. 

Mari/land, dissatisfaction in, at the seiz- 
ure of Eden's papers, I. 203, II. 495, 
496. Troops of, L 288, II. 84, IIL 
3. Annexed to the Southern Depart- 
ment, 139. Agrees to confederate, 
219. Aids Lafayette, 255. Exertions 
of the Assembly of, to raise money, 
330. Delay oY the levies in, 343. 
Troops of, desert from Westmoreland 
county, 397. Exertions of, to aid the 
army against Cornwallis, 397. Greene 
makes one regiment of the troops of, 
541. Embarrassed with debt, IV. 195. 

Mason, George, Colonel, I. 51, 63, 
178. Opposes the Constitution, IV. 
185, 226. Resolutions of, voted by 
the Virginia House of Burgesses. 191. 



Project of, for establishing a colony 
beyond the Mississippi, 252. 

Massachusetts, application to, for troops 
against Canada, I. 137, 138, 320. Di- 
latory action of, 230. Constitution of 
government for, II. 430. Adopts the 
new plan of finance, 447. Men raised 
in, 477. Resolve of, respecting arms 
in the army. III. 149. Efforts" of, to 
raise troops, 157, 181. Consequences 
of the refusal of the people of, to re- 
ceive the Continental currency , 386. 
Accedes to the impost act, IV. 58. 
Movements in, respecting the Cin- 
cinnati Society, 59. Sedition in, and 
its suppression, 143, 148, 156, 161, 
164, 166, 229. Disfranchisement of 
citizens in. 166. 

Massachusetts militia, I. 280, 320. At 
Peekskill and connected with the ope- 
rations of the Northern Army, 352, 
397, II. 516, 520, 533, 535, 549. Or- 
dered to Rhode Island, III. 42. 

Mathews, John, to proceed to head- 
quarters, on the affairs of the army, 
II. 454, III. 87, 118. On the com- 
pletion of the Confederation, 219. 

Maxwell, AYilliam, General, pursues 
the enemy crossing New Jersey, II. 
147. At Elizabethtown, 212, 215. 
Resigns, III. 31. 

Mazzei, Philip, II. 250. 

Meigs, Return Jonathan, Major, in 
the expedition to Quebec, and at the 
attack, I. 47, 61, 265. 501. Lieutenant- 
Colonel, at Fort Montgomery, 414. 
Regiment of, detained by Putnam, 
II. 39. 

Melchior, from Canada, I. 157, 162, 
495. 

Mercer, George, Colonel, I. 182. 
Attacks Cornwallis, III. 347. 

Mercer, Hugh, Brigadier-General, I. 
285, 286, 301. Monument to, voted, 
364. 

Mercer, Fort, condition of II. 43. 

MiCHAUx, Andre, visit of, to America, 
IV. 116. 

Middlesex, surprised by the enemy, 11. 
294. 

Middleton. Arthur, transported to 
St. Augustine, IIL 180. 

Middleton. Henry, IV. 341. 

Mifflin, Thomas, Major, I. 8, 16, 48, 
84. Commended, 52. Quai'termaster- 
General ranked as Colonel, 99. Briga- 
dier-General ; at Mount Washington, 
270 ; 276. Repairs to head-quarters, 
378. Influence of, in Pennsylvania, 
389. Commissioner in the new Board 
of War, II. 44. On a committee for 
regulating the army, 67. His treat- 
ment of the Commander-in-chief, 367 



No. III.] 



GENERAL INDEX. 



539 



Boards Massachusetts delegates, 423. 

On the quarter-master's department, 

427. 

Mifflin, Fort, II. 4. 7, 21, 43. 

Miles, Samuel, Colonel, III. 394,306. 

Militury academy and education^ IV. 

27, 30. 
Militia, called out to defend Rhode Is- 
land. I. 328. Not to be relied on, 337, 
339. Leave Schuyler. 416. Burgoyne's 
opinion of, II. 96. On dividmg Con- 
tinental troops among, 174. Not fit for 
a siege, 240. Shoukl be drawn out 
by Government and not by pecuniary 
reward, 295. Want of despatch in 
officers of, 299. Effect of Count de 
Rochambcau's arrival on the. III. 4.5. 
Damage by, in the south. 166. On 
leaving the* country to the defence of, 
IV. 29. 

Miller, Fort, St. Clair's troops at, L397. 
Ministers to foreign countries, reluctance 
to send, on account of the expense, 
IV. 352, 356. Influences brought to 
bear on, 352. Outfits for. 356. 
MixoT. George Rich.vuds, History 
of the Insurrection in Massachusetts 
bv, IV. 229, 339. 

Miu.vLLES, Don- Jcax, IL 279, 442. 
Mississippi Hirer, trade on the, ruined 
by Indians, II. 262. Virginian chums 
to its navigation. III. 243. Article in 
the treaty respecting tlic, IV. 2. Re- 
marks on the navigation of the, 64, 
137. 141, 146, 163, "^246. 378. Dissa- 
tisfaction as to the intention of Con- 
gress respecting it, 167, 174, 247. Im- 
portance of the trade on the, 175. On 
establishing a colony beyond the, 252. 
Spaniards stop American trade on 
the, 291. 
Mohnick Hirer, II. 444. 
Money, want of, by Putnam, II. 32 ; in 
the qunrtcrmaster-generars dejiart- 
ment, 371, 407. Ila/.cn's troops refuse 
to march for want of. 337. None to 
procure intelligence, III. 234. Neces- 
sity of olttainiii'j from the States. 46S. 
No't furni>hed IMckering to fulfil his 
engagements, 511. Sec Paper mumy, 
Pay, and Sptrir. 
Moiimout/t, battle of, II. 148- 155. 
MoNUOE, .Fames, III. 527. Aid to 
Lord Stirling, and delegate in Con- 
gress, IV. 143. Caiulidate for elec- 
tion under the Federal Constitution, 
245. Speech of, gives offence in 
Europe, 458. In Parix, 471. 

MONTOOLFIEU, bullooilS bv, 1 \'. 61. 

MoNT<;oMEKY, ItifiiA It i», Prigndier- 
(leneral, moveiuents of, against Ca- 
nada, 1. 23. 465. At St. John'^. 40, 
53, 405, 467, 469, 473, 474. His ne- 



cessities, 69, 467, 469. Commended, 
77, 78. His discouragements, 78, 480, 
493, 497. Forces under, 79, 110, 480, 
497. Montreal surrenders to. 85, 477- 
480. Joins Arnold, 88, 95, 110, 492. 
Attack on Quebec and death of, 114, 
117, 133, 136, 209, 499, 501, 502. His 
remonstrance against the ill treatment 
of prisoners in Canada, 472. Permit- 
ted officers to visit their families at 
Montreal. 474. On the stopping of 
clothing, 482. Respect shown to his 
remains. 501. Dwelling of his widow 
burnt, II. 14. Visit of his widow to 
Great Britain, IV. 286. 

Montgomery, Fort, militia ordered to. I. 
261, 371. IMcasures for obstructing 
the river at, 372, 377. On reenforcing, 
414. On keeping forces at, 418. Cap- 
tured, 439, 442, IL 5, 14, 538, 539, 
552. Evacuated and demolished, 5. 
544, 546. On erecting a fortress near, 
60. 

Montour, John, Captain, pursues and 
captures Indians, III. 1 63. 

Montreal, I. 24, 41. Allen's attempt 
upon, 66, 466, 471. Montgomery's 
movements against, 79, 92. Capitu- 
lation of, 85, 90, 477-480. Abandon- 
ed, 217, 237. Proposition to Mont- 
gomery by inhabitants of, 468. In- 
dians meet Arnold at, 527. Proposi- 
tion to secure, HI. 70. 

Moore, James, Brigadier-General, I. 
161, 165. 

Morarians, Ettwein's letter on the, II. 
89. Carried into captivity and threat- 
ened, in order to keep them silent, 
III.473. Killed, 501. Sec Heckewel- 

DER. 

^Monr.AX, Daxiel, Captain, in Ar- 
nold's expedition, I. 47, 48, 110. Co- 
lonel ; with riflemen detached to the 
Northern Department, 424, 427. Near 
New Windsor, II. 24, 25. Pursues 
the enemy across New Jersey, 148, 
152. General; ordered to the Southern 
I)ei)artment. 477. Dithculty about his 
]>nim()tion. III. 29, 54. Success of, 
214. 217. 225. Served in no campaign 
under Washington, 412. Reeom- 
mended for the command in Ken- 
tucky, if invaded. IV. 452. Commands 
militia to sui)press the Penn.>ylvania 
insurrection, 461, 472. 
Mono AX, George, Colonel, II. 285, 
399. 
Moroax, Joiiv. Dr., I. 280. 
Morocco. IV. 127, 134. 
Morris, (lOirvERNEiR, II. 120. On 
the new army arrangement, 130, 135. 
Report by, n'speetiiig the Conciliatory 
Bills, adopted in Congress, 135. On 



640 



GENERAL INDEX 



[Index, 



the distribution of the armv for the 
winter of 1778-79. 226. On taking 
New York and Rhode Ishmd, 281. 
Commissioner for exchange of ])rison- 
ers. III. 496. On the progress of 
liberty and prospects of France. IV. 
255, 269; 312. 410. 420. Interviews 
of, witli the Frcncli minister of for- 
eign atfiiirs respecting a commercial 
treaty, 311,313. Private agent to the 
British government on treaties, 322, 
330. Dangerous situation of, 410, 
420. Wants instructions. 41 1. Charges 
against, 424, 446. On the removal of, 
424. On Washington's reelection to 
the presidency, 431. 

Morris, Robert, I. 311, 324. Ad- 
vances hard money, 315. Washing- 
ton's opinion of, 348. On short en- 
listments. 348. Chosen financier, 
III. 243, 253, 339, 3.53. On tender 
and penal laws, and taxes in specie, 
339. Confers with the Commander- 
in-chief, respecting the campaign of 
1782. 381. Exertions of, for the army 
on its march to Virginia, 394. To 
take measures for settling accounts 
after 1 August, 1780, IV. 7. Expla- 
nation of his conduct, 20. His resig- 
nation, 20, 43. Difficulties in his de- 
])artmcnt ; his continuance in office, 
35. Purchases land in INIaine, 365. 

Morris, Lieutenant-Colonel, Greene's 
aid. III. 369. 

3forrisania, on burning the houses at, 
III. 194. 

Morristoicn^ on cantoning troops at, II. 
355. 

Morse. Jedidiah, IV. 149. 

Mott Fort, surrender of. III. 311. 

Moultrie, AVilliam, Colonel, com- 
mander on Sullivan's Island, I. 245. 
Commended, II. 503. Recommends 
an expedition against the Creek In- 
dians, IV. 434. 

Moultrie, Fort, dilapidated, IL 346. 
Troops at, 348. On cooperating witli, 
404, 414, 418. Pas.sed by British 
vessels, 431, 434. 436, 450. 

Mount Vernon, visit to, by the enemy, 
III. 295. 

MousTiER, Count dc, Minister of 
France, IV. 183, 236. Recalled. 269, 
313. On the state of France, 335, 370. 
Author of a preface to a translation 
of American laws. 370. 

MoAVAT, H., burns Falmouth, I. 71. 76. 

MoYLAx, Stephen, I. 203, 226, 389. 
Colonel, IL 153. In the expedition to 
Bull's Ferry, III. 37, 40. 

MuGFORD, Captain, killed, I. 204. 

Muhlenberg, Peter, General, III. 
75. To command in the Virtrinia 



line, 124. His situation and forces, 

292, 365. At Yorktown, 426. 
Muskingum River, project for a new 

State on the. III. 503. 
Myers, a British captain, attempts 

the surprise of General Schuyler, III, 

375. 

N. 

Nash, Abxer, Governor of North Ca- 
rolina. III. 73, 107, 179, 283. 

Nashville, Indian conference at, IV. 403. 
Murders at, by Indians, IV. 404. 40.^. 

Natchez, Fort, in the enemy's hands. II. 
261. 

National Assemhhj of France, IV. 217. 
Its character, 270, 321. Proceedings 
of the, 344, 362, 377. 

Naval affairs, IL 283. See Vessels. 

Navigation, on neutral. IV. 454. See 
Neutralitij. III. 380, IV. 256, 276. 

Negroes, corps of, at Savannah, II. 402. 
Two regiments of, ordered by the ene- 
my to be embodied, III. 246. Seven 

■ hundred and fifty to be raised and in- 
corporated with the other troops, 331. 
Greene advises the enlisting of, 467. 
Plan for raising a regiment of, 506, 
515. See Slaves. 

Nelsox, Thomas, Delegate to Con- 
gress, i. 33. Brigadier-General, IL 
129,363. To command Virginia mi- 
litia. III. 124. Orders to, during the 
British expedition to Richmond, 200, 
204. 

Nehon''s Ferry, British stores removing 
from. III. 312. 

Neutrality, IV. 435, 438, 454, 458, 474. 
Of France, 440. 

Neville, IL 162, 166. 

Neicark, IL 388, 389, 392. 

Newcomb, Silas, General, II. 4. 

New England militia, I. 320, 325. Their 
movements aijainst Burgovne, 418, 
422.423,425,^428, IL 516-518,520, 
52.5, 533. 

Newexham, Sir Edward, IV. 286. 

New Hampshire, troops of, I. 16, 125. 
Forces of, against Canada, 137, 138. 
Troops from, join the army ; spirit of 
the people of. III. 13, 284. Gratuity 
to the troops of, after the revolt in the 
army, 212, 224. Exertions of, to raise 
men, 385, 534. Does not pay Stark, 
534. Taxes of, paid in produce, 534. 
See Stark. 

New Haven, I. 21, 120. 

New Jersey, British troops transported 
to, I. 308. Cantonment of troops in, 
II. 388. Refusal there to transport 
provisions, 393. Jealousy between 
eastern and western ; delay in voting 
IV. 253. 



No. m.] 



GENERAL INDEX 



641 



New Jersey militia, I. 274, 433, II. 22, 

168, 296. Under General Dickinson, 
I. 432, 434. 

New Jersey troops, 1. 84, 12.% 129, 131. 
Ordered to New York. 114, 146, 173 ; 
to Canada, 129, 157, 18G. 

Neio London, ships of war at, I. 10, 18. 
Companies ordered to, 21. Exposed, 
31,38, 39. Arnold's ravages at, 111. 
404, 423, 437. 

New Orleans, IV. 24G, 247. On allow- 
ing British troops to march tlirough 
the United States to attack, 347, 349. 

Neicport, British ships at, I. 39, 131. 
Fortification of, 193. Enemy sail 
from, 334. On attacking, 33.5, 354, II. 
188, 191. British ships arrive at, 190, 
202. Arrival and reception of the 
French fleet and army at. III. 12, 28. 
British vessels off the harbor, 35, 36, 
41,44. See Rhode Island. 

New ]Vindsor, troops at, II. 23, 24, 30, 

169, 303, 306. 

New York, fails in men and supplies, I. 

15, 462. Condition and circumstan- 
ces of, lis. Troops to be raised in, 
125, 131, II. 263. Exposure of the 
frontiers of, and measures for tlieir 
protection, 255, 262, 301. The call on, 
for soldiers, 263. Distresses and bar- 
barities ou the frontier of, HI. 229, 
402. 

New York C//y, fortification of, 1.106, 
112. 119, 124, 136, 139, 140, 146, 153. 
British vessels arrive at, 119, Com- 
mittee of Congress visits, 139, 140. 
Cannot be fortified against shipping, 
140. Threatened, and cannon removed 
from, 145. Troops comii)g to, 146. Bri- 
tish vessels sail from, 152. Inditfercncc 
about defending, 157. State of fortifi- 
cations in, 159, 161. Forces at, 174. 
On detaching troops from, to Canada, 
IBS. On keeping, 285. British move- 
ments near, 299, 302, II. 536. Four 
rogiuicnts from, to rciiufiM-ce Howe, 

16. I'utnam's hobby of attacking, 33- 
35, 530, 549. British forces at, 40. 
Fleet arrives at, 51. Lincoln's project 
for attacking, 85. Threatene<l by 
Count d' Estaing, 158, 161. Move- 
ments at, iuflicating an evacuation, 
202. 207. Sir Henry Clinton ami 
Lord. Cornwallis's return to. 213. 
Morris's plan for taking, 280. Move- 
ments in the fleet at. 339. On a com- 
bined attack on, 455, III. 64, 79. 86. 
Sailing of vessels from, II. 456, III. 
138. Proposed attack on, 354,361, 
367, 369, 394. 406, 416. Koihambeau 
on marching to, 513. On the evacua- 
tion of, I v. 8, 23, 48. Meeting of Con- 
gress at, 232, 237, 251, 292. 

vol.. i\. 46 



New York Conr/ress, General Schuyler 
and the, I. 25. Conduct of the, con- 
demned, 118, 124, 136; 140, 183. 

New York line, I. 277. One month's 
pay to the, 111.402. 

New York viililia, I. 260, 280, 421. Ee- 
enforccs Putnam and Fort Montgo- 
mery, 417, 420 ; and Schuyler, 421. 

Niarfara, British forces at, II. 400. 

Nicholson, James, Commodore, III. 
255. 

NiciiOLSoy, Colonel, I. 229. 

Ninety-six, II. 347, III. 167, 191,311. 

NixoN', joiix, Brigadier-General, de- 
tached to the Northern Department, I. 
395. Character of his soldiers, 398. 
Stations of, II. 308, 327. Has no can- 
non, 319. At the surrender of Bur- 
goyne, 535. On depending on the 
Pennsylvania Bank for supplies, III. 
71. 

NoAiLLES, Viscount de, III. 147, 184. 

Norfolk, I. 64. Duumore's conduct at, 
65, 122, II. 484. 

North. Lord, his Conciliatory Bills, II. 
100, 114. Designed to prevent the 
treaty with France, 125. Action on 
them in Congress, 134. 

North Carolina, threatened by Cornwal- 
lis, II. 491. Powder borrowed of, 500. 
l^istresses and dangers of. III. 107. 
Exhausted, 109. Exertions of, to aid 
Greene against Cornwallis, 281. On 
crediting troops to, 536. Disj)Osition 
of, to comply with the views of Con- 
gress, as well as to grant further powers 
to the Confederation, IV. 69. 

North Carolina militia, skirmishes of the, 
111.108. Wants of the, 110. Conduct 
of, during the pursuit by Cornwallis, 
226. Run, 266, 283. State law for 
subjecting to the condition of Conti- 
nental soldiers, 283. 

North Carolina troops, I. 126, 131, 
246, II. 490, 498. In the defence of 
Charleston, 345. Without arms, 471. 

North Jiurr, British vessels pass up, 
I. 260 ; proj)osition to destroy tlicm, 
263 ; attacked with fire-ship^, 276. 
On obstructing the, 295, 303. 372, 376. 
Operations on the. 438-442, 11.536. 
Vessels pass up and down the. 6, 14. 
15. On thrDwiug a boom across nt 
Fort Constitutiun and erecting batte- 
ries, 30. Importance of securing the, 
58, 551, 554. Troops assigned for the 
works on the, 59. Putnam's troops 
ordered to, 294. Importance of the 
command there, 353. Sickne>;s and 
condition of the forces on the, III. 50. 
British ves>els gone down the, 359. 

Nonni/k, burnt by the British, II. 316. 

NorivicJi, I. 5, 26, 38. 



542 



GENERAL INDEX, 



[Index, 



Nova Scotia, project of an expedition 
against, I. 100. 



0. 



Oath of allcrjiance, I. 89, 105. Taken 
by all officers in the army, II. Ill, 
127. 

O'Briex, Captain, I. 102. 

Officers, American, cavilling of, I. 82. 
Additional pay allowed to, 82. To do 
their dnty, 84. Assumption of power 
by, 106, 246. On promoting, 121. 
Continental to be under Provincial, 
140, 143. To be court-martialed after 
resignation. 228. On a good under- 
standing among the, 242. II. 18. On 
filling vacancies of, I. 267. Resolutions 
of Congress respecting, II. 67. Inade- 
quacy of the pay for, 73, 80, 120, 369. 
Take the oath of allegiance and abjura- 
tion, 1 1 1 , 1 27. On the promotion of, 129. 
Provision for, by the New Jersey legis- 
lature, 298 ; by Maiyland, 329. On the 
confinement of, at York and Long 
Island, 331. Additional pay voted to, 
III. 128. Menaces by Pennsylvania, 
301. Exertions to have justice done 
to, 351, 356. Retain privates of the 
army, 383, 384. Resolutions of, for- 
warded to Congress, IV. 10, 14, 16. On 
retaining, in the peace establishment, 
29. See Half-pay. 

Officers, foreign, discouraged by Con- 
gress from entering the service, I. 357 ; 
IIL 422. 

Ogdex, Matthias, Captain, in Ar- 
nold's expedition, 1. 488. Major ; brave, 
and wounded at Quebec, 500, 507. Co- 
lonel, IIL 497. 

Onion River, on the settlers there, I. 
254. 

Orangeburg, surrender of. III. 310. 

Orange Counti/, mischief in, by Indians 
and Tories, IL 299, 300. 

Oswald, Captain, brave, and taken. I. 
500, 505. 

Oswego, III. 539. 

Otto, L. W., successor of M. dc Mar- 
bois, IV. 117, 426,440. 



Paine, Robert Treat, on a commit- 
tee of Congress to visit the Northern 
Department, I. 85. 

Paixe, Thomas, his " Common Sense," 
I. 136. On reports against the Com- 
mander-in-chief, II. 251. " The Crisis" 
by, 252. Invites AVashington to an 
interview, III. 495. Salary to, for in- 
forming the people and rousing them 
to action, 495. On a seven years' war, 



and the affair of Asgill, 532. On com- 
pensating, IV. 43, 45, 72, 75. For- 
wards to the President the key and a 
painting of the demolition of the Bas- 
tille, 328, 337. Bridge by, 329, 
338. His " Rights of Man," 380. 
Aided by Green, 381. 

Palfrey, William. Aid to the Com- 
mander-in-chief, I. 151, 158, 173, 185, 
203. 

Paper money, emission of, in Virginia, 
L 63. Sent to the army, 92, 125, 144. 
Has but little credit in Canada. 190, 
498. Sent to the troops in the North- 
ern Department, 280. Depreciation 
of, IL 206, 215, 253, 263, 284, 465. 
Efforts to depreciate, in Pennsylvania, 
IIL 17, 19. Quincy on the evil of, 
157. Depreciation of, by French fac- 
tors, 170. Good for nothing, 344. 
Refusal by the people of Massachusetts 
to receive it, and the consequences, 386. 
On emissions of, IV. 127, 146, 148. 
See Money, and Specie. 

Paradise, John, IV. 342. 

Parke, Lieutenant, I. 521. 

Parker, Sir Peter, I. 360. 

Parker, Colonel of militia, IH. 365, 
367. 

Parsoxs, Samuel H., Brigadier-Gene- 
ral, I. 331, 440. On taking command 
of militia, 337. Takes possession of 
Peekskill and the passes among the 
Highlands, II. 5, 543. Near the Sound, 
59. Joins McDougall, 305. To com- 
mand at West Point. 306. Nine miles 
below Eishkill and at Eort Clinton, 
308. On an encounter with the enemy, 
314. To encamp near Robinson's, 
326. Expected at North Castle, III. 
83. Inquiry by, i*especting disaffected 
persons, 260. "Reflects on the Con- 
necticut legislature, 350, 356. 

Pattersox, John, Colonel, I. 218, IL 
535. Smallpox in his regiment, I. 
234, 516. Brigade of, to remain near 
Albany, II. 25. To join the main 
army, 32. Absent, 305. Stationed, 
327. 

Pauldixg, Johx, one of the cantors of 
Andre', III. 101. 

PauJus Hook, British at, II. 390. 

Paavlixg, Levi, Colonel, I. 371. 

Pay, increased, I. 82, 344. Wanted, 
142, 143. In the INIiddle Department, 
222. Better regulations as to, 363. 
]\Iutiny for want of, in Poor's brigade, 
II. 31, 33 ; in Leanicd's, 33. Inade- 
quacy of, 73. 80, 263. Additional in 
Pennsylvania, 296. To New Jersey 
officers and soldiers, 298. Inadequacy 
of engineers', 497 ; of surgeons' and 
surgeons' mates', 500 ; of cavalry, 505. 



No. m.] 



GENERAL INDEX. 



543 



Virginia troops refuse to march for 
want of, III. 450, 4G5. Its compara- 
tive importance, 469. Discontents in 
the army for want of, 550, 556, IV. 4, 
6, 8, 10, 13, 15. 17, 24. Sec Ilalf-pay, 
Officers, and Pennsylvania line. 

Peahody, Nathaniel, to proceed to 
liead quarters on the affairs of the ar- 
ray, II. 454. 

Peace, on conditions of, II. 279, 310, 
383. Debxy of, 430. Troposition from 
France respecting. III. 379. Antici- 
l)atecl, 515, 536, 545, 559. Propositions 
for, must be accompanied with ac- 
knowledgment of Independence, 521. 
British movement for, 552. Prelimi- 
nary Articles of, IV. 1, 6, 17, 22, 31, 
33 ; ratitied by Congress, 32. See 
British Commissioners, and Independence. 

Peace establishmemt, IV. 22, 27, 29, 48, 
68. 

Pedcslcill, British descent on, I. 371. 
Weakness of, 418, 440. Troops or- 
dered from, 440, II. 536. Evacuat- 
ed, 5, 544. Taken possession of, by 
General Parsons, 5. Troops not want- 
ed at, 29, 61. Enemy retire towards, 
305. Precarious situation of, 319. 
lleatli's marcli to, 325, 327. Parsons 
at, 543. Included in the Northern 
Department, 554. 

Pendleton', Edmund, Colonel, I. 33, 
88, 183. President of the committee 
of safety, 11.493. 

Penet, Piekke. I. 103, 141, 143, 478. 

Pennsi/lcania, union of the contending 
parties in I. 389. Weak and divided, 

II. 46. Moravian settlements in, 89. 
^Mortgages an estate to supply the 
army witli provisions, 464. Liglit-liorsc 
in, 478. Exaggeration of tlie resources 
of. III. 18. Embargo in, 19. Digest 
(;f the laws of, IV. 387. Sec Enlist- 
ments. 

I'l nnsylrania Assemhhj, measures of the, 
lur relieving the army, II. 70 ; fur aid- 
ing Sullivan, 317, .318. Authorizes 
the executive to declare martial law, 
466. 

J'rnnsjjlvania Assnciators, I. 275. 

J'< niisi/lf<tiiia J)iinL\ dependence on the, 
for supplying tliearmy with jjrovisious, 

III. 71. 

Ptnn.tylcania insurrtrtiun, IV. 456, 461, 
469, 472. 

I'rniisylranta line, measures for filling 
and clothing the, II. 69. Desertions 
from the, 391. Mutinies III. 192, 194- 
199, 205,211,223, 267, 301. IJritish 
emissaries to the, sci/.e«l and executed, 
195, 196, 198; 199, 206. Expiration 
of tiu'ir time of service, 541. 

I'cnobscot, garrison nt, II. 461, III. 69. 



Pensacola, expedition against, III. 162. 

Percy, Lord, I. 338. 

Peters, Richard, of the Board of 
War, IIL 381. 

Pettit, Charles, II. 163, 215, 274, 
275. 

Philadelphia, 1. 366, 385, 418, IL 2. On 
the evacuation of, 131, 135, 182. Ar- 
nold at, 143. Troop mounted, armed, 
and in uniform, 479. Exertions of 
ladies there for the relief of tlie army, 
480, III. 27. On the meeting of Con- 
gress at, IV. 443. Yellow fever at, 
443, 460. 

Phillips, William, British General ; 
against Governor Hamilton's impri- 
sonment, II. 323, 336, 361. Consider- 
ations as to exchanging. III. 59. In- 
terview of, with Lincoln, 95. Pro- 
posed to exchange Towles for Hamil- 
ton, 99. Plan for driving from Vir- 
ginia, 291. Lafayette's operations 
against, 303. Moves towards Corn- 
walhs, 306, 309. 315. His death, 316, 
325. 

Pickens, Andrew, Colonel, III. 218. 
To command in the rear of the ene- 
my, 258. At the rout of Tarleton, 
246, 257. To lay siege to Augusta 
and Ninety-Six, III. 311. On Indians 
to meet Amei-ican commissioners, IV. 
273, 281, 282. Goes to Nashville, 403. 
llecommended for the command of an 
expedition against the Creek Indians, 
434. 

Pickering, Timothy, Adjutant-Gene- 
ral, I. 365, 368, 374. Oltiecs held by, 
365, 369. Proposed for a new Board 
ofWar, II. 11, 44. On a committee 
for regulating the army, 67. Quarter- 
master-general, III. 53, 60, 238. On 
supplies of camp equipage, 289. On 
purchasing and impressing horses, 

358. His Journey to Williamsburg 
respecting vessels, 418. Takes i)os- 
session of the enemy's stores at Glou- 
cester, 427. His estimates and pre- 
parations for the campaign of 1782, 
477, 485, 511. Cannot fulfil engage- 
ments for want of money, 511. Suit 
brought against, by Woolsey, 544. 
His conference with Seneca Indians, 
IV. 358. Invitation to take the su- 
])criutendency of the northern Indians, 

359. On introdueijig hu>bandry and 
civilization among them, ."UiO. ( »n the 
pending treaty with Algiers, 4S6. 

Pierce, Captain, Greene's Aiil, III. 

312, 407. 
PicioT, Kor.ERT, re<iuost.«< Sullivan to 

circulate Lord North's Bills, II. 114. 

On the fall of the garrison at Newport, 

191. 



544 



GENERAL INDEX. 



[Index, 



Piles, Colonel, killed, III. 247, 258. 

PiNCKNET, Charles, Delegate to the 
Federal Convention, IV. 166. Pam- 
phlet of, 182, 186, 300. On Spain 
and the southern Indians, 300. Pro- 
position of, respecting fugitives to 
Florida, 385. 

PiNCKXEY, Charles Coteswortii, 
General, delegate to the Federal Con- 
vention, IV. 166. On the adoption 
of the Federal Constitution, 214. On 
a constitution in South Carolina, 341. 

Pinckney, Thomas, appointment of, 
to London, IV. 449, 463. Conduct of, 
towards Jay, 453. On British dis- 
crimination between American and 
European navigation, 455. Envoy- 
extraordinary to Spain, 463. Ordered 
to leave Paris, 500. 

Pixe, R. E.. a portrait painter from 
England, IV. 139. 

Piquet, M., takes thirty-four of Rod- 
ney's ships. III. 380. 

Pitt, Fort, or Pittsburg, L 66, 89, 431. 
Garrisoned. II. 285. Stores at, 286. 
State of affairs at, 399, 437, 449. Re- 
enforced. 314. Condition of, III. 10, 
323. Want of provisions, 10. 33, 119. 
Threatened, 90. Irvine on the state 
of affairs at, 452, 472, 501. Import- 
ance of maintaining, 502. Dissatis- 
faction there as to the intention of 
Congress respecting the Mississippi, 
IV. 167. Exasperation at, against 
Indians, 367. See Brodhead. 

Pliarne, L 103, 141, 143. 

Point-au-Fer, custom-house difficulty at. 
IV. 374. 

Point-aux-Trembles, Arnold at. I. 87, 95, 
489, 492. 

Poor, Exocn, Colonel, at St. John's, 
I. 218. Brigadier-general, at Loudon's 
Ferry, 427. Brigade of, to join Put- 
nam, II. 25, 26. To join the main 
army, 26, 36, 37, 42. Has good troops 
for an expedition against Indians, 267. 
Baggage returned to, 515 ; 535. 

Porter, Colonel, I. 17, 18, 20. 

Porterfield, Lieutenant-Colonel, II. 
433. 

Portsmouth, New Hampshire, prepara- 
tions for defending, I. 70. The Tories 
at, 71. 

Portsmouth, Virginia, Lee's proceedings 
at, approved, II. 493. Debarkation 
of British at, IIL 124, 138, 141. Bri- 
tish force at, 141, 345. Preparations 
for taking, 256, 265, 271, 287, 290, 
314, 341. Enemy strengthen, 294. 
Evacuated and fortifications levelled, 
343, 344. 

Post-office, remarks on the, IV. 234. 

Potomac Company, fifty shares in the, 



voted to Washington, and appropri- 
ated, IV. 57, 89, 93. 97, 108, 119, 464. 

Potomac Pacer, on connecting with the 
west by inland navigation, IV. 63. 94, 
107, n5, 195. See Western Inland 
Navigation. 

Potter. James, General, III. 193. 

Powder, I. 12, 17, 21. Measures for 
pi'ocuring, 17, 34, 56. Wanted in 
the Northern Department, 59, 69, 469, 
509, 517. Arrival of, at Rliode Island 
and Portsmouth. 83. Distributed. 120. 
Mills for making, 122, 163, 166. At 
New York, 122. 123, 128. Scarce, 
134, 144, 469, 489. Sent to the army, 
144, 166, 175. Arrival of. from France, 
in. 60. Wanted by Steuben, 292, 
293. See Bayonne, and Bermuda Is- 
lands. 

Prescott, Robert, a British briga- 
dier-general, surrenders at Montreal, 
L 85, 103, 111. Treatment of Allen 
bv, 86, 110, 472. Retaliation on, 139, 
491. On exchanging, 289, 407, IL 
106. Thomson on his capture, I. 407. 
His kindness to Cadwalader, II. 218. 

Prestox, Charles, Briti::^li major, 
proposes to suiTcnder St. John's, I. 
473. 

Prevost, a British general, at Savan- 
nah, II. 402. 

Price, James, aids American troops, 
L 117, 157, 481, 487, 514. Lends 
money, 487, 491, 498, 504, 507. 

Prices, on regulating by law, IL 377, 
394. See Finances. 

Princeton College. Indians at, III. 503. 

Prisoners, I. 289, 358, 407. Congress 
passes resolves respecting, II. 104. 
Exchanges of, 122, 212. On exchang- 
ing for Cadwalader, 217. Evils of 
keeping the officers and men together, 
331. INIecting for settling a general 
cartel for exchange of, 415. Lee's 
proposition to exchange Walker and 
others. 506. On exchanging, III. 59, 
96,99, 106. 140, 168, 211,' 216, 464. 
Cherokee taken, 237. Vermont nego- 
tiations respecting, 442, 446. Laurens 
on exchange of, for his father, 480. 
Meeting of commissioners at Eliza- 
bethtown for exchange of, 496, 501. 
On the discharge of. 22. 

Prisoners. American, L 218. Treatment 
and exchange of, taken at the Cedars, 
258, 520. Treatment of, in Canada, 
265, 472. 494, 505, 521. Propositions 
for exchanging, 266, 322. Carleton 
gives paroles to, 290. Escape of, 300. 
Treatment of, in NeV York, 324. 
Compelled to labor on British works, 
II. 3. Take a ship and bring her into 
Mai-blehead, 74. Improved treatment 



No. III.] 



GENERAL INDEX. 



545 



of, 123. On the treatment of. from Vir- 
ginia, 362. Surterings of, HI. 96. On 
the exchange of Dr. Lewis, 241 . Ti-cat- 
mcnt of, at St. Augustine and retalia- 
tion proposed, 376, 388. See Lee, 
Charles ; and Retaliation. 
Prisoners, British, I. 226. Complaint 
as to tlieir treatment, 291, 325, II. 522. 
Taken, at Trenton, I. 311 ; at the bat- 
tle of Bennington, 425, 11. 522 ; at 
St. John's and by Colonel Brown, I. 
475, II. 530; at Staten Island, 50. Mode 
of settlement for supplies to, 105. 
Belonging to a ship stranded on the 
coast of New Jersey, 243. Imprison- 
ed, 322, 336, 361. Insist on freedom 
of speech, 336. Taken by Captain 
Ebenezer Allen, 531 ; by Colonel 
Campbell, disposed of. III. 168; at 
the Cowpens, 236, 238 ; by Marion 
and Lee, 393, 430; at Gloucester, 427. 
Treatment of, 505. Movements for 
the restoration of, IV. 22, 31. Sec 
Convention Troops. 

Privateering, I. 345. Discouraged in 
Bermuda, III. 25. Injury to the enemy 
by, 180. 

Prizes, 1. 125. Taken by captain Tuck- 
er and others, 201, 226, 257. Arrive 
at Marblehead. II. 73 ; in the Delaware, 
159; at Boston, 280 ; at Sulem, 444. 
Taken by privateers and row-boats 
near Charleston, III. 180. On the 
admission of French, to ports of the 
United States, IV. 438. 

rjtocTEU, Thomas, Colonel, at Phila- 
delphia, II. 143. In the expedition to 
Bull's Ferry, HI. 37. Mode of rais- 
ing and otiicering his regiment, 275. 
Ert'ort of, to go to the western In- 
dians, IV. 379. 

I'rospect Hill, Convention Troops at, 
II. 16. 

Provisions, scarcity of, in the Northern 
Department, L187, 190, 198,383,393, 
401, 515, 519. Tories supply the Brit- 
ish with, 443. Sutlorings of the army 
for, while crossing New Jersey, II. 145, 
147. Kcgard to, in selecting winter- 
(|uartcrs, 352. Exhausted in New 
York, 440. Commissaries forbidden 
to purchase, 449, 459. Want of, at 
West Point. 462. Ellurts of IVnnsyl- 
vania for supplying, 464. Want and 
sui)plv of, at Fort Pitt, III. 10, 33, 63, 
H4, 119. 163; in the south, 66, 107, 137, 
207, 218, 245, 283; at West Point, 
112; at Fort Schuyler and Schenec- 
tady, 230. Demand of, in North Car- 
olina. 283. Exertions to furnish to 
the cooperating forces in Marvland and 
Virginia, 398, 408. 

Prudence Inland, descent on, I. 133. 

40='= 



Prussia, II. 117, 333, IV. 414, 429. 
Public credit, on means for restoring, 
IV. 19. Etfectof Washington's ad- 
ministration on, 307, 309. 

Public debt, II. 234, 235. ISIovements 
in Congress respecting the, UI. 554, 
IV. 25. On funds for the, 18, 25, 34, 
101, 103, 108, 114, 174, 180. Interest 
of the, not paid, 171. Propositions to 
buy the whole, 426. 

Public officers, on the exemption of. 
from civil suits. III. 544. 

Pulaski, Count, appointed brigadier- 
general and to command cavalry, II. 
53. His letters respecting the cavalry 
its and organization, 53, 57, 64, 87. In- 
cidents in the life of, 87. In South 
Carolina, 312. 

Putnam, Israel, Major- General, I. 84, 
298, 352. On cooperating with, 310. 
To reenforce Fort Montgomery, 416. 
On keeping a party at White Plains, 
417. Conjectures of, as to the enemy's 
movements, 418,440,11. 536. Troops 
under, 6. Keenforcements for, 16. 
Disposition of his forces, 24. Appli- 
cation to, for reiinforcements to the 
main army, 25, 28, 31, 33, 34, 37, 39, 
549. Complaints against, 33 - 37, 552, 
554. Deviates from orders, 38. At 
New York, 59, 550. Returns to camp, 
from the eastward, 293. His troops 
ordered to the North River, 294. On 
excursions of the enemy, 294, Seiz- 
ed with paralysis, 457. 

Putnam, Rufus, Colonel, 1. 271, Gen- 
eral, IV. 59, 118. On a treaty with 
Wabash Indians, 405. 



Q. 



Quartermaster's Dejxirtment, plan for, pro- 
posed by Mifflin, II. 45. Condition of 
the, 164, 271, 371. Employment of 
bateau-men by the, 317. On new 
arrangements in the, 423, 428, HI. 49, 
53. Cireene's resignation in the, 48, 
53, 77. Pickering's appointment in 
the, 53, 60. See Greene, Mifflin, 
PlcKEUlNO, and Provisions. 

Quebec, I. 23. Forces at, 24, 476, 488, 
492, 504. Consequences of eaj)turing, 
83, 503. American troops before, 88, 
92, 476, 494, 509. Houses around, 
burnt, 95. Apprehensions respecting, 
110. Americans defeated at, 114, 116, 
123,134, 499. Siege of, and xaWks 
from ; condition of the inliubitants, 
116, 1.54, 163, 196,503, 507, 512. Arri- 
val there of British ship><, 197, 512, 
515. lietreat from, 197, 512. 532, 

QiEH.vDA, (jovernor of Florida, on tlic 
delivery of fugitives by, IV, 386. 



546 



GENERAL INDEX. 



[Index, 



QuixcT, JosiAii, on shutting up the 
harbour of Boston, I. 72. On taking 
Boston, 76. On the depreciation and 
evil of paper money, III. 157. 



R. 



Radierk, a French engineer, I. 407, 
408. 

Rahl, a Hessian colonel, I. 323. 

Rakdolpii, Edmund, I. 82, II. 128. 
On Washington's appointment to the 
ConA'ention, IV. 124, 152. On west- 
ern internal navigation, 129. On 
amendments, 295, 298. On a digest 
of the federal law, 391. On payments 
to France, 421. On charges against 
Morris and the removal of him, 424, 
446. Secretary of State, 445. On the 
nomination of an Envoy Extraordi- 
nary to London, 448. Refuses to 
disclose information from Europe. 
460. 

Randolph, Peyton, first President 
of the Continental Congress, 1. 32. His 
death, 67. 

Rank, military, of Continental and Pro- 
A'incial officers, I. 140, 143. Of French 
artillery officers, 379. Of French engi- 
neers, 407, 409. Thomson on, 408. 
Of brevet commissions, 11. 115. Diffi- 
culty between Steuben and Small- 
Avood, as to, in. 167. See Brod- 

HEAD. 

Rawdon. Lord, letters of, found and 
published. III. 76, 312. Offers to ex- 
change Dubuysson for Governor Ham- 
ilton, 99. Corps of, going to Ireland, 
535. 

Rawlings, Moses, Colonel, I. 300. 

Read, Jacob, on the inefficiency of the 
government, IV. 77. 

Red Bank, 11. 3, 4. Repulse of the 
enemy at, 12. Interception of com- 
munication with, 43. 

Reddick, "Willis, II. 489. 

Reed, George Washington, III. 27. 

Reed, Joseph, Colonel, I. 8, 16, 25, 
46. Sends manifestoes to Arnold, 
49. Absent from camp, 82, 162. To 
join Washington, 162. Urges Cad- 
walader to march to Burlington. 313. 
Declines being brigadier-general, 388. 
Proposed for a new board of war, II. 
11. General; on a committee for re- 
gulating the army, 67, 138. President 
of Pennsylvania ; on the trial of Ar- 
nold, 275. On supplies for the army, 
463 ; raising men, 464 ; vesting powers 
in the Executive, 466 ; and the effect 
of the parties in Congress, 467. On 
light-horse recruits, and exertions of 
ladies for relief of the armv. 478. On 



the powers invested in him, III. 16. 
Cooperation of, to suppress the muti- 
ny in the Pennsylvania line, 194. 

Reed, at Chamblee, I. 218. 

Refugees, Board of. III. 500. 

Rendon, Francisco, agent for the 
Spanish Government, HI. 414, IV. 
150. 

Retaliation, for the treatment of prison- 
ers, I. 259, 325, 357, 491. Resolution 
on, sent to Howe, 381. Montgomery 
threatens, 472. For Lee, II. 218. Pro- 
posed for the treatment of prisoners 
at St. Augustine, III. 388; for the 
execution of Hayne, 393. 431, 448, 
533 ; for the murder of Huddy, 504, 
519, 533; for the death of Crawford, 
523. 

Rhode Island, I. 1. Efforts of, to pro- 
cure powder, 17. Forces in, 98. Cri- 
tical situation of, 133. Renounces 
allegiance to the king of Great Britain. 
192. Measures of, for filling up the 
Continental army, H. 78. Militia of, 
ordered out. III. 42. See Cooke. 

Rhode Island, the Island of, British 
troops on, L 321,326, 327,334,360. 
The plan for attacking the enemy on, 
335, 354, 359. British fortifying, II. 
113. Count d'Estaing sails for, 160, 
166, 175, 183. British forces at, 171, 
175, 179. Sullivan's expedition to, 
174, 175. Battle and retreat from, 
192, 198, 202. British evacuate and 
carry off records, 341. Defences for, 
III. 36, 42. Threatened, 43. See 
Neicport, and Sullivan. 

Richelieu Rapids, I. 494, 510. 

Richmond, Colonel, I. 291. 

Richmond, rendezvous at, II. 448. Bri- 
tish expedition to. III. 201. Phillips's 
plan against, defeated, 306. Lafayette 
at ; Cornwallis advances against, 325. 
British force at, 345. On protecting, 
424. 

RiCHMORE, Colonel, from jMontreal, I. 
147. 

Ridgefield, McDougall's excursion to- 
wards, I. 374. 

Riedesel, Baron, II. 369, 512. Com- 
plains of the treatment of Hessian 
prisoners. 522. 

Riflemen, I. 202, 424, II. 501. 

RoBERDEAU, Daniel, General, I. 285. 

Robertson, General, wounded at Nash- 
ville, IV. 463. 

Robinson, James, British general, 
confines Laurens, HI. 518. 

Rochambeau, Count de, an-ives at 
Newport with a French army. III. 12. 
Effects of his arrival, on the militia, 
45. Interview of Washington with, 
90, 93. Junction of, with "Washing- 



No. in.] 



GENEKAL INDEX. 



547 



ton, 346. His movements to aid 
Greene, 471, 476, 485. Engraving of 
field-pieces for, 487. Effect of Count 
de Grasse's defeat on his plans, 514. 
French troops left by, at York, 526. 
His preparations for departure and 
embarkation, 540. On a visit to 
France by Washington, IV. 36. 

lioDNEY,' Cesar, Governor of Dela- 
ware, III. 14. 

Rodney, Admiral. III. 105, 380. 

ItoGERS, James, Colonel, I. 93, 96. 

JiooEKS, KoBERT, Major, I. 93. Ex- 
amination of, 90. Visits Schuyler, 

110. Defeated, 299. Plan against his 
party, 305. 

] low-boats, injury done to the enemy by. 

111. 180. 

KcGELV, Colonel, captured, III. 167. 
Russell, Thomas, IV. 476. 
liassia, I. 126, 172, IV. 82, 171, 199. 

KUTIIERFORD, ROBERT, OR niOUCy 

emissions, II. 253. 
KuTLEDGE, Edward, I. 287, II. 141. 

Imprisonment and treatment of, III. 

387. 
IIl'tledge, Joiix, Governor of South 

Carolina, on operations for recovering 

southern States, HI. 64. 188, 368, 

415. 

S. 

St. Augustine, proposed expeditions 
against, II. 235, 240, HI. 162, 542. 
Excursion from, into Georgia, 11.242. 
British detachment to, 375. Trans- 
portation of Charleston citizens to, IH. 
180, 18S, 376, 388. Iloyalists, rangers, 
and refugees go to, 535. 

St. Clair, Arthur, Colonel, I. 208, 
209, 219. 525. His letters to Schuvler, 
392-394, H. 510, 513. Marches from 
Mount Independence, I. 393, 403, II. 
513. Arrival of at Fort Edward 1. 397. 
II. 514. Details of his operations, I. 
400, II. 510, 513. Visits Congress, I. 
432. Proceedings of the court-mar- 
tial on, to be ])rinted, II. 222. On 
Sullivan's expedition agiiinst Indians, 
267, 268. On removing his troops to 
New Windsor. .'JO.'J. On the (li-;posi- 
tion of troops in New Jersey, 38S. On 
ft commission for settling a general 
cartel for exchange of pri.soncrs, 415. 
On the condition of nlfairs Hi West 
Point, III. 112. On the dtfeetion in 
the Pennsylvania line, 195. Fxertions 
of, to send troops against Cornwallis, 
250. Joins (Jreene, 447-450, 465. 
CJovornor; writes to Congress respect- 
ing Connollv's mission, IV. 252. Kx- 
nedition uinier, 379. His return, 404. 

.V. Jolins, liriiish forces and fortiliea- 



tions at, 1.6, 24, 41, 462, 465, 472, 
528. American movements against, 
40, 44, 66, 77, 79, 465, 467. Plan for 
attacking, 43, 469. Surrender of, and 
prisoners, 81, 473, 474. Baggage and 
artillery removed to, 212, 526. Import- 
ant, 215. Abandoned, 238, 533. 

St. iiEGER, General, II. 256, 519, 523. 

St. Simox, Marquis de, HI. 401. 

St. Vincent's, Fort, II. 313. IV. 400. 

Sanduski/, III. 453, 473, 503. Failure 
of an expedition against, 509, 516, 
522. Torture of captives at, 523^ 
Commanded by a British captain. 
523. 

Saratoga, I. 22, 94, 428, III. 336. On 
violating the convention at, II. 331. 
See Convention Troops. 

Saratoga Springs, experiments in the, 
IV. 73. 

Sargext, Paul Dudley, Colonel, I. 
200. 

Sargent, Wixturop, ^lajor, IV. 
59, 96. 

Sartixe, M. de, II. 156. 

Savantiah, attack on, I. 167. Retreat 
from, II. 245,347. Movements against, 
338. Defeat at, 363, 387. Prcvost 
and troops at, 402. Vessels arrive at, 
410. British force at, HI. 372, 373. 
Enemy's forage at, burnt, 491. Ves- 
sels sail to, from New York, 514. On 
the evacuation of, by tiie British, 514, 
525. 

Scammell, Alexander, Colonel, III. 
413. 

Schenectady, III. 121, 131, 337, 402. 

aScAo/whc, destroyed. III. 121, 130, 133. 

Schuyler, Philip, Major-Gencral, I. 
3, 54. Aid to, from Connecticut, 5. 
At Ticonderoga, 6, 8. Favors an ex- 
pedition to Canada, 23. Advances to 
Islc-aiix-Noix, 28, 40. At St. John's, 
40. Sickness and distresses among 
his troops, 42, 59, 398, See Smallpox. 
Ileturns to Islc-aux-Noix, 43. On the 
movements against Canada, 77. On 
the capitulation of Montreal, 85. Rca- 
scjns of, for retiring from the armv, 
109, 115, 287, 11.408. On Major 
Robert Rogers. I. 110. On Wjushing- 
ton's letter to Howe, 111. Continues 
in service, 186. On tlie evacuation of 
Canada, 240, 247, 253. On the ex- 
tent of Ciates's authority. 249. Com- 
plaints against ; his justilieation, 287, 
II. 4<16. Wants forees, I. .•120, 382, 
383, 392, 394. 416, 419, 424. Pro- 
gress of Burgoyne and operations of 
the northern arniv in o|)posing him, 
392,11.510. At Saratoga, 416. Fortify- 
ing at Stillwater. 419. On the battle 
of BeiHiington, 425. Imjuiry into liis 



548 



GENERAL INDEX. 



[Index, 



conduct, 429, II. 97, 98. 133. De- 
clines appointment, 407, 411. On the 
restoration of rank to, 408. In Con- 
gress, 411. On the new organization 
of the army, 424, 427. To proceed 
to head-quarters and consult on the 
affairs of the army, 454. On the mu- 
tiny in the Pennsylvania line. III. 212. 
On filling the war department, 280. 
Attempt to surprise, 375, 462. Ef- 
forts of, to bring wheat from Schoha- 
rie, 402. Guard left to protect, 462. 
Schuyler, Fort, siege of, raised. I. 426, 
430, II. 518. Provisions for, 473, 
III. 134, 230. Destroyed, and stores 
removed, 336. 

Scott, Chakles, General, II. 147. 
On the battle of Monmouth, 150. 
Sends light-horse to Morgan, 152. 
Joins Lincoln in the south, 345, 360, 
405, 419, 433, 434. On the new or- 
ganization of the army, 424. 
Scott, Johx Morin, Lieutenant-Co- 
lonel, L 33, 333, 340. 
Scott, Major, sent with goods to 
Chamblee, L 528, 529. 
Seamen, impressments of, in British 
ports, IV. 396. 

Sears, Isaac, Captain, I. 118, 120. 
Lee's remarks, on, 147. Colonel ; re- 
ception of, by Count d'Estaing, II. 
173. 
Segur, Count de, IV. 307, 489. 
Selleck, Captain, British attempt to 
surprise, II. 294. 
Shawanese towns, II. 459, III. 63, 77. 
Shmjs's rebellion, IV. 206, 207. History 
of, 229. See Massachusetts. 
SiiEE, JoHN^, Colonel, I. 276. 
Shelby, Colonel, II. 313. 
Sheldox, Elisha, Colonel, HI. 81, 
83. In arrest, 84. At Yorktown, 
427. 

Shepherd, Abraham, Colonel, I. 381, 
IL 42. 

Sherburne, Hexrt, Major, at the 
Cedars, L 258, 521. Loss of his 
part3% 532. At Hartford, II. 359. 
SnippEN, William, proposition of, to 
fix a hospital at Letiz. II. 89, 92. 
Short, Vv^illiam, in France, IV. 218, 
346, 378. Mission of, to Madrid, 395. 
Proposition by, respecting Lafayette, 
409. Favors the purchase of Ameri- 
can paper, 426. 
Shuter, Colonel, IV. 249. 
Shuter's Creek, III. 457. 
SiLLiMAN, G., Selleck, Brigadier-Ge- 
neral, and his son, surprised and taken, 
IL 294. 

Sinclair, Sir John, IV. 471, 480. 
Skene, Philip, Governor, I. 266. 290, 
IL514. 



Skeneshoroagh, enemy at, I. 396, 399, 
404, II. 513. Purpose of evacuating, 
in. 442. 

Skinner, Abraham, II. 24. 
Skinner, Cortland, Colonel, I. 419, 
IL 49. 
Slaves, I. 32. Encouraged to desert, 
167. South Carolina refuses to raise 
a corps of, 345. In service during the 
war, to be free, II. 78. In Virginia 
to be taken into safe keeping, 489. 
Flight of, in Virginia, IIL 314. On 
disposing of those taken with Corn- 
wallis, 410. Lafayette's plan of liberat- 
ing. 547, IV. 110. On the restoration 
of, by the British, 35. Petition for 
manumission of, rejected in Virginia, 
120. On payment for, according to 
the treaty, 331. See Negroes. 
Smallpox, among the troops in Canada, 
I. 155, 196, 209, 218, 220, 231, 255. 
279, 526, 530. Inoculation of troops 
with the, 196, 218, 220, 367, 516, 532. 
Smallwood, William, General, IIL 

165, 167, 191. 
Smith, Samuel, Lieutenant-Colonel, 
IL7. 

Smith, Stephen, Captain, commend- 
ed, L 102. 

Smith, William, Chief Justice, HI. 
518. 
Smith, Captain in Arnold's expedition, 
1.47. 
Sorel, forces and fortifications at, I. 211, 
212. Attempt to hold, 532. Meeting 
of Steuben and Haldimand at, IV. 41. 
South Carolina, troops of, I. 126, 131. 
Obliges Campbell to leave the harbour, 
130. Troops of, commended ; opera- 
tions in, 246, IL 490, 492. Danger 
of an attack on, 221, 385. Troops and 
supplies in, 24 1 . Disgusted with Con- 
gress, 280, 375. Troops of, for defend- 
ing Charleston, 345, 347, 405. Acts 
of, respecting militia, 345. On recov- 
ering, III. 52, 64, 66. Distresses and 
dangers of, 107. Treatment of citizens 
of, by the enemy, 180, 188. British 
draft men from, 246. Disaffection in, 
246. On the establishment of a civil 
goveniment there, 388. Delegates 
from, in Congress urge severe treat- 
ment of Cornwallis, 434. Rejects the 
impost act, IV. 4, 38. Appoints dele- 
gates to the General Convention, 166. 
Ratifies anew Constitution, 341. See 
Charleston. 
Southern Military Department, 1. 165. Lin- 
coln takes command in the, IL 241. 
Distresses and destitution in the, IH. 
52, 166, 191, 207, 215, 218. Greene 
appointed to the command there, 116, 
119, 123, 137, 139. Maryland and 



No. Ill] 



GENERAL INDEX 



549 



Delaware annexed to the, 139. Sub- 
scriptions for supplies to the, 139. 

Southern States, preparations for defend- 
ing, I. 123, 130. Laurens on the in- 
habitants of the, II. 120. Madness of 
the enemy in goinji: there, 281. Bri- 
tish forces in the, III. 52. Apprehen- 
sions for the, 145, 234, 299, 331. Im- 
portance to the British of possessing, 
331. Importance of recovering, 416. 
Defenceless and witliout civil govern- 
ment, 537. Protection provided for, 
542. Weakness and distress of the, 
IV. 5. Sec CoKNWALLis, Greene, 
and Lee. 

S/>ain, cautious of an alliance with the 
United States, III. 172. Dilatoriness 
in the treaty with, 173, 378. Otfer of 
service by Galvaez, commander of 
forces of, 414. Treaty with, IV. 134, 
138, 140, 174, 180, 187,300. Political 
interest of, as to the western Avaters, 
247, 301, 378. Influence of, on south- 
ern Indians. 275, 278, 282, 301, 316, 
404. On taking part in the prospect- 
ive war of, witli England, 347, 349. 
Appointment of a minister resident 
to, 356, 358. Declaration of war by, 
491. 

Specie, sent to Canada, I. 213, 252. 
Advanced by Robert Morris. 315. At 
Ticonderoga, 315. Want of, in Ca- 
nada, 487, 489-491, 518. Voted for 
the use of the Commander-in-chief, II. 

195, 221. Borrowed of France, 234. 
(iratuity of to tlie troops, III. 212, 
222, 224. ]']tforts to raise taxes in, 
340. Wanted by Lafayette, 344. See 
Money, and Paper money. 

Speculators, 11. 206, 216," 236, IIL 170. 
Si'ENCEn, Joseph, General, I. 352. 
Spies, British taken, seized, tried, and 
executed, L 329, 334, 363, III. 195, 

196, 198, 199, 206. Sent out by Brod- 
head, 397. 

Sprin'i/ielJ, in Massachusetts, 1. 94, 428, 
IIL'l3. 

SprinqJh'Id, in New Jersey, British ex- 
cursion to, III. 5. 

Stanwix, Fort, I. 252, 427, II. 523. 

Stahk, John, Colonel, at Sorcl, I. 218. 
General ; victorious at Bennington, 
425. n. 516.518. Joined by Lincoln, I. 
427. Colonel Butler to join in defence 
of the west«rn frontiers, II. 169. On 
th(^ spirit of the pcojth' of New Ilamj)- 
shire, III. 13, 2S4. Sick and absent, 
160, 2H4, 354. Takes conunnnd in 
the Noriliern Dopartujcnt and holds a 
tn-aty with the (Jretn Mountain Hoys. 
354.374. Ilis ill-health and want of 
funds. 534. 

State riijht^ P'H'fi/- in Congress, I II. 1 8, 85. 



Staten Island, I. 286. Interview there 
between British commissioners and 
a committee of Congress, 288. Forces 
on, 419. Apprehension of an irruption 
from, 432. Dickinson's attack on, II. 
23, 49. Rhode Island army on, 342. 
Lord Stirling's expedition to, 380, 392. 
Troops pass from, to New Jersey, 469. 

States, disagreement between Congress 
and, II. 272, 280, 375. Jealous of each 
other, 331, 421. Requisitions on the, 
for reiinforcements, 376. Responsi- 
bilities thrown upon the, by Congress, 
476. To furnish men and specific sup- 
plies, III. 145; 171, 289. Delinquen- 
cies and deficiencies of the, 382. Non- 
compliance of, with requisitions of 
Congress, 466. Necessity of obtaining 
money and men from the, 467. Charge 
of partiality among the, 484. Reject 
the five per cent, duty act, IV. 3. Re- 
quired to settle accounts, 7, 24. Jea- 
lous of the Confederation, 48. Peace 
of the Union at the mercy of the, 368. 
Operation of the federal government 
on governors and officers of, 447. 

Statue of Washington, IV. 84, 106. 

Stephens, General, to command Vir- 
ginia militia. III. 124. 

Steuhen-jFuederic William, Baron, 
II. 420. On the plan of the army sent 
by the Commander-in-chief\ to Con- 
gress, III. 126. On cavi^iy, 127. 
Commands in Virginia, 166. Vctivity 
of, during the British expedition against 
Richmond, 202-205. Has difficulty 
in arranging the Virginia line, 208, 
293. Operations of, relating to Ports- 
mouth, 255, 256, 264, 290. His plan 
of forced marches against Cornwallis. 
291. Wants arms, '292. Greene de- 
clines calling him to the army, 293. 
Reenforeed by Lafayette, 308. Mission 
of, to Haldimand respecting prisoners 
and posts, IV. 39. 41. His claims and 
necessities, 122, 189. 

Stewart, Ch.vrles, III. 5. 

Stew.vkt, Colonel, at the battle of Mon- 
mouth. II. 150. In the action near 
(Jreen Sj)ring Farm, III. 350. 

SliUtrntcr, I. 419, 11.524, 527-529, .'■)35. 

Stirling. Loud, I. 107, 124. At New 
York, 140, 159, 161, 165, 172. Com- 
mended, 153, 102. On exchanging, 
289. In New Jersey, II. 215,297. 
On the action of tiic New Jcrs«'y legis- 
lature, 298. Troops under. 3t"i(), 368. 
On General Lincohi, 308. Expedition 
of, to Staton Island. 380. 

Stockton. Mrs., on her confinement in 
11 jail, 1.322. 

Stuninifton, I. 31, 39. 

Sluny Point, II. 307, 319, 332, III. 113. 



550 



GENERAL INDEX 



[Index, 



Strong, Caleb, Delegate to the Gene- 
ral Convention, IV. 166. 

Stuart, David, IV. 265. 

Sullivan, John, General, I. 70. His 
examination of Major Eobert Eogers, 
96. At Sorel, 211, 237. His move- 
ments against the enemy, 211, 216, 
514, 525. Forces under, 218, 525. 
Sickness of his troops, 231, 233, 243. 
On the evacuation of Canada, 241, 247, 
531. On cxclianging, 289. Complains 
of being slighted, 352. Applies for tlie 
command at Ticonderoga, 353. At 
Flemington, 385. On a project for at- 
tacking Howe, II. 63. Proposes to 
resign, 80. Arrangements by, to com- 
municate and cooperate with Count d' 
Estaing, 161, 167, 170, 172, 174, 178, 
180. His plans and operations on 
Rhode Island, 175, 178, 188, 191. 
Porces under, 177. 178, 188. Cen- 
sures Count d' Estaing, 185, 190, 204. 
Eights and retreats from Rhode Island, 
192, 198, 202. His expedition against 
western Indians, 264,280,316. Reen- 
forcements for, 317. Advance of, to 
Pompton, 342. Resigns, 343, 365.- On 
the cabal against the Commander-in- 
chief, 366. On parties in Congress 
and the arrangement of the army. III. 
144. On appointments by Congress, 
253. Not favored by Adams, 253. 

SiiUivan^s Island, attack on, I, 244, II. 
502. 

SuMPTER, Thomas, Colonel, III. 67, 
75, 279. Defeats Tarleton, 167, 180. 
Movements of, 228, 245. Orangebui-g 
smTcnders to, 311. 



T. 



Talbot. Major, bravery of, II. 193. 

Tallmadge, Benjamin, Major, II. 
215, III. 102. 

Tarleton, a British lieutenant-colo- 
nel, successes against, ID. 180, 217, 
225, 246, 257, 260. Journal of his 
campaigns, IV. 172. 

Tarri/town, I. 438, II. 537. 

Taxes, by the States, 11. 47. Recom- 
mendation of, by Congress, 235. In 
Virginia, 253. Embarrassments as to, 
464. Apprehensions from, in Penn- 
sylvania, III. 24. Voted by Congress, 
219. Efforts to raise, in specie, 340. 
New Hampshire, paid in produce, 534. 

Taylor, Colonel, guards Convention 
Troops, II. 360, III. 142. 

Teller's Point, 11. 305. 

Ten Broeck, Abraham, I. 333, II. 
169, III. 134. 

Tents, I. 236, 280, II. 68, III. 50, 72, 
166, 428. 



Tern ANT, John, Lieutenant- Colonel, 
II. 375. Successor of Count de Mous- 
tier. IV. 269, 313, 363, 377. His ap- 
plications for arms and provisions to be 
sent to Hispaniola, 382-385, 415 ; for 
funds, 422, 423. 

Ternay, Chevalier de, with a French 
fleet, at Newport, IH. 12, 44, 54, 57. 

Thayer, Simeon, Major, II. 43. 

Thomas, John, Major-general, takes 
command in Canada, I. 165, 185. 
Forces under, 185, 186, 194, 196. Re- 
tarded by ice, 189. At Montreal. 189, 
194. Retreats, 197, 515, 516. Sick- 
ness and death of, 210,211, 225,518, 
525. 

Thompson, "Willia^i, Brigadier-gene- 
ral, L 161, 516. Ordered to the 
Southern Department, 161 ; to Ncav 
York, 162, 165, 172, 175. On the 
prospects in Canada, 207, 210. At- 
tacks the enemy at Three Rivers, 213, 
214, 216, 525. Repulsed and made 
prisoner, 218, 234, 237, 242, 512, 530, 
531. 

Thompson, Colonel, repulses the ene- 
my, L 246 ; II. 503. 

Thomson, Charles, I. 406, 407. 

Thornton, F., Colonel, applies for the 
restoration of negroes, IV. 36. 

Three Rivers, I. 135, 195. Advance to, 
by the enemy, 208, 210, 212, 526. See 
Thompson. 

Thurston, Charles M., on the faction 
in Kentucky, IV. 451. 

Ticonderoga, confusion, and controversy 
about command at, 1.3, 6, 14. Troops 
at, 8, 23, 25, 87, 110. Cannon removed 
from, 157. See Knox, Henry, Oc 
cupation of, 233. 251, 279, 535. Mas 
sachusetts levies ordered to, 354 
Want of forces at, 382, 392, 400, 
Threatened, 383, 392. On the evacu 
ation of, 393, 399, 401, 429, II. 511 
535. Inquiry into the affair of, I. 429, 
II. 97, 133. Arrival there of carpen 
ters to build vessels, I. 534, 537. Ex- 
peditions against, bv Gates, II. 38, 525 
526 - 530. "British appear before, III! 
446. See Schuyler. 

Tilghman, Tench, IH. 24. Des- 
patched to Congress after Cornwallis's 
surrender, 434. 

Tilly, a French naval officer, confers 
with Virginians, III. 249-251. 

Tories. See Loyalists. 

TousARD, Lewis, wounded, II. 201. 

Treason acts passed by Congress, I. 
236, II. 105. 

Treaties, with the Ohio Indians, I. 89. 
With France, II. 116, 124. Between 
New York and the Six Nations, IV. 
79, 80. Violations of the, with Great 



No. m.] 



GENERAL INDEX, 



551 



Britain, 134, 162, 322, 331. With 
Indians, 403. Sec British treat)/, 
France, and Spain. 

Trenton] success at, I. 311, 317, 322, 
323. Freedom of the city given to 
Washington, IV. 85. On voting funds 
for pubUc buildings at. 104. 

Tripoli, on a treaty with, IV. 134. 

Tnour, Major, Aid to General Gates, 
I. 436. 

TiiUMBULL, John', 1. 10. Visits Stutt- 
gard, IV. 471. 

Trumbull, Joxathan-, Governor of 
Connecticut, on the appointment of 
tlic conimander-in-cliicf, I. 2. On 
Lord North's Conciliatory Bills, II. 
115. On David Bushnell and liis in- 
ventions, 301. On cooperating Avith 
d'Estaing, and defending Connecticut, 
341. Exertions of, to procure gratui- 
ties and clothing for the troops. III. 
222. On the ditlicultics encountered, 
and on doing justice to the officers, 
350, 356. On Arnold's expedition to 
New London and Groton, 403, 437. 
On the surrender of Cornwallis, and 
on defending Connecticut. 437. De- 
clines election to office, IV. 51, 

TnuMiJULL, JoxATiiAX, Jr., on jea- 
lousy of Congress, IV. 52. On the 
adoption of the Federal Constitution, 
200. On the power of the Executive 
to change the place of meeting of Con- 
gress, 441. 

Trumbull, Josepu, Commissary-Ge- 
neral, I. 10, 247. 

Tryox, AVilliam, Governor of New 
York, L 118, 140, 152, 160. II. 62. 

Tnjon County, I. 3, 421,427. Appre- 
hensions in, from Indians, II. 255. 
Barbarities in, III. 229. Threatened 
with depopulation, 229. 

Tucker, Captian, takes two brigs, I. 
201. 

Tucker, St. Ceorge, IV. 121. 

Tudor. William, II. 366. Letter 
of, to Washington. IV. 229. 

J'unis, on a treaty with, IV. 134. 

Tupi'EU. Bex.iamin, Colonel, I. 301, 
304, IV. 118. 149. 

Turks, war with. IV. 82, 171, 199, 218. 

U. 

I'linilitlii, on fortifving, II. 263. 

Union of the StaUs. ill. .')48, IV. 30. 
Endangered, 126, 246. At the mercy 
of each State government. 368. Dis- 
solution of the, anticipated when 
AV'ashiiigton retires from ti»c jjrcsi- 
dcncy, 436. On the separation of 
Kcnttii ky from the, 451. 

United linthrtn, account of the. II. 89. 
Sco Morucians. 



United States, on the separation of the 
western portion of the, from the Union, 
IV. 247, 251, 451. On digesting the 
laws of, 387, 391. Validity of laws of 
the, 394. 

V. 

Vallei/ Forge, 11, 63. Patience and 
hardships of the army there, 83. 

Vax Kexsselaer, Major, bravery of, 
I. 341, General, ordered to Sclicnee- 
tadv, IIL 121, 131, Routs the enemy 
at Fox's Mills, 131. 

Van Sciiaick, L 186, IL 521. Colonel, 
to harass Sir John Jolinson, 474. Sta- 
tioned, III. 336. Proceeds to Vir- 
ginia, 399. 

Varxum, Jame.s Mitchell, I. 305. 
General, II. 78. At the battle of 
Monmouth, 150. 

Vaudreuil, I. 523, III. 540. 

Vaugiiax, Bexjamix, IV. 329. 

Vaugiiax, Joiix, a British general, 
expedition of, up the North River, U. 
14-16. 

Venango, attacked, III. 163, 

Vergexxes, Count dc, communica- 
tions by, to Laurens, III. 263, 285. 
Complains of the excessive demands 
of Congress, 269. On the Preliminary 
Articles of peace, IV. 2, 

Vc7-mont, petition from a convention in, 
to take Canada, III. 68. Critical situa- 
tion and policy of, 440. On the ad- 
mission of, to the Union, 441, 492, 
558, IV. 167. 

Vermontcrs, I, 44, Sufferings and pa- 
triotism of, II, 258, III. 210, 444. 
Join Clinton, 11.475. Turbulent sons 
of freedom. III. 354, Examination 
by, of suspected ])Cr>ons, 462. Trai- 
torous correspondence between the 
enemy and, 464. 

Verphtnck^s Point, II. 16. Surrender 
of, 303. American movements against, 
320, 327, 328. On evacuating, III. 
113, 

Vessels, American, I. 56, 58. Defend- 
ing the Potomac River, 180. Pur- 
chased, 181. Attacked at Point Shir- 
ley, 204. To be .sunk in Hudson's 
Kiver, 271. To attack Briti>h in the 
Sound, 293. Duche on. 453. Move- 
ments of. in the Delaware. II, 43; at 
Charleston, 404, 414, 418. Arnold's 
proj)ose(l ex[)e(lition with, 409. To 
rniisi* otV the Delaware, III. 37, 44. 
Employed in advancing the operations 
against Cornwallis, 398. 399, 419. 
Lost, and voted to the King of France, 
531. Sec /ir///.s7i icijuh. 

Vili.E, M. I)K, I. 34. 49. 

ViLLLFUAXCUK, Mujur, III. 50, IV. 41, 



552 



GENERAL INDEX. 



[IXDEX, 



Virginia, ordinance of the Convention 
for defending, I. 63. Eemovals from 
the seaports of, 64. Martial \a\\ in, 
88. Troops to be raised in, 126, 131. 
Operations in and condition of, 179, 
183, 201, 202, II. 483, 499. Troops 
of, commended, I. 246. Volunteers 
from, 361, 11. 128. A cipher in Con- 
gress, 107. Negligence of, respect- 
ing supplies voted for the army, 232. 
Inquiry as to prisoners from, 362. 
On the cession by, of western teiri- 
tory, III. 80, 101, 104, 219, IV. 62, 
132. Greene's proposition for the 
French to go to, III. 140, 209. Ee- 
ccdes from instructions respecting the 
free navigation of the Mississippi, 
243. Gives efficient support to Greene, 
267 ; and to Steuben, 290. Lee on 
the condition of. 332. Considers it- 
self ill-treated, 476, 483. Opposes the 
admission of Vermont into the Union, 
558. Favors a general convention, 
IV. 163. Opposition in, to the Con- 
stitution, 178, 185, 193, 194, 202; to 
the treaty with Spain, 187. Escheats 
British property, 459. 

Virginia Committee of Safety. I. 183, II. 
485. Proceedings of the, respecting 
intercourse with Lunmore, and remov- 
al of tories, 488. 

Virginia Convention, I. 12, 13, 32. Par- 
ties in the. 62. Votes men and mo- 
ney, 63. Other ordinances of the, 
64. 

Virginia Legislature, II. 128. Roused 
by a letter from the Commander-in- 
chief, and raises a committee cspect- 
ing the Virginia line, 229. "] ixes by 
the, 253. Embarrasses the governor, 
III. 482. Shares voted to Washing- 
ton by the, IV. 57, 89,93, 97, 108, 119. 
Rejects a petition for general manu- 
mission, 120. Passes resolutions re- 
specting debts, 191. Action of the, in 
putting into operation the Federal 
Constitution, 240. Letter from the se- 
nator