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Vol. H. 

yat^tr^g vera rtrum eu atque mqfetttu in tumUbtu mtemeiUiaJkU emrttp ai qmt» wtodo pmrtm ^fm 
ac rum totam compUetatur ontmo.— Pliw. H. N. lib. tU. e. 1. 



Sbixtb iBlrttimi. 


p&zxm> vos 


rATxsirosTBa aoir ; axs 










General remarks » * * • . • « 3 


By the Greeks 5 

B7 the Bomans • • . 1ft 

By the early Christians ...•.,,. 25 
By the iaermans of the middle ages .•••«. 30 
By the Indians ••-••••«. 87 
By the Persians ••••••••. 40 

BytheKns 42 

By the Hebrews ••••...,.4S 

By the Arabians ••••••...48 

In modem literature :-^ 

Pante and Petrarch .•.•.,.. 60 
Colombus •••....., 54 

Camoens 5«j 

Ercilla and Calderon 60 

Shakspeare, Milton, and Thomson . . . . .61 

Modem prose writers ftg 

Travellers of the 14th and 15th centnrics . . <, .67 
Modern travellers 0$ 


II. Landscape Painting. 

In ancient Greece, Rome, and India . . • • • .74 

Illuminated MSS. and mosaics .78 

TheVanEycka 78 

Titian 79 

European painters of the 16th and 17th centuries . . .81 

Characteristic representation of tropical scenery . . . .82 

Characteristic aspect of nature in different zones . . . .87 

Panoramas • ,, ,00 

III. Culture of chabactebistic Exotic Plants. 

InlQuence of well contrasted grouping . • • • ,92 

On the laying out of parks and gardens . • • • • 96 



Division into historic periods, or epochs of progress, in the 

generalisation of physical views 101 to 116 

First Epoch. — Knowledge of nature possessed by the 
nations who in early times inhabited the coasts of the 
Mediterranean, and the extension of that knowledge 
by attempts at distant navigation towards the N. E. 
(the Argonauts) ; towards the South (Ophir) ; and 
towards the West (Colseus of Samos) . . . 117 to 148 

Second Epoch. — Military expeditions of the Macedonians 
under Alexander .the Great. Fusion of the Fiast 
with the West under Greek dominion and influence. 
Enlargement of the knowledge of nature possessed 
by the Greeks consequent on these events . . 149 to 165 

Third Epoch. — Increase of the knowledge of nature under 
the Ptolemies. Alexandrian Institution. Tendency 



* of the period towards the generalisation of the yiewi 
of nature, both in regard to the earth and to the 
regions of space . ^ 166 to 177 

Ponrth Epoch. — The Roman empire of the world. — ^In- 
fluence on cosmical views of a great political onion of 
countries. Progress of Geography through conmieroe 
by land. Pliny's physical description of the nniverse. 
The rise of ChristiAnity promotes the fieeling of the 
unity of the human race , . . . • 178 to 200 

Fifth Epoch. — Inyasion of the Arabians. Aptitude of this 
portion of the Semitic race for intellectual cultivation. 
Influence of a foreign element on the development of 
European civilisation and culture. Attachment ol 
the Arabians to the study of nature. Extension of 
physical geography, and advances in astronomy and 
in the mathematical sciences 201 to 229 

Sixth Epoch. — Oceanic discoveries. Opening of the 
Western hemisphera. Discoveries of the Scandina- 
vians. Ck>lumbus. Sebastian Cabot. Yasco de Gama 230 to 800 

Seventh Epoch. — Celestial discoveries consequent on the 
invention of the telescope.— Progress of astronomy 
and mathematics from Galileo and Kepler to Newton 
and Leibnitz 801 to 852 

Retrospective view of the epochs which have been con* 
sidered. Wide and varied scope, and close natural 
connection, of the scientific advances of modem times. 
The history of the physical sciences gradually becomes 
that of the Cosmos 853 to 859 

NOTM . . , i. to cxxv. 

Ikdex exzirii.toQzlu. 

*^* See Notice in the next pa^e* 

A notice is vppendsd hj M. ds Hukboldt at the dose of the 
second ▼oluine of " Kosmoe/' stating^ that the first portion 
of that vdnme, w. "On the Incitements to the Stady of 
Nature,*' was printed in July 1846 ; and that the piintyig 
of the second portion, m. "The History of the Physical 
Contemplation of the TJrdveae,** was completed in the 
month of Septemher 1847. 

From page 100 to the oondnsion of the text, the 
Translation, in its progress through the press, has had the 
adrantage of being compared with the original by the 
Ghxtaijeb Bunsen. 

February 21, 184b. 




Action of the external world on the imaginatiye faculty, and tlw 
reflected image produced— Poetic descriptions of nature— -Land- 
scape painting — Cultivation of those exotic plants which determine 
the characteristio aspect of the vegetation in the oountnes to which 
they belong. 

We now pass from the domain of objects to that of sensa- 
tions. The principal results of observation^ in the form in 
which^ stripped of all additions derived from the imagi- 
nation^ they belong to a pure scientific description 
of nature^ have been presented in the preceding volume. 
We have now to consider the impression which the image 
received by the external senses produces on the feelings^ 
and on the poetic and imaginative faculties of mankind. 
An inward world here opens to the view, into which we desire 
to penetrate; not, however, for the purpose of investigating — 
as would be required if the philosophy of art were our aim-— 


what in sestlietic performances belongs essentially to the 
powers and dispositions of the mind, and what to the parti- 
cular direction of the intellectual activity, — but that we may 
trace the sources of that animated contemplation which 
enhances a genuine enjoyment of nature, and discover the 
particular causes which, in modem times especially^ have 
80 powerfully promoted, through the medium of the imagi- 
nation, a predilection for the study of nature, and for the 
undertaking of distant voyages. 

I have alluded, m the preceding volume, to three (^) kinds 
of incitement more frequent in modem than in ancient 
times ; 1st, the aesthetic treatment of natural scenery by vivid 
and graphical descriptions of the vegetable and animal worlds 
which is a very modem branch of Uterature ; 2d, landscape 
painting, so far as it pourtrays the characteristic aspect of 
vegetation; and, 3d, the more extended cultivation of tro* 
pical plants, and the assemblage of contrasted exotic forms. 
Each of these subjects might be historically treated and 
investigated at some length ; but it appears to me better 
suited to the spirit and object of my work, to unfold only a 
few leading ideas relating to them, — ^to recal how differently 
the contemplation of nature has acted on the intellect and 
the feelings of different races of men, and at different periods 
of time, — and to notice how, at epochs when there has been 
a general cultivation ot the mental faculties, the severe pur- 
suit of exact knowledge, and the more delicate workings of 
the imagination, have tended to interpenetrate and blend 
with each other. If we would describe the full majesty c^ 
nature, we must not dwell solely on her external phseno- 
mena but we must also regard her in her reflected image — 
at one time filling the visionary land of physical myths with 


gnoefbl phantoms, and at another devdopnig the noUe 
^enns of imitative art. 

I here limit myself to the eonnderation of incite- 
meats to a scientific study of nature; and, in so doing, I 
vonld recal the lessons of experience, which teQ us how 
often impressions received by the senses from drcamstances 
fleoningly accidental, have so acted on the youthful mind as 
to determine the whole direction of the man's course through 
life. Childish pleasure in the form of countries and of seas, 
88 dehneated in maps (^) ; the desire to behold those southern 
constellations which have never risen in our horizon (') ; the 
flight of palms and of the cedars of Lebanon, figured in a 
pictorial bible, may have implanted in the spirit the first 
impulse to travels in distant lands. If I might have recourse 
to my own experience, and say what awakened in me the 
first beginnings of an inextinguishable longing to visit the 
tropics, I should name George Forster's descriptions of the 
islands of the Pacific — ^paintings, by Hodge, in the house 
of Warren Hastings, in London, representing the banks of 
flie Ganges — and a colossal dragon tree in an old tower of 
the Botanic Garden at Berlin. These objects, which I here 
cite as exemplifications taken from £eu^, belong respectively 
to the tiiree classes above noticed, viz. to descriptions of 
iBttore flowing from a mind inspired by her Contemplation, 
to imitative art in landscape painting, and to the immediate 
view of characteristic natural objects. Such incitements are, 
however, only influential where general intellectual cultiva- 
tion prevails, and when they address themselves to dispo- 
fitions their reception, and in which a particular 
conrse of mental development has heightened the suscepti- 
Mity to natural impressions. 



L — Description of naturaL sceneiy, and the feelings associated there- 
with at different times and among different races and nations. 

It has often been said^ that if delight in nature were not 
altogether unknown to the ancients^ yet that its expression 
was more rare and less animated among them IJian in modem 
times. Schiller^ (^) in his considerations on naive and 
sentimental poetry, remarks, that ^^when we think of the 
glorious scenery which surrounded the ancient Greeks, and 
remember the free and constant intercourse with nature in 
which their happier skies enabled them to live, as weU as 
how much more accordant their manners, their habits of 
feeling, and their modes of representation, were with the 
simplicity of nature, of which their poetic works convey 90 
true an impress, we cannot but remark with surprise how 
few traces we find amongst them of the sentimental interest 
with which we modems attach ourselves to natural scenes 
and objects. In the description of these, the Greek is 
indeed in the highest degree exact, fEdthfol, and drcumstan- 
tial, but without exhibiting more warmth of sympathy than 
in treating of a garment, a shield, or of a suit of armour. 
Nature appears to interest his understandmg rather than 
his feelings ; he does not cling to her with intimate affection 
and sweet melancholy, as do the modems.'' Much as there 
is that is true and excellent in these remarks, they are far 


from being applicable to all anfiquity, e^en in the sense ordi- 
narily attached to the tenn ; I cannot, moreover^ but regard as 
far too limited^ the restriction of antiquity (as opposed to 
modem times)^ eKclusively to the Greeks and Bomans : a 
profound feeling of nature speaks forth in the earliest poetry 
of the Hebrews and of the Indians; — in nations, therefore, 
of very different descent, Semitic, and Indo-Germanic* 

We can only infer the feeling with which the ancients 
regarded nature from the portions of its expression which 
have reached us in the remains of their literature; we 
most therefore seek for such passages the more diligently, 
wd pronounce upon them the more circumspec%, as they 
present themselves but sparingly in the two great forms of 
Bpical and lyrical poetry. In Hellenic poetry, at that floweay 
season of the life of mankind, we find, indeed, the t^iderest 
expression of the love and admiration of nature mingling with 
the poetic representation of human passion, in actions taken 
4om legendary history; but specific descriptions of natural 
scenes or objects appear only as subordinate ; for in Grecian 
^ all is made to concenter within the sphere of human life 
«id feeling. 

The description of nature in her manifold diversity, as ft 
^inct branch of poetic literature, was altogether foreign to 
the ideas of the Greeks. With them the landscape is 
always the mere background of a picture, in the foreground 
of which human figures are moving. Passion breaking 
forth in action rivetted their attention almost exclusively; 
^ agitation of politics, and a life passed chiefly in public. 
Withdrew men's minds jfrom enthusiastic absorption in the 
tranquil pursuit of nature. Physical phsenomena were always 
''^erred to man (*) by supposed relations or resemblances! 


either of external form or of inward spirit. It was ahnosk 
exclusivelj by such applications that the consideration of 
natoie was thought worthy of a place in poetry in the form 
of comparisons or similitudes^ which often present small 
detached pictures^ full of objective vividness and truth. 

At Delphi, paeans to spring (^) were sung — ^probably to 
express men^s joy that the privations and discomforts of 
winter were past. A natural description of winter has been 
interwoven (may it not be by a later Ionian rhapsodistf) 
withtiie ''Works and Days'^ of Hesiod(7). This poem^ 
foil of a noble simplicilT; but purely didactic in ite form^ 
gives advice respecting agriculture^ and directions for 
different kinds of work and profitable employment, together 
with ethical exhortations to a blameless life. Its tone rises 
to a more lyrical character when the poet clothes the miseriefi 
of mankind, or the fine allegorical mythus of Epimetheos 
and Pandora, with an anthropomorphic garb. In Hesiod's 
Theogony, which is composed of varioiw ancient and disa- 
milar elements, we find repeatedly (as, for example, in the 
enumeration of the Nereides (^) ), natural descriptions veQed 
under the significant names of mythic personages. In Ito 
Boeotian bardic school, and generally in sJl ancient Greek 
poetry, the phsenomena of the external world are introduced 
only by personification under human forms. 

But if it be true, as we have remarked, that natural 
diescriptions, whether of the richness and luxuriance of 
southern vegetation, or the portraiture in fresh and vivid 
colours of the habits of animals, have only become a distinct 
branch of literature in very modem times, it was not that 
sensibility to the beauiy of nature was absent (»), where the 
perception of beauty was so intense,— -or the animated expres- 


sion of a oontemplatiye poetic spirit wantingy where the 
ereative power of the Hellexuc mind produced inimitaUe 
master works in poetry and in the plastic arts. The defi* 
denqr which appears to our modem ideas in this department 
of aatiquily^ betokens not so much a want of sensibility, as 
the absence of a prevailing impulse to disclose in words the 
feeling of natoral beaatjr* Directed less to the inanimate 
world of phsenomena than to that of human acticm, and of 
the internal spontaneous emotions, the earliest and the 
noblest devdopments of the poetic spirit were epical and 
IjriicaL These were forms in which natural descriptions 
could only hold a subordinate, and^ as it were, an accidental 
place, and could not appear as distinct productions of the 
imagination. As the influence of antiquity gradually de« 
dined, and as its blossoms faded, the rhetorical spirit shewed 

itself in descriptive as well as in didactic poetry; and the 
latter, which, in its earlier philosophical and semi-priestly 
character, had been severe, grand, and unadorned, as in 
Umpedocles' ^^Poem of Nature,'' gradually lost its early 
simple dignity. 

I may be permitted to illustrate these general observations 

by a few particular instances. Conformably to the character 

of the Epos, natural scenes and images, however charming, 

appear in the Homeric songs always as mere incidental 

adjimcts. " The shepherd rejoices in the calm of night, 

when the winds are still; in the pure ether, and in the 

hnght stars shining in the vault of heaven; he hears from 

^ the rushing of the suddenly-swollen forest torrent, 

l^eaimg down earth and trunks of uprooted oaks'' {^^). The 

fine description of the sylvan loneliness of Parnassus, and 

of its daik, thickly-wooded rocky valleys, contrasts with the 


smiling pictures of the many-foTintamed poplar groves of 
the Phseacian Islands, and especially with the land of the 
Cyclops, ''where swelling meads of rich waving grass sur- 
round the hills of undressed vines" (i^). Pindar, in a vernal 
dithyramhus recited at Athens, sings *' the earth covered 
with new flowers, what time in Argive Nemea the first 
opening shoot of the pahn announces the approach of balmy 
spring;'' he sings of Etna, '' the pillar of heaven, the nurse 
of enduring snows;'' but he quickly hastens to turn from 
the awful form of inanimate nature, to celebrate Hiero of 
Syracuse, and the Greeks' victorious combats with the 
powerful Persian nation. 

Let us not forget that Grecian sceneiy possesses the 
peculiar charm of blended and intermingled land and sea; 
the breaking waves and changing brightness of the resound- 
ing ocean, amidst shores adorned with vegetation, or pictu- 
resque cliffs richly tinged with aerial hues. Whilst to other 
nations the different features and the different pursuits 
belonging to the sea and to the land appeared separate and 
distinct, the Greeks, not only of the islands, but also of 
almost all the southern portion of the mamland, enjoyed the 
continual presence of the greater variety and richness, as 
well as of the higher character of beauty, given by the con- 
tact and mutual influence of the two elements. How can 
we imagine that a race so happily organised by nature, and 
whose perception of beauty was so intense, should have been 
unmoved by the aspect of the wood-crowned cliffs of the 
deeply-indented shores of the Mediterranean, the varied 
distribution of vegetable forms, and, spread over all, the 
added charms dependent on atmospheric influences, varying 
by a silent interchange with the varying surfaces of land 


imd sea, of monntain and of plain^ as well as with the 
varying hours and seasons? Or how^ in the age when the 
poetic tendency was highest, can emotions of the mind thus 
awakened through the senses have failed to resolve them- 
selves into ideal contemplation ? The Greeks, we know, 
imagined the vegetable world connected by a thousand 
mythical relations with the heroes and the gods : avenging 
chastisement followed injury to the sacred trees or plants. 
But while trees and flowers were animated and personified, 
the prevailing forms of poetry in which the pecuKar mental 
development of the Greeks unfolded itself, allowed but a 
limited space to descriptions of nature. 

Yet, a deep sense of the beauty of nature breaks forth 
sometimes even in their tvRt^ic poets, in the midst of deep 
sadness^ or of the most tumultuous agitation of the passions. 
When (Edipus is approaching the grove of the Furies, the 
chorus sings, "the noble resting-place of glorious Colonos, 
vhere the melodious nightingale loves to dwell, and mourns 
b clear and plaintive strains :" it sings '' the verdant dark- 
ness of the thick embowering ivy, the narcissus bathed in the 
dews of heaven, the golden beaming crocus, and tlie ineradi- 
cable, ever fresh-springing olive tree'' (*^). Sophocles, in 
striving to glorify his native Colonos, places the lofty form 
of the fate-pursued, wandering king, by the side of the sleep- 
less waters of the Cephisus, surrounded by soft and bright 
Dnagery. The repose of nature heightens the impression of 
pain called forth by the desolate aspect of the blind exile, 
the victim of a dreadful and mysterious destiny. Euripides (*-^) 
slso takes pleasure in the picturesque description of "the * 
(tstores of Messenia and Laconia^ refreshed by a ttiousaiid 



fountains, under an ever mild sky, and through which the 
beautiful Pamisus rolls his stream/' 

Bucolic poetry, bom in the Sicilian fields, and popularly 
inclined to the dramatic, has been called, with reason, a 
transitional form. These pastoral epics on a small scale 
depict human beings rather than scenery : they do so m 
Theocritus, in whose hands this form of poetry reached its 
greatest perfection. A soft elegiac element is indeed every 
where proper to the idyll, as if it had arisen from " the 
longing for a lost ideal/' or as if in the human breast a 
degree of melancholy were ever blended with the deeper 
feelings which the view of nature inspires. 

"When the true poetry of Greece expired with Grecian 
liberty, that which remained became descriptive, didactic, 
instructive; — astronomy, geography, and the arts of the 
hunter and the fisherman, appeared in. the age of Alexander 
and his successors as objects of poetry, and were indeed 
often adorned with much metrical skill. The forms and 
habits of animals are described with grace, and often with 
such exactness that our modem classifying natural histo- 
rians can recognise genera and even species. But in none 
of these writings can we discover the presence of that inner 
life — that inspired contemplation — whereby to the poet, 
almost unconsciously to himself, the external world becomes 
a subject of the imagination. The undue preponderance of 
the descriptive element shews itseK in the forty-eight cantos 
of the Dionysiaca of the Egyptian Nonnus, which are dis- 
tingmshed by a very artfully constructed verse. This poet 
takes pleasure in describing great revolutions of nature • he 
makes a fire kindled by lightning on the wooded banks of 


the Hydaspes bum even the fish in the bed of the river ; he 
tells how ascending vapoors produce the meteorological 
processes of storm and electric rain. Nonnus of Panopolis 
is inclined to romantic poetry^ and is remarkably unequal; 
at times spirited and interesting, at others verbose and 

A more delicate sensibility to natural beauty shews itself 
occasionally in the Greek Anthology, which has been handed 
down to us in such various ways, and from such different 
periods. In the pleasing translation by Jacobs, all that 
"relates to plants and animals is collected in one section : 
these passages form small pictures, most commonly, of only 
single objects. The plane tree, which " nourishes among 
its boughs the grape swelling with rich juice,^' and which, 
in the time of Dionysius the Elder, reached the banks of 
the Sicilian Anapus from Asia Minor, through the Island of 
Diomedes, occurs perhaps but too often ; still, on the whole, 
the antique mind shews itself in these songs and epigrams as 
more inclined to dwell on animal than on vegetable forms. 

The vernal idyll of Meleager of Gadara in Coelo-Syria is 
a noble and more important composition (**). I am un- 
willing, were it only for the ancient renown of the locality, 
to omit all notice of the description of the wooded Vale of 
"'^mpe given by jElian ("), probably from an earlier notice 
fcy Dicearchus. It is the most detailed description of 
^tural scenery by a Greek prose writer which we possess; 
and, although topographic, is at the same time picturesque. 
The shady valley is enlivened by the Pythian procession 
(theoria), ''which gathers from the sacred laurel the 
reconciling bough.'' 

In the latest Byzantine epoch, towards the end of the 


fourth century, we find descriptions of scenery frequently 
introduced in the romances of the Greek prose writers ; as 
in the pastoral romance of Longus (^6), in which, however, 
the author is much more successful in the tender scenes 


taken from life, than in the expression of sensibility to tlie 
beauties of nature^ 

It is not the object of these pages to introduce more than 
such few references to particular forms of poetic art, as may 
tend to illustrate general considerations respecting the poetic 
conception of the external world; and I should here quit 
the flowery circle of Hellenic antiquity, if, in a work to which 
I have ventured to give the name of '' Cosmos,^' I could 
pass over in silence the description of nature, with which the 
pseudo Aristotelian book of the Cosmos (or " Order of th^ 
Universe^^) commences. This description shews u» ^'the 
terrestrial globe adorned with luxuriant vegetation, abun- 
dantly watered, and, which is most worthy of praise, inha- 
bited by thinking beings^' (*^). The rhetorical colouring 
of this rich picture of nature, so unlike the concise and 
purely scientific manner of the Stagirite, is one of the many 
indications by which it has been judged not to have beeaa 
his composition. Conceding this point, and ascribing it to 
Appuleius (^®), or to Chrysippus (^9), or to any other author, 
its place is fully supplied by a brief but genuine fragment 
which Cicero has preserved to us from a lost work of 
Aristotle (20). "If there were beings living in the depths 
of the earth, in habitations adorned with statues and paint- 
ings, and every thing which is possessed in abundance by 
those whom we call fortunate, and if these beings should 
receive tidings of the dominion and power of the gods, and 
should then be brought from their hidden dwelling 


places to the surface which we inhabit, and should sud- 
denlj behold the earthy and the sea, and the vault of 
heaven ; should perceive the broad expanse of the clouds and 
the strength of the winds; should admire the sun in his 
Doajesty, beauty, and efiFiilgence; and, lastly, when night veiled 
the earth in darkness, should gaze on the starry firmament, the 
waxing and waning moon, and the stars rising and setting 
in their unchanging course, ordained from eternity, they 
would, of a truth, exclaim, ^ there are gods, and such great 
things are their work/ '* It has been justly said, that these 
words would alone be sufficient to confirm Cicero's opinion 
of "the golden flow of the Aristotelian eloquence" (2^), and 
that there breathes in them somewhat of the inspired genius 
d Plato. Such a testimony as this to the existence of 
heavenly powers, ^from the beauty and infinite grandeur of 
the works of creation, is indeed rare in classical antiquity. 

That which we miss with regard to the Greeks, I will not 
say in their appreciation of natural phsenomena, but in the 
direction which their literature assumed, we find still more 
sparingly among the Bomans. A nation wliicli> oonfonnitr 
with the old SicuUan manners, manifested a marked predilec- 
tion for agriculture and rural Ufe, might have justified other 
topes; but with all their capacity for practical activity, the 
Bomans, in their cold gravity, and measured sobriety of 
imderstanding, were, as a people, far inferior to the Greeks 
in the perception of beauty, and far less sensitive to its influ* 
cnce; and were much more devoted to the realities of every- 
% life, than to an idealising poetic contemplation of nature. 

These inherent differences between the Greek and Boman 
inind are faithfully reflected, as is always the case with 
national character, in their respective literatures ; and I must 


add to this consideration, that of the acknowledged diflereaw 
in the organic structare of the two languages, notwithstand- 
ing the affinity between the races. The language of ancient 
Latium is regarded as possessing less flexibaity, a more 
Umited adaptation of words, and " more of realistic tendency' 
than of ^' ideal mobility.'^ The predflection for the imita- 
tion of foreign Greek models in the Augustan age, might, 
moreover, have been nnfevourable to the free outpourings of 
the native mind and feelings in reference to nature ; but yet, 
powerful minds, animated by love of country, have efCectually 
surmounted these varied obstacles, by creative individuality, 
by elevation of ideas, and by tender grace in their presenta- 
tion. The great poem which is the fruit of the rich genius 
of Lucretius, embraces the whole Cosmos : it has mucn 
affinity with the works of Empedocles and Parmenides ; and 
the grave tone in which the subject is presented is enhanced 
by its archaic diction. Poetry and philosophy are closely 
interwoven in it ; without, however, falling into that coldness 
of composition, which, as contrasted with Plato's views of 
nature so rich in imagination, is severely blamed by the rhetor 
Menander, in the sentence passed by him on the '' hymns to 
nature^' (2^). My brother has pointed out, with great in- 
genuity, the striking analogies and diversities produced by 
the interweaving of metaphysical abstraction with poetry in 
the ancient Greek didactic poems, in that of Lucretius, and 
in the Bhagavad-Gita episode of the Lidian epic Mahab- 
harata(23). In the great physical picture of the universe 
traced by the Soman poet, we find contrasted with las 
chilling atomic doctrine, and his often extravagantly wild 
geological fancies, the fresh and animated description of 
mankind exchanging the thickets of the forest for the pur* 


«mts of agriculture, the subjugation of natural forces^ the 
cultivation of the intellect and of language, and the forma- 
tion of civil society (^). 

When, in the midst of the busy and agitated life of a 

statesman, and in a mind excited by political passions, an 

animated love of nature and of rural solitude still subsists, 

its source must be sought in the depths of a great and 

noble character. CScero's writings shew the truth of 

this assertion. Although it is generally recognised that in 

the book De Legibus, and in that of the Orator, many things 

are imitated from the Phsedrus of Plato (^), yet the picture 

of Italian nature does not lose its individuality and truth. 

Rato, in more general characters, praises the dark shade of 

the lofty plane tree, the luxuriant abundance of fragrant 

herbs and flowers, the sweet summer breezes, and the chorus 

(rf grasshoppers/' In Cicero's smaller pictures, we find, as 

has been recently well remarked (2®), all those features 

which we still recognise in the actual landscape : we see the 

Liris shaded by lofty poplars ; and in descending the steep 

mountain side to the east, behind the old castle of Arpinum, 

we look on the grove of oaks near the Fibrenus, as well as 

on the island now called Isola di Camello, which is formed 

by the division of the stream, and into which Cicero retired, 

as he says, to " give himself up to his meditations, to read, 

or to write/' Arpinum, on the Volscian Mountains, was 

the birthplace of the great statesman; and his mind and 

character were doubtless influenced in his boyhood by the 

grand scenery of the vicinity. In the mind of man, the 

reflex action of the external aspect of surrounding nature is 

early and unconsciously blended with that which belongs to 

1 8 DEScaiFnoNS of natural scenery 

the original tendencies^ capacities^ and powers of his own 
inner being. 

In the midst of the stormy and eventful period of the 
year 708 (from the foundation of Eome), Cicero found con- 
solation m his villas, alternately at Tusculum, Arpinum, 
Cumae, and Antium. " Nothing/' he writes to Atticus (^7), 
'' can be more delightful than this solitude ; more pleasing 
than this country dwelling, the neighbouring shore, and 
the prospect over the sea. In the lonely island of Astura, 
at the mouth of the river of the same name, and on the 
shore of the Tyrrhenian sea, no human being disturbs me ; 
and when, early in the morning, I hide myself in a thick 
wild forest, I do not leav© it until the evening. Next to 
my Atticus, nothing is so dear to me as solitude, in which I 
cultivate intercourse with philosophy; but this intercourse 
is often interrupted with tears. I strive against these as 
much as 1 can, but I have not yet prevailed.'^ It has been 
repeatedly remarked, that in these letters, and in those of 
tlie younger Pliny, expressions resembling those so common 
amongst the sentimental writers of modem times may be 
unequivocally recogmsed; I find in them only the accents 
of a mind deeply moved, such as in every age, and every 
nation or race, escape from the heavily-oppressed bosom. 

From the general diffusion of Roman literature, the master 
works of Virgil, Horace, and Tibullus, are so widely and 
intimately known, that it would be superfluous to dwell on 
individual instances of the delicate and ever wakeful sensi- 
bility to nature, by which many of them are animated. In 
the -^neid, the epic character forbids the appearance of 
descriptions of natural scenes and objects otherwise than as 


subordinate and accidental features^ limited to a very small 
space; individual localities are not pourtrayed (^), but an 
iatimate understanding and love of nature manifest them- 
selves occasionally with peculiar beauty. Where have the 
soft play of the waves^ and the repose of nighty ever hem 
more happily described? and how finely do these mild and 
tender images contrast with the powerful representations of 
the gathering and bursting tempest in the first book of the 
Georgics^ and with the descriptions in the iEneid of the 
navigation and landing at the Strophades^ the crashing fall 
of the rock, and of jEtna with its flames (^). We might 
have expected from Ovid, m the fruit of his long sojourn in 
the plains of Tomi in Lower Maesia, a poetic description of 
the aspect of nature in the steppes ; but none such has come 
down to us from antiquity, either from him or from any other 
writer. The Soman exile did not indeed see that kind of 
steppe which in summer is thickly covered by rich herbage 
and flowering plants from four to six feet high, which, as 
each breeze passes over them, present the pleasing picture 
of an undulating many-coloured sea of flowers and verdure. 
The place of his banishment was a desolate marshy district. 
The broken spirit of the exile, which yielded to unmanly 
lamentations, was filled with recollections of the social 
pleasures and the political occurrences of Borne, and had no 
place for the contemplation of the Scythian desert by which 
he was surroimded. On the oth» hand, this richly-gifted 
poet, so powerful in vivid representation, has given us^ 
besides general descriptions of grottos, fountains, and silent 
moonlight nights, which are but too frequently repeated, an 
eminently-characteristic, and even geologically-important 
description of the volcanic eruption at Methone between 


Epidaurus and TroBzene^ which has been referred to in the 
''General View of Nature" contained in the preceding 
yolnme {^). 

It is especially to be regretted that Tibullus should not 
have left us any great composition descriptive of natural 
scenery, general or individual. He belongs to the few 
among the poets of the Augustan age who, being happily 
strangers to the Alexandrian learning, and devoted to retire- 
ment and a rural life, full of feeling and therefore simple, 
drew from their own resources. Elegies are indeed portraits 
of mind and manners of which the landscape forms only the 
backgrouiid; but the Lustration of the Fields and the 6th 
Elegy of the .irst book shew what might have been expected 
from the friend of Horace and Messala. p^) 

Lucan, the grandson of the rhetor Marcus Annseus 
Seneca, is indeed only too nearly related to his progenitor 
in the rhetorical omateness of his style; yet we find among 
his writings a fine description of the destruction of a Druidic 
forest ('2) on the now treeless shore of Marseilles, which is 
thoroughly true to nature : the severed oaks, leaning against 
each other, support themselves for a time before they fall; 
and, denucled of their leaves, admit the first ray of light to 
penetrate the awful gloom of the sacred shade. Those who 
have lived long in the forests of the New Continent, feel 
how vividly the poet has depicted, with a few traits, the 
luxuriant growth of trees whose giant remains are still found 
buried in turf bogs in France {^^). 

In a didactic poem entitled Mtna, written by Lucilins 
the Younger, a friend of L. Annseus Seneca, the phaeno- 
mena of a volcanic eruption are described, not inaccurately, 
but yet in a far less animated and chturacteristic manner than 


in the " ^tna Dialogcw" {^) of the youthful Bembo, men- 
tioned with praise in the preceding volume. 

Wbxsiy after the close of the fourth century, poetry 
in its grander and nobler forms faded away^ as if ex- 
hausted, poetic attempts, deprived of the mi^c of creative 
imagination, were occupied only with the drier reaUties of 
knowledge and description : and a certain rhetorical polish 
rf style could ill replace the simple feeling for nature, 
and the idealising inspiration, of an earlier age. We may 
name as a production of this barren period, in which the 
poetic element appears only as an accidental and merely 
external ornament, a poem on the Mo t^lle, by Ausonius, a 
native of Aquitanian Gaul, who had acci mpanied Valentinian 
in his campaign against the Allemann]. The '^Mosella,'' 
which was composed at ancient Treves ('^), describes som^ 
times not unpleasingly the already vine-covered hiQs of 
one of the loveliest rivers of Germany ; but the mere topo- 
graphy of the country, the enumeration o' the streams which 
flow into the Moselle, and the characters^ m form, colour, 
and habits, of some of the different kinds of fish which are 
found in the river, are the principal objeccs of this purely 
didactic composition. 

In the works of Soman prose writers, among which we 
have already referred to some remarkable passages by Cicero, 
descriptions of natural scenery are as rare as in those of 
Greek writers of the same class; but the great historians- 
Julius Csesar, Livy, and Tacitus — in relating the conflicts 
rf men with natural obstacles and with hostile forces, are 
sometimes led to give descriptions of fields of battle, and 
of the passage of rivers, or of difficult mountain passes. In 
the Annals of Tacitus, I am delighted with the description 



of Grermanicus's unsuccessM navigation of the Amisia^ and 
with the grand geographical sketch of the mountain chains 
of Syria and of Palestine (^s). Curtius (^7) has left us a 
fine natural picture of a forest wilderness to the west of 
Hekatompylos, through which the Macedonian army had 
to pass in entering the humid province of Mazanderan; 
to which I would refer more in detail, if, iu a writer 
whose period is so uncertain, we could distinguish with 
any security between, what he has drawn from his own 
lively imagination, and what he has derived from historic 

The great encyclopaedic work of the elder Pliny, which, 
as his nephew, the younger Pliny, has finely said, is " varied 
as nature herself,'' and which, in the abundance of its 
contents, is unequalled by any other ancient work, will be 
referred to in the sequel, when treating of the " History of 
the Contemplation of the Universe/' This work, which 
exerted «a powerful influence on the whole of the middle 
ages, is a most remarkable result of the disposition to conv* 
prehensive, but often indiscriminate collection. Unequal in 
style — sometimes simple and narrative, sometimes thoughtful^ 
animated, and rhetoricaUy ornate— it has, as, indeed, might 
be expected from its form, few individual descriptions of 
nature; but wherever the grand concurrent action of the 
forces in the universe, the well-ordered Cosmos (naturse 
majestas), is the object of contemplation, we cannot mistake 
the evidences of true inward poetic inspiration. 

We would gladly adduce the pleasantly-situated villas ol 
the Eomans, on the Pincian Mount, at Tusculum, and 
Tibur, on the promontory of Misenum, and near Puteoli and 
Baise, as evidences of a love of nature, if these spots had notj 


like those in which were the villas of Scanros and Meecenas^ 
Lucnllus and Adrian^ been crowded with sumptuous build- 
ings — ^temples, theatres, and race-courses alternating with 
ayiaries and houses for rearing snails and dormice. The 
elder Scipio had surrounded his more simple country seat 
at Litumum with towers like a fortress. The name of 
Matius, a friend of Augustus, has been handed down to us 
as that of the individual whose predilection for unnatural 
constraint first introduced the custom of cutting. and training 
trees into artificial imitations of architectural and plastic 
models. The letters of the younger Plmy furnish us with 
pleasing descriptions of two P®) of his numerous villas, 
liaurentinum and Tuscum. Although buildings, surrounded 
by box cut into artificial forms, are more numerous and 
crowded than our taste lor nature would lead u^ to desire, 
yet these descriptions, as well as the imitation of the Yale 
of Tempe in the Tiburtine viUa of Adrian, shew us that 
among the inhabitants of the imperial dty, the love of 
art, and the solicitous care for comfort and convenience 
manifested in the choice of the positions of their country 
houses with reference to the sun and to the prevailing 
winds, might be associated with love for the free enjoyment 
of nature. It is cheering to be able to add, that on the 
estates of PHny this enjoyment was less disturbed than 
elsewhere by the painful features of slavery. The wealthy 
proprietor was not only one of the most learned men of his 
period, but he had also those compassionate and truly 
humane feelings for the lower claifeses of the people who were 
iiot in the enjoyment of freedom, of which the expression at 
least is most rare in antiquity. At his villas fetters were 
^nsed; and he provided that the slave, as a cultivator of 



the soil^ should freely bequeath that which he had 
acquired (39). 

No description of the eternal snows of the Alps^ when tinged 
in the morning or evening with a rosy hue, of the beauty of 
the blue glacier ice, or of any part of the grandeur of the 
scenery of Switzerland, have reached us from the ancients, 
although statesmen and generals, with men of letters in 
their train, were constantly passing through Helvetia into 
Gaul* All these travellers think only of complaining of 
thedifBculties of the way; the romantic character of the 
scenery never seems to have engjiged their attention. Tt is 
even known that Julius Caesar, when returning to his legions 
in Graul, employed his time, while passing oveif the Alps, in 
preparing a grammatical treatise "De Analogia'^ ('*®). 
Silius Italicus, who died under Trajan, when, Switzerland 
was already in great measure cultivated, describes the 
district of the Alps merely as an awful and barren wilder- 
ness (**) ; although he elsewhere loves to dwell in verse on 
the rocky ravines of Italy, and the wood-fringed banks of 
the Liris (Garigliano) (*2). It is deserving of notice that 
the remarkable appearance of groups of jointed basaltic 
columns, such as are seen in several parts of the interior of 
France, on the banks of the Bhine, and in Lombardy, never 
engagcfl the attention of the Eomans sufficiently to lead 
their writers to describe or even to mention them* 

At the period when the feelings which had animated 
classical antiquity, and had directed the mind$ of men to the 
active manifestation of human power, almost to the exclu- 
sion of the passive contemplation of the natural world, were 
expiring, a new influence, and new modes of thought, were 


ganmigsway. Christiaiiity gradoaUy diflused itself; and, 
as where it was received as the religion of the state^ its bene- 
ficent action on the lower classes of the people favoured 
the general cause of civil freedom, so also did it render 
man's contemplation of nature more enlarged and free. 
The forms of the Olympic gods no longer fixed the eyes of 
men : the fathers of the church proclaimed, in their sestheti* 
cafly correct, and often poetically imaginative language, 
that the Creator shews himself great no less in inanimate 
than in Uving nature; in the wild strife of the elements as 
well as in the silent progress of organic development. But 
durmg the gradual dissolution of the Boman Empire, 
vigour of imagination, and .simplicity and purity of diction, 
declined more and more, first in the Latin countries, and 
afterwards in the Greek or eastern portion of the empire. 
A predilection for solitude, for saddened meditation, and 
for an internal absorption of mind, seems to have influenced 
simultaneously both the language itself and the colouring of 
the style. 

Where a new element appears to develop itsdf suddenly 
«nd generally in the feelings of men, we may almost always 
trace earlier indications of a deep-seated germ existing pre- 
viously in detached and solitary instances. The softness 
of Mimnermus (*3) has often been called a sentimental 
direction of the mind. The ancient world is not abruptly 
separated from the modern ; but changes in the religious 
sentiments and apprehensions of men, in their tenderest moral 
feelings, and in the particular mode of life of those who 
influence the ideas of the masses, gave a sudden predomi- 
i^ance to that which previously escaped notice. 

•The tendency of the Christian mind was Co shew the 


greatness and goodness of the Creator from the order of th« 
universe and the beauty of nature ; and this desire to glorify 
the Deity through his works, favoured a disposition for 
natural descriptions. We find the earliest and most detailed 
instances of this kind in the writings of Minucius Felix, s 
rhetorician and advocate living in Eome in the beginning 
of the iJiird century, and a contemporary of TertuUian and 
Philostratus. We follow him with pleasure in the evening 
twilight to thef sea shore near Ostia, which, indeed, he 
describes as more picturesque, and more favouiable to 
health, than we now find it. The religious discourse 
entitled '^ Octavius'* is a spirited defence of the new feith 
against the attacks of a heathen friend (**). 

This is the place for introducing from the Greek fathers of 
the church extracts descriptive of natural scenes, which are 
probably less known to my readers than are the evidences of 
the ancient Italian love for a rural life contained in Eoman 
literature. I will begin with a letter of the great Basil, 
which has long been an especial favourite with me. Basil, 
who was a native of Cesarea in Cappadocia, left the pleasures 
of Athens when little more than thirty years of age, and, 
having already visited the Christian hermitages of Coelo- 
Syria and Tipper Egypt, withdrew, like the Essenes and 
Therapeuti before Christianity, into a wildemess adjacent to 
the Armenian liver Iris. His second brother, Naucratius (**), 
kad been drowned there while engaged in fishing, after 
leading for five years the life of a rigid anchorite. Basil 
writes to his friend Gregory of Kaziauzum, " I beheve I 
have at last found the end of my wanderings : my hopes of 
miithig myself with thee — ^my pleasing dreams, I should 
father say^ for the hopes of men have been justly cailfid 


waking dreams^ — ^have remained nnfdlfilled. God has 
eaosed me to find a place such as has often hovered before 
{he fancy of ns both ; and that which imagination shewed 
ns afar off^ I now see present before me. A high mountain, 
clothed with thick forest, is watered towards the north by 
fresh and ever flowing streams; and at the foot of thci 
mountain extends a wide plain, which these streams render 
fruitfal. The surrounding forest, in which grow many kinds 
of trees, shuts me in as in a strong fbrtress. This wilder- 
ness is bounded by two deep ravines ; on one side the riverj, 
precipitating itself foaming from the mountain, forms an- 
obstacle difficult to overcome ; and the other side is enclosed 
by a broad range of hills. My hut is so placed on the 
smmnit of the mountain, thafc I overlook the extensive plain; 
and the whole course of the Iris, which is both more 
beautiful, and more abundant in its waters, than the 
Strymon near Amphipolis. The river of my wilderness^ 
wluch is more rapid than any which I have ever seen, breakiS 
against the jutting precipice, and throws itself foaming into 
the deep pool below — ^to the mountain igraveller an object on 
which he gazes with delight and admiration, and valuable 
to the native for the many fish which it affords. Shall I 
describe to thee the fertilising vapours rismg from the 
moist earth, and the cool breezes from the broken watier? 
shall I speak of the lovely song of the birds, and of the 
piofdsion of flowers? What charms me most of all is tbf 
undisturbed tranquillity of the district : it is only vi9te4 
occasionally by hunters; for my wilderness feeds deer and 
ierds of wild goats, not your b^ara and your wolves. How 
ihonld X exchange any other place ior this! AlcmseoHi 
^hesk he had found the EchinadeSj would not wand^ 

VOL. II. J> 

fcriher** (*^). In this simpte descriptimi of the lan^Mamv 
mi of the life of the forest, there speak feelings flaore iii& 
mately allied to those of mod^m times than any thing that 
Greek and Boman antiqnily have bequeathed to us. Jrom 
file lonely mountain hut to which Basilins had retired, the 
«je looks down on the humid roof of foliage of the forest faoh 
neath ; the resting-plaoe for which he and his friend Gregoxy 
of Nazianznm (*^) have so long panted is at last fonaii. 
Iht sportive allusion at the dose to the poetic mythv* of 
Alcmseon sounds like a distant lingering echo, repeating ia 
the Christian world accents bebnging to that mbidk IobA 
preceded it. 

Basil^s Homilies on the Hexaemeron also bear witness to 
his love of nature. He describes the mildness of the eoii<* 
itantly serene nights of Asia Minor, whare, according to bis 
expression, tiie stars, ^ those eternal flowen of heavvn/' 
raise the spirit of man &om the visits to the InvisiblB ("^ 
"Wben, in speaking of the creation of the would, he desiies 
to praise the beaufy Kii Ute sea, he describes the nafedk 
of the boundless plain of waters in its dififercmt and vsaj* 
ing conditions — ^how, wh^i gently agitated by wSySj* 
breathing airs^ it gives badk the varied hxjaesi of heaven, now 
fai white, now in Uue/and now in roseate li^; aadcaxesfles 
fhe t^re in peacefol play V* 

'We find in Gr^ory of' Nyssa, filie broifaar of Baal, Ab 
tane delght in nature, tke same sentimental and paitiy 
iniancholjr mn. ^When,'' he exclaims, ^I behold oadi 
Cttaggy lall, eaeh valky, and eadi plain clothed with fredft- 
hprioging grass ; ike varied fblkge miOi whHJi the tmea loe 
adofned; at my feet the UKes to wMdi natioo has mm. % 
^ t Jfle dovNer, «tf tsiv^ fragrance, nad of beaai^ of «oloart 

mA tn (iie ^iirimo^ tb^ fm» towards which the wftnderq^g 
dkmd ii MJling^-^-ni; lomd U posse^^ed wfth a wdaess whioh 
fa not devoid of m^QjmmU Warn, in fii;itaixm> the &ui1i9 
imfptwt, the liBave» lall mi the brancbe^ of the trees, 
stripped of tlieir Of o«inmte» h»Dg lifdesa, in viewing thi« 
ptrpetuiil «od regukr^ mmrring sltemation the sdnd 
hf^amee disorbed in the Qontemplstionj and as it 
wtQ in unieon with the maoj*¥oiced chorus of the won* 
drons {Qms» ^ natiu^e. Wbpso gazes through these with 
the inward eye of tfa^ijo^ feels the littleness of man in the 
g^teesa of the umverae'' (^9), 

While the early Christian Greeks were thus lec^ by 
l^ofifying God in a loving contemplation of nature^ to poetio 
daser^tions el her various beantyi they were at the same 
liaie &11 of contempt for all wori:s of human art* We find jn 
Qiiyiostom many euch pasa^es as these : ''when thou lookest 
fn^ the ^itteiiiHI huildingSi if the ranges of columns would 
seduce thy hearty turn quickly to contemplate the vap^i of 
heaven and the open fields^ with the flocks grazing by the 
5nter's side« Who but despises all that art can shew whilst 
liegazQs at early mom# an^ m the ail^^e of the he9rt» 
«i ib lising m pouring bis golden %ht upon <he 
«aith; or when seated by the fide of a fountaii^ in the cool 
grass, or in the dark shade of thi^ foliage* his eye feede 
the wide on the wide^tended prospect fyic vanjsbiug tu the 
distant' {9<>)v. Aatiocb was at this period §ui^n^ded by 
haimitafes, in one (tf which Phrysostom dwelt * it migy^ 

'have seemed that eloanenee Ha^ found a^y«>Ti heat fljpiwftiat^ 
ihidom^ ou r^tiurpmg to the bosom of nature in the. th^ 
brnk-oBwrni naom^ain district of Syria a^d Mm Mimi^» 
Alt whMi^ ihuing ti)e ^baequeiMi Jippi^ sq hos^e isi «V 


intellectual oultivation^ Christianity spread among the der^ 
manic and Celtic races^ who had previously been devoted ix^ 
the worship of nature, and who honoured under rude symbol* 
its preserving and destroying powers^ the close and affec-» 
tionate intercourse with the external world of phsenomena 
which we have remarked among the early Christians of 
Greece and Italy, as well a^ all endeavours to trace the 
action of natural forces, fell gradually under suspicion, ad 
fending towards sorcery. They were therefore regarded as 
hot less dangerous than the art of the sculptor had appea-ted 
to Tcrtullian, Clemens of Alexandria, and almost all the 
inost ancient fathers of the church. In the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries, the Councils of Tours (1163) and of 
Paris (1209) forbade to monks the sinful reading of writings 
On physical science (®^). These intellectual fetters Were 
first broken by the courage of Albertus Magnus and Rogei^ 
Bacon* when nature was pronounced pure^ and reinstated iii 
her ancient rights. 

Hitherto we have sought to depict differences which hav6 
flhewn themselves in different periods of time ; and in tw6 
literatures so nearlv allied as were those of the Greeks and 
the Romans. But not only are great differences in modeii 
of feeling produced by time, — ^by the changes which it 
brings with it, in forms of government, in manners, and 
in religious views, — ^but diversities still more striking are 
produced by differences of race and of mental dispositioiu 
JSow different in animation and in poetic colouring are the 
^manifestations of the love of nature and the descriptions of 
natural scenery among the Greeks, the Germans of the 
liorth, the Semitic races, the Persians^ and the Indians! 


An opinion has been repeatedly expressed^ that the delic^ht 
in nature felt by northern nations, and the longing desiro 
for the pleasant fields of Italy and Greece^ and for the won^ 
derfol luxuriance of tropical vegetation^ are principally to be 
ascribed to the long winter's privation of all such enjoy- 
ments. We do not mean to deny that the longing for thq 
<&ate of palms seems to diminish as we approach the 
Soutji of France and the Iberian Peninsula ; but the now 
generally employed, and etjmologically correct name of Indo- 
Germanic races, might alone be suf&cient to remind ns thai 
^e niust be cautious lest we generalise too much respecting 
tte influence thus ascribed to northern winters.. The rich* 
iiess of the poetic literature of the Indians teaches us, that 
^thia and near the tropics south of the great chain of th^ 
™ialaya, the sight of ever verdant and ever flowering 
forests has at all times acted as a powerful stimulus to tho 
pontic and imaginative faculties of the East-Arianic natioiis^ 
^^ that these jiations have been more strongly incliqed to 
picturesque degcriptipns of nature than the true Germ^niO 
y^s, ^}^Q^ ]j^ the far inhospitable north, had extended eveu 
^^ Iceland. A deprivation, or, at least, a certain int^rr 
.'option of the enjoyment of nature, is not, however, unr 
'^Q'Wix even to the happier climates of Southern Asia . the 
^^^^Hs are there abruptly divided from each other by alto 
^}^ periods of fertilising rain and of dusty desolatiug 
^'^aity, Jn the Persian plateau of West Aria^ the desert 
^^U extends in^ deep bays far into the interior of the mo^ 
'f^^^Uiig .and fruitful lands, In Middle and m Westerp 
'^*^> a margin of forest often forms as it were the shore df 
' ^dely extended inland sea of steppe ; imd thus the inhabi- 
''wHq pf fliege hot countries .have presented to them the 


strongest contrasts of desert barrenness sai Inxnriant vege- 
tation^ in the same horizontal phme^ as w^ as in the vertiaal 
devation of the snow-capped monntain chains of India and 
of Afghanistan. Wherever a lirelj tendency to the contem-^ 
plation of nature is intenroTen with the whole intellectoal 
cultiyation, and with the letigions feelings of a nation, gi^^ 
and striking contrasts of season, of vegetation, or of elevft* 
Hon, are unfailing stimnlants to ^e poetic itnaginatioiL 

Delight in nature, inseparable from liie tendency to bbjeiv 
tive contemplation which belongs to the (Jarmanic imtiofis^ 
iliews itself in a high degree in the tsarliest poeCrj <^ Oat 
middle ages. Of this the chiTalric poems of the Minne^ 
aingars during the Hohenstauffen period afford us numeioiis 
examples. Manj and yaried as ue its pmnts of contaci 
%ith the romanesque poetry of the Provencals, yel its tmi 
Germanic principle can never be mistaken. A deep fi^ and 
all pervading love of nature may be discttited in all G^f^ 
liiame manners^ habits» and modes of life; and even in Hm 
kve of freedom diarMlcristic of the iace(^). The waadcf^ 
ing ICmiesingeis, or minstreb^ though living iinif^^ik 
eourtly circles (&^»ii which, indeed, th^ (ilen qprang), ^SH 
maintained frequent and intimate intcfcourse with mitui^ 
and pfeaertedy in all its frei^ines^ an idyOic, tiid often aa 
degiae, turn cf tiioi^t. I avail mys^ on these subjeete 
of the researches of ^lose most {^ofounAy x^^std. in i^ 
Idstory and fiteratuie of our German midiUe sgC8> n^nobtew 
ssmded friends Jacob and IVUhehn Gittna. *The poets ^ 
imr country i>t that period,^ says the kst naiBed wijiee 

** never gave separate descripttoos of talatal senefy des^Md 
•okly to represent^ in Itfillkal cokurs^ Ae trnpresskni %f 

Ae hndicape om ^ Mad. Aissimdiy the eye eosi 


fedii^ for nature were not wmntmg in tiiese old (kfnm 

meters; bat ike only expressions thereof whidi they have 

left us are such as flowed forth in lyrical strains^ in oonneo* 

tion with the occurrences or the feelin^i belonging to the 

narrative. To begin with the b6st and oldest monuments of 

tibe popular qNW^ we do not find any description of scenery 

either in the Niebelungen or in GadrQn(")^ eyen where the 

occasion might lead ns to look for it. In the otherwise 

Qrcumstantial descripticm of t\m chase during which Siq;^ 

tied is murdered, the only natural features mentioned are 

flie Uooming heather and the cool fountain under the 

linden tree. In Gudrun^ which shews something of a 

higher polish, a finer eye for nature seems also discernible. 

When the king's daughter, with her companions, reduced 

to slavery, and compelled to perf(»rm menial offices, carry 

•the garments of their cruel lord to the sea-shcoe, the time is 

indicated as being the season 'when winter is just dissobr- 

iag, and the birds begin to be heard, vying with eadi other 

in their songs ; snow and rain still fall, and the hair of the 

captive maidens is blown by the rude winds of March. 

yfim Oudrun, hoping for the approach of her deliverer^ 

leaves her couch, the morning star rises over the sea, which 

begins to glisten in the early dawn, and she distinguishes 

the dark hdmets and the shields ol her friends/ The words 

ve few, but th^ convey to the fancy a visible picture, suited 

to heighten the feeling of expectation and suspense previous 

to Ihe oooorrence of an important event in the narrative* 

Ik like manner, when Homer paints the island of tiie 

•Qck^ and the gardens of Alcinons, his purpose is te 

^Qg before our eyes the bxznriant fertility and abundance 

djrf&Qwild dvelling-place of tiie giant monsters, and th0 


iBagnificent residence of a powerful king. In neither po6l 
as the description of nature a primary or independent 

'^Opposed to these simple popular epics^ are the more 

Varied and artificial narrations of the chivalrous poets of the 

thirteenth century; among whom^ Hartmann von Ane^ 

Wolfram yon Eschenbach^ and Gottfried von Strasburg {^), 

in the early part of the century^ are so much distinguished 

above the rest^ that they may be called great and classifiaL 

It would be easy to bring together from their extensive 

nimtings sufficient proof of their deep feeling for nature^ as- 

at breaks forth in similitudes ; but distinct and independfiot 

descriptions of natural scenes are never found in their pages; 

ihey never arrest the progress of the action to contemplate 

the tranquil life of nature. How different is this from the 

writers of modem poetic compositions ! Bernardin de St.- 

Pierre uses the occurrences of his narratives only as frames for 

iis pictures. The lyric poets of the 13th century, e«peciaUy 

wl^en singing of love, (which is not, however, their constant 

theme), speak, indeed, often of ' gentle May,' of the ' so^g 

of the nightingale,' ^d ' the dew glistening on the bells of 

heather,' but 3lways in connection with sentiments springijog 

iirom other sources, which these outward images serve to 

reflect. Thus, when feehngs of sadness are to be indicated, 

3nention is made of fading leaves, birds whose songs wp 

ipiute, and the fruits of the field buried in snow. The sam^ 

thoughts recur incessantly, not indeed without considerable 

variety a^ well as beauty in the manner in which they are 

expressed. Walther von der Yogelweide, and Wolfram von 

Eschenbach, the former characterised by tenderness an^ the 

Jatter by deep thought, have left us some lyrio piece% 


infbrfccmfitdly only few iu uumber^ which are deserving of 
honourable mention/' 

^'If it be asked whether contact with Southern Italy, and, 

jby loeans of the crusades, with Asia Minor, Syria, and 

f %|estine, did not enrich poetic art in Germany with new 

ioiagery drawn bom the aspect of nature in more sunny 

#aies, the question must, on the whole, be answered in the 

^egstive. We do not find that acquaintance with the East 

(imgei the direction of the minstrel poetry of the period : 

the GTusadevs had little familiar communication with the 

Saiac^is, and there was much of repulsion even between the 

lirariiors of differ^it nations associated for a common cause. 

friedri(^ von Hausen, who perished in Barbarossa's army, 

was one of the earliest German lyrical poets. His souga 

often relate to the crusades, but only to express religious 

feelings, or the pains of absence from a beloved object. 

If ath^ he nor any of the writers who had taken part in the ex-^ 

pefitions to Palestine, as Reinmar the Elder, Rubin, Neidliatt, 

and Ulrich of Lichtenstein, ever take occasion to speak of the 

pQUi^jry in which they were sojourmng. Eeinmar came to 

Syria as a pilgrim, it would appear, in the train of Duke 

liO&poId YI. of Austria : he complains that the thoughts of 

hcHUe leave him no peace, and draw him away from God„ 

The date-tree is occasionally mentioned, in speaking of the 

Pfthns which pious pilgrims should bear on their shoulders. 

Neither do I remember any indication of the loveliness of 

Italiau nature having stimulated the imagination of those 

'^^^ii^sfcrels who crossed the Alps. Walther von der VogeU 

wride, though he had wandered hr, had in Italy seen only 

tt^Po; butJPreidank(^) was in Eqme, and he merely 

M xxBSCiapnoNa ov katu&u* sgenikt 

lemarks tliat 'grass now growsin tliepalaoes of tbosevte 
once ruled there/ " 

The German Thier-epos^ which must not be oonfomided 
with the oriental "isiAt" originated in habitual assodatioa 
and familiarity wkh the animal world ; to paint which was 
Boiv however^ its purpose. This peculiar class of pocsm^ 
which Jacob Grimm has treated in so masterly a manner^ m 
the introduction to his edition of Beinhart Fuchs^ shews a 
cordial delight in nature. The animals^ not attached to tlw 
ground^ excited by passion^ and gifted by the poet wiHi 
speech, contrast with the still life of the silent plants, snd 
iform a ccmstantly active element enlivening the landscapes 
f ' The early poetry loves to look on the life of nature with hn^ 
Bian eyes, and lends to animals, and even to {4ants, hmnas 
thoughts and feelings j giving a fanciful and childhkff 
interpretation to all that has been observed of their forms 
and habits. Plants and flowers, gathered and used by gods 
and heroes^ are afterwards named from them. In reading 
the old German epitt, in which brutes are the actors, ws 
breathe an air redolent as it were with the sylvan odoui» si 
some ancient forest" f^)^ 

Formerly we mi^t have been tempted to nomber among 
the memorials of Germanic poetiy having xeieience to 
external nature, the supposed remains of the Celto-IciA 
poems, which, for half a century, passed as diapes of misk 
from nation to nation, under the name of Ossian ; but tiis 
spell has been broken since the complete discovery of tltt 
literary fraud of the talented Maq>her6on, by his pufalicatua 
0f tiie supposed Gadac original text, now known to havs 
been ft setrandation from the !Eing]ish work. Thieata s«% 



Ittfteed^ ancient Irish PingaUan songs belonging to the timor 
of Christiamty^ and perhaps not eren reaching as &r badt 
i& the dghth century; but these poptdar songs contain 
ttnle of the sentimental description of nature trhich gives m 
pn^culstf diarm to Macpherson's poems (^') . 

Ife have already remarked^ that if sentimental and 
romantic turns of thought and feeling in reference to nature 
belong In a high degree to the Indo-Qermanic races of 
Worthem Europe, it should not be r^arded only as & con- 
ieqoence of climate ; that is, as arising from a longing desire 
itthanced by prdtracted privation. I have noticed, that the 
Mbfratures of India ftnd of Persia, which have unfolded 
mrier the gtowmg brightn<iss o£ southern skies, offer 
descriptions fiill of charm, not duly of oi^nic, but also of 
febrganic nature ; of the ti^nsition from parching drought 
to tropical ram ; of the appearance of the first cloud on the 
deep aaure of the pure sky, and the first msfling sound of 
te kmg desired etesian winds in the feathered foliage of the 
Mumnits of the pahns. 

' It is now time to enter somewhat more deeply into the 
•ubject of file Indian descriptions of nature. "Let ui 
bmigiue,'' says Lassen, in his excellent work on Indian 
iiteimiy (■®), ''a pofrtion of the Arfanic race migrating from 
fiirft primifive seats, in the north-west, to India: they 
trotdd there find' themselves surrounded by scenery altob. 
|ether new, and by vegetation of a striking and luxuriant 
ttottact^f. The mfldness of the climate, the fertility of the 
^9, the proftision of ribh gifts which it lavishes almost 
tpontaneously, wooM afl tend to impart to the new fife rf 
fte immigrants a bright uid cheeiM colouring. The origi* 
tafly fine organisation of this race, and their hi^ endow- 


ments of intellect and disposition^ the germ of all that iiui 
nations of India have achieved of great or iioble> eaorljr 
gendered the spectacle of the external world productive of # 
profound meditation on the forces of nature^ which is the 
groundwork oi^ that contemplative tendency which we find 
intimately interwoven with the earliest Indian poetry. This 
prevailing impression on the mental disposition of the 
people^ has embodied itself most distinctly in their funda- 
piental religious tenets, in the recognition of the divine in 
nature. Xhe careless ease of outward life likewise favoured 
the indulgence of the contemplative tendency. Who coiild 
have less to disturb their meditations on earthly life^ ^^ 
condition of man after death, and on the divine esseDce, . 
than the Indian anchorites, the Brahmins dwelling in th^ 
forest (^^), whose aacient schools constituted one of the 
Vaost peculiar phsenomena of Indian life^ and materiaUy 
influenced the mental development of the whole race P^' 
, In referring mnw, as I did in my public lectures under thi 
guidance of my brother and of others conversant witb 
Sanscrit literature, to p^cular instances of the vivid s^nse 
pf natural beauty which frequently breaks forth in tho 
descriptive portions of Indian poetry, I begin with thi^ 
Yedas, or saored writings, which are the earliest monumento 
pf the civihsation of the East Arianic nations, and are princi^ 
paUy occupied with the adoring veneration of nature. Th^ 
^ymns (4 the lEdg-Yeda contain beautiEd descriptions of thi) 
hl^it of ^arly dawn, and the appearance of the /'goldeoti 
)umded'' sun. The great hercdc poem^ of llamayana a^ 
M^^bhar^tf^ are later than the Yedas, and earlier than, tl^ 
JPvra^oa^ J an4 w them the p):ais^ of nature pre conmed^ 
with ^ narrative, agreeably to the essential character of epif 

BT THE Iin>IAN£U 89 

pbetry. In the Yedas^ it is sddom possible to assign the 
particular locality whence the sacred sages derive their inspi- 
fation; in the heroic poems^ on the contrary^ the descriptions 
are mostly individual, and attached to particular locahties, 
^d are animated by that iresher hf e which is fonnd where 
4he writer has drawn from impressions of which he was hinif- 
self the recipient. Kama's journey from Ajodhya to thd 
capital of Dschanaka, his sojourn in the primeval forest, and 
the picture of the hermit life of the Panduides, are all richly 

The name of the great poet EaKdasa, who flourished at 
the highly polished court of Vikramaditya, contempora* 
^eously with Yirgil and Horace, has obtained an early and 
etteiijsive celebrity among the nations of the west : nearot 
.tor own times, the English and German translations ot 
Sacontala have farther contributed, in a high degree, to the 
admiration so largely felt for an author, whose tenderness of 
leeling, and rich creative imagination, claim for him a dis^ 
tegukhed place among the poets of all countries (^)« The 
K^hiffm of his descriptions of nature is seen also in the lovely 
dtama of *' Vikrama and Urvasi,'' in which the king wanders 
tttt)«igh the thickets of the forest in search of the nymph 
Vrrtei; in the poem of ''The Seasons/' and in. "The 
Meghaduta,'' or " Cloud Messei^r/' The last named poein 
Jaints, with admirable truth to nature, the joyful welcomte 
which, after a long continuance of tropical drought, ha^d 
tte first appearance of the rising cloud, which shews that 
♦he looked-for season of rains is at hand. The expf69» 
f^^3 ''truth to •nature,"' which I have just employed, calk 
flone justify me in venturing to recal, in connection with 
^Indian poem^ a sketch f of the commencement of the 


jntellectaal oultivation^ Christiamty spread among the Gest^ 
manic and Celtic races, who had previously been devoted tc> 
the worship of nature, and who honoured under rude symbols 
its preserving and destrojdng powers, the close and affec^ 
tionate intercourse with the external world of phsenomena 
which we have remarked among the early Christians of 
Greece and Italy, as well a^ all endeavours to trace the 
action of natural forces, fell gradually imder suspicion, ad 
tending towards sorcery. They were therefore regarded £u3 
hot less dangerous than the art of the sculptor had appeared 
to Tcrtullian, Clemens of Alexandria, and almost all the 
inost ancient fathers of the church. In the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries, the Councils of Tours (1163) and of 
Paris (1209) forbade to monks the sinful reading of writingd 
on physical science (®^). These intellectual fetters were 
fost broken by the courage of Albertus Magnus and Rogeif 
!Bacon j when nature was pronounced pure, and reinstated ill 
her ancient rights. 

Hitherto we have sought to depict differences which hav6 
ishewn themselves in different periods of time ; and in tw6 

literatures so nearly allied as were those of the Greeks and 
the ftomans. But not only are great differences in modeii 
^f feeling produced by time, — ^by the changes which it 
hrings with it, in forms of govemment> in manners, and 
in religious views, — ^but diversities still more striking are 
produced by differences of race and of mental disposition, 
JBow different in animation and in poetic colouring are the 
•manifestations of the love of nature and the descriptions of 
natural scenery among the Greeks, the Germans of the 
Inorth, the Semitic races, the Persians, and the Indians I 


An opinion has been repeatedly expressed* that the delifs^ht 
m nature felt by northern nations^ and the longing desiro 
for the pleasant fields of Italy and Greece^ and for the won-^ 
derftd luxuriance of tropical vegetation^ are principally to be 
ascribed to the long winter's privation of all such enjoy- 
Bients. We do not mean to deny that the longing for thq 
dimate of palms seems to diminish as we approach the 
South of France and the Iberian Peninsula ; but the now 
generally employed, and ethnologically correct nan^e of Indo- 
peruaanic races, might alone be sufficient to remind us that 
^e miist be cautious lest we generalise too much respecting 
fce influence thus ascribed to northern winters. , The rich* 
^ess of the poetic literature of the Indians teaches us, that 
''ritliin and near the tropics south of the great chain of th^ 
Himalaya, the sight of ever verdant and ever flowering 
Aor^sts has at all tinies acted as a powerful stimulus to th0 
jo^tic and imaginative faculties of the East-Arianic uatiopa^ 
wid that these jiations have been more strongly inclined to 
picturesque descriptions of nature than the true Germ^niO 
y^s, who^ in the far inhospitable north, had extended eveu 
Jiito Iceland. A deprivation, or, at least, a cert^-jn inters 
tuption of the enjoyment of nature, is not, however, un^ 
faiown even to the happiegr climates of Southern Asia . the 
Masons are there abruptly divided from each other by altefr 
Vak periods of fertilising rain and of dusty desolating 
widity. Jii the Persian plateau of West Aria, the desert 
"often extends in, deep bays far into the interior of the mo^ 
,»n%g .and fruitful lands. In Middle and in Western 
Asia, a margin of forest often forms as it were the shore ctf 
> iridely extended inland sea of steppe ; xmd thus the inhabi- 
^teats of these hot countries. havo presented to them the 


strongest contrasts of desert barrenness ani luxuriant vege- 
tation^ in the same horieontal pkne^ as well an in the vertioal 
elevation of the snow-capped mountain chains of India atid 
of Afghanistan. Wherever a lively tendency to the contem-* 
plation of nature is interwoven with the whole intellectual 
cultivation, and with the reUgious feeh'ngs of a nation, great 
and striking contrasts of season, of vegetation, or of deVli* 
tion, are unfailing stimulants to the poetic imagination* 

DeUght in nature, inseparable from the tendency to objeo* 
tive contemplation which belongs to the Germanic nations, 
shews itself in a high degree in the tearliest poetiy of the 
middle ages. Of this the chivalric poems of the Minne* 
singers during the Hohenstauffen period afford us numerotii 
examples. Many and varied as are its points of contact 
Irith the romanesque poetry of the !Proven9als> yet its tfti^ 
Germanic principle can never be mistaken* A deep felt anil 
ell pervading love of nature may be discerned in all Ge:f- 
manic manners, habits^ and modes of life; and eveh in t}ie 
love of freedom characteristic of the race(*^). IHie wander^ 
ing Minnesingers, or minstrels, though living much*ift 
eburtly circles (from which, indeed, they often spwaig), still 
maintained frequent and intimate intercourse with naturt, 
and preserved, in all its freshness, an idyllic> and often tt& 
elegiac, turn of thought. I avail myself on these subject 
of the researches of those most profoundly xet&eA in the 
liistory and literature of our German middle ages, my noble* 
minded friends Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm. **The poets of 
Our country of that period,'^^ says the last named writ<t, 
*' never gave sepawle descriptions of Ufttural scea^ design^ 
solely to represent^ in brilliant colours, the impression ttf 
ibe landscape ou the mind. Assuredly the eye' and like 


fediog for nature were not wuting in these old Ocnnaa 
maetos ; bat the only expressknis thereof whidi thqr have 
left us are such as flowed forth in lyrical strains^ in oonneQ» 
tion with the oecarre&ee» or the feeling belonging to the 
murratiFe. To begin with the hist and oldest momunents of 
the popular qkni^ we do not find my deseriptioii of scenery 
either in the Niebelungen or in Gadmn(^)^ even where the 
occasion might lead us to look for it. In ttie otherwise 
cirGttiDstantial description of tfaa chase during which Sieg« 
fiied ia mnrdered, the only natural features mentioned aie 
file blooming heather and the cool fountain under the 
lindm tree. In Gudrun^ which shews scnnething of a 
higher polish^ a finer eje for nature seems also discemible* 
When the king^s daughter^ with her companions^ reduced 
to slavery^ and compelled to perform menial offices, cany 
*the garments of their cruel lord to the sea-shcNce, the time is 
indicated as being the season ' when wintor is just dissobr- 
jigy and tiie birds begin to be heard^ TP^ ^^ ^^ other 
in their songs ; snow and rain still fall, and the hair of the 
captive maidens is blown by the rude winds of March. 
'When Gudrun, hoping for the abroach of her deliverer^ 
jcaves her couch, the morning star rises over the sea., which 
begins to ^sten in the early dawn, and she distinguishes 
the dark helmets and the shields of her frmds/ The words 
ne few, but they convey to the fancy a visible picture^ suited 
to he^ten the feeling of expectation and suspense previous 
tothe occurrence of an important event in the narradveL 
la like manner, whai Homer paints the island of the 
C^fdops and the gardens of AlcinonSy his purpose is ie 
Ixdng beCiore our eyes the luxuriant fertility and abundance 
«|^^ wild dvdiing-plaoe of tiie giant monsters, and the 


nmgnificent residence of a powerful king. Li neither poa^ 
is the deScriptioa of nature a pnmarj or independenlr 

'^ Opposed to these simple popular ^ics^ are the more 

varied and artificial narrations of the chivalrous poets of the 

thirteenth century; among whom^ Hartmann von Aue> 

Wolfram von Eschenbach^ and Gottfried von Strafiburg (^), 

in the early part of the century^ are so much distinguished 

above the rest^ that they may be called great and classicaL 

It would be easy to bring together from their extensive 

writings sufficient proof of their deep feeling for nature^ as - 

at breaks forth iu similitudes ; but distinct and independent 

descriptions of natural scenes are never found ia their pages; 

they never arrest the progress of the action to contemplate 

the trauqnil life of nature. How difiPerent is this from thd 

writers of modem poetic compositions ! Bernardin de St.- 

Pierre nses the occurrences of his narratives only as frames for 

his pictures. The lyric poets of the 13th century, especially 

wl^en singing of love^ (which is not, however, their constant 

theme), speak, indeed, often of 'gentle May,' of the 'sozig 

of the nightingale,' ^d ' the dew gUstening on the bells of 

heather/ but ^lways in connection with sentiments springing 

from other sources, which these outward images serve to 

reflect. Thus, when feehngs of sadness are to be indicated^ 

inention is made of fading leaves, birds whose songs ^atfi 

jnute, and the fruits of the field buried in snow. The saim^ 

jQioughts recur incessantly, not indeed without considerable 

variety as well as beauty in the manner ii; which they axe 

expressed, Walther von der Vogelweide, and Wolfram von 

Eschenbach, the former characterised by tenderness and the 

latter by deep thought* have left ns some lyrio pieces 


HekCDTtttn&tdy only few in number^ which «are deserving o{ 
honourable mention/' 

*'If it be asked whether contact with Southern Italy, and, 
Iby lEieans of the crusades, with Asia Minor, Syria, and 
Palestine, did not enrich poetic art in Germany with new 
imagery drawn from the aspect of nature in more sunny 
climes, the question must, on the whole, be answered in the 
jiegative. We do not find that acquaintance with the East 
chaoged the direction of the minstrel poetry of the period : 
the erusadevs had little familiar communieation with the 
6arac^[i8, and there was much of repulsion even between the 
Finiors of different nations associated for a common cause* 
Jriedridi von Hansen, who perished in Barbarossa's army, 
was one of the earliest German lyrical poets. His souga 
often relate to the crusades, but only to express religious 
feelings, or the pains of absence from a beloved object* 
Jf ather he nor any of the writers who had taken part in the ex-^ 
pedifcions to Palestine, as Reinmar the Elder, Eubin, Neidliatt, 
and Uhich of Lichteustein, ever take occasion to speak of the 
<JQttiJ^Jpy in which they were sojourning, Eeinmar came to' 
Syria as a pilgrim, it would appear, in the train of Duke 
Leopold YI. of Austria : he complains that the thoughts of 
home leave him no peace, and draw him away from God* 
Jhe date-tree is occasionally mentioned, in speaking of the 
pakns which pious pilgrims should bear on their shoulders, 
Ndther do I remember any indication of the loveliness of 
Itdiau nature having stimulated the imagination of those 
minstrels who crossed the Alps. Walther von der VogeU 
wade, though he had wandered hr, had in Italy seen only 
tt^Poj butJPreidank(6*) was in Eome, and he merely 


lemarks tliat 'grass now grows in th6 palaoes of those wiw 
once ruled there/ " 

The German Thier-epos^ which mnst not be oonfounded 
with the oriental '^fiahle/' originated in habitual associatian 
and familiarity with the animal world ; to paint which waa 
not, however, its purpose. This peculiar class of poem^ 
which Jacob Grinmi has treated in so mastarlj a manner, in 
the introduction to his edition of Beinhart Fnchs, shews m 
cordial delight in nature. Tlie animals, not attached to thsr 
ground, excited by passion, and gifted by the poet wiUi 
speech, contrast with the still hfe of the silent plants, and 
form a constantly active element enlivening the landscape. 
f ' The early poetry loves to look on the life of nature with ku* 
sian eyes, and lends to animals, and even to {4ants, humaa 
thoughts and feelings j giving a fanciful and childlikii 
interpretation to all that has been observed of their foimii 
and habits. Plants and flowers, gathered and used by god» 
and heroes^ are afterwards named from them. In reading 
the old German epitt, i^ which hmtes are the actors, we 
breathe an air redolent as it were with the sylvan odour» of 
•ome ancient forest*' {^)^ 

Formerly we might have been tempted to number amoog 
the memorials of Germanic poetry having reference to 
external nature, the supposed remains of the Cdto-Luk 
poems, which, for half a century, passed as shapes of mist 
from nation to nation, under the name of Ossian; but tfaii 
spell has been broken since the complete discovery of Hie 
literary &and of the talented Maq>her8on, by his publicatiaa 
0f the supposed Gaelic onginal text, now known to haart 
been ft letiandation frooBi the ]IE^gUsh work. Thera m% 

ftttteed^ ancient Imh FingaUttn songs belonging to the timor 
d ChiiAtiamty^ and perhaps not eren reaching as far badt 
SB the eighth centory; bnt these popular songs contain 
MMe of the scntunental description of nature trhich gives m 
Idfi^ictdair charm to Macpherson's poems (^') . 

We have already revn8a*ked^ that if sentimental and 
rmnantic turns of thdught and feeling in reference to natnie 
bdoug in a high d^ree to the Indo-Germanic races of 
Worthem Europe, it should not be regarded only as & con- 
feqoence of climate ; that is, as arising from a longing desire 
Enhanced by prbtracted privation. I have noticed, that the 
St5era6ures of India fcnd of Persia, which have unfolded 
ttsAaf the gtoirbg brightness o£ southern skies, offer 
Jescriptions fiili of charm, not duly of organic, but also of 
iioi^anic nature; of the transition from parching drought 
fe tfopk^ rain ; of the appearance of the first cloud on the 
deep a^ure of the pure sky, and the first rustling sound of 
t^ long desired etesian winds in the feathered foliage of the 
ittmmits of the pahns. 

' It is novr time to enter somewhat more deeply into the 
luhjeet of tiie Indian descriptions of nature. "Let ufl 
fctt&gine,'' sayis Lassen, in his excellent work on Indian 
totitjuiiy (■®), "^a pofrtion of the Aiianic race migrating from 
fiirfr primitSve seats, in the north-west, to India: they 
^tild there find' themselves surrounded by scenery altob. 
lether new, and by vegetation of a striking and luxuriant 
<*Stfacteir. The mfldriess of the climate, the fertility of the 
fct)fi, the proftisibn of rich gifts which it lavishes almost 
*pcnt«neously, wouM aB tend to unpart to the new Bfe rf 
fife immi^nts 'a bright uM cJiedM colouring. The origi- 
taBy fine organisation of this race, and their high endow- 


ments of intellect and disposition^ the genn of all that tb4 
nations of India have acMeved of great or iioble> eaarljr 
gendered the spectacle of the external world prodactive of # 
profound meditation on the forces of nature^ which is thd 
groundwork oi^ that contemplative tendency which we findl 
intimately interwoven with the earliest Indian poetry. This 
prevailing impression on the mental disposition of the 
p^ple^ has embodied itself most distinctly in their funda^ 
piental religious tenets^ in the recognition of the divine ia 
nature. Xhe careless ease of outward life likewise favoured 
^ indulgence of the contemplative tendency. Who could 
have less tp disturb theic meditations on earthly life^ tl^ 
condition of man after death, and on the divine essence, 
than the Indian anchorites^ the Brahmins dwelling in tljk^ 
forest (^^)^ whose ancient schools constituted one of tb« 
most peculiar phsenomena of Indian life^ and jnateriaUy 
influenced the mental development of the whole jraoe ?'* 
, In referring mnw, as I did in my public lectures under th4 
guidance of my brother and of others conversant with 
Sanscrit literaturcj to particular instances of the vivid sense 
pf natural beauty which frequently breaks forth jn tho 
descriptive portions of Indian poetry, I begin with th^ 
Yedas, or saored writings^ which are the earliest monuments 
pf the civilisation of the East Arianic nations^ and are prind^ 
pally occupied with the adoring veneration of nature. Th^ 
^ymns of the lEdg-Yeda contain beantiM descriptions of 1^ 
Jg/ivisk of ^arly dawn, and the appearance of the /^goldeoi 
handed'^ sun. The great heraic poem^ 4^ Jlamayana aQ4 
i)||i(c^abhar^t£^ are l^'ter than the Vedas, and ^lier than th# 
JE^^rana? J and W them the pi»ises ot nature pre conuectf4 
with A narrative, agreeably to the essential character of epq 


pdetry. In the Yedas, it is sddom possible to assign the 
^particolar locality whence the sacred sages derive their inspi- 
faiion; in the heroic poems^ on the contrary^ the descriptions 
are mostly individual^ and attached to particolar localities, 
^d are animated by that iresher life which is found whete 
4he writer has drawn from impressions of which he was him- 
self the recipient. Bama's journey from Ayodhya to thd 
capital of Dschanaka, his sojourn in the primeval forest, and 
Ihe picture of the hermit life of the Fanduides, are all richly 

The name of the great poet KaUdasa, who flourished at 
the highly polished court of Vikramaditya, contempora- 
Tieously with Yirgil and Horace, has obtained an early and 
extensive celebrity among the nations of the west: nearer 
jbur own times, the English and German translations ot 
Sacontala have further contributed, in a high degree, to the 
f^dmiration so largdy felt for an author, whose tenderness of 
ledliog, and rich creative imagination, claim for him a dis^i 
tinguished place among the poets of all countries {^), The 
jchton of his descriptions of nature is seen also in the lovely 
drama of " Vikrama and Urvasi,'' in which <he king wanders 
throogh the thickets of the forest in search of the nymph 
Urvtei; in the poem of ''The Seasons/' and in *'The 
Meghaduta,'' or *' Qoud Messenger/' The last named poeln 
paints, with admirable truth to nature, the joyful welcome 
:vhich, after a long continuance of tropical drought, haijs 
fte first appearance of the rising cloud, which shews that 
ttelooked-for $eason of rains is at hand. The exprea- 
pion, ''truth to Mature,'' which I have just employed, caft 
fionft justify me in venturing to recal, in connection with 
!^ Indian poemj a sketchz-of the commeneement of %]ie 

-' 1 

mnj season (^0 ti^&ced bj myself, ia South Americai «tit fk 
tSoBDB when I was wholly unaequainted with JLsUdBMtfp 
Me^saduta, even in' Chte/s tmudataon, ^e obseiue 
meteorologidal piocesaes which take place in the atmoaphei^ 
jn the fennation of yapom, in the shape of the doudii, anil 
in the Inminaas electric pheenomenai are the same in the 
tEopioal it^gions of both continents; and idealising ai^ 
iirtiose province it is to form the actual into the ideal imig% 
wfil surely lose none of its magic power by ^e diric^veij 
that the analysing spirit of observation of a later age <xm^ 
Anns the truth to nature of the older, purely graphical and 
poetical representation* 

We pass from the East Arians, or the Brahmimo In^aas^ 
woA their stroaigjy marked sense of picturesque beauty in 
iiatHre(^), to the West Ariansj or Persians, who had 
migrated into the uat&em country €i the Zend, and weia 
origmaUy disposed to combine with the dnalistis belief te 
Ormnzd and Ahrimanes a qnritualised veneration <tf natHse. 
What we term Persian hterature doesinot i«aeh farther bnek 
than the period of the Sassanides ; the older ppetic memcnnide 
hffre perkhed ; and it wse not until the country bad been sub* 
jugated by the Arabs, aiid the diaracteiistios of its earlier i^ht* 

bitants in grest messure obliterated^ that it regained a national 
literature, under the Samanides, Gasasirides, and SeUsdmkL 

The flourishing period of its poetry, fran Tirdnsi to Hafo* and 

Bschami, can hardly be said to have lasted four <»r flva em^ 

iuries, and extends but little beyond ^ ^och id Voeoo de 

<iama. Hie lilevaiUues of Persia and of India are sepemted 

liy time as wdl as by.spaoe ; the Persian bekngbg to the 

auiddle ages, while the greult literature of India bdsngi 

itnctly to antiqidlty. Li tho Iraufaian hjghland% 

nst present the luxumnoe of arborescent vegetation, or 
At dhmrable variety of form and colour, which adorn the 
mil of Hindostan. The Yindli^ya chain, which was long the 
hoimdfljj of the East Arianic nations, is stall within the 
tocrid eone, while the whole of Penria is sitnated beyond the 
Iropies, sad its poetic literature even belongs in parfc to the 
Aortittni soil of Balkh and Fergana. The four paradises 
edebn^ed by •the Persian poets (^3), were the pleasant valley 
ef So^id near Samareand, Masehanrad near Hanntdan^ 
JAa'M, Bowan near Kal'eh SoSd in Pars, and Ghute tibe 
0aia of Bamaeeus. Both Iran aad.Tnran are wantiio^ a 
Ae ifivaa scoieiy and the hermit life of the forest which 
Mvenced so powerfa% the imaginations €lt tiie Indian 
fods. Gsrdeas refreshed by springing fonatains, and fllbd 
with rose bushes and fruit trees, could ill rqilaoe the wild 
md grand BBeamj iA Hindostan. Ho wonder, tiierefore, 
flat tiie desevipiive poetry of Perm has less life and fredi* 
nss, and is enm qIR^tl tan», and full of artificial ornament* 
flnc^ in the jn%ni«it of the Persiaiis, tiie highest meed of 
praise is given to that whidi we term sprigfatlinefls said wi^ 
0« adniEBtiaii must be limited to the produotivmiess of 
1km poets, and to the mflaite varidy of foims(M) whicfa 
tts suae rndsnals assume under Iheir hands : we miss 
ii^hem depth iBid eamestnass of feeling. 

in the natacmal epc of Pasna, Krdtbsfs fibahnameb^ 
A6 40iini8B of the nacrative is but i^u^fy iatermpted by 
dnsripiioAs of l^dseiqpe. ^e praises of the coast land of 
Mtamdenm, patdnto the mouHi of a wsiidermg bard^ sod 
^iiwribing tiie mildmias of its climate, and the vigomr of ik 
fvyiatien, appear to me to bave mnch gmce and <chac9Bt 
^— *• high jhgpee ef local trutL In that Jtoiy, t}|e Uag 


(Kei Kawuf^) is induced by the description to undertake 
expeditiori to the Caspian, and to attempt a new conquest C)^ 
Enweri, Dschelaleddin Eumi (who is considered the greatert 
mystic poet of the East)^ Adhad, and the half .Indian Feisi^ 
have written poems Crft spring, parts of which breatiie poefcic 
life and freshness, although in other parts our ^enjoym^t id 
often nnpleasingly disturbed by petty efforts in plays on word* 
and artificial comparisons (^6). Joseph von^ Hammer^ ut 
his great Work on the history of Persian poetry, remarks ot 
Sadi, in the Bostan and Gulistan (Eruit and Eose Gardens)^ 
aid ot HafiB, whose joyous philosophy of life has been com^ 
pared Mth that of Horace, that we find in the first an 
ethical teajcher, and in the love songs of the second, lyrical 
fights of no mean beauty ; but that in both the descripti<»Mi 
of nature are too often marred and disfigured by tur^diij 
arid'* false ornament (^7). The favourite subject of Persian 
poetry, the loves of the nightingale and the rose, is weaa-» 
some, jfrom its perpetual recurrence; and the genuine love 
pf 'tiature is stifled in the East under the conventional 
prettinesses'of the' language of flowers. 

WTien we proceed northwards from the Iraunian h%Iilandfl 
thfdngh Turan (in the Zend Tuirja) (6®), into the chain of 
Jthe Ural which forms the boundary between Europe aod 
Asia, we find ourselves in' the early seat of the Finnish races $ 
for' the Ural is as deserving of the title of the ancient land 
of the Fins as the Altai is of that of the Turks. AmoBg 
the-Firis who have settled far to the west in European low* 
lands,* Elf as Lonnrot has collected, from the. lips of the 
Kafelians and the country people of Olonetz, a great 
number of Finnish songs, in which Jacob Grimm (<*) 
find!, -itt regard to natuire^ a tone of emotion and of xeveij^ 





iik6 iritii except ia tndian poetiy. Ajb oliL egm 
rf nearly threv tiiaufluid liiws, wluch is ooeapied wiHk 
wm beihreenr Urn lins and ihe Ltppii and th« jEbi* 
aaaft ftte of a godlike heio' noned Yamo, amtaana 4 
ffaMRt^dtaen^oai of tiia ntcal Hfe ol the Fins; espedailf 
irita!ie*(^ wik of tiie ixonworkeor, Emanoe^ aends her floaka 
iel^tlia facesiy niih. ptag^eis far timr safegnavd. f aw maaa 
|Man^ more nsmarkable gcadationa in the oharaetar at tiiair 
Msband therduectiDa of their ftdinga, aa dateniBned hf 
sarribudo, by idld aad warlike habits^ or hf peraaverixg 
eSbrte for pcfitScal freedom, tiuin the met of Jhm, iMk ita 
flMhnjMons speaking Mndred languages^ I aliude to the 
iMrpaacefal rorai population among niiom" &e. ^c jual 
witietted iras dtscover ed^ — ^ta tiie Hn]is> (long oonftmiideA 
vi& fte Moogcdb^) who ov^ron tbe BoBMai woxld^— aoi 
tea greafc and noble people, the l^igjara 

^ Iweure seen tiiat the vividness of the feelmgwitti whid^ 
wttffe is tegavded, and ti)e form in whieh tjuiiftdhtg mni* 
fnte itself, are influenced by differences of raee^ by the par* 
teilar character of tiie country, by the ccmstitation of Hie 
sMst; and by the tone of idigicHis foefing ; taxi we hxm 
tsMd this influeiice in the natioiw ol Europe, and in tlieaei 
^'VHkitoA isesceni in Asia (the Indiana and f^gmotljl 
^ Jbiaidc or Indo-Gennanie origin* Bum^ frcntt 
ttence to the Sendtie er ktomt^ race, wv dhuovav 
ift-iihe (ddest and most venerable memorkJa in wJbieh iftia 
toiK- and tendency of feheir poetry and m&pBaAm u^ ibk^ 
j^BJ^, unquestionable evidencea of a profound aenajb(3ilj|r 

This feefing manifests itself with jrrondear and mAffrntu^i 
^litstocal ]tamitives> in hymns and ^oral aoi^, in tM 
•^dour of lyric poaftij in the Psakis^ and m Ibe aehocia 

VOL, ir. ^ 



laagnificent residence of a powerful king. Li neither po^t 
is the description of nature a primary or independent 

'^Opposed to these siniple popular epics^ are the more 
Varied and artificial narrations of the chivalrous poets of the 
thirteenth century; among whom^ Hartmann von Aue^ 
Wolfram yon Eschenbach, and Gottfried von Strasburg (^), 
in the early part of the century, are so much distinguished 
above the rest, that they may be called great and classicaL 
It would be easy to bring together from their extensive 
writings sufficient proof of their deep feeling for nature, as * 
at breaks forth in similitudes ; but distinct and independent 
descriptions of natural scenes are never found in tiieir pages^ 
they never arrest the progress of the action to contemplate 
the tranquil life of nature. How diflferent is this from the 
writers of modern poetic compositions ! Bernardin de St.*- 
Kerre uses the occurrences of his narratives only as frames fof 
liis pictures. The lyric poets of the 13th century, especially 
wl^en singing of love, (which is not, however, their constant 
theme), speak, indeed, often of ' gentle May,' of the ^ song 
of the nightingale,' ^nd ' the dew glistening on the bells of. 
heathey,' but pi ways in connection with sentiments springing 
from other sources, which these outward images serve to 
reflect. Thus, when feeHngs of sadness are to be indicated, 
Jnention is made of fading leaves, birds whose songs w:^ 
mute, and the fruits of the field buried in snow. The sam^ 
jthoughts recur incessantly, not indeed without considerable 
variety a^ well as beauty in the manner iij which they are 
expressed, Walther von der Yogelweide, and Wolfram vou s 
3Eschenbach, the former characterised by tenderness and the 
]atter by deep thought, bave left us some lyrio piec0% 


0l(brtan&tdi7 only few iu uumb^, which are deserving of 
honourable mention/' 

^' If it be asked whether contact with Southern Italy^ and, 
lay means of the crusades^ with Asia Minor, Syria, and 
Palestine, did not enrich poetic art in Germany with new 
imagery drawn from the aspect of nature in more sunny 
climes, the question must, on the whole, be answered in the 
^negative. We do not find that acquaintance with the East 
(^hanged the direction of the minstrel poetry of the period: 
the crusaders had httle familiar communication with the 
8arac«i8, and there was much of repulsion even between the 
ivirriors of different nations associated for a common cause. 
fiiedri(^ von Hansen, who perished in Barbarossa's army, 
iras one of the earliest Grerman lyrical poets. His songs 
often relate to the crusades, but only to express religious 
feelings, or the pains of absence from a beloved object, 
^eith^ he nor any of the writers who had taken part in the ex<^ 
peditions to Palestine, as fieinmar the Elder, Bubin, Neidliart, 
and Ulrich of Lichtenstein, ever take occasion to speak of tlie 
country in which they were sojourning. Beinmar came to 
Syria as a pilgrim, it would appear, in the train of Duke 
Leopcdd YI. of Austria : he complains that the thouglits of 
home leave him no peace, and draw him away from God. 
The date-tree is occasionally mentioned, in speaking of the 
pahns which pious pilgrims should bear on their shoulders, 
Neither do I remember any indication of the loveliness of 
Itdian nature having stimulated the imagination of those 
minstreLs who crossed the Alps. Walther von der VogeU 
wade, though he had wandered far, had in Italy seen only 
tbQ Po; but.Preidank(^) was in Bome, and he merely 


greatness and goodness of the Creator from the order of the 
universe and the beauty of nature ; and this desire to glorify 
the Deity through his worts, favoured a disposition for 
natural descriptions. We find the earliest and most detailed 
instances of this kind in the writings of Minucius Pelix^ a 
rhetorician and advocate living in Eome in the beginning 
of the third century, and a contemporary of Tertullian and 
Philostratus. We follow him with pleasure in the evening . 
twilight to the' sea shore near Ostia, which, indeed, he 
describes as more picturesque, and more favourable to 
health, than we now find it. The religious discourse 
entitled " Octavius^^ is a spirited defence of the new faith 
against the attacks of a heathen friend (**). 

This is the place for introducing from the Greek fathers of 
the church extracts descriptive of natural scenes, which are 
probably less known to my readers than are the evidences of 
the ancient Italian love for a rural life contained in Eoman 
literature. I will begin with a letter of the great Basil, 
which has long been an especial favourite with me. Basil, 
who was a native of Cesarea in Cappadocia, left the pleasures 
of Athens when little more than thirty years of age, and, 
having already visited the Clnistian hermitages of Coelo- 
Syria and Upper Egypt, withdrew, like the Essenes and 
Therapeuti before Cliristianity, into a wilderness adjacent to 
the Armenian river Iris. His second brother, Naucratius (**), 
had been drowned tjiere while engaged in fishing, after 
leading for five years the life of a rigid anchorite. Basil 
writes to his friend Gregory of Nazianzum, " I believe I 
have at last found the end of my wanderings : my hopes of 
uniting myself with thee — my pleasing dreams, I should 
rather say, for the hopes of men have been justly callfid 



waking dreams, — ^have remaiiied nnfiilfilled. God has 
eoosed me to find a place such as has often hovered before 
the fancy of ns both; and that which imagination shewed 
us afar off, I now see present before me. A high monntsdn, 
clothed with thick forest, is watered towards the north by 
fresh and ever flowing streams ; and at the foot of th^ 
mountain extends a wide plain, which these streams render 
fruitful. The surrounding forest, in which grow many kmda 
of trees, shuts me in as in a strong fortress. This wilder* 
ness is bounded by two deep ravines ; on one side the river„ 
precipitating itself foaming from the mountain, forms an- 
ohstaclo difficult to overcome ; and the other side is enclosed 
by a broad range of hiUs. My hut is so placed on the 
summit of the mountain, that I overlook the extensive plain; 
and the whole course of the Iris^ which is both mor^ 
beautifcd, and more abundant in its waters, than the 
Stiymon near AmphipoKs. The river of my wilderness, 
wluch is more rapid than any which I have ever seen, breaks 
against the jutting precipice, and throws itself foaming into 
the deep pool below — to the mountain traveller an object oi| 
^hich he gazes with delight and admiration, and valuable 
to the native for the many fish which it affords. Shall I 
describe to thee the fertilising vapours rising from the 
moist earthy and the cool breezes from the broken wat/7? 
f hall I speak of the lovely song of the birds, and of the 
profusion of flowers? What charms me most of all is iihf 
imdisturbed tranquillity of the district : it is only visgte4 
occasionally by hunters; for my wilderness feeds deer and 
lierds of wild goats, not your bears and your wolves. How 
lihould X exchange any other place ior this ! Alcmseoi^ 
when he had found the Eehinades^ would not wand^ 

VOL. II, ^ 

ferthei!^ (^^). In this simpte descriptimi el the landMSft 
mi <^ the life of the forest, theie speak feelings more intb 
mately allied to those of modem times than any thing that 
Greek and Boman antiquity have bequeathed to us. Erom 
&e lonely mountam hut to which Basihus had retired^ the 
«ye looks down on the humid roof of fidbiage of the forest ho* 
neath ; the resting-plaoe for which he and his Mend Gregoijr 
^ Nazianzum (*^) have so long panted is at last, found. 
Die sportive allusion at the dose to the poetic mythua ol 
Alcmseon sounds hke a distant lingmi^ eoho^ i^MBating in 
the Christian world accents belonging to that whadi had 
preceded it. 

Basii^s Homilies on the Hexaemeron also beer witness to 
his love of nature. He describes the mildness ci the eon<* 
fctantly serene nights of Asia Minor^ wher^ aoeording to his 
expression^ the stars^ ^ those eternal flowers of hBBkVfm/' 
raise the spirit of man &om the visibk to the LivisiblB (^^ 
'When^ in speaking of the cieation of the world, he desiies 
to praise the beauty of Uie sea, he describes the aapact 
of Uie boundkss plain of waters in its differoxt and vstf* 
ing conditions — ^how, when gently agitated by milAfr* 
breathing airs, it gives back fiie varied hues of heaven, wnr 
faiitiiite, now in Une, and now in roseate li^; andcansaes 
t3ie rfiore in pcaceftJ jJay V 

Mf^ find in Gt^i^oiy of Nyssa, the brother of Basil, At 
Imme deli^ in natore, Hie same sentimental and partly 
is^nchoiy vran. ^ 'Whm/* he exelams, ^ I b^ld cadi 
arnggy MSi, emsh valley, and eadi pban clothed wztii fi&i^ 
kpi&gii^ grass; the varied foliage miOi wUdi ths treesim 
•domed; at my feet tile lified to which tailbfae has gma « 
TiiwMt do^per^ ^ s#ed; fragrance, luid of beaaty of «oloQr| 

mi in li&o jyMwioe tbf «(m^ tovards which tha vanderirig 
cfefid it fiiUag^^m; wmd !» po9«e93ed with » wdneis which 
is sot devoid of enjoymmti^ Wxm, lA ftutumii, the fruiti 
imfpwf, the kavai M, wid tha braacbey of the treesi 
itrii^wd of their ora»nimt0;> h»Qg lifdosa^ in viewing thi* 
perpetuid i»d fegulfir\y veoumng alternation the mind 
bacomos abporbed in the contemplation^ and r^pt as it 
wero in iiniaon with the many-voiced chorna of the woo* 
drona fofoea af natoro, Wbgao gazea thorough these with 
tiie iawwrd leye of t%jo^ feels the litUenesa of man in tha 
gyaate^sa of the wivci^'^ (^9), 

While tha early Christian Greeks were thns hit hy 
g}orifymg God in a loving contamplation of natnrej to poetie 
daaeii^tiona ot her variona beanty^ they we^ at the same 
tima &]litf co«t»npt for all w^Jcs of human art* We find jn 
Cliiyaoatom many auch pasiaages as these : ''when thou lookest 
fm Urn giitkmsi buildings, if the ranges of cohimns would 
aeduce thy hearty turn quickly to contempl^ the vaul^ of 
heaven and the open fields^ with the flocks grazing by the 
«ater'a aide. Who but despises all that art can shew whilst 
lie gszea at early morn, an4> i^ the sil^ce of tbp h^^rt^ 
M iha rising aun ppoxing hia golden light upon the 
Mrtb; or when seated by th^ ^d^ of a fountain in tha cool 
graasj or in the d^rk shade of thiek Mf^, his «|ye feeda 
tba while on tb^ wida«fsi^teaded prpq^t fy^ vanishing in the 
diataoige'' P)^ Aatioch waa al^ this period ^ui^onndad by 
hKm^»9!f», in one of which fPkrj¥>fston dwelt r it mj^l^ 
fayra aeemed that eloquaiw had Wd ag^n hm i^mfS9t$ 
Ireadomsf on r^turpiog to the bosom, of natura in the. th^i^ 
tmofA-mm^ ipouiitam. districts of &jm aud Am Mw^f 
J^t whw, doling tibe a^sepeiM^ W^f 99, hostile td all 


intellectual cultivation, Christianity spread among the Grer* 
manic and Celtic races, who had previously been devoted ix^ 
the worship of nature, and who honoured under rude symboli 
its preserving and destroying powers, the close and affec-> 
tionate intercourse with the external world of phsenomena 
which we have remarked among the early Christians of 
Greece and Italy^ as well a^ all endeavours to trace the 
action of natural forces, fell gradually under suspicion, ad 
fending towards sorcery. They were therefore regarded as 
tot less dangerous than the art of the sculptor had appealed 
to Tcrtullian, Clemens of Alexandria, and almost all the 
inost ancient fathers of the church. In the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries, the Councils of Tours (1163) and of 
Paris (1209) forbade to monks the sinful reading of writing^ 
on physical science (^^). These intellectual fetters Were 
first broken by the courage of Albeiius Magnus and Rogef 
!Bacon ; when nature was pronounced pure, and reinstated in 
her ancient rights. 


Hitherto we have sought to depict differences which hav6 
flhewn themselves in different periods of time ; and in tw6 
literatures so nearlv allied as were those of the Greets and 
the Eomans. But not only are great differences in model^i 
of feeling produced by time, — ^by the changes whicb it 
brings with it, in forms of government, in manners, and 
in religious views, — ^but diversities still more striking are 
produced by differences of race and of mental disposition. 
JEow different in animation and in poetic colouring are the 
*inanifestations of the love of nature and the descriptions 6t 
natural scenery among the Greeks, the Germans of the 
iiorth, the Semitic races, the Persians, and the Indians! 


An ppmion has been repeatedly expressed, that the delight 
in, iiatiure felt by northern nations^ and the longing desiro 
for the pleasant fields of Italy and Greece^ and for the won«t 
derful luxuriance of tropical vegetiation, are principally to be 
ascribed to the long winter's privation of all such enjoy- 
ments. We do not mean to deny that the longing for thq 
climate of palms seems to diminish as we approach the 
South of France and the Iberian Peninsula ; but the now 
generally employed, and ethnologically correct nan^e of Indo- 
Germanic races, might alone be suf&cient to remind us that 
we must be cautious lest we generalise too much respecting 
the influence thus ascribed to northern winters. . The rich* 
ness of the poetic literature of the Indians teaches us, that 
within and near the tropics south of the great chain of th^ 
Himalaya, the sight of ever verdant and ever flowering 
forests has at aQ times acted as a powerful stimulus to th^ 
poetic and imaginative faculties of the East-Arianic natiops^ 
end that these ^ations have been more strongly incliqed to 
picturesque descriptions of nature than th^ true Germ^niO 
yaees, who^ in the far inhospitable north, had extended evei 
into Iceland. A deprivg^tion, or, at least, a ceri^ain ivX^Xp 
ruption of the enjoyment of nature, is not, however, un^ 
known even to the happiej climate? of Southern A^ia . the 
reasons are there abruptly divided from each other by altefr 
liate periods of fi^tilising rain and of dusty desolating 
aridity. Jn the Persian plateau of West Aria, the deserfj 
'often extends in. deep bays far into the interior of the mo* 
,ipniiluig .and fruitful lands, In Middle and ii^ Western 
A^ia, a margin of forest often forms as it were the shore ctf 
ji iRdely extenjded inland sea of steppe ; jand thus the inhabi- 
^tauta of these hot countries .have presented to them the 


strongest contrasts of desert barrenness and Iniimant veg^ 
tation^ in the same horizontal plane^ as well asi m the vertfoal 
elevation of the snow-capped mountain chains of Lidia and 
of Afghanistan. Wherever a lively tendency to the contem<» 
plation of nature is interwoven with the whole intellectttat 
cultivation^ and with the reh'gious feelings of a nation^ great 
and striking contrasts of season^ of vegetation, or of elevft* 
tion, are unfailing stimulants to the poetic imagination^ 

DeKght in nature, inseparable from the tendency to objeo* 
iive contemplation which belongs to the Germatiid nations, 
shews itself in a high degree in the tsarliest poetiy of thft 
middle ages. Of this the chivalric poems of the Minne* 
singers during the HohenstaufTen period afford us numeroui 
examples. Many and varied as are its pointei of contact 
With the romanesque poetry df the Proven9aIs, yel its tm% 
Germanic principle can never be mistaken. A deep felt nxA 
flU pervading love of nature may be discerned in aQ Gef«> 
tnanic manners, habits, and modes of life; and even in iStm 
love of freedom characteristic of the race(*^). The wander^ 
ing Minnesingers, or minstrels, though living much^iA 
courtly circles (from which, indeed, they often sprwig), stiD. 
maintained frequent and intimate intercourse with nature, 
and preserved, in all its freshness, an idyllic^ and often tm 
elegiac, turn of thought. I avail myself on these subjects 
of the researches of those most profoundly versed in Hlft 
history and literature of our German middle ages, my noblfi* 
minded friends Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm. **The poets of 
our country of that period,'^ says the last named writef, 
*^neveir gave s^arate descriptions of uatural scenery design^ 
solely to represent, in brilliant colour, tlie impresston tf 
the landscape ou the mind. Assttfedly the tye' and ifte 


ieding for nature were not wuEiting in tiiese old Gcrmsa 
XDsesbexs ; but the only expressions tliereof whidbi they h&Y^ 
left us are such as flowed forth in lyrical strains^ in conneiv 
tion with the oecnrr^iees or the feeling belonging to the 
narrative. To begin with the b6st and oldest moniunents of 
the popular epos^ we do not find any description of scenery 
either in the Niebelungen or in Gadmn(^), even where the 
occasion might lead us to look for it. In the otherwise 
QTGiiimatantial description of t\m chase during which Sieg« 
iried is murdered^ the ooly natural features mentioned are 
the blooming heather and the oool fountain under the 
linden tree. In Gudrun, which shews something of a 
ingher pohsh^ a finer eye for nature seems also discernible^ 
When the king's daughter, with her compaoions, reduced 
to slavery, and compelled to perf(»*m menial offices, cany 
•the garments of their cruel lord to the sea-sh<»e, the time is 
indicfited «s being the season ' when winter is just dissohr- 
JBgy and ilie birds begin to be heard, vying with eadi other 
in their soags ; snow and rain still fall^ and th^ hair o( the 
captive maidens is blown by the rude winds of March. 
"Wheal Gudnm, hoping for the approach of her deUverer^ 
Jbeaves her couch, the morning star rises ova: the sea, which 
begins to ghsten in the early dawn, and she distmgnishes 
the dark helmets and the shields of her frknds.' The words 
«e few, but they convey to the fancy a visible picture, suited 
to heighten the feeling of expectation and suspense previous 
to the ocGorrence of an important event in the narrative* 
Jm like manner, whcxL Homer paints the island of the 
. C^^dops and the gardens of Alcinons, his purpose is to 
Jn^iqg before our ey^ the hixuriant fertility and abundance 
^(ffHy^wM, dvdling-plaoe of tiie giant monsters^ and this 


laagnificent residence of a powearf al king. Li neither poefc 
is the description of nature a primary or independent 

'^ Opposed to these simple popular ^ics^ are the more 

Varied and artificial narrations of the chivalrous poets of the 

thirteenth century; among whom, Hartmann von Aue> 

Wolfram von Eschenbach, and Gottfried von Strasburg (^), 

in the early part of the century, are so much distinguished 

above the rest, that they may be called great and classicaL 

It would be easy to bring together from their extensive 

^writings sufiBcient proof of their deep feeling for nature, as * 

it breaks forth in similitudes; but distinct and independient 

descriptions of uatural scenes are never found in their pages; 

they never arrest the progress of the action to contemplate 

the tranquil life of nature. How different is this from the 

writers of modem poetic compositions ! Bernardin de St.- 

Pierre uses the occurrences of his narratives only as frames for 

liis pictures. The lyric poets of the 13th century, especially 

ivl^en singing of love> (which is not, however, their constant 

theme), speak, indeed, often of 'gentle May,^ of the ^song 

of the nightingale,' ^d ^ the dew glistening on the beUs of 

Jieathey,' but plways iu connection with sentiments springing 

firom other sources, which these outward images serve to 

reflect. Thus, when feelings of sadness are to be indicated, 

jnention is made of fading leaves, birds whose songs ^^ 

mute, and the fruits of the field buried in snow. The same 

jthoughts recur incessantly, not indeed without considerable 

yaariety a^ well as beauty in the manner ii; which they are 

expressed, Walther von der Yogelweide, and Wolfram vou 

Eschenbach, the former characterised by tenderness and the 

latter by deep thought, have left us some lyrio piece% 


ISifDTtttiiatdy only few in number^ which are deservmg of 

liDBOTixable mention/' 

^' If it be asked whether contact with Southern Italy, and, 
f)f means of the arusades, with Asia Minor, Syria, and 
Palestine, did not enrich poetic art in Germany with new 
imagery drawn from the aspect of nature in more sunny 
* fjimes, the question most, on the whole, be answered in the 
negative. We do not find that acquaintance with the East 
changed the direction of the minstrel poetry of the period: 
thfi crusaders had httle famiUar communication with the 
Saarac^is, and there was much of repulsion even between the 
lirarriors of different nations associated for a common cause, 
fiiedrieh von Hansen, who perished in Barbarossa's army, 
iras one of the earliest German lyrical poets. His songs 
often relate to the crusades, but only to express religious 
feelings, or the pains of absence from a beloved object. 
I^^either he nor any of the writers who had taken part in the ex^ 
peditions to Palestine, as Beinmar the Elder, Eubin, Neidhart, 
and Ulrich of Lichteustein, ever take occasion to speak of the 
coxairj in which they were sojourning. Beinmar came to 
Syria as a pilgrim, it would appear, in the train of Duke 
Leopold yi. of Austria : he complains that the thoughts of 
home leave him no peace, and draw him away from God» 
The date-tree is occasionally mentioned, in speaking of the 
palms which pious pilgrims should bear on their shoulders. 
Neither do I remember any indication of the loveliness of 
Italian nature having stimulated the imagination of those 
minstrels who crossed the Alps. Walther von der VogeU 
wmde, though he had wandered far, had in Italy seen only 

^Vo; but ;Preidank(s*) was in Borne, and he merely 


lemarkfl tliat 'grass nofw grows in the palaoes of those wte 
once ruled there/ ^ 

The German Thier-epos, which must not be oonfotmded 
with the oriental " fable/' originated in habitual associatum 
and familiarity with the animal world; to paint which waa 
Boi^ however, its purpose. This peculiar class of poem, 
which Jacob Grimm has treated in so masterly a manner, ia 
the introduction to his edition of Beinhart Fnchs, shews ft 
cordial delight in nature. The animals, not attached to thtf 
ground, excited by passion, and gifted by the poet with 
speech, contrast with the still life of the silent plants, and 
fenn a constantly active element enUvening the landscapes 
f'The early poetry loves to look on the life of nature with ka« 
©an eyes, aud lends to animals, and even to^nts, hmn«m 
thoughts and feelings) giving a &ncifiil and childlike 
interpretation to all that has been observed of their fosms 
■nd habits. Plants and flowers, gathered and used by god» 
and heroes^ are afterwards named from them. In reading 
the old German epi% in which brutes are the actors, wo 
breathe an air redolent as it were with the sylvan odours of 
some ancient forest*' (®^). 

Formerly we might have been tempted to number among 
the memorials of Germanic poetry having reference ta 
external nature^ the supposed remains of the Cdto-IiiA 
poems, which, for half a century, passed as shapes of mist 
from nation to nation, under the name of Ossian ; but tfaa 
epell has been broken since the complete discovery of tlia 
literary fraud of the talented Macpherson, by his pubticatiGai 
of the supposed Gaelic original text, now known to bwm 
been a Ketnuudation from the English work. There 

BT TSX UmiAKS, 8f 

fttileed^ ancient Irish FingaUan songB bdoDging to the tiitiar 
of Christiamly, and perhaps not eren reaching as fat badt 
as tiie eighth century; bat these popular songs contain 
li^e of the sentimental description at nature which gives m 
pOK^ctilaar charm to Macpherson's poems (*^). 

"We have already remarked^ that if sentimental and 

romantic tarns of thought and feeling in reference to nature 

belong in a high d^:ree to the Indo-Germanic races of 

Korthem Enrope, it should not be regarded only as a con* 

ieqoenoe of dimote; that is^ as arising from a longing desiro 

^iuhanced by prbtracted privation. I have noticed, that the 

Storatures of India kai of Persia, which have unfolded 

tHixst the glowing brightness oi southern skies, offer 

descriptions fiill of chami, not 6nly of oi^anic, but also of 

inorganic nature; of the transition from parching drought 

fe tropical rain ; of the appearance of the first cloud on the 

deep a2are of the pure sky, and the first rustling sound of 

fte long desired etesian winds in the feathered fiDliage of the 

iimnmits of the palms. 

' UrB now lime to enter somewhat more deeply into the 
lubject of the Indian descriptions of nature. "Let ua 
fcnagine,^' says Lassen, in his excellent work on Indian 
ttitiquity (■*), "a pofrtionof the Arianic race migrating from 
Hidr primifive seats, in the north-west, to India: they 
%otild there find' themselves surrounded by scenery altOi^ 
gethet new, and by vegetation of a striking and luxuriant 
tfcawocter. The ndldness of the climate, the fisrtility of the 
ioil, the profiision of rich gifts which it lavishes almost 
ipontaneottsly, wouM aQ tend to impart to the new life of 
fte immigrants a bright aid cheetftil colouring. The origi- 
tafiy fine organisation of this race, and their h^ endow- 


xnents of intellect and disposition^ the germ of all that Hiui 
nations of India hav^ achieved of great or noble^ eaorljr 
^rendered the spectacle of the external world productive of # 
profound meditation on the forces of nature^ which is th^ 
groundwork oi that contemplative tendency which we fin4 
intimately interwoven with the earliest Indian poetry. This 
prevailing impression on the mental disposition of the 
p^plc;, has embodied itself ^lost distinctly in their funda^ 
jnental religious tenets^ in the recognition of the divine ia, 
nature. Xhe careless ease of outward life likewise favoured 
tlia indidgence of the contemplative tendency. Who could 
have less to disturb their meditations on earthly life^ tb^ 
condition of man after deatk and on the divine essence. . 
than the Indian anchorites^ the Brahmins dwelling in th^ 
forest (^^), whose ancient schools constituted one of the 
Vfiost peculiar pheenomena of Indian lifcj and materially 
influenced the mental development of the whole race?^' 
, In referring mtw, as I did in my public lectures under tbi 
guidance of my brother and of others conversant witb 
Sanscrit literatQrCj to particular instances of the vivid s^mse 
pf natural beauty which frequently breaks forth in the 
descriptive portions of Indian poetryj I begin with thi) 
Yedasj or sacred writings^ which are the earliest monumenfe 
pf the civilisation of the East Arianic nations, and areprind^ 
pally occupied with the adoring veneration of nature. Thi^ 
Jiymns of the Itdg-Yeda contain beauti&l descriptions of thi) 
^lijLsb of ^y dawn, and the appearance of the /' goldeih 
jianded'^ sun^ The great heroic poem^ ^ llamayana aii4 
Ikfahabhars^tf^ are later than the Yedas^ and earlier than tb^ " 
JPoranas j and W them the praise o£ nature are connect 
with a narrative^ agreeably to the essential character of epif 


pdehy. In the Yedas, it is sddom possible to assign the 
•particular locality wh^M^ the sacred sages derive their inspi- 
foiion; in the heroic poems^ on the cohtraryi the descriptioBs 
are mostly individual, and attached to particular localities, 
"^nd are animated hj that iresher life which is found where 
4he writer has drawn from impressions of which he was him- 
self the recipient. Bama's journey from Ayodhya to the 
capital of Dschanaka, his sojourn in the primeval forest, and 
the picture of the hermit life of the Fanduides, are all richly 

' The name of the great poet KaUdasa, who flourished aft 
the highly polished court of Vikramaditya, contempora- 
;neously with Yirgil and Horace, has obtained an early and 
extensive celebrity among the nations of the west: neara 
jbui^ own times, the English and German translations ol 
fiacontala have further contributed, in a high degree, to the 
l^iration so largdy felt for an author, whose tenderness of 
feeling, and rich creative imagination, claim for him a dis^ 
^guished place among the poets of all countries (^). The 
jcharm of his descriptions of nature is seen also in the lovely 
dtama of '' Yikrama and XJrvasi,'' in which the king wanders 
tiiroogh the thickets of the forest in search of the nymph 
Urvssi; in the poem of ^'The Seasons;^' and in *^The 
Meghaduta,'' or '* Oloud Messenger/' The last named poem 
piaU, with admirable truth to nature, the joyful welcome 
which, after a long continuance of tropical drought, haild 
;fche first appearance of the rising cloud, which shews that 
Ifhe looked-for Reason of cains is at hand, ^e expreB* 
pmig ''truth to liature,"' which I have just employed, can 
fdone justify me in venturing to recal, in connection with 
^lie Indian poemj a sketch^ of the commencement of the 

40 nBscaipainn or huvsal scknbxt 

niay aeaaon (^i) traced bf mjRelf, in Sonth America, at fk 
time when I vaa wholly unacqiuinted with KslidaMi'p 
Ueghadots, even in' ChSz/s tnuulation. The obwiue 
meteoK^ogioal procestea which take place in the atnu)^ar% 
in the fozmation of vapour, in the shape of Uie doudsj tai 
n the Inminoui electric phnuouena, u« the Hme in tim 
tcopicBl legionB of both oontinmti; and ideali«ing «i^ 
atose province it is to form the adual into the ideal inug^ 
will lurc^ lose noufl of its magic power bf the m»a>va^ 
that the analysing spirit of observatioa of a later age ocm*- 
trma iha truth to nttore of the older, purely graphical and 
pootical r^eMutation. 

We pass from the £a8t Arians, or the Brahminic Indimi^ 
Mtd theii sbKWgjy marked sense of picturesque beauty in 
iiBtate(**}, to the West Ariana, or Fersi«ii, who htd 
BUgnted into tiu D(»tbem conntry of the Zend, aud w«m 
originally dispoied to combine with the dnalistic belief fai 
Ormozd and Ahrimanes a ^liritiulified veneratioiL of catme* 
Wbat we t«nn Penian litoratiir« doea not reach farther biM^ 
than the period of the SasoauideB ; Ihe older poetie menMaiela 
haira perished; anditwaanotaidiltlieeouiitrf IndbeeHsa))- 
jngated by the Arabs, aiid the characteiistias of its earlier mhft* 
tntanti in groat measnre obliterated, that it regained a oatieRal 
litentuie, under tlie SuDaiddMj Gasmvides, and BeldschnU> 
Ite flmirie}iii^ period of its poetiy, frtHn iFirdusi to Hafiff and 
Dac^ami, «an hardly be aaid to bave ketod fftor or flva em- 
4uTies, crad extends but littb beyond the ^o^ «f V»od de 
Oama- The lil(ratui«s of Persia and of India are stQiaraUcI 
hy time as w^ as by. qnce ; the Perriui bdongLog to the 
■addle ages, while the gieKt litcalwe of India bdcB^l 
■trictJy to anticpul^. Li tha I»Mihii»« k^;MaDda» ■etas 

not present; the laxuriance of arborescent regetationi or 

llie admuable Tariety ct form and colour^ which adorn the 

flofl of Hindostan. The Vindhya chain^ which waa long the 

hoandarj of the East Ariamc nations, is still within the 

toRid sone, while the whole of Persia is ntnated beyond the 

Iropacs^ and its poetic literature e?en belongs in part to the 

northern eoil of Balkh and Pergana. The four paradises 

celebrated by.the Persian poets (^), were the pleasant vaUey 

of Soghd near Samareand, Maschanmd near Hamadan^ 

Tdia'afai Bowan near Kal^eh Sofid in Para, and Ohnte the 

fHoKOk of Damaseus. Both Iran and.Tnran are wanting a 

tke sflyan scenery and the hermit life of the fcM^est whiidi 

Ig flueD ced so powerfolly the imaginations of the Indian 

poets. Gardens r^reshed by springing fonntains, and lilMi 

vitfa rose bashes and fruit trees, eoald ill replace the wild 

•ad grand scenery <tf Hindostan. No wonder, ttierefori, 

iiiai; At deseripii¥e poetry of Perm has less life and fresh* 

aese, and is even (tfben ta»e, and full of artificial ornament* 

Sfaioe, in the jii%nient of the Persians, the highest meed of 

praise is given to that which we tctm sprigbtliness and wti^ 

o» admiratioii must be limited to the productiveness of 

Ikcir poets, ead to ihe infinite variety ol foms(^) wfaicii 

tte mme mieberiab assume under their hands: we miss 

' ia dfaem depth mid eanieetness of feeling. 

& Ae nalaoiial ^io of Perma, Pirditei's GhahnamA^ 
ih6 omrse of the namtive k but i^^rely i&tenupted by 
deseiipAiomi of landscape^ Vie praises of the coast land of 
iiaza»denm> pat onto tbe month of a wandering bard, and 
^ssflrihing Ae mildness of its chmste, and the vigour of Hm 
iwijctetteii^ appear to me to have much grace and chanii, 
high A^gwe of losal trutlu In jlhe stofy, tibe kiiig 


(Kei Kawue^) is induced by the description to undertake mm 
expeditiori to the Caspian, and to attempt a new conquest(*^^ 
Enweri, Dschelaleddin Eumi (who is considered the greatest 
mystic poet of the East)^ Adhad, and the half .Indian 'Ewa^ 
have written poems oa spring, parts of which breatiiie poetic 
life and freshness, although in other parts our .eajoymen^ id 
often nnpleasingly disturbed by petty efforts in plays on words 
and artificial comparisons (^^). Joseph voiu HamEier^ in. 
his great Work on the history of Persian poetry, remarks of 
Sadi, in the Bostan and Gulistan (Fruit and Eose Gardens), 
aAd of Hafiz, whose joyous philosophy of life has been comf 
pared with that of Horace, that we find in the first an 
ethical teacher, and in the love songs of the second, lyarioftl 
flights of no mean beauty ; but that in both the descriptioas . 
of nature are too often marred and disfigured by tur^idii^ 
arid' false ornament (67). The favourite subject of P^sian 
poetry, the loves of the nightingale and the rose, is weari^ 
some, from its perpetual recurrence; and the genuine lovci 
of Mature is stifled in the East under the conv^tional 
prettinesses'of the language of flowers. 

WTien we proceed northwards from the Iraunian highlands 
thtdngh Turan (in the Zend Tuirja) {^), into the chain of 
the Ural which forms the boundary between Europe and 
Asia, we find ourselves in the early seat of the Finnish races ; 
forthe Ui%d is as deserving of the title of the ancient land 
of the Pins as the Altai is of that of the Turks. AmoBg 
the'Firis who have settled far to the west in Europeai?. low* 
lands,' EKas Lohurot has collected, from the.Ups of ths 
Kafclians and ' the country people of Olonetz, a great 
number of Finnish songs, in which Jacob Grimm (**) 
findi, in regard to nature, a tone of emotion, and pjE xeveri^f 




mrt niSk except ia. Tufjian poetiy. Mm old* epis 

rf nearly tlire& tfaoruuid lines, which is ooeapied with 

iMDRB hdtwwas titt Kns afnd the Lapptj and the for* 

aanft ftteof a godliifca hero* naaned Yaino, cmxtniiiB % 

^mmffd^gacnpfdoKL of the nual Ufe o£ the Eine; espemelfy 

witaie-tbe wik of tiie ixoiiworker, Bmanne, eends ber flodoi 

iata»tlhd foeesi^ widi. praj^eis for their aafegoevcL few sa^ee 

more remarkaible gsadatioiie in the oharaeter oi tileop 

and the'direota>iL of their ftdinge, ae detemmied hf 

WBCtiakie, hf idli' and warlike habits, or by fmmvmag 

eSMta for poffitkal freedom, than tiie nuee of Kiia^ with ita 

aMndsions speatdng kindred langnages^ I aliuchi to the 

BMrpeacctfnl roral population among lAom the. qaic jnsl 

■oitietted' was discov^ed^ — to^ the Hn&s> (tong oonfonttdedl 

iriUi the Moiigi:db,) who overran the Bomaa woxld^-^ani 

to« gtfsak and noble peo{de, the Magyars^ 

^ ha«e seen that the vividnesB of the feeltegwiti^ whidr 

mtctte is tegarddi, and i^ form m wkieh thaifodntg mwsi- 

&aCM itself, ore influenced by differences rf raoe^ by the par« 

tknlar oharaeter of the country, by i^e constitution of the 

fitnte^ aad by the tone of rdigioas foelii^ ; and we haiw 

teaided this influence in the nitons of Europe, andf in these 

of kbdred dbieent in Asia (the Indians and Tlraani^ 

at Ariamc or Indo-Germaoie origin^ Piismg finns 

ttence to the Semitie er Arameasrt race, we ^easflt 

ift -iht btdest and most venerable memofiab in wbieh He 

toer toad teaden^ of their poetry and isnig;inaii0B ar^ ttb» 

l^sBjtA, miqueatioBable evidencea ef a prsfomMi senaiibiMy 


I^is fedh^ manifests itself with irrondemr end aewiliog 

hfastoral nanratives, in hymns msi Aoai songs, in Hid 

, i^endour of lyric poctiy in the Fsabns^ and m the seboslv 
VOL, ir. E 


laagnificeut residence of a powearfal king. In neither poal 
is the del^cription of nature a primary or independent 

'^Opposed to these simple popular ^ics^ are the more 
Varied and artificial narrations of the chivalrous poets of the 
thirteenth century; among whom^ Hartmann von Aue^ 
Wolfram von Eschenbach, and Gottfried von Strasburg (^), 
in the early part of the century^ are so much distinguished 
a.bove the rest^ that they may be called great and classieaL 
It would be easy to bring together from their extensive 
•writings sufScient proof of their deep feeling for nature^ as^ 
it breaks forth in similitudes; but distinct and independfint 
descriptions of natural scenes are nev^ found in their pages^ 
they never arrest the progress of the action to contemplate 
the tranquil life of nature. How different is this from the 
writers of modern poetic coiaposifcions ! Bernardin de St,- 
Herre uses the occurrences of his narratives only as frames isx 
liis pictures. The lyric poets of the 13th century, e$pecially 
wl^en singing of love, (which is not, however, their constant 
theme), speak, indeed, often of 'gentle May,' of the 'song 
of the nightingale,' ^d 'the dew glistening pn the bells of. 
jheathe^,' but always in connection with sentiments springing 
fro5i other sources, which these outward images serve to 
reflect. Thus, when feelings of sadness are to be indicated, 
jnention is made of fading leaves, birds whose songs ^P 
mute, and the fruits of the field buried in snow. The same 
.thoughts recur incessantly, not indeed without considerable 
variety as weU as beauty in the manner iij which they ace 
expressed. Walther von der Yogelweide^ and Wolfram von 
Eschenbach, the former leharacterised by tenderness and the 
latter by deep thought, have 1^ us some lyric piec^ 

vx THS emauLW of the mibdlis ages. 85 

mrforfcttnatdy only few in number, which are deserving of 
honourable mention/' 

^' If it be asked whether contact with Southern Italy, and, 
)by means of the crasades, with Asia Minor, Syria, and 
Palestine, did not enrich poetic art in Germany with new 
imagery drawn from the aspect of nature in more sunny 
^^es, the question must, on the whole, be answered in the 
jiegative. We do not find that acquaintance with the East 
ohai^ed the direction of the minstrel poetry of the period $ 
the crusaders had little famiUar communication with the 
Ssffacens, and there was much of repulsion even between the 
yrarriors of differ^it nations associated for a common cause, 
f riedridi von Hausen, who perished in Barbarossa's army; 
iras one of the earhest German lyrical poets. His songs 
often relate to the crusades, but only to express religious 
feelings, or the pains of absence from a beloved object. 
Jfeither he nor any of the writers who had taken part in the ex^ 
peditions to Palestine, as Beiumar the Elder, Eubin, Neidliart, 
and Utarich of Lichteustein, ever take occasion to speak of tlie 
^xairj in which they were sojourning. Reinmar came to 
Syria as a pilgrim, it would appear, in the train of Duke 
liOopold yi. of Austria : he complains that the thoughts of 
home le^ve him no peace, and draw him away from God» 
Xhe date-tree is occasionally mentioned, in speaking of the 
palms which pious pilgrims should bear on their shoulders. 
Neither do I remember any indication of the loveliness of 
Italian nature having stimulated the imagination of those 
minstrela who crossed the Alps. Walther von der VogeU 
wade, though he had wandered hr, had in Italy seen only 
]|^ Fo; but . Treidank (") was in Borne, and he merely 


remarkfl tliat 'grass now grows in the palaees of those wto 
once ruled there/ ** 

The German Thier-epos, which must not be confounded 
with the oriental ''&ble/^ originated in habitual assodation 
and familiarity with the animal world ; to paint which was 
Boi^ however, its purpose. This peculiar class of poem, 
which Jacob Grimm has treated in so masterly a manner, is 
the introduction to his edition of Reinhart Fachs, shewa ft 
cordial delight in nature. The animals, not attached to tlw 
ground, excited by passion, and gifted by the poet with 
speech, contrast with ihe still life of the silent plants, oad 
fonn a constantly active elmnent enlivening the landsc^MW 
f ' The early poetry loves to look on the life of nature with hu* 
man eyes, and lends to animals, and even to plants, humai 
thoughts and feelings j giving a fanciful and childliko 
interpretation to all tiiat has been observed of their forms 
and habits. Plants and flowers, gath^ed and used by goda 
and heroes^ are afiierwarda named from them. In readiiqf 
the old German epi% in which brutes are the actors, we 
breathe an air redolent as it were with the sylvan odonra- df 
aome ancient forest*^ (s^). 

Formerly we might have been tempted to mmber among 
the memorials of Germanic poetry having reference to 
external nature, the supposed remains of the Cdto-Iri^ 
poems, which, for half a century, passed as shapes of mist 
from nation to nation, under the name of Ossian ; but tiba 
apell has been brok^i since the complete discovery of the 
literary fraud of the talented Mac^berson, by his pufalicatiaft 
nf the supposed Gaelic original text, now known to bam 
been a vetrandatioii frcm the JElngUsh work. Tboa 

, r- 


iBBeed/ ftndent Irish FingaUan songB belongmg to the tintor 
of Cbristiamty, and perhaps not eren reaching as fst badt 
as tiie dghth century; bat these popular songs contain 
Ht^e of iht sentiinental description of natun which gives m 
^aafUcnlaar charm to Macpherson's poems (*'). 

We have already remarked^ that if sentimental and 
itttnantic turns of ftonght and feeling in reference to nature 
belong in a high degree to the Indo«G«rmanic races of 
Iforthem Enrope, it should not be regarded only as a con- 
ieqaence of dimate ; that is^ as arising from a longing desire 
itdtenced by protracted privation. I have noticed^ that the 
Mteratures of India iind of Persia^ which have unfolded 
triisr the glowing brightness oi southern skies^ offer 
descriptions Aill of charm, not Only of organic, but also of 
faorganic nature; of the transition from parching drought 
to tropical rain ; of the appearance of the first cloud on the 
deep a2tire of the pure sky, and the first rustling sound of 
Aie long desired et^sian winds in the feathered fiDliage of the 
idrnmits of tiie palms. 

' It' is now time to enter somewhat more deeply into the 
subject of the Indian descriptions of nature. "Let uS 
imegine/' says Lassen, in his excellent work on Indian 
ftilftjuity (■*), •'a pofrtionof the Aiianic race migrating from 
fteir primifive seats, in the north-west, to India: they 
*ould there find' themselves surrounded by scenery altOh. 
gether new, and by vegetation of a striking and luxuriant 
tfcarscter. The nrildness of the climate, the fertility of the 
bfi, the profiisibn of rich gifts which it lavishes almost 
tpontancously, wonM aD tend to impart to the new life of 
ihe ftnmi^nmts 'a bright aid dieetful colouring. The ori^- 
tafly ine organisation of this race, and their high endow- 


greatness and goodness of the Creator from the order of the 
universe and the beauty of nature ; and this desire to glorify 
the Deity through his works, favoured a disposition for 
natural descriptions. We find the earliest and most detailed 
instances of this kind in the writings of Minucius Telix, a 
rhetorician and advocate hving in Eome in the beginning 
of the third century, and a contemporary of Tertullian and 
Philostratus. We follow him with pleasure in the evening , 
twilight to the sea shore near Ostia, which, indeed, he 
describes as more picturesque, and more favourable to 
health, than we now find it. The rehgious discourse 
entitled '^ Octavius^^ is a spirited defence of the new faith 
against the attacks of a heathen friend (**). 

This is the place for introducing from the Greek fathers of 
the church extracts descriptive of natural scenes, which are 
probably less known to my readers than are the evidences of 
the ancient Italian love for a rural life contained in Roman 
literature. I will begin with a letter of the great Basil, 
which has long been an especial favourite with me. Basil, 
who was a native of Cesarea in Cappadocia, left the pleasures 
of Athens when httle more than thirty years of age, and, 
having already visited the Christian hermitages of Coelo- 
Syria and Upper Egypt, withdrew, like the Essenes and 
Therapeuti before Cliristianity, into a wilderness adjacent to 
the Armenian river Iris. His second brother, Naucratius (**), 
had been drowned there while engaged in fishing, after 
leading for five years the life of a rigid anchorite. Basil 
writes to his friend Gregory of Nazianzum, "Ibehevel 
have at last found the end of my wanderings : my hopes of 
uniting myself with thee — ^my pleasing dreams, I should 
rather say, for the hopes of men have been justly called 



waking dreams^ — ^have lemained unfalfiUecL God has 
oaused me to find a place such as has often hovered before 
the fancy of us both ; and that which imagination shewed 
US afar off^ I now see present before me. A high mountain, 
clothed with thick forest^ is watered towards the north by 
fresh and ever flowing streams ; and at the foot of the^ 
mountain extends a wide plain, which these streams render 
fruitftd. The surrounding forest, in which grow many kinds 
of trees, shuts me in as in a strong fortress. This wilder- 
ness is bounded by two deep ravines ; on one side the riverj. 
precipitating itself foaming from the mountain, forms a& 
obstacle* difficult to overcome ; and the other side is enclosed 
by a broad range of hills. My hut is so placed on the 
summit of the mountain, that I overlook the extensive plain; 
and the whole course of the Iris, which is both mora 
beautifal, and more abundant in its waters, than the 
Strymon near AmphipoUs. The river of my wilderness^ 
which is more rapid than any which I have ever seen, breakit 
against the jutting precipice, and throws itself foaming intp 
the deep pool below — ^to the mountam l^aveller an object ai\, 
which he gazes with delight and admiration, and valuable 
to the native for the many fish which it affords. Shall X 
describe to thee the fertilising vapours rismg from the 
moist earth, and the cool breezes from the broken watier? 
ihaU I speak of the lovely song of the birds, and of the 
profusion of flowers? What charms me most of all is thf 
imdisturbed tranquillity of the district : it is only vi«te4 
occasionally by hunters; for my wilderness feeds deer and 
lierds of wild goats, not your bears and your wolves. How 
fhould I exchange any other place for this I AlcmsaoUt 
when he had found the EchinadeSj would not wander 

VOL. II. ^ 

frrtliei:^ (*^). In this cdnipk description of the landscspt 
laid of the life of the forest, th^e speak feelings more in&f 
Biately allied to those of modem times than any thing that 
Greek and Boman antiquity haye bequeathed to us. Feoa 
the lonely mountain hnt to which Basilios had retired, the 
tsje looks down on the humid roof of foliage of the forest be* 
neath ; the resting-plaoe for which he and his fdlend Gregoqr 
«f Nazianznm (*^) have so long panted is at last foiuid. 
The sportive allusion at the dose to the poetic mytb» of 
Alcmseon sounds like a distant lingering echo^ rqieating m 
&e Christian world accents bebnging to that whidi had 
preceded it. 

Basii^s Homilies on the Hexaemeron also beer witness to 
his love of nature. He describes the mildness of the eoth* 
i^tantly serene nights of Asia Minor^ where^ aoeording to Ms 
expression^ the stars^ ^ those eternal floweia of heaTea/' 
raise Ihe spirit of man from the visiMe to the Invisible ('^ 
"Wlien^ in speaking of the creation of the woiid, he desiies 
to praise the beauty of iihe sea, he describes ike aqped 
of the boundless plain of waters in its different and vaj* 
faig conditions — ^how, when gently agitated by miUSy* 
bresthing airs^ it gives back &e varied hxkeH of heaven^ now 
fai white, now in Une^ and now in roseate light; aodcaiesaee 
{he aliore in peaeeM play f' 

W€ find in Gregory of Nyssa^ the brother of Basil, Htm 
Mnci dehght in nature, ilie same sentimeiital and paxt^ 
inedinchoiy vmn. ^ Wh^/^ he eidbims, ^ I beheld eadi 
lataggy hill, each valley, and eadi pbtn clothed with fradi^ 
iprmging grass; the varied foliage wiHi wfaidi the tveesitte 
dbnied; at n^ feet the lilied to whi<^ nitiae has gi«Mi • 
^inAle doweri «^ s^mil fragrance, ttad of beaalfy of «oloar{ 

Md in Om ^iiittfioe tb^ hik towards which tho wimdering 
cfeud ii a«Ii]ig»-^my mmd iy posaewed with & wdnew which 
ii wA devoid of «BJoymMi1; Whco, lA Autunm, the fruiti 
Hmfpewt, the Isavai &Uj «ad the hreacbeii of the trees^ 
rtriiqped oC ibeir orn«maiiti|» himg lifelewu ui viewing thii 
p^rpetiud mi legalfirfy reoamng eltemation the mind 
IweoiiieB flteorbed in the oontempUtioii^ and rapt a» it 
were in imieoa with the many^voiced choras of the won- 
ig€fm f<mes of jiatara. Whpao gazes tbxQugh these with 
tiio inw«rd eye of thejoul &ala the litUepeaa of loaa vcl the 
gireatoesa of the nniveiee'" (^9), 

While the early Christian Greeks were thus hi» by 
glorifjring God in a loving contemplation of natnrea to poetio 
deeer^tions of her various boanty, they were at the same 
tisw fill! of contempt lor all worjcs of human art* We find jn 
Cbrys ostom many 9uch pasaages as these : ''when thou lookest 
(sm the glittcm« buildings, if Ihe ranges of cohimns would 
seduce thy heart, turn quickly to contemplate the vault of 
heaven and the open fields, with the flocks grazing by the 
water's aide. Who but d^spiaes all that axt can shew whilst 
jhe gazes at early mornj an^ in the ailencc of the hf»^ 
€m a» rising sun pouring his golden light upon ihe 
«artb; or when seated by th^ fide of a fountain in the cool 
grass, or in the dark shade of thiek foliog^ his eye feedf 
tiio whfle on the wide^tended prpq^t fyit vanishing tn the 
diatanise'' p)^ Attioch waa at this period ^unronnd^ by 
hnmitMg/fn, in one of which Phiyiostom dwek - it jiMght 
•bwe seemed tfiat doonence had f^fMiw<i njmin Ikog fh^mtmL. 

ke^ifm, on r^tnrpmg to the bosom of nature in the . tkm 
ftrert-ooY^erftd ipountam. districfai of &jm and Mm Minor, 
vftit whiH^ during the sQbsequei4 ffiP^, so hosjtile to all 


intellectual cultivation^ Christianity spread among the Grep* 
manic and Celtic races, who had previously been devoted to 
the worship of nature, and who honoured under rude symbol* 
its preserving and destroying powers, the close and aflfec^ 
tionate intercourse with the external world of phsenomena 
which we have remarked among the early Christians of 
Greece and Italy, as weU a^ all endeavours to trace the 
action of natural forces, fell gradually under suspicion, ad 
fending towards sorcery. They were therefore regarded as 
hot less dangerous than the art of the sculptor had appealed 
to Tcrtullian, Clemens of Alexandria, and almost all the 
inost ancient fathers of the church. In the twelfth and 
thirteenth centuries, the Councils of Tours (1163) and of 
Paris (1209) forbade to monks the sinful reading of writing^ 
to physical science (s^). These intellectual fetters were 
first broken by the courage of Albertus Magnus and Eogej 
!Bacon *, when nature was pronounced pure^ and reinstated ill 
her ancient rights. 

Hitherto we have sought to depict differences which hav6 
f hewn themselves in different periods of time ; and in two 
literatures so nearlv allied as were those of the Greeks and 
the Romans. But not only are great differences in modeii 
of feeling produced by time, — ^by the changes which it 
brings with it, in forms of govemment> in manners, and 
in religious views,— but diversities still more striking are 
^produced by differences of race and of mental dispositioiu 
Bow different in animation and in poetic colouring are the 
•manifestations of the love of nature and the descriptions of 
natural scenery among the Greeks, the Germans of the 
liorth, the Semitic races, the Persians, and the Indians I 


An ppinion has been repeatedly expressed, that the delic^ht 
in nature felt by northern nations, and the longiug desire 
for the pleasant fields of Italy and Greece, and for the won*^ 
derfol luxuriance of tropical vegetation^ are principally to be 
ascribed to the long winter's privation of all such enjoy- 
ments. We do not mean to deny that the longing for tliQ 
climate of palms seems to diminish as we approach the 
South of France and the Iberian Peninsula ; but the now 
generally employed, and ethnologically correct name of Indo- 
Germanic races, might alone be suf&cient to remind us thai 
we must be cautious lest we generalise too much respecting 
the influence thus ascribed to northern winters.. The rich» 
ness of the poetic literature of the Indians teaches us, that 
-within and near the tropics south of the great chain of th^ 
Himalaya, the sight of ever verdant and ever flowering 
forests has at ail times acted as a powerful stimulus tq th0 
poetic and imaginative faculties of the East- Arianic natiops^ 
cudd that these nations have been more strongly incliiiied to 
picturesque degcriptipns of nature than the true Germ^-nio 
raees, who^ in the far inhospitable north, had extended evei 
jmto Iceland. A depriv9,tion, or, at least, a certain inx^xp 
ruptipn of the enjoyment of nature, is not, however, unjr 
Jmown even to the happier climates of Southern Asia . the 
masons are there abruptly divided from each other by alteiy 
^ate periods of fertilising rain and of dusty desolatipg 
aridity. Jn the Persian plateau of West Aria, the desert 
often extends ii\ deep bays far intp the interior of the mo^ 
,fmiliiig .and fruitful lands. In Middle and in Western 
' A^ia, a margin of forest often forms as it were the shore df 
> widely extended inland sea of steppe ; ,and thus the inhabi- 
>» tents of these hot countries, have presented to them the 

i2 DESCEipnoys op natural scEinfiHt 

strongest contrasts of desert barrenness and luxuriant vege- 
tation^ in the same horizontal plane^ as well ai) in the veriioat 
elevation of the snow-capped mountain chaim of India and 
of Afghanistan. Wherever a lively tendency to the contem<» 
pktion of nature is interwoven with the whole intellectoal 
cultivation, and with the reb'gious feeUngs of a nation, great 
and striking contrasts of season, of vegetation, or of elevft* 
tion, are unfailing stimulants to the poetic imagination. 

Delight in nature, inseparable from the tendency to objeo* 
live contemplation which belongs to the Germanic nations, 
shews itseK in a high degree in the learliest pbetiy of tht 
middle ages. Of this the chivalric poems of the Minne* 
fingers during the Hohenstauffen period afford us numerous 
examples. Many and varied as are its points of contact 
With the romanesque poetry oif the Proven9als^ yet its trufe 
Germanic principle can never be mistaken. A deep felt 9xA 
sU pervading love of nature may be discerned in all Gef** 
manic manners, habits, and modes of life; and even in the 
love of freedom characteristic of the race(®*). The wander 
ing Minnesingers, or minstrels, though living much^ift 
tburtly circles (from which, indeed, they often sprang), still 
maintained frequent and intimate intercourse with nature, 
and preserved, in all its freshness, an idyllic, and often tt& 
elegiac, turn of thought. I avail myself on these subjects 
of the researches of those most profoundly v^sed in the 
liistory and literature of our (German middle ages, my noble* 
minded friends Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm. **The poets of 
our country <£ that period,'^ says the last named writcf, 
** never gave separate descriptions of ); atural scen^^ design^ 
solely to represent in brilliant colours, tlie impresston «f 
the limdlcape oti the mind. Assuredly the tye and tte 


leding for nature were not wmnting in these old Gcnnm 
makers ; but the only expressions thereof whidi they have 
left us are such, as flowed forth in lyrical strains, in conneQ» 
tion with the occorrenees or the feeling belonging to the 
narrative. To begin with the b6st and oldest monuments of 
the popular epOB, we do not find any descripticm of scenery 
either m the Niebelungen or in 6udmn("), even where the 
occasion might lead us to look for it. In the otherwise 
arcumstantial description of t\m chase during which Sieg« 
fried is murdered, the only natural features mentioned are 
tiie blooming heather and ihe cool fountain under the 
linden tree. In Gudrun, which shews somediing of a 
Jugher polish^ a finer eye for nature seems also discernible* 
When the king's daughter, with her companions, reduced 
to slavery, and compelled to perform menial of&oes, cany 
-the garments of their cruel lord to the sea-shcHce, the time is 
incdcaled as being the season ' when winttt is just dissolv- 
ing, and tlie birds begin to be heard, vying with eadi other 
in their songs ; snow and rain still fall^ and the hair of the 
captive maidens is blown by the rude winds of March. 
"When Qudrun, hoping for the approach of her deUverer^ 
leaves her couch, the morning star rises over the sea., which 
begins to glisten in the early dawn, and she distinguishes 
the dark helmets and the shields of her friends.^ The words 
are few, but they convey to the fancy a visible picture, suited 
to heighten the feeling of expectation and suspense previous 
to the ocouxrence of an important event in the narratives 
Jbk like manner, when Homer paints the island of tiie 
. CJjrckq^ and the gardens of Alcinons» his purpose is in 
ifacii^g before our eyes the luxuriant fertility and abundance 
wild dvdling-plaoe of ihe giant monsters, and the 


loagnificent residence of a powearf al king. Li neither poal 
is the description of nature ft pnmaiy or independent 

'^Opposed to these simple popular epics> are the more 
varied and artificial narrations of the chivalrous poets of the 
thirteenth century; among whom^ Hartmann von Aue^ 
Wolfram von Eschenbach, and Gottfried von Strasburg (5*), 
in the early part of the century^ are so much distinguished 
ebove the rest^ that they may be called great and classicaL 
It would be easy to bring together from their extensive 
iimtings sufficient proof of their deep feeling for nature^ as - 
at breaks forth in similitudes; but distinct and independent 
descriptions of natural scenes are never found in their pages^ 
they never arrest the progress of the action to contemplate 
the tranquil life of nature. How different is this from the 
writers of modern poetic cotipositions ! Bernaxdin de St.- 
Kerre uses the occurrences of his narratives only as frames fwr 
liis pictures. The lyric poets of the 13th century^ especially . 
wl^en singing of love, (which is not, however, their constant 
theme), speak, indeed, often of ' gentle May,^ of the ^ song 
of the nightingale/ ^nd ' the dew glistening pn the bells of 
heathe?:,' but plways in connection with sentiments springing 
from other sources, which these outward images serve to 
reflect. Thus, when feeUngs of sadness are to be indicated, 
mention is made of fading leaves, birds whose songs ?rp 
mute, and the fruits of the field buried in snow. The sam^ 
thoughts recur incessantly, not indeed without considerable 
yariety as well as beauty in the manner iij which they are 
expressed. Wslther von der Yogelweide, and Wolfram vou n 
Eschenbach, the former characterised by tenderness an4 the . 
latter by deep thought, have left us some lyrio pieces 


laftfbrfcwiatdy only few ia number, which are deserving of 
honourable mention/' 

*' If it be asked whether contact with Southern Italy, and, 
)by means of the crusades, with Asia Minor, Syria, and 
Palestine, did not enrich poetic art in Germany with new 
imagery drawn from the aspect of nature in more sunny 
climes, the question must, on the whole, be answered in the 
jiegative. We do not find that acquaintance with the East 
phax^ed the direction of the minstrel poetry of the period : 
the crusaders had little familiar communication with the 
Sarac^is, and there was much of repulsion even between the 
irarriors of diiferent nations associated for a common cause* 
friediich von Hansen, who penshed in Barbarossa's army, 
was one of the earliest German lyrical poets. His songs 
often relate to the crusades, but only to express religious 
feelings, or the pains of absence from a beloved object. 
INTeither he nor any of the writers who had taken part in the ex^ 
peditions to Palestine, as Beinmar the Elder, Bubin, Neidliart, 
and Ulrich of Lichtenstein, ever take occasion to speak of the 
eQU]iii:jry in which they were sojourning. Beinmar came to 
Syria as a pilgrim, it would appear, in the train of Duke 
Leopold YL of Austria : he complaius that the thoughts of 
home leave him no pea^e, and draw him away from God. 
yhe date-tree is occasionally mentioned, in speaking of the 
palms which pious pilgrims should bear on their shoulders. 
Neither do I remember any indication of the loveliness of 
Italian nature having stimulated the imagination of those 
minstrels who crossed the Alps. "Walther von der VogeU 
wdde, though he had wandered far, had in Italy seen only 
tha Po; but . Preidank (^) was in Bome, and he merely 


temarks tliaf; 'grass now grows in the palaoes of those wto 
once ruled there/ ** 

The German Thier-epos^ which must not be confounded 
with the oriental '^fiahle/' originated in habitual assoctatuui 
and familiarity with the animal world ; to paint which was 
Bot^ however^ its purpose. This peculiar class of poenii 
which Jacob Grimm has treated in so masterly a manner^ ia 
the introduction to his edition of Beinhart Fnchs^ shews s 
cordial delight in nature* The animals^ not attadied to tli9 
ground^ excited by passion^ and gifted by the poet with 
qnechj contrast with the still life of the silent plants, and 
form a constantly active element enlivening the landscapes 
f ' The early poetry loves to look on the life of nature with hu« 
man eyes, and lends to animals, and even to ^nts, humaa 
thoughts and feelings j giving a fanciful and childHke 
interpretation to all that has been observed of their forms 
and habits. Plants and flowers, gathered and used by gods 
imd heroes^ are afterwards named from them. In leadii^ 
the old German episi, in which brutes are the actors, we 
bf eathe an air redolent as it were with the sylvan odours- of 
some ancient forest'* (*^). 

Formerly we might have been tempted to number amoi^ 
the memorials of Germanic poetry having leferenoe ta 
external i^ature, the supposed remains of the Cdto-Iriaii 
poems, which, for half a century, passed as shapes of mist 
bom nation to nation, under the name of Ossian ; but the 
apell has been brok^i since the complete disoovery of tiu 
litersiy fraud of the talented Mac^herson, by his pufalicatiaa 
of Hit supposed Gaelic origiBal text, now known to bsem 
been a setrandation ircm the iElngUsh work. Tbeitt 

indeed^ ftncient Irish Pingalian songB belonging to the timar 
ef Christiuiity^ and perhaps not eren reaching as far bade 
«B the eighth century; but these popular iongs contain 
HffSLe of the sentimental description of nature which gives n 
paa^&ais^ charm to Macpherson's poems (^'). 

We have alread;^ remarked^ that if sentimental and 
itmiantic tarns of thought and feeling in reference to nature 
belong in a high degree to the Indo-Germanic races of 
Worthem Eufope, it should not be regarded only as a con- 
sequence of climate ; that is^ as arising from a longing desire 
Chanced by prbtracted privation. I have noticed, that the 
Mtisratures of India imd of Persia^ which have unfolded 
wsfkst the glowing brightness d£ southern sldes^ offer 
descriptions Aill of charm^ not 6nly of oi^nic^ but also of 
foorganic nature ; of the transition from parching drought 
to tropical rain ; of the appearance of the first cloud on the 
deep aiure of the pure sky, and the first rustling souiid of 
flte long desired etesian winds in the feathered foliage of the 
imnmtts of tiie pahns. 

• It is now tame to enter somewhat more deeply into the 
mibject of the Indian descriptions of nature. "Let uil 
faiagme/' says Lassen, in his excellent work em Indian 
totitiuity C®), *^a pofrtion of the Arianic race migrating from 
Adt primifive seats, in the norfli-west, to India: they 
ifotjli there find' themsdves surrounded by scenery altoi* 
gether new, and by vegetation of a striking and luxuriant 
AtofiCter. The nfldness of the climate, the fisriflity of tite 
eofl, the profiision of ribh gifts which it lavishes almost 
Ipontaneously, wouM aB tend to impart to the new life rf 
^e fmmi^nts a bright aid dieetful colouring. The origi- 
taJly fine organisation of this race, and their h^h endow- 


ments of intellect and disposition^ the genn oi all that iHui 
Ikationsi of India havQ achieved of great or noble^ earljr 
gendered the spectacle of the external world productive of # 
profound meditation on the forces of nature^ which is the 
groundwork oi^ that contemplative tendency which we find 
intimately interwoven with the earliest Indian poetry. This 
prevailing impression on the mental disposition of the 
p^plcj, has embodied itself most distinctly in their fonda* 
mental religious tenets, in the recognition of the divine in 
nature. The careless ease of outward life likewise favoured 
t^ indidgence of the contemplative tendency. Who could 
have less to disturb their meditations on earthly life, tb^ 
condition of man after death, and on the divine essence, . 
than the Indian anchorites, the Brahmins dwelling in thf9 
forest (^^), whose ancient schools constituted one of the 
most peculiar phsenomena of Indian life, and materially 
influenced the mental development of the whole race?^' 
, In referring now, as I did in my public lectures under thi 
guidance of my brother aad of ot}iera conve^ant widi 
Sanscrit literature, to particular instances of the vivid sense 
pf natural beauty which frequently breaks forth in thci 
descriptive portions of Indian poetry, I begm with tim 
Yedas, or sacred writings, which are the earliest monuments 
of the civihsatpn of the East Ariamc nations, and are princiif 
peUy occupied with the adoring veneration of nature. Thi^ 
]iymns of the Bag-Yeda contaiA beantifal descriptions of thc| 
h\^sk of ^y dawn, and the appearance of the /' golden^ 
}ianded^^ sun^ The great heroic poem^ ^ Itamayana and 
J!if c^abhar^t^ i^re later than the Yedas, and ^lier than th^ 
JPnrana^ J and w them the p^^ais^ o{ nature fure conuec^fid 
wil^ A narrative, agreeably to the essential chariK^ter of epq 



pdetiy. In the Yedas^ it is seldom possible to assign the 
-^articiilar locality whence the sacred sages derive their inspi- 
ration ; in the heroic poems^ on the contrary^ the descriptiaiNi 
• sore mostlj individiud^ and attached to particular localities^ 
' "and are animated by that fresher life which is found where 
4he writer has drawn from impressions of which he was him- 
self the recipient. Bama's journey from Ayodhya to thD 
capital of Dschanaka^ his sojourn in the primeyal forest^ and 
the pictore of th^ hermit life of the Panduides^ are all richly 

' The name of the great poet Kalidasa^ who flourished at 
the highly polished court of Vikramaditya, contempora- 
:iieously with Virgil and Horace^ has obtained an early and 
extensive celebrity among the nations of the west: near» 
bur own thnes^ the English and German translations <^ 
6acontala have farther contributed^ in a high degree^ to the 
jfkdmiration so largely felt for an author^ whose tenderness ot 
leeling^ and rich creative imagination^ claim for hhn a dis» 
^gtdehed place among the poets of all countries (^)< The 
fcharm of his descriptions of nature is seen also in the lovely 
dtama of *' Vikrama and XJrvasi,'' in which ttie king wanders 
through the thickets of the forest in search of the nymph 
Urvasij in the poem of ''The Seasons;'' and in ''The 
Jffeghaduta/' or " Cloud Messenger/' The last named poetn 
l^aints^ with admirable truth to nature, the joyful welcome 
which^ after a long continuance of tropical drought, hai)d 
the first appearance of the rising cloud, which shews that 
the looked-for season of rains is at hand. The expres* 
fAxmg ''truth to 'nature/' which I have just employed, can 
fdone justify lae in venturing to recal, in connection wifli 
1^ Indian poem« a sketchfof the commencement of the 

40 BBSCBIFaK»» Of N4ff9aAl< SCENSET 

niny season (^^ traced hj mjselt in Soutli Am^csi alt fb 
time when I was wholly unacquainted with Kalidwai^p 
Megfaaduta, e^en in' Chfo/s translation, Hie obseuxe 
Bieteoirologidal processes which take place in the atmosphere 
jn the foKjnation of vapour^ in the shape of the cbudfi, saA 
in the Imninous electric phsenomena^ ace the same in the 
IcopicaL legums of both continents; and idealising aiN^ 
whose province it is to form the actual into the ideal im^ 
wffl surely lose none of its magic power by the disc^vaif 
that the analysing spirit of observation of a later age 009^ 
frvMi the truth to nature of the older^ purely graphical and 
poetical representation* 

We pass from the East Ariaas^ or the i^himnio In^MM^ 
smd ihdr st»oag).y marked sense of picturesque beauty in 
]iature(^*)^ to the West ArianSj or Persians^ who had 
mgmited into the northern country d the Zend, wad wem 
mriginaUy disposed to combine with the dnalistie belief in 
Orm»zd Hid Ahrinnne. ft .piritB«li«ed vanewtioa otmim». 
What we term Persian hterature does not i^aeh farther bfidk 
than the period of the Sassanides; the older poetic memmsje 
lumperished; and it was not nsfcil the country badbeeaeub* 
jugatedbythe Arabs^ aiid theeba»cteiistics of its earlier teb^ 
bitents in great measure obliterated^ ihat it regained « national 
literature^ under the Samamdes^ Gasnevides, and SeUndmlcL 
The flotirishing period of its poetry^ from Firdusi to Hafitf and 
Dsohami^ can hardly be said to have ksted four -or &m eeb- 
4uries^ and extends but little beyond the ^och of Vasoo de 
€«ina« The liileraitures of Persia and of India an separate 
hj time as wdl as by space ; the Pemm bdon^ng to tiie 
waddle ages, while the greaCt Jitesatnee of India bcimfs 
ffteictltf to antiqvjty. Li tim Iiaohian hq^dands^ 


not present the loxuriance of arboresoent vegetation^ or 
flie ttcbmrable variety kA form and colour^ which adorn the 
ml of Hindostan. The Vindhya chain^ which was long the 
bonndazj of the East Arianic nations, is still within the 
tofxid Bone;, while the whole of Persia is ntnated beyond tha 
iropKS, and i^ poetic literature even belongs in part to the 
iK»rtiiem soil of Balkh and Fergana. The four paradises 
eelebrated fay .the Persian poets (*3), were tiie pleasant vallej 
nf Soghd sear Samareand, Masehanrad near Hamadan^ 
Tdift'abi Sowan near Kal^eh Sofid in Pars, and Ohute dw 
{hdn of Damaseus. Both Iran asd^Turan are wanting a 
ike qivan scenery and the hermit life of the forest whii^ 
iiAveiiced so powerfully the imaginations of ilie Indian 
posts. Gsrdau refredied by springing fooiiiains, and filkd 
With rose bashes and fruit trees, eould ill replace the wild 
wd grand seenerj of Hindostan. No wonder^ tiierdoM^ 
tfiat fte descriptive poetry of P^ria has less life and fredi* 
BBSS, and is even (^n taine, and full of artificial ornament* 
fiboe, in the judgment of the Persians, the highest -meed of 
praise is given to that which w« term sprigbtliness and wf^ 
oar admiistioii must be limited to the prodnctiveness of 
tteir poete, mid to the infinite variety of forms(^) which 
Hm mme mafaerkls assiime under their hands: we misi 
im ihien depth and earnestness of feelmg. 

Jb the national ^c of Persia, Firdtbsfs ShahnamA^ 
tte txmrsB of tin nanrative is but gaiety intenupted by 
tftnerifiioBS of landscape^ ISie praises of the eoast land of 
Mtzwidesmi, pat dnto the month of « wwtdering bard^ and 
-^isflrihing tiie mildnitss of its clanate, and the vigour of ili 
-fqpsiidoa^ appear, to me to hare much giace and chasm, 
Mi* h%h jbgpre «f loeal tratiL In thai Jtcnj, the ling 


(Kei Kawuf/) is induced by the description to undertake wk 
expedition to the Caspian, and to attempt a new conquest(*')^ 
Enweri, DscheMeddin Eunu (who is considered the gr^tesfc 
mystic poet of the East), Adhad, and the half .Indian 'Etm^ 
have written poems on spring, parts of which breathe poetic 
life and freshness, although in other parts oar .enjoyment il 
often nnpleasingly disturbed by petty efforts in idays on wordft 
and artificial comparisons (^^). Joseph yon« HaiBHier^ itt. 
his great work on the history of Persian poetry, remarks of 
Sadi, in the Bostan and Gulistan (Fruit and Bose Grardens)^ 
aid of Hafiz, whose joyous philosophy of life has been com^ 
pared with that of Horace, that we find in the first alt 
ethical teacher, and in the love songs of the second, lyriod 
flights of no mean beauty ; but that in both the descriptioni 
of nature are too often marred and disfigured by turgidiiy 
aiid^ false ornament (67). The favourite subject of Persian 
poetry, the loves of the nightingale and the rose, is weaii«» 
some, from its perpetual recurrence; and the genuine lovci 
pi 'tiature is stifled in the East under the conventional 
prettinessesof the language of flowers. 

Wlien we proceed northwards from the Iraunian higUanda 
thfdugh Turan (in the Zend Tuirja) (®®), into the chain of 
the Ural which forms the boundary between Europe and 
Asia, we find ourselves in' the early seat of the Knnish races J 
for' the Vtal is "as deserving of the title of the ancient land 
of the Pins as the Altai is of that of the Turks, Among 
the*Kris who have settled far to the west in Europeau low* 
lands,' EKas Lohnrot has collected, from the. lips of the 
Ka^lians and the country people of Olonetz, a great 
number of Finnish songs, in which Jacob Qrimm (••) 
findi, -in regard to nature, a tone of emotion and pjt xeveo^ ^ 

' .^ 


1006 w& except m Indiaii podaey. Mm old. egis 
of nearly tlires thoiuuid Imes, wldch m ooeupied wA 
noffi lie^«e» tltt lins aaid the Lappi, aiu^ the £or« 
aaisft Mb of 8 godliia hero* noned Yaino^ amtoiiui 4 
jlliiiimi^ ill iiiipliim of ih» roial Ufe of the !Fins; espemlfy 
irikeie*the wil^ of the konworker, Umarine^ sends her fioeki 
iat^Ae fottst^ iv^th. pn^^eis for thrir silegoavd. few meee 1 
jMacidir more remarkable gsadatioiu in the ohareeter oi tiiw 
jmai» and thetdiitectbiL of thar fedlings, ee detenosned hf 
aof^ttude, bjr idld and warlike habits, or bjF peieeveriag 
eSbrtd tta pc^ical freedom, ikiatn. tiie nuse of Eiue^ wiUi ite 
seiMfari»Diia speaking kindred laiignages^ I aJhide to the 
9Mr peaciM tend population among ndiomr l^e. ^c jwl 
muMiffitBiynis discovered, — ^to the Hn&s> (long eonftmBdedt 
widi the Mongub,) who overma the Boman woiid^-^eiii 
teitt gr«lt and mible people, the Magyarsi 

We ha«e seen tiiat the Tividness of the feeloig.witili whu^ 
Bfltnte is r^arded, and l^e form in whieh tibeiftelsng mani- 
&M itself, safe influenced by differences of race^ by the par-^ 
tkalar citaeaetiar of the country, by the constitution ctf the 
.'stBite^ sad by tbe tone of rdigious feeHsg ; and we han« 
teaeed this influence in the nations of Europe, amd in ibeea 
of ks^ftdred dlese^i in Asia (the Indiane and Bmoniis) 
of iiciaiiic or Indo-Genn(»ue origin* Kuimg fiNMS 
Aence to the Semitie er Aramc^m race, we d^Qoiret 
is -iSm didesi and most venerabte memori&ts in wllieh tAo 
tone at^ ieadenqr of their poetry and imaginatioB VNf Hi^ 
flayed, unquestionable evidences of a profound wemhSS^ 
to imt we; 

fim fieeHi^ manifesls itself with ivrandeiir aad n m h t i tm ti 

is pastoial iiarratives> iii hymns mti ^ora! aosgs, ia iU 

[ splendour of lyric pootiy in the Paahtis^ and in tfae eehodb 

VOL. n. ^ 


of the {ffophets. and seors^ whose high inspiistioii^ alsKMife 
estranged £roia the past^ is wrapped in fatnrity. 

Besides its own inherent greatness and stthlimity, Hebrisir 
poetry presents to Jews^ to Christians^ and even to Maho- 
metans, local reminiscences . more or less closely entwined 
with religious feelings. Through missions, favoured by tin 
spirit of conuneieej and the.territcHial acquisitions ot mari- 
time nations, names and descriptions bebmging to oriental 
localities, preserved to us in the writings of the Old Tesitft* 
ment, have penetrated far into the recesses oi the foiesis of. 
the new continent, and into the islands of the Pacific. 

It , is charact^stic of Hebrew poetry in reference 
to nature,, that, as a reflex of monothebm^ it always 
embraces the whole world in its unity, compr^nding tho . 
life, of the terrestrial globe as well as.the shining regions of 
space. It dwells less on details of phenomena, and loves - 
to contemplate great masses. Nature is pourtrayed, not as 
self-subsistiDg, or glorious in her own beauty, but ever in 
relation to a higher, an over^ruling, a spiritual power. The 
Hebrew bard ever sees in her the living expression of the 
omnipresence of God in the works of the visible, crea^n. 
Thus, the lyrical poetry ; of the Hebrews in its descriptions, 
of na^u*e is essentially, in its very subject, grand and solemn, 
and, when touching on the earthly condition of man, full of 
a yeanpng pensiveness. It is deserving of notice, that 
notwithstanding its grand character, and even in its highest 
lyrical flights elevated by the charm of music, the Hebrew 
poetry, unlike that of the Hindoos, scarcely ever appears 
unrestrained by law and measure. Devoted to the pure 
Goisdteaaplation of the Divinity, figurative in knguage, birt 
dear and simple in thought, it ddights in comparisons, whi^. 
leour continually i^^d almost rhythmically. 


Am deseriptiolis of natural scenerf, the wriiings of the 
.Old Testament shew as in a mirror the nature of the 
coTmtrjin wUch the people of Isisel moved and dwelt^ with 
its alternations of desert^ fruitfol land^ forest^ and mountain. 
Tbey pourtiay the variations of the climate of Palestine^ the 
succession of the seasons^ the pastoral manners of the 
peo]^, and their innate disinoHnatkm to agriculture. - The 
epic^ or historical and narrative^ portions are of the utmost 
sHnpHcitjr, almost more unadorned even than Herodotus; 
and from the small alteration which has taken place in the 
manners^ and in the usages and circumstances of a nomade 
1^, modem travellers hare been enabled to testify unani- 
mously to their truth to nature. The Hebrew lyrical 
poetr/ is mo« adorned, ^ unfolds rich and aBimated^e^ 
of the life of nature. A single psalm^ the 104th^ may be 
said to present a pictczre of the entire Cosmos : — '' The Lord 
covereth himself with light as with a garment^ He hs,th 
stretched out the heavens like a canopy. He laid' the 
foundations of the round earth that it should not be removed 
foi; ever. The waters springing in the mountains descend 
to the valleys, unto the places which the Lord hath 
appointed for them, that they may never pass the bounds 
which He has set them, but may give drink to every beast 
of the field. Beside them the birds of the air sing among 
the branches. The trees of the Lord are fall of sap, the 
cedars of Lebanon which He hath planted, wherein the 
bixds make their nests, and the fir trees wherein the stork- 
builds her . house/^ The great and wide sea is also described^ 
''whfireinare living things innumerable i theane move tiiie 
shiyps, and thc^e is that leviathan, whom Thou hast mv^ tQ^ 
sg^ therein.^' The &mt9 of the fidd^ the oliqects of Ht^^ 

46 DEscsiFiins cv mmMi scenery 

labour or mmy aie olw int^daced; the eom, Che eheaM 
▼ine^ and tbe olive gttdeftr Tke lieavenly bodies eamplele 
IMs i»ciciYe of nataf^ ^The Lord appoiated Hie moon 
fer sfeBsens^ «ni A« sua hMyweib tbe teim of Us ooarse; 
He briBgeth chiknessy end ft w B^t, wfaereixt the ir3d 
beiists roam, llie joirag Iiim8> rocop after their prej^ ifttd 
tetk their meat fton Gkd. f%er»m oriseth mid they gd 
ibem awaj t<^ther^ and lav them dew& in Iheir dens :" and 
thcfn ''man goelh todk unto his ironk and to his Uboor 
fDEitil the evcming'.^ Weaie asteniflbed to see^ intian Ae 
eompBiss of a poem of sooh »nail dimeBsioB, the nmrerar, 
the heavens and tbe eavth^ thus dn^m with a fev gmiA 
strokes. Tbe moving life of the riemests is here pliM^ in 
oppositioii to tile q«aet hboturas life of mm, from, the 
ffsing of the snn^ to» the meimg when his isSj woA h 
ime. This dOBtAist^ Hm gutmSfy m the eoneeptioa of 
the mHtaal mfitieiiee of phsenonnsMiy the glanee rerrartii^ 
^ the omMpresent invisiUe Power, whidb can leoaew the 
^tee of tbe e&(H(h> ot, cnnflie the o^eatnre to retom i^ain to 
the dtist^ give to the whde a diaraet^ of sdemmtf and 
stil^mit J rather than of wormA and soffcness. 

0im3ar viewa of the GosnoLos presmt themselves to ms 
iepeatedly in the Psahss C^), (as in flie «5th, v. 7 — 14, 
i»eid in the 14^ IS — IT), c^nd with perhaps nxost folniess 
IB the ancient^ thoa^ not piemosaic^ bode of Job» The 
meteorologieal processes taking place IB the oasopj of 
^ «ioi»d9^ the ftmatioA and Ass^hitioii ei vapoot m tha 
mai ohaiige» ifo dinction, the play of coloofs, the prodne^ 
Hm of hail, and theMlEiig fiHuider, are described wxO. t|ie 
most giaphie indMduality; naiqr qiKstioAa ore also ^cxk 
pdaed^ idddi oar madam physiea) scteifeee anabhs «s JM^ 

4» prbpoond <mwe tunmOf, «Bd to dotbe ia mm seienljie 
hngaage^ but not to soItc satisfaeto^. The book of JUb 
Is ^eneraUjr TejgupAai «b 4Sie moi^ perfect ezaniple of Hebrew 
^pbdrj; JtiBnoleBs pietuNsqoeiBtiieptfeBeiBlatioactfdn^ 
fUM Bfl omeiiatiMfli skSM gi the didaotio amageaiieat of tbe 
^ole. Ib ^ tbe vanom Biodam languageB into wbidk 
lfa» book tias been tnBnkited, Hs iongery, diMm fro» 
fe wicia ttatnre^ leaifeB on the mmd « deep iBQNremo^ 
'^'^^ Lord traiks on fte hcfigbta of tbe sea, on the xidgee 
tf the to^remi^ waves heaped 19 bj file storsft'^ (chap, icxxviu 

T.IB. * The BMfBing dawn lUmimes the boidar of the earthy 
and monlda variously thecanopy of d0ad8, as the hand of niaa 
«ie^ds the anotik dvy^ (chqp itxxm. t, 18---14.) Thft 
habits cf aasmab ate dspicted^ «f the wild asa and 
the horse, the bnfilo^ Hm liver bone of the Niki, tha 
«rooodie^ the «agle, and ti&e ostitdi. We eee (chap. zss.nL 
r. 18) dmtng the ndlry heat of the eotttib. windi ''the 
pare ether i^ead over the thksiy deseit Uiie a moUen nur- 

•tar C*)/' When the gifts of natore uespaiuigly bestovrad^ 
wasEfB peroq>tions ave rendered more aente^ so that he 
watches every wiation in fhe sianoephefe aiound him and 
in 'tSie ekmda above him; »d in the desert^ as a» the 
lifflows of the ooean^ traces back every ehaage to tiie aigns 
wliioh fiHKtold it; Tb» climate of tbe arid and rodcy 
pMioas of Pa hwtine n pariaoalark suited to dive faifth to 

' aiujh bbservationa. 

Ifeilher is variety of lorm wanting is the poetic iliteralhire 

' ttf &6 Hebrews : whfle:from Joshna to Saamel itbz^athee a 
Warlike tone^ the little book of* K«th pvesenfls a naboral 
jp&tnre of Ae most naive aimplioify^ landtif an imspreasBile 

^'dttttin. €kidiie,althepmod'ofliisieiitfa«siasmibrtbe^^ 


said of it^ that we have nobbing so lovdy in the iAxSm 
nmge of epic and idylUc poetry. (^*) 

"Evea in later times^ in the earliest memorials of the 
literature of tho Arabians^ we discover a faint reflex of <2ist 
grandeur of view in the contemplation of nature^ which 
00 early rdistingoished the Semitic race: I allude to the 
piiituresque description of the Bedonin life of the deserts, 
whkh the grammarian A»nai has connected with the great 
name of Antar^ and has woven (together with other pre- 
mohamedan legends of imightly deeds)^ into a considerable 
worL 1%e bwo of this romantic tale is the same Antar * of 
the tribe of Abs^ son of the princely chief Sheddad and of a 
black slave, whose verses are preserved among the prize 
poems, (moaUs^at)/ Which are hung up in the Kaaba. ^e 
learned English translator, Terrick Hamilton, has called 
attention to the biblical tones in the style of Antar. (7*). 
Asmai makes the son of the desert travel to Constantinople, 
and thus introduces a picturesque contrast of Greek culture 
wstb nomadic simplirity. We should be less surprised at 
finding that natizral descriptions of the surface of the Earth 
CMKrapy >only a veiy small space in the earliest Arabian- 
poetry,* siBce, according to the remark of an accomplished 
' Arabic sdkolar, my friend Preytag of Bonn,- narratives of 
deeds of arms, and praises of hospitality and of fidelity ' in- 
love, are its principal themes; and since scarcely any, if any,- 
of its writers were natives of Arabia JPelix. The dreary: 
uniformity of sandy deso^ on grassy plainB is ill fitted to 
awaken the love ©f naturei, excepting in rare instances and, 
iu minds < of & peculiar: cast 

Where tlic earth is mmdomed by ferests, the imaginatioii^ • 
aa we have «ib?eady j^emavked, is ^the more ocenpled by the 


ita&oqpberic phca^omena of riorm, tempest^ and long desired 

rain. Among faithful natund pictures of this clase^ I 

would ijostance particularly Ajutar's Moallakat^ which desmbes 

the pasture fertilised by rain^ and :visited by swarms ci hum- 

loing insects (^^} ; the fine descriptions of storms, both by 

Amru^l Kais, and in the 7ih book of the celelHAted Hamasa 

,{7^), which axe also distinguished by a jbdgk degree of looal 

truth; and laatly^the description in theNibegha Dhobyam (7^) 

of the, swelling of the Euphrates^ when its waters fdl down 

m^gLsses of reeds and trunks of trees. The e^hth book of 

the Hamasa, which is entitled " Travel and Sleepiness,'^ 

naturally .attracted my attention: I soon found Ohat the 

''sleei»ness^^ (7^) belongs only to the first fragment of the 

bpok, and even ther^ is mDreexcusable^ oiit is ascribed to a 

wght journey on a camel. 

X have endeavoured in this section to uaf did in a fntg- 

mmtoxj manner the different influence whioh the external 

wprld^ that is> the aspect of animate aiud inanimate nature, 

has exercised at different epoohs, andamong diiEmnt races 

a^dnaticms,: on the inward world of thought and feeling. 

I have tried to accomplish this object by tracing tli^ughoat 

the .history of literature, the parttcukr characteiisliGsOf i^e 

vivid manifestation of the feelings oi men in r^aird to nature. 

In this, as throughout the whole of the worh^ my aim has 

b^en to give not so mmh a complete^ as a general/ vietr, by 

tliicseleotion of $»ich e:sainples^a8 should ^^be^ diqyiay the 

> peculiaritiea of the various periods and races. I hantre followed 

the Greeks. and Ilomans to the gradual estiiiction of those 

^fe#i\gS,wii!Bh 'have-given ta dassicid amftiquity in the West 

.^^|ivmpe^^]dle iusjtre^ J jiai»/trai» yiEi;Jtl»^wtild»g8't^ 

(U) DESCRlPXiQOIS jQi* ' KATORAX 8C£>'i!aiY. 


rfhA Cbrktian fB&ers of tiie ^C3aairGii^ 4be ^fi&e ex^n^essiou '^il 
love of imtnie uoffied in the ittclcisioii of the hermitage* 
In ocmsidedaig the ii&do<6cnnatdc nations^ (the denominaliifti 
heii^ haie taken ;ixi Ha .most restricted 'sense)^ I havQ 
tpnssed iramL the poetic works of tiia GennaDB in the midtBe 
MgoSi, to those q£ the Ja%hly'CiiHt?atod aneienlfc !Ka9t ArisMc 
aatioiis (the Indimii) 4 andcf tiie less gifted Wesfc Arians^ (tfae 
jAabitantaof jaoMttfflit him) . JUStoaTs^idglaneefittheGdlfic 
fir Gbdio aongSy snd ata nai^ly dkoiy^ered Emnish epic^ H 
iiBve (descnibed flie rich percq»ik>n of the life of nattoie 
vhicby lA i^Boes of Aiaitkeain <Hr Setmtic origiii^ Ibreaflies 
JB the.Butahme poetry of the H^i^w^^ and in the "writmgs df 
Sst ikrftfasaiiB. liiBs i have traced the reflected image of the 
jiHHMfiC.phfiB«Mmi«Da^aB2iHit*efed'mtheima^ of 'ffab 

iwtions of the north and the south^eaUt of iEturope, of Um 
west of Asia, of the Persian plateaus, and of tropical India. 
Jaasrdur to doiuseire Ndtiaein afi hergrandenr, it seeded to 
ne jMoeasaiy ito pwseiit tor under a 'two4dM a^et ; "finft 
objiestinrdijr, ae ;an aotoal phenemwon ; and next as ¥e- 
iwtcd in Ae fedbags df maBkiad. 

jkfler the fadmg of Araoaaicy'Oreek, and Bomaen glory-^-^I 
jD^tiraor^fiartfae deatroction of 4he a»caest lyorld-^-^we 
§aA in the gveai and inspired foumder dS. afiew ^drM, 33ainte 
AKghieri> soaiteied jpaasagea wfaMi man^st ^Qxe tmost 
imfoBad seofiftySify io the ^oqieet of estemal 'nature. 
S3ie ^jpfliaod at widoh lie lived foliowed innnecBalely thi^ tff 
ftar dfidine of tiie mmMfbrelBy df ^ SualsiBn Mmic^iitgers, 
IB jtib^ jKMdi side ef the Alps, of whom I iza^e abeaar 
qpeken. Dante, .'when treating of natnnft dbjeets, iri^xdrMif 
limietf iDrra^famelffian'the paatifoti^, flie isiAjectite^ -krA 
tteMgrafe^dkMaeizlB of iib wide>rakige <f 

4ae6j)&paiiit|ior iastaae^'at thetjoae of the'Sfst eaab&fci 
HkieSwigaieixip {^% ^ sweet imncth of nmaiiig^ and the 
49eanUi»g ligkt on the ;gea% agita^d distant jciKor <£ the 
sea^ (H ^tnnolar de i^ Bnaaiia) ; ia tbe fifth csntO) ikt 
4>iBfiUiig tof the dbodfi aad tiiesvellkig of the riiasis^ irfaMij 
isAer 4;he hattk d[ GanpaUiiiio^ osyased the faoc^ of Bqab- 
acmte da Id^oateMteo .to <be iost in tiie Amo (7o)« !nie aa- 
jtante iBto<thAt&idc:gi!OFe of tne terastrid pandiBe raniMB 
ibe poet efthe pinei£we6t eaeair Savcma i *^^ la/pi]iatain4nil lilo 
M Qmm'^ f^)9 tHbmee^BarfyjBaDg of ibxrda « heard ia 
the tall tree9* The local truth of this aBtnialpiettwe 
^DuAiaste mi&i the desoviptioii of the n?ar of 'light in the 
hsfiKeeig {wradifle^ b&m which '^japatki burst festib, mk. 
aimdst the flowers an. Hit basbv aod itheBy as if iabm- 
cated by thfiir p^iuofis^ plunge agaiia into the stream ^^).^ 
|t seems not iuqpossibk ithatt th» fiotnm msy^ have had 
lor its groQfidvork the poet^s leccdlfietioa of >that peoaiittr 
fibite of the oeeaiw ia wlmk, dnziagthe beatingaf the w«9m, 
luBuaovs .points daeh aboxre iheisudayae, and tbe ^aJerhqind 
plami forms amoving sea of qpscUiiigtUghL 'ShdestcmtiiaBaif 
wacaseness of the atyle sf fhe Diviaa CciBMhadia aD^mRfiote 
tbe depUi Jbad eaia^estness i)f the inqanessMm ptodoced. 

liageii^g «aL Bsdoim. .graond^ but nmding tiaeit 
fi^gid oomp«Bitioni|i ^ pastoxal tomBOoasi I -miaM' nei^ 
name &e boiui^i is whiGh Petcareh de8aribeB4!be is^BresBran 
iddob ^the ktfej^ ysSky ^ ^mudina made <m ion ^heUi 
Luua iRas no moae^ thaa^ i&e «maUfir poeaas of Boaarfbi; 
file £cifiad of E^HnsHm of iBafce ; and afe a Iflber pmad 
fpae jE^oUe ^ten^as by Tiitooa €oI«Qna.(^). 
, WhoBi vtibe suddim iDta^anrae ivhioh toek ^tese anflr 
(^pMiaia ber^awfts^ «f pc^htioal dffiiessBfm «a(aadl a xisMt 


general revival of classieal literature^ we find^ as the fimt 
example . among prose writers^ a charming description of 
nature from the pen of the lover of the arts, the counselldr 
and friend of Eaphael, Cardinal Bembo. His juvemle work, 
entitled j£tna Dialogus, gives us an animated pictui-e of the 
geographical distribution of plants on the declivity of the 
mountain, from the rich corn fields of Sicily to the snow- 
covered margin of the crater. The finished work of his 
maturer years, the Historise Yenetee^ characterises in a still 
more picturesque manner the climate and the vegetation of 
the new continent. 

At that period every thing concurred to fill the mind at 
once with views .of the suddenly enlarged boundaries both 
of the earth, and of the powers of man. In antiquity, the 
march of the Macedonian army to the Paropamisus, and 
to the forest-covered river-valleys of Western Asia, left 
impressions derived from the aspect of a richly adorned 
exotic nature, of which the vividness manifested itself whole 
centuries afterwards in the works of highly gifted writers ; 
and now, in like manner, the western nations were acted 
upon a second time, and in a higher degree than by the 
crusades, by the discovery of America. The tropical world, 
with all the richness and luxuriance of its vegetation in the 
plain, with all the gradations of organic life on the declivities 
of the (UordiUeras, with all the remmiscences of northern' 
climates in the inhabited plateaus of Mexico, New Grenada,' 
and Quito, was now first disclosed to thevif r of Europeans. 
Imagination, without which no truly great work of man can 
be accomplished, gave. a peculiar charm ,to the descriptions' 
of nature traced by Columbus and Vespucci. The descnp- 
^JAin of the coast of Br)Bi^il« by. the laiter, is charaetexUed If ' 


Hn accurate acquaintance with the poets of ancient and 
inodem times ; that given by Columbus of the mild sky of 
Paria^ and of the abundant waters of the Orinoco^ flowing 
as he imagines from the east of Paradise^ is marked by an 
earnestly rehgious tone of mind^ which afterwards,' by the 
influence of increasing years, and of the unjust persecutions 
which he encountered, became touched with melancholy, and 
with a vein of morbid enthusiasm. 

In the heroic times of the Portuguese and Castilian 
races,' it was not the thirst of gold alone (as has been 
asserted, in ignorance of the national character of the period), 
but rather a general excitement which led so many to 
dare the hazards of distant voyages. In the beginning of 
the sixteenth century, the names of Hayti, Cubagua, and 
Darien, acted on the imagination of men as in more recent 
times, since Anson and Cook, those of Tinian and Tahiti 
have done. If the tidings of far distant lands then drew 
the youth of the Iberian peninsula, of Planders, Milan, and 
Southern Germany, under the victorious banners of the 
great Emperor, to the ridges of the Andes and to the 
bnming plains of TJraba and Coro ; — in more modern times, 
tmder the milder influence of a later cultivation, and as the 
earth's surface became more generally accessible in all its 
parts, • the restless longing for distant regions acquired 
fresh motives and a new direction. The passionate love for 
the study of nature which proceeded cliiefly from the north, 
inflamed the minds of men; intellectual grandeur of view 
became associated with the enlargement of material know- 
ledge ; and the particular poetic sentimental turn belonging 
to flie period, has embodied itself, since the close of the last 
'fenfairy, in Kterary wcwrks ' under forms Which were before 


mJ^nowiL If we once more c»6t our eyes on the perbd mt 
those great discoveries which prqiared the wsay ftsir tbe 
2QodenL tendency of which we have been speaking, we most 
in so doing refer preaninegady to those descriptions 4if 
nature which have been left us by Cohunbus himselfl It is 
only recently that we have obtained the knowledge of his 
cwu ship's jounial, of luB letters to the treasurer Sanch«i, 
to Donna Juana de la Torre ^ovecneas of &e Infant Don 
JuaUy and to Queen Isabella. In my critical examination of 
the history of the geogiaiphy of the 15th and 16th c^tu- 
ries(^^}^ I have sought to show with how deep a feeUng and 
perception of the forms and the beauty of nature the great 
discoverer was endowed^ and how he described the face of 
the earth, and the '^ new heaven'^ which opened to his view, 
C' viage nuevo al nuevo delo i mundo que fasta ^ntonnes 
estaba en occulto'^), with a beauty .and simplicity of ex- 
pression which can only be fuUy appredated by those wh# 
are familiar with the ancient force of the langus^ as it 
existed at the period. 

The aspect and physiognomy of the vegetation; ibs 
impenetrable thickets of the foreste; "in which one can 
hardly distmguish which are the flowers and leaves belonging 
10 eacii stem j" the wild luxuriance which clothed the humid 
shores; the rose-coloured flamingoes fishing at the mou& 
of the rivers in the early morning, aud giving animation to the ' 
landscape ;— attract the attention of lie old navigator while ! 
sailing along the coast of Cuba, between the email Lucayan- 
islands and the JardiniUo^ which I also have wited. Eaoh 
norlj discovered land appears to Hm still more beautiful ih«L 
those he had before described; he complains ihat he caimcA find 
W^ in w^oh to irecord the ^weet imptemwa which htlm \ 

G0LinCB99. 55 

vaoeived. WkoIIy tmacquaintecl with hotBJoj, (sitfaotigii 
ihrott^ the inflaence of Jewish and Arabian phjsidans 
scMiie superficial knowledge of plants had at that time 
extended into Spain)^ the simple love of nature leads him 
to discriminate tmly between the many strange forms 
presented to his view. He already distinguished in Caba 
seven or eight different kmds of palms ''more beantifal stnd 
loftier than date-trees/' (variedades de palmas superiores a 
las nuestras en sn beUeza y altnia) ; he writes to his friend 
Angfaiera» that he has seen on the same plain palms and 
pines^ (palmeta and pineta), wonderfully grouped together; 
he r^ards the vegetation presented to his view with a 
^ance so acnte, that he was the first to obsenre that^ on the 
moontains of Qbao, th^e are pines whose fruits are not 
fir cones^ but berries like the ohves of the Axarafe de 
Serilla; and, toeite one more and very remarkable example^ 
Cidumbus^ as I have aheady noticed'(^)^ separated the 
genus Podocarpus from the family of Abietineee. 

'* The loveliness of this new handy*' says the discovner, 
''far surpasses thai of Hie campfta de Cordoba. The trees 
are all bright with ever-verdant'fohage^ and perpetually laden 
with fruits. The plants cm the ground are tall and full of 
blossoma. The breezes are mild Uke those of April in CastiDe; 
tiie nightingales sing more sweetly than I can describe. At 
night other small birds aang sweetly^ and I also hear 
our grasshoppers and frogs* Once I came into a deepfy 
enclosed harbour, and saw hi^ mountains which no human 
eye had seen before, from winch the lovely waters (Hndas 
agpias) "feitreamed down* The moontain was covered with 
iiis, piiMs, and other frees of very various form, and adorned 
with beautiful flowers. Ascending the river which poured 


itself into the baj^ I was astoublied at the cool shade^. the 
crystal clear water, and the number of singing birds. It. 
seemed to me as if I could never quit a spot so delightful,-^ 
as if a thousand tongues woiild fail to .describe it, — as if the 
spell-bound hand would refuse to \vTite. (Paxa haoer relaciou 
a los Eejes de las cosas que vian, no bastaran mil lenguas a 
referillo, ni la mano para lo escribir, que le pa^ecia ques* 
taba encantado.)'^ {^) 

We here leani from the journal of an unlettered seaman, 

the power which the beaujty of nature, manifested in her 

individual forms, may exert on a . su^eeptible , mind. 

Feelings ennoble language ; for the prose of the Admiial, 

especially when, on his fourth voyage, at thes age of 67, he 

relates his wonderful dream on the coast of Yeragua (^^), 

is, if not more eloquent, yet f^x more moving .than the 

allegorical pastoral romance^ ; of , Boccaccio and the . two 

Arcadias of Sannazaro and of Sydney;, than Gaxoilasso's 

Salicio y Nemoroso ; or than the Diana of Jorge de Montci- 

mayor. The elegiac idyllic element was unhappily too long 

predominant in Italian and Spanish literature ; it required 

the fresh and hving picture which Cervantes has drawn of 

the adventures of the Knight of La Mancha, to . efface the 

(jalatea of the same author. The pastoral romancey 

however ennobled in the works . of these great writers by 

beauty of language and tenderness of, feeling, is from its 

nature, like the allegorical artifices of the .intellect of the 

middle ages, cold and wearisoipe* . Individuality of obscpva- 

tion alone leads to truth to nature; in the fimest descriptive 

stanzas of the " Jerusalem Delivered,^* impressions deriv^ 

from the pget's recoll^tipn of. the picteuresque landscape of 

Sorrento^ have been supposed to be recpgniwd {V*) • 


That tnith to nature which springs from actual con- 
templation^ shines most richly in the great national epic of 
Portuguese literature ; it is as if a perfumed air from Indian 
flowers breathed throughout the whole poem, written under 
the sky of the tropics, in the rocky grotto near Macao and 
in the Moluccas. It is not for me to confbm a bold 
sentence of Friedrich Schlegers, according to which the 
Lusiad of Camoens excels Ariosto in colouring and richness 
of bncj ; (^) but as an observer of Nature, I may well add 
that in the descriptive portion of the Lusiad, the poet's 
inspiration^ the ornaments of language, and the sweet tones 
of metanoholy, never impair the accuracy of the representa- 
tion of physical phsenomena. Bather, as is always the case 
when art draws from pure sources, they heighten the living 
impressions of grandeur and of truth in the pictures of 
oatuite. Inimitable are the descriptions in Camoens of the 
nefver ceasing mutual relations between the air and sea, 
between the varying form of the clouds above, their meteoro- 
logical changes, and the different states of the surface of the 
ocean. He shews us this sur.ace at one time, as, when 
curled by gentle breezes the short waves glance sparklingly 
in the play of the reflected sunbeams ; and at another, when 
the ships of Coelho* and Paul de Gama, overtaken by a 
dreadful tempest, sustain the conflict of the deeply ngiiated 
elements {^^). Camoens is in the most proper sense of the 
term, a great sea painter. He had fought at the foot of Atlas 
in the empire of Morocco, in the Red Sea, and in the Persian 
Gulf; twice he had sailed round the Cape, and for sixteen years 
iratched the phflenomena of. the ocean on the Cliinese and 
Indian shores. He describes the electric fires of St. £Imo, 
(the Castor and Pollus: of the ancieut Greek navigaton) 


>iltt Jmag HgH wved to the marbe/' {^. Be piioto 
Ibe dftQgeruthisateaiDg urater-spont in ks gradttsl devek; 
lopment; ^koTV the clotid^ wo^en of thin vapoiB"^ wldobi 
nmnd in a dbcle^ and seeding down a slendi^ t«ibe saefesi 
up the flood as if atMrst; and how^ when the blaek doBcP 
Jam dnrnk its fill> the foot oi the cone reeedes^^ and flying 
Wk to the Aj, ^resptores to* the waves^ aa fresh water^ tii» 
sd(t stream which it had dmwn from theon wkh a ssrgiiqp 
woke" {9^). "Let the book-learned/' says the poet — ' 
amd his taunt might abnost aft well applj to liie preseei 
tone — '* iaey to exj^ain the wonderfol things hidden from tli0» 
w«Kld ; they wlio> guided by (so^aUed) sci^oe afid^heirewlr 
o»ieeptions oidy, are; so wdBrng te pvonounce asfabe^whatsi 
hmsA from the mouth of the bwIw whose (M^ giade is 

•' Gamoeiis shinesy however^ not only in the deseriptkni ef 
SBfegle phssmnfRiia^ but abo' where large masses ace sc^Qk 
pDdkended in (me liew^ The third eanto paiiils with a t&m 
tndts the whole of Euix^e^ from &e coldest noitb^ ^to thc» 
Luiiitanian kingdom, and the strait where Hercules aecdm^ 
plashed h» kst labotor'' (s^). The maHnere sad state el 
mdkalion of the ^ffiBreot nations are aihided to. From the 
Frusfcians, the Mnecofites, and the tribes ^ que o tSkeum 
frio-kva/ he hastens to the gb»ious Mds of Hdlas, ^que 
i^eastes os peitos eloquentes, e os juiaos de alta phantama.^ 
In the tenth oonto th^ view becomes stiU mere esten^M ; 
Ihetye conducts Gama to the summil of alc^ mouatafit t» 
shew him tiie seca^ets of tite struetixre of the univ^scf 
(''machka do mundo''), toA kv diselose to han the eoutMl 
df41ie j^ttiels, (aecoiding to the tiews of Ftolenvf). f^ II 
iit^iPiBoii iivtiie stykr erf Daflte, and ae the EaHli JB 4ki 

9fliitir« of moticai ir^^e.m ike dtwanptiw of ife gUbcs 

ft«MFie« of aU thft cMnlms then iiunm^ asd d tknr 

yrodoiiioQ*. (m) £wi tbe ''kod aC tha Hol^ Qtom^'"; 

(fi0mi),iR iimm4^ aiMl thoooaitevjbicbMageUaiD diaoo^Den^ 

f^t^ the aie^ but^oot hgr tlie loyalty «f » am q£ 

.When I hfdSoK astoUed Gamoens. as eapacUlgr at 

painiierj, k waft to iBdioaila tirat tiai aipwl of nahva ob Aa 

Ivid seeam ta hafa atiiaded Um Iae& yividl]!^ IBiwinanil 

kui 99nad»d witti jw^m^ tbai tbe wliola poem oonjIaiB^ 

aihnbikdy no trace ol giapliieai dasenplim of ihefe§eftiiM» 

^ tiffi ifl:ppic8, and iia peoulisf j^saagfrnnj and fsnuu 

He only notieet tibe spiete and oibet ptodmotionBiabicb bew 

•omiMnaal value* Tbe epiaodeofibe magic iadand(^)dlM% 

iode^^ praaent a chanmngrlaodaoiqpapietnre^ bat, as baile 

aED '^lUiB de Yenus/^ tbe yegetatioii coiuneta of ^fiagiMft 

ngntiea^ dtiena, lemon tiee% asd pamegnBuitBa Z** all 

bekngizig to tbe cbmalea of Senlb ^kxr&pt. La tibe 

wiliBgB ef tbe gred^ dncoTeter of tbe> new woildj we indl 

Inr greater ddi^ in the fbresiift o£ tbe eoaate aeeB by hbe^ 

and far more attention to tbe forma of ibe Yegrtabh 

kingdem ; biii^>diDnld be remariced, thai Cokamkm, ^wdllthg 

tbe jonisai ol lus voyage, seeorda im it flia>liriiig i m p re aai aB U 

9ies^ day* The e|ae of Camoens^ on tbef other band, ie 

liitten to cdebiiai^ the gireat aohkr^emesAsof the PortugjMBft^ 

To b«f e borrowed from native hogaag/^^ unoeioth mmm^ «C 

flmais, and to< have interwoven them in the desenptioaift* eC 

laiBdaeapea fommf; tbe beekgronnd to tbe aotora m bk 

Demtive, n%ht ha^e flfpeared but litiie attraciiFe to th^ 

jeefc Qgcnatomed to baeuodious aoanda. 

^ : Bjr the.cMb of the knightly form of Caoioani^baa pfln^ 

Will fbieed^eequallji comantia one of m Spaiasb 
vol.. II. p 


who served under the banners of the great Emperor in Pi^ 
and Chilly and sung in those distant regions the deeds of 
arms in which he had borne a distinguished part. But in 
the whole Epic of the Araucana of Don Alonso de £rcill% 
the immediate presence of volcanoes dad with eternal 
snows, of vaUeys covered with tropical forests, and of arms 
of the sea penetrating far into the land, have scarcely called 
forth any description which can be termed graphicaU The 
excessive praise which Cervantes bestows on Ercilla, on the. 
occasion of the ingenious satirical review of Don Quixote's 
books, is probably to be attributed only to the ydiement, 
rivalry subsisting at that time between Spanish and Italiaa 
poetry, though it would appear to have misled Voltaire and 
several modem critics. The Araucana is, indeed, a work, 
imbued with a noble national feeling ; and the description . 
which it contains of the manners of a wild race who perish 
in lighting for the freedom of their native land, is not 
without animation ; but Ercilla's style is heavy, loaded to 
excess with proper names, and without any trace of true 
poetk inspiration. (^) 

We recognise this essential element, however, in several . 
strophes of the Eomancero Caballeresco {^) ; we perceive its 
presence, mixed with a vein of religious melancholy, in the 
writings of Fray Luis de Leon, — as, for example, where he 
celebrates the '^ eternal I'lminaries (resplandores etemales) 
of the starry heaven'*; — (^®) and we find it in the great 
creations of Calderon. The most profound critic of the 
dramatic literature of different countries, my friend Ludwig 
TKeck, has remarked the frequent occurrence in CalderoU 
AUd his cotemporaries of lyrical strains in varied metres, ^ 
dft^ containihg dazzlingly beautiful pictures of the oceaiki of ^ 



tioimtiims^ of wooded vaUeys^ and of gardens; but these 
j&cttires are always introduced in allegorical applications, 
and are characterised by a species of artiGcial brilliancy. Tn 
leading them we feel that we have before us ingeniow 
descriptions^ recurring with only slight variations^ and 
clothed in well-sounding and harmonious verse; but we do 
not feel that we breathe the free air of nature; the reality 
of the mountain scene^ and the shady valley^ are not made 
present to oar imagination. In Calderon's play of "Life is 
^ Dream/' (la vida es sueno), he makes Prince Sigismund 
lament his captivity in a series of gracefully drawn contrasts 
with the freedom of aU living nature. He paints the birds,, 
"which fly across the wide sky with rapid wiBg." the fish, 
which, but just escaped from the sand and shallows where 
they were brought to life, seek the wide sea, whose 
boundless expanse seems still too small for their bold range, 
Hven the stream meandering among flowers, finds a free 
pdth through the meadow : " and 1," exclaims Sigismund 
despairingly, *' who have more life than they, and a spirit 
more free, must endure an existence in which I enjoy Jess 
freedom.'* In a similar manner, too often disfigured by 
antitheses, witty comparisons, and artificial turns from the 
school of Gongora, Don Pemando speaks to the king of Fez , 
in the ^'Steadfast Prince" (99). 

I have referred to particular instances, because they show 
how in dramatic poetry, which is chiefly concerned with 
action, passion, and character, " descriptions of natural . 
objects become as it were only mirrors in which the mental 
emotions of the actors in the scene are reflected. Sl^ak- . 
speare, who amidst the pressure of his animated action hay^. 
kearcety ever time and opportunity to introduce deliberate 


descriptions of naturil scenes^ does yet so punt thflnlqr 
occurrences^ by allusions^ and by the emoiiQiiB of the aiotii^ 
personages^ that we seem to see them before our eyes, sod 
to live in them. We thus live in the midsnmmffivn^ht ia 
the wood; and in the latter scenes x>t the Meffcbaot of 
Yenice we see the moonshine bnghtening the worm suraMr 
nighty without direct descriptions. An actual' and ebboiato 
description of a natural scene occurs, however, in King Lear, 
where Edgar^ who feigns himself mad, lepreseuhs to his 
blind father^ Gloucester, while on the plain, tliai they tie 
mounting to the summit of Dover Cliff. The picture drawn 
of the downward view into the depths below actually tions 
one gidd/' (loo). 

If in Shakspeare the inward life of feeling, and the grand 
simplicity of the language^ animate thus wonderfully thain" 
dividual expression of nature^ and render her actually present 
to our imagination; in Milton^s sublime poem of Paradise 
Lost, on the other hand, such descriptions ar^ from the vezy 
nature of the subject^ magnificent rather than graphic. All 
the riches of imagination and of language are poured forth 
in painting the loveliness of Paradise; but the deaeiip* 
tion of v^etation could not be otherwise than general 
and undefined. This is also the ease in Thomson's pleasing 
didactic poem of The Seasons. Kalidasa^s po^n on the aaiofi 
subject, the Bitusanhara, which is more ancient by ahsve 
seventeen centuries, is said by critics deeply versed in 
Indian literature to individualise more vividly the vigorous 
nature of the vegetation of the tropics; but it wants the 
charm which, in Thomson^ arises from the more vaijej 
division of the seasons which is proper to the h^bst 
Utitudes; the transition from froit-bringing antoiiii^, tQ 

v(mmN raosi: wbxtbbs. $$ 

; and from winter to zeanimating spring; and fbe 
|i0teres afforded bj the varied laborious or pleasurable fot* 
suits ci men bdonging to the different portions of the year. 
Amving at tiie period nearest to onr own time> we find 
that^ sinoe the middle of the last century^ descriptive prose 
liflg more particttlarljdeveloped itself, and with peculiar vigour. 
iLkhongh the study of nature^ enlarging on every side^ has 
increased beyond measure the mass of things known to us^ 
yet vn&agBt the few who are susceptible of the higher inqpi- 
ntiov whidi this knowledge is capable of affording, the in- 

* tettactual contemplation of i^ture has W)t sunk oppressed 
utt^ ikt load^ but has rather gained a wider comprehrai-* 
siveness and a loftier elevation^ since a deeper insight has 
been obtained into the structure of mountain masses (those 
atoned eemoteries of periid^ orgtoic forms)^ and into the 
gtographical distrilmtion of plants and animals, and the re- 
ktionship of different races of men. The first modem 
pvose writers who have powerfolly contributed to awakenj 
through the influence of the imagination, the keen per-^ 
eeption of natural beauty, the delight in contact with 
nakiie, and the desire for distant travel which is their almost 
inseparable cc»npanion, were in France, Jean Jacques 
Bousseau, Buffon, Bemardin de St.**Pierre, and (to name 
esceptionally one living writer), my Mend Auguste de Oha- 
tcaubriand ; in the British islands the ingenious Flayfidr; 
and in Germany, George Forsta*, who was the companion of 
Gook on Ms second voyage of circumnavigation, and who 
was gifted botii with eloquence and with a mind peculiarly 
favourable to every generalisation in tlie view of nature. 
' Z imist not attempt in the^e pages to exsmine the charac- 

'^' iBtS^a^ of Aese diffl^^nt writers; or whst it is that^ in 


works so extensivdy known^ sometimes lends to their i]a- * 
scriptions of scenery such grace and charm^ or at others 
disturbs the impressions which the authors desire to awaken; 
but it may be permitted to a traveller who has derived hia 
knowledge principally from the immediate contemplation 
of nature^ to introduce here a few detached considerations 
respecting a recent^ and on the whole little cultivated^ branch 
of literature, 

5uffon, with much of grandeur and of gravity,— embracing 
simultaneously the structure of the planetary system, the 
wprld of organic life, hght, and magnetism — and far more ^ 
profound in his physical investigations than his cotempo- 
raries were aware of — ^when he passes from the description 
of the habits of auimals to that of the landscape, shews m 
his artificially-constructed periods, more rhetorical pomp than 
individual truth to nature ; rather disposing the mind gene- 
Tslly to the reception of exalted impressions, than taking 
hold of it by such visible paintings of the actual life of 
nature, as should render her actually present to the imagi- 
nation. In perusing even his most justly celebrated efforts 
in this department, we are made to feel that he has 
never quitted middle Europe, and never actually beheld 
the tropical world which he engages to describe. What, ; 
however, we particularly miss in the works of this great \ 
writer, is the harmonious connection of the representation t 
of nature with the expression of awakened emotion ; we miss, 
in him almost all that flows from the mysterious analogy^ 
between the movements of the mind and the phsenomena 
perceived by the senses. 

Greater depth of feeling, and a fresher spirit of life, breathe 
in Jean Jacques Bouaseau^ in £emardin de St.-Herre, imct 



in Chateaubriand. If in the first-named writer (whose 
principal works were twenty years earliex than Boffon's fim- 
cifiil Epoques de la Nature) (*<>*) I allude to his fascinating' 
eloquence, and to the picturesque descriptions of Clarens 
and La Meillerie on Lake Leman, it is because, in the most 
celebrated works of this ardent but little informed plant- 
collector, poetical inspiration shews itself principally in the- 
inmost peculiarities of the language, breaking forth no less • 
overflowingly in his prose, than in KlopstocVs, SchiUer's, 
Gbethe^s, and Byron's imperishable verse. Even where 
an author has no purpose in view immediately connected 
with the study of nature, our love for that study may still be 
enhanced by the magic charm of a poetic representation of 
the life of nature, although in regions of the earth ahready 
familiar to us. 

In referring to modem prose writers, I dwell with pe- 
culiar complacency on that small prodaction of the creative 
imagination to which Bemardin de St.-Pierre owes the fairest 
portion of his literary fame— I mean Paul and Virginia : a 
work such as scarcely any other literature can shew. It is* 
the simple but h'ving picture of an island in the midst of the^ 
tropic seas, in which, sometimes smiled on by serene and 
favouring skies, sometimes threatened by the violent conflict 
of the elements, two young and graceful forms stand out 
picturesquely from the wild luxuriance of the vegetation of 
the forest, as from a fl.owery tapestry. Here, and in the 
Chaumi^re Indienne, and even in the Etudes de la Nature, 
(which are unhappily disfigured by extravagant theories and 
erroneous physical viewsi), the aspect of the sea, the grouping 
oif the clouds, tiie rustling of the breeze in the bushes of tho 
bamboo, and the waving of the lofty palms, are painted with 


inimitikUe^ truth. S^mafdin de St.-Pierre^s master-woi^. 
£Mi1 and Yirgisia^ aocompanied me into tibe zGoe to whidi 
it 0vee its oiagin. It was read there for many years by my 
4ear ^eampaaion and friend Bonpland and myself^ and there — 
Qft ^im appeal to personal feelings be forgiven) — nnder the 
skat bi^tness of the tropkal sky^ or when^ in the rainy 
Samson on the shores of the Orinoco^ the thunder crashed 
aiid the fiasfaing lightning iilnminated the forest^ we w^re 
4fi^ly impressed aad penetrated with the wonderful truth 
wOi which this UtOe work paints the power of natnie in tlie 
tEopical zone in all its peculiarity of character. A similar 
inn grasp of special features^ without impairing the general 
mpressioai or depriving the external materials of the free 
aeid animating Weath of poetic imagination^ characterises in 
m. even higher degpee the ingenious and tender anthor of 
Atala, Bcn^, the Martyrs^ and the Journey to Greece and 
falestine. The coBtrasted landscapes of the most varied 
'fGriioo& of the esorth's surface are brought together and made 
to paw before the mind^s eye with wonderful distinctness 
«f vvsion: the serious grandeur of historic remembrances 
mild aldne have given so much of depth and repose to the 
BBjsressions of a rapid journey. 

la our German fatherland^ the love of external natm-e 
' dwwed itsdf but too long^ as in Italian and Spanish litera- 
tore, mider the forms of the idyl, the pastoral romance, and 
dedadic poems : this was the course followed by the 
iBeondan traveller Pawl Flemming, Brockes, Ewald von Kleist, 
kt whom we i»c<^iiise a mind ftdl of feeling, Hagedora, 
SdoAKm Gessntr, and by one of the greatest naturalists of 
aft tinea^ Halkr, whose local descriptions present, however, 
lavlter defiaed txitlinds and more objectiTe truth of colour. 

TBAYEUiBfiS OV TSB 14fl!H AN]> 15TH OratUBISS. if 

JA that tune the elegiac id^c denaeirt predomfamted in ft 
liesvy style of landscape poetiy^ in which, enran in Yofls, thd 
noble and profound dbsaioal student of antiquify, the poverty 
of t^ mafcmals could not be veQed by happy and cie?ated^ 
as well M Ughly finished diction, it wns not xmtS the 
stady of tiie earth^s sorfiiee gained depth and yariety, voA 
natural science^ no longw limited to tabidar ennmerations of 
exkaordinaxy oecnrrences and prodnotioiis, rose to the greM 
views of compaxa^e geognqphy, that this finish of language 
eotold become available in aiding to impart hie and freshness 
to the picttues of distant zones. 

' The older travellers of the middle ages, sndi as Jolni 
MandeviSe (1853), Hans Schiltberger of Mirnich (1426)^ 
and Bafnhard von Breytenbach (1486), still delight ns by 
an amiable naivete, by the freedom with which Ihey write^ 
and the apparent feeling of security with which they come 
before a pabHc who, being wholly unprepared, listen with 
the greater cariosity and readiness of belief, because Aey 
have not yet learnt to fed ashamed of being amused or even 
astonished. The interest of books of travels was at that 
period almost wholly dramatic; and the indispensable mix* 
ture of the marvellous which they so easily and naturally 
acquired, gave them also somewhat of an epic colouring. 
The manners of the inhabitants of the different countries 
are not so much described, as shewn incidentally in the 
contact between the travellers and the natives. The vege- 
tation is unnamed and unheeded, ex^cepting where a fruit 
ef particularly pleasant flavour or curious form, or a stem 
oar leaves of extraordinary dimensions, induce ft special notice* 
Amongst animals, the kinds which Uiey are most fond of re- 
a!Hirking are, first, those which shew sonde resemblance to the 


human form, and next those wfaioib are most inld ttid moife 
formidable to coaa. The cotemporaries of these travellwp 
gave the fullest credence to daog«» which few among thear 
had shared; the slowness of navigation^ and the absence*, 
of means of communication^ caused the Indies, as aU tropksal' 
cpnntries were then called^ to appear at an immeasarable> 
distance. Columbus ir9& as yet scascely justified in sayings 
as he did in his letter to Queen Isabdb^ '^the earth is not 
yeiy large : it is much less than people imagine'^ i}^^). 

In respect to composition^ these. ahnost-forgotlen bookBi 
Qf travels of the middle ages had> notwithstanding the poivertf 
of their materials^ great advantages over most of our modem 
vpyagea. Tuey nad the unity which every work of art re^ 
quires: everything was coniiected with an action^ t. e^ 
subordinated to the joi^ey itself, 'JDie interest aoose firom 
the simple; animatedj and usually implicitly believed narrattve 
of difficulties overcome. Christian traveUers^ unacquainted 
with the previous travels of Arabs, Spanish Jews^ and 
proselytizing Buddhists^ always supposed themselves to be 
the &st to see and describe everything. The remoteness ^ 
and even the dimensions of objects were magnified by the 
obscurity which seemed to veil the East and the interior of 
Asia. This attractive unity of compositicm is necessarily 
wanting in the greater part of modem travels, and especially 
in those undertaken for scientific purposes ; in these, what 
is done yields precedence to what is observed ; the action 
almost disappears under the multitude of obsarvations* A 
true dramatic interest can now only be looked for, in 
aiduous^ thouj{j|i perhaps little instructive ascents of momi- 
tains, and above all adventurous navigationa of nntcavwsad 
seas m voyages of discovery properly so called, and in the 



Mfbl fic^vdes of the Polar regions^ where the sttrronnding 
itflobitioii and the lonely situation of the mariners^ cut off 
jhon all hmnaa aid^ isolate the picture^ and cause it to act 
voce stimngly on the imagination of the reader. If the 
tbo¥e considerations render it undmably evident that in 
Bbdem books oftranreb ^ active elanent necessarily fiedls 
into the background^ affording for the most part merely a 
ocnmeetin^ thread iHieveby the successive observations of 
nature or of maimers are linked tc^ther, yet ample com- 
pjotsalion may be derived from the treasures of observation, 
horn grand views of the universe, and from the laudable 
eedaavoinr in eseh writer to avBil himself of the peculiar ad- 
vantages which his native language may possess for clear 
and aninubed description. Hhe benefits for which we are 
inaArfitedixi modem cultivation are the eonstantly advancing 
eidargement of our field of view, the increasing wealth in 
ideas and feelings, and their active mutual influence. With- 
Qbjf) leaving our native scaI, wc may now not only be informed 
wlmt is the charact^ and form of the earth's crust in the 
iftost distant zones, and what are the pknts and animals 
which enliven its sur&ee, but we may also expect to be pre- 
sieoated with such pictures as may produce in ourselves a 
vi^d participadon in a portion at least of those impressions 
which in each zone man receives from external nature. To 
satisfy these demands, — this requirement of a species of in* 
teSlectual delight unknown to the ancient world, — is one of 
the efforts of modem times ; the effort prospers, and the work 
ad:vanees, both because it is the common work of all culti* 
vatfid nations, and because the increasing in^ovement of 
tlleDnfteaiis of transfK^, both by sea and land, renders the 


whde earth more aeeeasiUe^ and farings into eo ipgnfl Dii ite 
lemotest portioiis. 

I have here attempted to indicate^ howcr& vaguely, ti» 
manner in vhidi the Irardler's power of presenting the leMit 
of his opportonities of observation^ the infdsion of afire^ iife 
into the descriptive dement of lite a tare, and flie variety of 
the views whidi are contimially opening b^rens on ^ vast 
theatre of the producing and destroying forces, niaj a& tend to 
enlarge the scientific stady of nature and to indte to its pnisnit. 
The writer who, in OHr German Hteratnie, has, aoe(»ding to 
my fedmgs, opened the path in tins direction with the 
greatest d^ee of vigour and success, was my distinguished 
teacher and friend George Porster. Through him has been 
commenced a new era of scientific traveQing, having for its 
object the comparative knowledge of nations and of nature 
in different parts of Die earth's surface. GKfted with refined 
esthetic feeHng, and reigning the fresh and Uving pidnms 
with which Tahiti and the other fortunate islands of the 
Pacific had filled his imagination (as in later years that of 
Charles Darwin) (*®^), George Porsrtcar was the first graee- 
folly and pleasingly to depict the dilferent gradations of 
vegetation, the relations of climate, and the various articles 
df food, in their bearing on tile habits aftd maimers of different 
tribes according to their differences of nee and of previous 
habitation. All that can give trutii, mfividuality, and 
graphic distinctness to the representation of an exotic nature, 
8 united in his writings : not only his excellent account of 
lie second voyage of Captain Cook, but still more his smaller 
works, contain the germ of much which, at a later p^od, 
Jmloeen brought to maturity (i^). 'But, for this ndble/ 

KQDSXN ^lUiVllLUaUt. 71 

aeuiitivey and etrer-hopefol spirit, a fortunate and 
was not reserved. 

If a diqparagMig 8en9e lu» siHseiiiBes been attached to tiie 
tenos ^^ descriptive and landscape poetry/^ as applied to the 
xnu&eroiis descriptions of natural scenes and objects which in 
itie niost modfffn tisoes have nu>ie especially enriched German, 
^French, Eolith, and North American literatures, yet sneh 
oeiMHue is only properly applicable to the abuse of the sup- 
posed enlaig^Oftent of the field of art Yendfied descriptions 
of Butural objects, sndb as at the close ol a long and dis- 
tinguished litenoy caeeer were given by Ddille, cannot be 
legBOpdeA, notwithstanding the r^n^aents of language and 
of metre exp^ded on them, as the poetry of external nature 
in the higlier sense of the term: they lack poetic inspiration, 
and ace theiref(»e strangers on true poetic ground; they are 
cpld and meagre, as is all that glitteors with mere oatwsffd 
'Ofnament* But if what has been called (as a distinct and 
independent form) '^descriptive poetry,^' be justly blamed, 
such disapprobation cannot assuredly apply to an eam^ 
endeavour, by the force of language, — by the power of sig- 
nificant words,-^to bring the richer contents of our modem 
knowledge of nature before the contemplation of the imagih 
nation as well as of the intellect. Should means be left 
fimemployed whereby we may have brought home to us not 
only the vivid picture of distant zones over which others have 
wandered, hxA also a portion even of the enjoyment afforded 
by the immediate contact with natmre ? The Arabs say 
figntatively but truly that the best description is tiiat in which 
the ear is transformed into an eye (*^). Jt is one of the 
^vils of the present time that an unfortunate predilection for 
an empty species of poetic prose, and a tendency to indulge 

in senimental effusions^ has seksed BinmHaneousIy in diiSereiit 
oountrifes on authors otherwise possessed of merit as tra- 
^.dkrs, and as writers on subjeote of Mtnral history. This 
nizture is still more anpkaang^ when the style^ from the' 
absence of literary cultivation^ and especially of all true in- 
wd spring of emotion, degenerates into rhetorical inflation 
and .spurious sentimentality. Descriptions of nature^ I' 
would here repeat^ may be sharply defined and sdentifiealljr 
cckrrect^ without being deprived thereby of the vivifying 
breath of imagination. The poetic dement must be derived 
from a recognition of the links which U3!dte the serisuoui^ 
'with the int^ectualj from a feeMngof the universal extensioti^ 
the xecipiFocal limitation^ and the uidty of the forces whidh ' 
constitute the life of Nature. The more sublime the objects^ 
the more car^Uy must all outward adornment of language ' 
be avoided. The true- and proper etf<ect of a pietore of ' 
nature depends uposi its composition^ and the inqpression 
prpdueed by it can oidy be disturbed aood marred by the " 
intrusions of elaborate appeals on the part of its pr^senter^. 
He who, familiar with the great works of antiquity^ and in 
secure possession of the riches of his native tongue^ knows how 
to render with simplicity and characteristic truth that whicli 
he has received by his own eontemplation^ wiU nbt'&flr 
in the impression which he desires to convey; and' thti 
risk of failure will be less^ asin depicting external' nature^ ' 
and not his own frame of mind, he leaves unfettered iht 
freedom of feeling in oihers. 

But it is not alone the animated description of those 
richly adorned lands of the equinoctial zone, in which in-> 
tensity of light and of humid warmth accelerates and 
heightens the development of all organic germs, which has 

{Qxmslied in our clajs a povscfol incentive to the generd 
rtody of nature : the secret chann excited by a deep insight 
into organic life i» not limited to the tropical world; every 
ic^n of the earth offers the wonders of progressive forma* 
tion and development^ and the varied connection of recorring 
or slightly deviating types. Everywhere diifused is the 
twfol domain of those powerfiil forces, which in the dark 
storm clouds that veil the siky, as w^ as in the deUcate 
tissues of organic substances, resolve tiie ancient discord of 
the elements into harmonious union. Therrfore, wherever 
spring unfolds a bud, from the equator to the frigid zone, 
cor minds may receive and may rejoice in the inspiration of 
naJiure pervading every part of the wide range of creation* 
Well noay our German fath^eland cherish such belief; where 
is the more soatbem nati<» who would not envy us the 
gieat master of our poetry, through all whose works there 
breathes a profound feeling of external nature, seen alikein the 
Sorrows of Werter, in the Seminiscences of Italy, in the Meta« 
morphoses of Plants, and in his MiseeUaneous Poems. Who 
has more eloquently excited his cotemporaries to '^ solve the 
fitacred enigma of the umversei'' (^' des Weltalls heilige BSth- 
isel zu losen^') ; and to renew tiie ancient alliance which in 
the youdi of human kind united philosophy, physical science, 
and poetry in a^ common botod? Who has pointed with 
more powerful charm to that land, hb intellectual home, 

Sin sanfter Wind vom blaueni Himmd weSr^ 
J)ie MjFZtAJiill, mil tab der liurbeer stehlf 

' i 1 


HTClTEMEirrS to the study op WATUW8, 

II. — ^Lsndscape pamtmg*--Gci^liical rfipreseoi^tioa of the phpEofr 
, noBay of plants — Cbaracteiistic form and aspect of vegetatioii 

in diifereiit zones. 

Ab fte^k aiad vivid deseriptions ef natural soenoi and ohgedtt 
ore suited to enbanoe a laf« for the sktdj of satuie^ ao ain 
ia landscape paintti^. Both shew to us the external wodA 
m bU its rieh varieiy of forms^ and both aia oapabk^ m 
various degrees^ aoeordiiq; as they aze more or less h^^pil^ 
eonoeived^ of Uaking fogeth^ the outward and the inwaid 
world. It is the teudeaej to iotm mA liaks which macki 
the last and highest aim of lepresentative art; bui^ the 
scientific object to whidi these pages axe devoted, restricts 
ibem to a differ<^nt point of view ; and Ismdscape painting eaR 
be here considered only as it Ininga before us tiie charaiv 
teristic physio^cmy of differait positions of the eartlf vt 
surface, as it increases the longing desire for distant voyagai^ 
and as, in a manner equally instructive and agreeable^ ifc 
incites to fuller intercourse with nature in her freedom* 

In classical antiquity, froin the peculiar direction of the 
Qreek and Boman mind, lancbcape painting, Hke the poetic 
description of sceneiy^ could scarcely become an indepen- 
dent object of art: both were used only as accessories. 
Employed in complete subordination to other objeots. 

hndsoape pamting long served merely as a background to 
historical compositioii^ or as an accidental ornament in the 
decoration of painted walls. The epic poet^ in a similar 
manner^ sometimes marked the locality of particular events 
by a picturesque description of the landscape^ or, as I might 
again term it^ of the background, in front of which the 
acting personages were moving. The history of art teaches 
how the subordinate auxiliaiy gradually became itself a 
principal object, until landscape painting, separated from 
true liistorical painting, took its place as a distinct fona» 
Whilst this separation was being gradually effected, the 
human figures wece sometimes inserted as merely pecondar j 
features in a mountainous or woodland soene^ a marine or a> 
garden view. It hae been justly remarkedi in reference 
to the ancients, that not only did painting remain subog^ 
dinate to sculpture but more especially, that the feeling 
lor picturesque beauty of landscape reproduced by the 
ftxidl was not entertained by thraaa at all, but is wholly of 
•modem growth* 

Graphical indications of the peculiar features of a district 
must> however, have existed in the earliest Greek paintings^ 
if (to cite particular instances) Mandrodes of Samos, as 

Herodotus tells us(^<^), had a painting made for the great 
Persian king of the passage of the army across the Bos-^ 
phorus; fx if FQlygnotus(^<'') painted the destruction al 
Troy in the Lesche at Pelphi. Among the pictures de« 
scribed by the elder Philostratua mention is even made of m 
landscape, m which smoke was seen to issue from the sum-> 
mit of a volcano, and the stieam of lava to pour itself iftta 
ibe sea. In the very oomplicated con^sition of a view ci 
seven islands, the most recent commentators think that 


1W xtfMMOASB «AE«aiie 

ttiej xoeogaise thfi^epneeotalum of ^ ^real diibdfll; ; ^m. \iim 
MBall volGSimc ^rcmp of ;tfae iSoUftai)r iLipacL iakiLd^ "mrnHk 
rf Sicily (we). 

fttspeotive joeue pqfuxtiiig, whioh wbb o&adeito fiOBtadbate 
lio d^e ^eatncid nepr^^tatiou of ik» mariex-'Vfoiks M 
MbdijbtB and .Sophodes^ i^radually fextettded Hob depad^ 
moat of .act(^; fajr increaaioig ft dfimftod ior .tineilkiaHe 
cnitaiioii of inaniinftte objected such fts btulcliiigs, ttoes, 
9mA lookfi. in oimaeqaaiGe of the drnproveooeut wJnieli 
Mowed Hob exienaBbm^ landscape pakting paised with the 
AiedoB «sid BmBaiis tErom the theotfie into halls adaondl 
mil oabmea, miMve kng snsEaoea of Wl wew eoveied^ jit 
Cast «dth ffliare Aesfaiafced .sefii]8a(^^), bat aftorwiirds inUi 
Mlmwive viswe of citaeB^ ^eehshonsa^ and wide paatnreB witii 
^ninsig 'herds vof cal4le('^^^). These pleanng decoiadBioiii 
)Mse Aot/ indeed^ invented % tiie iEU)iBsn pasbter^ Lodioay 
in the AngafltaiL i^^ bat were rendered generalljr popii«- 
lar^^) <by ^him^ and>euliirened i>y itbe introduoiaDn of amaU 
figures (^^3). Almost at the same period^ .and even half « 
(OBkuy earlier^ anumgat the Indiaiu^ in tiie bnlliant epoch 
^ Tikiamadiiya^ we find landsciqse painting lefenred to as • 
math pradasedtfft. In the^hanning drama of ^ Sacaoiitola/' 
4he'kmg^ Dnshmanla^ has Hhe fadtuie of his Moved iibemBi 
imn; Imt not sBtimfied with to ^portxaat miji, he •deosea 
4kstb '^' the pauaflbr^ ^Siouid (draw Had pteoes which &ioob^ 
Ma moat loi^ :'--<lihe Malini met, yaSk n suidhank on 
mhacYi ^fae red- flamingoes m» .atoodiBg.; » dhain of hSi^ 
tfAioh9estifqpiinflt.the iiuiaiaya,, and gaflaBes ocgmKog Dsa 
tfie hSHs*^ 'Qxaaeioe n» iflwall aaipiaiioBa:: theyjindicibte 
«b<tttf^«t3ea0(^inlibBy«B8Mti^iQf caacutipg compfaafatd' 

ia Some, fiMn flie tune of tiieOiNMn^ landscape painting 
e a Aipaitibe branoli of ait^ bat so far as me can judge 
hj what tiie excainitions at HeooulaAeiunj Fompeij^ and 
Syria, hsBft skewn ns, tbe ptcto,? ea wore often mere birdV 
ejiB ifieMy nsend^Iing mapa^ and aimed rat W at tbe cepre- 
flnaMioa wi vaport ioymn, villae^ and artifimal garden^ 
tiMHi of ntare on ber ibeedoim. That wkich the Greeks and 
£he Somimfl regarded «b attcadive in s landacape, seems t» 
kaase ibeen ahnoat .exeliisiyelj <^ i^reeablj habitable^ and 
Mt what we call the wild and romantic* In their i»ciurei^ 
die Jnitatioa Slight possess as great a degree of eKactnesi 
as «odd conaiflt with freqneok loacciracj in regard to pov 
^eotive, aad witih a disposition ^ convientional arrangement; 
ttwfir eompofliticms of the natme of arabesques, to fim 
we of which the SBTiflBe Yifcnmas was mrerpe, teontained 
iI^rthmicaDy Tecmimg and tastefudly arranged forms of 
plants and animals; hut, to avail myself of an exjNresaou of 
Otfried Midler's, " the dreamy twilight of pind whiob 
speaks to us in landscape appeared to the ancients, accord* 
ii^ to i^keir mode of heimg, aneapaUe of aitistie re^cesei^ 
tttiaon.^' (^^^ 

Ihe specimens of andent •l«Bdseap&>painting in the m^n^ 
Ber of Ludias, which hare been b]x>iight t9 light by thu 
excavations at Pompeii (lately so successful), belong mo^ 
pKibably to -a single and v>^ limited epoch (^^^), namely, 
fimn Neooto Tiiw; lor this town bad been entireljdeatroyed 
hf eartitqaalGe mdaem jmsrs before the catastnopbe caused 
hf^Om eeiebcaied eruption of Tesivrins 

Prom Ccauftaifitim the Qtmt to the beginning of tha 
middie ages, pwiting, ihou^ c^iuiaoted wjUh C!hristia» 
ftdbjeets, psesenred a dose affinity to iU eaiilifir (O^ii^afiti^ 


An entire treasury of old memorials is found both in A^ 
miniatures (^^^) adorning superb manuscripts still in good 
condition, and in the scarcer mosaics of the same period* 
Eumohr mentions a manuscript Psalter, in the Barberina a| 
Rome, containing a miniature in which ^' David is seen play- 
ing on the harp, seated in a pleasant grove from amongst the. 
branches of which nymphs look forth and listen : this personi- 
fication marks the antique character of the whole picture/* 
Prom the middle of the sixth century, when Italy was im* 
poverished and in a state of utter political confusion, it wa^. 
Byzantine art in the eastern empire which did most tp preserve 
the lingering echoes and types of a more flourishing period*. 
Memorials, such as we have spoken of, form a kind ot. 
transition to the more beautiful creations of the later 
middle ages: the fondness for ornamented manuscripbi 
spread from Greece in the east to the countries of the west 
and the norths — ^iriio the Prankish monarchy, among the 
Anglo-Saxons, and into the Netherlands. It is therefore 
a fact of no little importance in respect to the history of 
modem art, *'that the celebrated brothers, Hubert and 
John van Eyck, belonged essentially to a school of minia- 
ture painters, which, since the second half of the fourteenth 

century, had reached a high degree of perfection in Kaut. 

It is in the historical paintings of the brothers, V^ Eyck. 
that we first meet with a careful elaboration of the landscape 
portion of the picture. Italy was never seen by either of 
them; but the younger brother, John, had enjoyed sqi op^}. 
portunity of beholding a south European vegetation, havingi 
in 1428, accompanied the embassy which Philip tiifi^ 
0ood, Duke of Burgundy^ s^t to Lisbon, to prefer bi^ 

09 THE IStu centobt. '79 

init to the daughter of King John I. of Portugal. We 
possess^ in the Berlin Museum^ the volets of the magnificent 
painting which these artists, the true founders of the great 
Netherlands school of painting, executed for the cathedral 
at Ghent. On. the sides which present the holy hermits 
and pilgrims^ John van Eyck has adorned the landscape 
with orange trees, date palms, and cypresses, which are 
marked by an extreme fidelity to nature, and impart to the 
other dark masses a grave and solemn character. In view- 
ing this picture, we feel that the painter had himself received 
the impression* of a vegetation fanned by soft and warm 

The master-works of the brothers Van Eyck belong to 
the first half of the fifteenth century, when oil paintings 
fhough it had only just begun to supersede fresco, had 
flready attained high technical perfection. The desire to 
produce an animated representation of natural forms was 
now awakened; and if we would trace the gradual extension 
and heightening of the feelings connected therewith, we 
should recal how Antonello of Messina, a scholar of the 
brothers Van Eyck,- transplanted to Venice a fondness for 
landscape ; and how, even- in Florence, the pictures of the 
Van Eyck school exerted a similar influence over Domenico 
Ghirlandaio, and other masters (^^®). At this period, the 
efforts of the painters were, for the most part, directed to a 
carefol^ but almost painfully solicitous and minute imitation 
of natural forms. The representation of nature first appears 
conceived with freedom and with grandeur in the master- * 
works of Titian, to whom, in this respect also, Giorgione 
had served as an example. I had the opportunity, during 
inany years, of admiring, at Paris, Titian's painting of the 

'death of Peter Martyr (**^, attacted in a forest by aa Albi* 
gense in the presence of another Dominican monk. The 
form of the forest trees^ their fob'age^ the blue monntamoiis 
distance^ the mans^ement of the light and the subdned 
tone of colouring, produce an impretssion of grandeur, 
solemnity, tad depth of feeling, pervading the wholb 
composition ol the landscape, which & of exceeding sim- 
plicity. Titian^s feeling of nature was sa Kvely, that noi 
only in paintings of beautifdl women, as in the backgrotmd 
rf the Venus in the Dresden Gallery, but also in those of ft 
severer class, as in the portrait of the poet Pietro Aretino, 
he gives to the landscape or to the sky a character corre* 
sfbnding to that of the subject of the picture. In the 
Bolognese school, Annibal Caracci and Domenichino re- 
mained faithful to this elevation of style and character. HJ 
howiever, the sixteenth century was the greatest epoch of 
historic paintmg, the seventeenth is that of landscape. Al 
the riches of nature became better known dkii more care- 
fhHy studied, artistic feeling could extend itself over a widfer 
atodmore varied range of subjects; and, at the same tiinse, 
tie technical means of representation had also attained 8 
Mgher degree of perfection. Meanwhile, the hindscape 
paiifter^s art becoming more often and more intimately con- 
nected and associated with inward tone and feeEng, the 
tender Mid nuM expression of the beautrfal in nature wa^ 
enhanced thereby, as weH as the belief in the power of the 
emotions which the external world can awaken within us. 
When, conformably to the elevated aim of all art, this awaken- 
ing power transforms the actual into the ideal, the enjoyment 
produced i8accompaniedT)y emotion; theheartistouchedwhen** 
eir«rwelookintoihe depths eftherofna*ureorof humanity (*^s 


: Wer finA assembled^ in tli& ssme centmy^ Oand^ "Lam^ 
tdine, the idyllic painter of l%lit and of aerial dis*- 
taaee; BnufsdasFs daijc fbfest maeses' and Areaten* 
iag ekmda ;. Qaspftf and Nicholas Poasaiifs: heroic hmm 
of trees; and tiie flithfol- and simpfy Batoral vtspm^ 
sentations of Ev^dingen^. Hxibbima^ aid Cajp (^^^)«« 
This flourishing period in^ the deTelopmsnt of ast comi^ 
prised' happy imitations of the ^G^ttetion; of the nertk oi 
Shiiope, of soni^iem Itafy^. and of t&e Iberiaa peDEin9aIȣ 
thv paintos adorned lileir landscapes witik oranges and 
lefliek; wdii pines and date tnses. Ifhe date (the mAjr 
memfter of the^ niiq;nadGent fisMnilj of Pahna which tiw 
WBtistm had themselves seen^ exeept the ansall natim 
Ikrapean species; l&c CSiamsenoipa maratinn) iras nsna% 
Mpresented conventionH%> with scaly and secpentliko 
ianmks((^^)> and long s»v«d! as the representatke- of trojnH 
.^vegetiti0iKgeorevaIl^^r---nio0k as Pinna pinea (tho' stone 
jpae): is^. hf 9. still! widel^f psevailing; ide% regaided 9s exelo* 
mefy dfaHraottoiisfciB of Itiediaaivqpstation. The ootlinesofi 
£9% mnnntains were yet but little studied: and natofelislH 
wai kndseape psintos stili regsDded tHe sunvy sBniniil% 
w£ic&rise afaovel^ gveaoi pastiness of the lower Alpacas 
isAaBesnble. The parMedur chacacter» of masses of rock 
fmm isBdff made objeets^ of careful imitation^ exsegt 
ndiese assocdated witht the fisanxing waiier&ll^ We may hen 
femsrk another instanee of the comjmhensiveness mth 
v&mh the vai^d Ibniis of nator e tm mmi by a &ee. and 
8QB^i<7 s^isit^- ita&ens-> who in his gnat hunting pieces hov 
tefixs^ witii' inimitable troth and ammotion i£e waU 
ai0veini»te ofitiBbeasts'ofthefaiwri^ has alto apprehended 
fotii. feeaiksF fe&ity, tin^. eharactwtks q& tius jnanimato 


mitbce of the earthy in the arid desert and rocky plateaa 
on which the Escuxial is built (^^). 

The department of art to which we are now referring 
might be expected to advance in variety and exactness as: 
the geographical horizon became enlarged^ and as voyages^ 
to distant climates facilitated the perception of the rela«; 
tive beauty of different vegetable forms, and their con-. 
section in groups of natural families. The discoveries: 
of Oolmnbus, Yasco die Gama, and Alvarez Cabral in Gen. 
tral America, Southern Asia, and Brazil, the extensive com*: 
merce in spices and drugs carried on by the Spaniards, Por. 
iuguese, Italians, Dutch, and Flemings, and the establish-: 
ment, between 1544 and 1S68, of botanic gardens (not* 
yet however furnished with reguliEff hothouses), at Pi8%, 
Padua, and Bologna> did indeed afford to painters the opporta-: 
nity of becoming acquainted with many remarkable exotic pro<^ 
dnctions even of the tropical world ; and single fruits, flowers^ 
and branches, were repres^ted with the utmost fidelily 
and grace by John Breughel, whose celebrity had comn 
menced before the close of the sixteenth century; but untir 
near the middle of the seventeenth oentuiy there were no : 
bsidscapes which reproduced the peculiar aspect of ttia 
torrid zone from actual impressions received by the artist: 
himself on the spot. The first merit of such representation 
probably belongs (as I learn from Waagen), to a pamter of 
the Netherlands, Franz Post of Haarlem, who accompanied 
Prince Maurice of Nassau to Brazil, where that prince, wha 
took great interest in tropical productions, was the Stab- 
holder for Holland in tiie conquered Portuguese possessionii. 
fiom 1637 to 1644. Post made many studies from natnrQ 
near Gape St. Augustine^ in the bay of AH Saints^ on tha.v 


flhiores of the Bio San 'Fmnoisoo, and on those of the lowet 

part of the river of the Amazons (*^). Some of these wei» 

aftierwards executed by himself as pictures^ and others were 

etched with much spirit. There are preserved in Denmark, 

(in a gallery of the fine oastle at Frederiksborg)^ some 

large oil paintings of great merit belonging to the same 

epoch by the painter Eckhout^ who^ in 1641^ was alsot 

in with Prince Maurice. In these pictures, pabns^ 

papaws (Carica papaya), bananas^ and heliconias, are msysb 

i^iaracteristically pourtrayed, as are likewise the nativ^i 

inhabitants, birds of many-coloured plumage^ and small 


These examples were followed by* £^w' artists of merit 

until Cook^s second voyage^ of circumnavigation: what 

Hodge did for the western islands of the Pacific, and our 

distinguished countryman, Perdinand Bauer, for New Holland 

and Yan Diemen Island, has been since done in very recent 

times in a much grander style, and with a more masterly 

Imnd, for tropical America, by Moritz, Bogendas, Count 

darac, Perdinand Bellermann, and Edward Hildebrandt ; and 

fornumy other parts of the earth by Heinrich von EattUtz^ 

who accompanied the Bussian admiral, Lutke, on his voyagi^ 
of circumnavigation(^25j^ 

He who with feelings aHve to the beauties of nature is 
mountain, river, or forest scenery, has himself wandered in 
the torrid zone, and beheld the varid;y and luxuriance of thu 
v^egetation, not merely on the well-cultivated coasts, but also, 
on the declivities of the snow-crowned Andes the Hima« 
laya or the Neilgherries of Mysore, (» in the virgin foBesta 
watered by the network of rivers between the Orinoco and 
the Amazons, can fed,— and he alopd can iedii-^l^w.9lmo9l; 


Hifitiite is ijie Mil which stfll vsmains to be vprnei to laodk 
seape painting in tke trc^eal portions of Atbsr contu 
nent^ and in tbe islbnidd of Snmatva^ Borsieo^ and l&i 
Philippines; and how ail^ that this department ofi art has J9k 
piod^ced^ is not to be compared to the nagidtede of the 
treasuies) of which at scmie fatore day it may become' poa^ 
eessed. Why may we not be justified in) hoping tiiat lanck 
aeape painting may heiieafter Bloom mUk new and yet na^ 
Inown beaaty^ when l^ghly-gifted artists shall oftener pan 
flie narrow bonnds of ihet Mediterranean^ md: ediail; sma^ 
with the ftrst freshness of a pnre youthful' mind,. Urn living 
image of the manifold beauiy and grandeur of nature in^ tbi 
iiunid moimtam walleye of the tropical wteld ? 

Those glorious legixms have- been hitherto visited chi^ 
by^ travellers to whom the want of previous^ sfftistic trains 
iog, and a variety of scientific oocapatfons^ alibwed bat 
Mttle opportunity oC attaining pienfieetion) im hadsc&iitt 
painting. But fsw^ among thent were' aUe;. in addkna 
to the botaniGat inta»st essited bf indnddnal ibrnus^ of 
flowem and leaves^ to seize tiie general] chawwdwAitic; impsss^ 
sion^ of the tropical z(»ie« The artists who* aBeon^pamMl 
glBoat expeditious snpported^vat tbe expense? of ther stata 
which sent them forth^ were too often chosen ae it were: By 
accidisnty and weie thus found to be less prepared thaU' the 
oecadian demanded; and perhaps* the end of the; voyage wa* 
^pproaofaiagi. w&en^ even^ the most talenixsd aoBong themi 
flfller a long enjoynient> of the speetade* of the gseat scenes el 
H»tuze^ and nMW^ attempts at imitatibn^ were jnst Beginning 
to master a oertaini de^vee of technicai dull. Moreover,, m 
wpages of cinmninavigation^ artists are seldom eonduistod 
iuko the true finest r^iDttB>. to* the upper p(»tii!H» of t]b 

chahacieeistic BSFsasaEsruLTSON oftbopical scenebTc 91 

iBMJaae of gceU rivers^ or to the* stvmmits of the Imounlaa 
chains of the interior. It is only by coloured sketches takct 
to the s|K»t^. thai Hut avtist; inspired by the eoliten^kktioii of 
tiiese distant scenes^ can hope to leprodaee theiv ehaiti£t«f 
ift paautings esecuted after his retoxn. He unQ be abk 
1S[» io' so the move perfectly,, if he has also* aeensiulaitdi 
% kjfge MUAb^ of separate studlies of topa of trees, 'of 
Vi^^ehes doihed with leaves^ atilomed with blossoms, or ladtit 
^itk &uit, of fallen trunks of trees oviergrowm with pothies 
asid orchideagy. of portions of rocka and river banks,, as wefl 
asi of tbe anxface of the ground in the forest,, all drawn; et 
fainted directly from nature: An ab^indance of studiiea e£ 
tfyfi kind, in which the outlined are well and sharply marked 
vSl furnish hiisi with materials enabling him> on his rei» 
taivn>. to dispense with the misleadiaig assistance afforded by 
plants grown in the confineix^nt of hot-houses, m by what 
tae^ called botanical drawing?.. 

Great events in the world's history, the independence «# 

tiaue Spanish aand Portugjuese Americas, and the ^^pread and 

laereage o£ in-telleetual cultivatioa in India, TSew HoQan^ 

the Sandwich Mand^, and the sontiiem colonies of A£rie% 

eanio/^ £ail to procure,, not &nly foir meteorology and othcv 

brainiehes o£ naitural knowledge, but also for landsca(pe paifit^ 

ing^a new and grander development which might not hamv^ 

been attainable without these local diPciHnstazicesv In Sealih 

AiXkeriea populous citie» are situated lS,000i feet aftove tiie 

]0^ &S the sea. In descending from' them, to^ tiie ^aitt% 

all dimatie gradations of the forms of plants' ase offeced- i0 

tile ejfe^ What may we not expeet from the pictnivesqaie 

' stud} of na4itLre in such scenes> if after the teiiniBlatiQiir of 

' #ivil discord and the edtabUshmt^ of feee inaldtatiQiMy 


artistic feeling shall at length awaken in those elevated" 
highlands I 

All that belongs to the expression of human emotion and 
to the beauty of the human form, has attained perhaps its^ 
highest perfection in the northern temperate zone, under the 
skies of Greece and Italy. By the combined exercise of 
imitative art and of creative imagination, the artist has de- 
rived the types of historical painting, at once from the depths' 
of his own mind, and from the contemplation of other beings' 
of his own race. Landscape painting, though no merely' 
imitative art, has, it may be said, a more material sub-' 
stratum and a more terrestrial domain : it requires a greater 
mass and variety of direct impressions, which the mind 
must receive witliin itself, fertilize by its own powers^ 
1^ reproduce visibly as a free work of art. Heroic land- 
scape painting must be a result at once of a deep and 
comprehensive reception of the visible spectacle of external 
nature, and of this inward process of the mind. 

Nature, in every region of the earth, is indeed a reflex of 
the whole ; the forms of organised being are repeated every- 
where in &esh combinations ; even in the ipy north, herbs 
covering the earth, large alpine blossoms, and a serene 
azure sky, cheer a portion of the year. Hitherto, land- 
scape painting has pursued amongst .us her pleasing 
task, familiar only with the simpler forms of our native 
floras, but not therefore without depth of feeling or with- 
out the treasures of creative imagination. Even in this 
narrower field, highly-gifted painters, the Caracd, Caspar 
j^oussin, Claude Lorraine, and Ruysdael, have, with magis 
power, by the selection of ibrms of trees and by effects of 
light, found scope wherein to call forth some of the most' 


varied and beautiful productions of creative art. The fanM 
pt these master works can never be impaired hj those which 
I venture to hope for hereafter, and to which I could not 
but point, in order to recal the ancient and deeply-seated 
bond which unites natural knowledge with poetry anj 
with artistic feeling, for we must ever distinguish, ill 
landscape painting as in every other branch of art, be* 
tween productions derived from direct observation, and 
those which spring from the depths of inward feeling 
and from the power of the idealising mind. The great 
and beautiful works which owe their origin to this crea- 
tive power of the mind applied to landscape-paintings 
belong to the poetry of nature, and like man himself and 
the imagination with which he is gifted, are not rivetted to 
the soU or confined to any single region. I allude here 
more particularly to the gradation in the forms of trees from 
Buysdael and Everdingen, through Claude Lorraine to Poussiii 
and Annibal Garacci. In the great masters of the art we 
perceive no trace of local limitation ; but an enlargement of 
the visible horizon, and an increased acquaintance with the 
nobler and grander forms of nature, and with the luxuriant 
folness of life in the tropical world, offer the advantage not 
only of enriching the material substratum of landscape paints 
ing, but also of affording a more lively stimulus to less gifted 
lurtists, and of thus heightening their power of production^ 

I would here be permitted to recal some considerations 
which I communicated to the public nearly half a century 
ago, and which have an intimate connection with the subject 
which is at present under notice; they were contained in * 
memoir which has been but little read, entitled '^Ideen si| 


'Fbjsiognoiiiik c[er<jew&ch8e''{^2^) ^deas towards aflq^ 
Ofi^BOHqr idf pknts). When lising from loeal pbenomeiift 
M embrace all nature in one view, we pereem the ineBeasft 
ipf warmilih 6om the pcfles to the e()iiator aocompanied % At 
gEadual advanoe of organie irigoar and Ittxurianoe. iEeoim 
SloriJieim Europe to the beautifal ooasts of tiie Mediteanranea* 
this ad^anoe is even less than from the Ihenran Beiaiisn^ 
Bonthem Italy and Greece^ to the trcq^c sone. The easpet 
ftf ifloweiss and of verdore spread over our hare and naked 
€Krth is nmeqiuiHy woven ; iMcker where the sun rises hi^ 
in a sky either of a deep azure purity or veiled wiHi lighifc 
semi-transparent clouds ; and thinn^ towards tiie gloomy 
norths where retuming irosts are often fatal to the opening 
kids ^ q>ring^ or destroy the ripening fruits of autumn, 
if an the frigid zone the bark of trees is covered wiQi Uehens 
or with mosses, in the sione of palms and finely-feathered 
fidioveseent ferns, the trunks of Anacardias and •of giganltie 
speoiea of lions are ^ilivened by Gymbidium and :diie fragrant 
vsnffla. 3Sw fresh green of the Draoontias^ and the deep^eot 
kaRres <of the Pathos, oontrast with iiie many-eoloaied floweni 
i£ihe(h(Mie9Si. Climbing Banhinias^PassiSoras, and yello# 
flowering Banisterias, entwining the iftems of the ferest treeSi 
spiread far and "vide, and rise hi^ m air ; deKeate fiowen 
ufold theaoascdves from the tocAb of the Theobromas, asid 
from the thidk and rough bail: -df tbe Creseentias and <(3ie 
Gvstavia. Zn the midst of tins lAmndanoe of leaves and 
Uossoms, this luxuriant growth and provision -of eHmteng 
|ho^, tiie nadmralist oftm &idB % diflknidt to ^discover to 
which fltana different flowers aad leaves bdong; nay, a ma^ 
trie adosued with Fai^mas, SigDomas, and DendrdbiiKm; 

pgemTkU a amass M vegetaticm<and a v^iefy oi plants whxeh^ 
if (detediei &oid each otibsr^ (vroHld^cover.a jOoiuBdeKable spaoe 

Sut to.^aidilwiie'ofike earth aseaUattod pecuUar beauties } 
t0 ifate trc^^^ variety aiid gzaad^ttr ki the lotms of vegeta- 
tjon^ to the moriby )the ^aspect of Hb iBeadows and green 
fiwtaresy ^aud >the pesiodic koAg-deaired reamatfimng of natiue 
ajt ^e fimt kreath 'of tbe amid air lOf qpsuig. ibi in tbe 
MusacesB we have the greatest expansicn^ ao in the Gasuarinse 
and nee& ^tliees mt have the •gseateat joontraotion of the 
leafy vesaels. iiks, Tiuuai^ and C^rpreesee^, oosstitute a 
MrttienL fema wjiioh is .esitremdy d»re in the low grounds cf 
Uie 4i!&pics* Vhesr eveir-feedi vei&duaB icheers the wint» 
bsidaeape; «nd tells io tiie idblal»nts of the north, that 
mhm mi9w and ioe oover <the ^eadih, the inwscrd life of plantsj^ 
iftedSie JE^nmediean &x, is never esctinet«pon ov planet 

iEach aoAie ot^v^itMksx, besides its peculiar beauties, haa 
fd»i» difitiart dha&actea*, eaHing knsOi in us a different order 
^ im^mmmm. IFo jteeal Itetse oaaisf {ossjoob of our native 
x&iratefi, (wh$» dow not f eel ihuB^elf 4KGbren% aifeoted in the 
4mk shadeof >^ heefAi or oa hills oroi^ed with scattered 
^bsu find on ^. open pasture wbece the wind iiifitlesm tbe 
taombling loiliage of the biechf M in different organie 
JMngs we xacognise a ^istiuGt phpiognomy^ and as de^ 
saec^plii^e botanjjr and jsoolo^, iniiie »cire restricted sense oi 
ihe .Serins, inqa^ «a analysia ^feenliwdlm in the forms of 
yihmts and meBtaks aoii ibore alao a ees^taiii natorat p%^ 
adegnemy bdonging exekiskely ite fmh ^region «f the eartik. 
JEbe adoa ndndi tiae artist indicates by the'etpaesabBa "Sms» 
flHteie,^' ^'fiaifiaBdky^^ J^/£^ peseepttontf 

lacaLduuffialac. Woi» mmt of tlie «]^« itba Imaa wi ^ 


clouds, the haze resting on the distance, the succulency of 
the herbage, the brightness of the foliage, the outline of the 
mountains, are elements which determine the general im» 
pression. It is the province of landscape painting to ap- 
prehend these, and to reproduce them visibly. The artist ii 
permitted to analyse the groups, and the enchantment of 
nature is resolved under his hands, like the written workd 
of men (if I may venture on the figurative expression), int0 
a few simple characters. 

Even in the present imperfect state of our pictorial repro* 
mentations of landscape, the eugravings which accompany, 
and too often only disfigure, our books of travels, have yet 
contributed not a little to our knowledge of the aspect of 
distant zones, to the predilection for extensive voyages, and 
to the more active study of nature. The improvement in 
landscape painting on a scale of large dimensions (as in 
decorative or scene painting, in panoramas, dioramas, and 
neoramas), has of late years increased both the generalily 
-and the strength of these impressions. The class of repie* 
mentations which Vitruvius and the Egyptian Julius Pollux 
satirically described as ^' rural satyric decorations,^' which, 
in the middle of the sixteenth century, were, by Serlio's 
plan of sliding scenes, made to increase theatrical illusion, 
may now, in Barker's panoramas, by the aid of Prevost 
and Daguerre, be converted into a kind of substitute for 
wanderings in various climates. More may be efiected 
in this way than by any kind of scene painting; and this 
partly because in a panorama, the spectator, enclosed as in a 
magic circle and withdrawn from all disturbing realiti^ 
may the more readily imagme himself surrounded on all sides 
by nature in another clime. Impressions are thus produced 


Wiich in some cases ndngle years afterwords by a wonjkrfal 
fllusion with the remembrances of natural scenes actually 
beheld. Hitherto^ panoramas^ which are only effective when 
they are of large diameter, have been applied chiefly to 
idewft of cities and of inhabited districts, rather than to 
ftcenes in which nature appears decked with her own wild 
luxuriance and beauty. Enchanting effects might be ob« 
toined by means of characteristic studies sketched on the rug- 
ged mountain declivities of the Himalaya and the Cordilleras, 
or in the reeesses of the river country of India and South 
America; and still more so if these sketches were aided by 
photographs, which cannot indeed render the leafy canopy, but 
Would give the most perfect representation possible of the form 
of the gianii trunks, and of the mode of ramification characte- 
ristic of the different kinds of trees. All the methods to 
which I have h^!e alluded are fitted to enhance the love of 
the study of nature; it appears, indeed, to me, that if large 
panoramic buildings, containing a succession of such land- 
scapes, belonging to different geographical latitudes and dif- 
fer^t zones of elevation, were erected in our cities, and, like 
our museums aod galleries of paintings, thrown freely open 
to the people, it would be a powerful means of rendering 
the snblime grandeur of the creation more widely known and 
felt. The comprehension of a natural whole, the feeling of 
the unity and harmony of the Cosmos, will become at once 
more vivid and more generally diffused, with the multipli- 
cation of all modes of bringing the phsenomena of nature 
'generally before the contemplation of the eye and of the mind. 

VQiU jU. 



HI. — Cultivation of tropical plants — Assemblage of contrasted 
forms — Impression of the general characteristic phjsiog* 
nomy of the vegetation produced by such meaiiB. 

The effect of landscape painting, notwithstanding the 
multiplication of its productions by engravings and by the 
modem improvements of lithography, is still both more 
limited and less vivid, than the stimulus which results jBrom 
the impression produced on minds aUve to natural beauty 
by the direct view of groups of exotic plants in hot-houses 
or in the open air. I have already appealed on this subject 
to my own youthful experience, when the sight of a colossal 
dragon tree and of a fan palm in an old tower of the botanic 
garden at Berlin, implanted in my breast the &st germ of 
an irrepressible longing for distant travel. Those who are 
able to reascend in memory to that which may have given 
the first impulse to their entire course of Ufe, will recognise 
this powerful influence of impressions received through the 

I would here distinguish between those plantations which 
are best suited to afford us the picturesque impression of 
the forms of plants, and those in which they are arranged 
as auxiUaries to botanical studies ; between groups distin- 
guished for their grandeur and mass, as clumps of Bananas 
and Heliconias alternating with Corypha Palms, Araucarias 


and Mimosas^ and moss-covered trunks firom which shoot 
Dracontias> Ferns with their delicate foliage^andOrchideiB rich 
in varied and beantifal flowers, on the one hand; and on the 
other, a number of separate low-growing plants classed and 
arranged in rows for the purpose of conveying instructioii 
in descriptive and systematic botany. In the first case, our 
consideration is drawn rather to the luxuriant development 
of v^tation in Gecropias, Oarolinias, and light-feathered 
Bamboos; to the picturesque apposition of grand and noble 
forms, such as adorn the banks of the upper Orinoco and the 
totest shotes of the Amazons, and of the Huallaga described 
with such truth to nature by Martins and Edward Poppig; 
to impressions which fill the mind with longing for those 
lands where the current of life flows in a richer stream, and 
of whose glorious beauty a faint but still pleasing image is 
now presented to us in our hot-houses, which formerly were 
mere hospitals for languishing unhealthy phints. 

Landscape painting is, indeed, able to present a richer 
and more complete picture of nature than can be obtained 
by the most skilful grouping of cultivated plants. Almost 
nnlimited in regard to space, it can pursue the margin of 
the forest until it becomes indistinct from the effect of 
aerial perspective; it can pour the mountain torrent from 
crs^ to cn^, and spread the deep azure of the tropic sky 
above the light tops of the palms, or the undulating 
savannah which bounds the horizon. The illumination and 
colouring, which between the tropics are shed over aU 
terrestrial objects by the light of the thinly veQed or perfectly 
pure heaven, give to landscape painting, when the pencil 
succeeds in imitating this mild effect of light, a peculiar and 
mysterious power, A deep perception of tlie essence of the 


Greek tragedy led my brother to compare the charm of the 
chorus in its effect with the sky in the landscape, {^^) 

The mxdtiplied means which painting can command for 
stimulating the fancy^ and concentrating in a small space the 
grandest phsenomena of sea and land, are indeed denied to 
our plantations in gardens or in hot-houi^es; but the 
inferiority in general impression is compensated by the 
mastery which the reality every where exerts over the senses. 
When in the palm house of Loddiges, or in that of the 
Pfauen-insd near Potsdam (a monument of the simple 
feeling for nature of our noble departed monarch), we look 
down from the high gallery, during a bright noonday 
sunshine, upon the abundance of reed-like and arborescent 
palms, a complete illusion in respect to the locality in which 
we are placed is momentarily produced; we seem to be 
actually in the climate of the tropics, looking down from the 
summit of a hill upon a small thicket of palms. The aspect 
of the deep blue sky, and the impression of a greater 
intensity of light, are indeed wanting, but still the illusion is 
greater, and the imagination more vividly active, than from 
the most perfect painting ; we associate with each vegetable 
tonn. the wonders of a distant land; we hear the rustling of 
the fan-like leaves, and see the changing play of light, as, 
gently moved by slight currents of air, the waviag tops of 
the palms come into contact with each other. So great is 
the charm which reality can give. The recollection of the 
needful degree of artificial care bestowed no doubt returns to 
disturb the impression ; for a perfectly flourishing condition, 
and a state of freedom, are inseparable in the realm bf nature 
as elsewhere ; and in the eyes of the earnest and travelled 
botanist, the dried specimen in an herbarium, if actually 


gathered on the Cordilleras of South America, or the plains 
of India^ often has a greater value than the living plant in an 
European hot-house: cultivation effaces somewhat of the 
origmal natural character ; the constramt which it produces 
disturbs the free organic development of the separate parts. 
The physiognomic character of plants^ and their assemblage 
in happily contrasted groups, is not only an incitement to 
the study of nature, and itself one of the objects of that study^ 
but attention to the physiognomy of plants is also of great 
importance in landscape gardening — in the art of composing 
& garden landscape. I will resist the temptation to expatiate 
in this closely adjoining field of disquisition, and content 
myself with bringing to the recollection of my readers that, 
as in the earlier portion of the present volume, I found 
occasion to notice the more frequent manifestation of a deep 
feeling for nature among the Semitic, Indian, and Iraunian 
nations, so also the earliest ornamental parks mentioned in 
history belonged to middle and southern Asia. The gardens 
of Semiramis, at the foot of the Bagistanos mountain {^^), 
are described by Diodorus, and the fame of them induced 
Alexander to turn aside from the direct road, in order to 
visit them during his march from Chelone to the Nysaic 
hoTse pastures. The parks of the Persian kings were adorned 
with cypresses, of which the form, resembhng obelisks,, 
recalled the shape of flames of fire, and which, after the 
appearance of Zerdusht (Zoroaster), were first planted by 
Gushtasp around the sanctuary of the fire temple. It was, 
perhaps, thus that the form of the tree led to the fiction of 
the Paradisaical origin of cypresses {^^). The Asiatic 
terrestrial paradises {Tapahnroi), were earljT celebrated in 
more western countries (^^i ; and tiie worship of trees even 


goes back among the Iraunians to the rules of Hom^ called, 
in the Zend-Avesta, the promulgator of the old law. We 
know from Herodotus the delight which Xerxes took in the 
great plane tree in Lydia, on which he bestowed golden 
ornaments, and appointed for it a sentinel in the person of 
one of the " immortal ten thousand" (^^^). The early 
veneration of trees was associated, by the moist and refresh- 
ing canopy of foliage, mih that of sacred fountains. In 
similar connection with the early worship of nature, were, 
amongst the Hellenic nations, the fame of the great pahn 
tree of Ddos, and of an aged plane tree in Arcadia. The 
Buddhists of Ceylon venerate the colossal Indian fig tree 
(the Banyan) of Anurahdepura, supposed to have sprung 
from the branches of the original tree under which Buddha, 
while inhabiting the ancient Magadha, was absorbed in 
beatification, or " idf-ertinction" (nirwana) {^^^). As 
single trees thus became objects of veneration from the 
beauty of their form, so did also groups of trees, under the 
name of ^' groves of the gods." Pausanias is full of the 
praise of a grove belonging to the temple of Apollo, at 
Grynion, in Molia (^^s) . ^mi the grove of Golond is cele- 
brated in the renowned chorus of Sophocles. 

The love of nature which showed itself in the selection 
and care of these venerated objects of the vegetable kingdom, 
manifested itself with yet greater vivacity, and in a more 
varied manner, in the horticultural arrangements of the early 
civilised nations of Eastern Asia. In the most distant pari|. 
of the old continent, the Chinese gardens appear to have 
approached most nearly to what we now call English parks. 
Under the victorious dynasiy of Han, gardens of this class 
were extended over circuits of so many miles that agriculture 


wae aflfeetecl, (<^) and the people were excited to revolts 
" What is it/' aajs an ancient Chinese writer, laeu-tschen^ 
that we seek in the pleasures of a garden? It has always 
been agreed that these plantations should make men amends 
ibr living at a distance from what wonld be their more con> 
genial and agreeable dwelling-place, in the midst of nature 
free, and unconstrained. The art of laying out gardens 
consists, therefore, in combining cheerfulness of prospect, 
luxuriance of growth, shade, retirement, and repose, so 
that the rural aspect may produce an illusion* Yarie^ 
which is a chief merit in the natural landscape, must be 
sought by the choice of ground with alternation of hill and 
dale, flowing streams, and lakes covered with aquatic plants. 
Symmetry is wearisome; and a garden where every thing be- 
trays constraint and art becomes tedious and distasteful/' {^^ 
A description which Sir George Staunton has given us of 
the great imperial garden of Zhe-hol, (^^) north of the 
Chinese wall, corresponds with these precepts of Lieu-tscheu 
—precepts to which our ingenious contemporary, who formed 
the beautiful park of Moscow, (^^^j would not refuse his 

llie great descriptive poem, composed in the middle of 
the last century by the Emperor Kien-long to celebrate the 
former Mantchou imperial residence, Moukden, and the 
graves of lus ancestors, is also expressive of the most 
thorough love of nature sparingly embellished by art. The 
royal poet knows how to blend the cheerful images of 
&esh and rich meadows, wood-crowned hills, and peaceful 
dwellings of men, all described in a yery graphic man* 
ner, with the graver image of the tombs of his fore- 
fathers. The offerings which he brings to his deceased 


•ncestors, accordii^ to the rites prescribed by Confocitw, 
and the pious remembrance of departed monarchs and 
warriors^ are the more special objects of this remarkable 
poem. A bng enumeration of the wild plants^ and of the 
animals which enhven the district^ is tedious, as didactic 
poetry al\(ays is; but the weaving together the impression 
received from the visible landscape (which appears only 
as the background of the picture,) with the more ele- 
vated objects taken from the world of ideas, with the 
fulfibnent of religious rites, and with allusions to great 
historical events, gives a peculiar character to the whole 
oompo^tion. The consecration of mountains, so deeply 
footed among the Chinese, leads the author to introduce 
careful descriptions of the aspect of inanimate nature, to 
which the Greeks and the Somans shewed themselves, so little 
aUve. The forms of the several trees, their mode of growth, 
the direction of the branches, and the shape of the leaves^ 
are dwelt on with marked predilection, (^^sj 

As I do not participate in that distaste to Chinese 
literature which is too slowly disappearing amongst us, 
and as I have dwelt, perhaps, at too much length on the 
work of a cotemporary of Frederic the Great, it is the more 
incumbent on me to go back to a period seven centuries and 
a half earlier, for the purpose of recalling the poem of '^ The 
Garden,^' by See-ma-kuang, a celebrated statesman. It is 
true that the pleasure grounds described in this poem are^ 
in part, overcrowded with numerous buildings, as was the 
case in the ancient villas of Italy; but the minister also 
describes a hermitage, situated between rocks, and sur- 
rounded by lofty fir trees. He praises the extensive prospect 
over the wide river Kiang, with its many vesseb : ^' here hft 


can Teceire laa friends, listen to tliedr venea, aod lecate to 
tbem his own." ('^bj See-ma-knang wrote in the year 1086^ 
when, in Germany, poetry, in Uie hands of a rode clergy, 
did not even speak tha langoage cf tlie conatry. At that 
period, and, peihiqra, five centimes earlier, tbe inhabitants 
of China, Transgaogetic India, and Japan, were already 
acquainted with a great variety of forma of plants. Th« 
intimate connection maintained between the Buddbistio 
monasteries was not without influence in this respect. 
Temples, cloisters, and borying-places were surrounded with 
gardens, adorned with exotic tees, and with a carpet of 
flowers of many forms and colours. The plants of India 
were early conveyed to China, Corea, and Nipon. Siebold, 
whose writings afford a comprehensive view of all that 
relates to Japan, was the first to call attention to the cause 
of the intermixtuie of the floras of widely'Separated Bud- 
dhistic countries. ('*") 

The rich and increasing variety of characteristic vegetable 
forms which, in the present age, are ofiered both to scientifio 
observation and to landscape painting, cannot bat sfTord a 
lively incentive to trace out the sources which have prepared 
for us this more extended knowledge and this increased 
enjoyment. The enumeration of these sources is reserved 
for the succeeding section of my work, i. e. the history of 
the contemplation of the universe. In the section which I 
am now closing, I have sought to depict those incentives, 
due to. the influence excited on flie intellectual ad 
and the feelings of men by the reflected image of the ext 
world, which, in the progress of modem civilisation, 
tended so materially to encourage and vivify the stai 
nature. Notwithstanding a certain degree of arbitmy 


dom in the development of the several parts^ primiBiy and 
ieep-seated laws of organic life bind all animal and vegetable 
forms to firmly established and ever recninng types^ and de- 
termine in each zone the particnlar character impressed on it, 
or the physiognomy of nature, I regard it as one of the 
fairest froits of general European civilisation^ that it is now 
ahnost every where possible for men to obtain^ — by the 
cnltivation of exotic plants, by the charm of landscape 
pamting, and by the power of the inspiration of language,—^ 
some part, at least, of that enjoyment of nature, whidif when 
pursued by long and dangerous journeys through the interior 
of oontinentak is afforded by her immediate contemplatioih 




Principal epochs of the progressive development and extension of tl&9 
idea of the Closmod as an oiganio whole. 

The history of the physical contemplation of the uniyerse is 
the history of the recognition of nature as a whole ; it is the 
recital of the endeavours of man to conceive and compre* 
hend the concurrent action of natural forces on the earth 
and in the regions of space: it accordingly marks the 
epochs of progress in the generalisation of physical views* 
It is that part of the history of our world of thought which 
relates to objects perceived by the senses^ to the form of 
conglomerated matter^ and to the forces by which it is per- 


In the first portion of this work^ in the section on the 
limitation and scientific treatment of a physical description 
of the universe^ I have endeavoured to point out the true 
relation which the separate branches of natural knowledge 
bear to that description^ and to shew that the science of the 
Cosmos derives from those separate studies only the mate- 
rials for its^cientific foundation. (^^^) The history of the 
recognition or knowledge of the universe as a whole, — of 
which history I now propose to present the leading ideas^ 
and which, for the sake of brevity, I here term sometimes 
the '^ history of the Cosmos/' and sometimes the '^history 


of the physical contemplation of the universe/' — ^must not, 
therefore, be confounded with the " history of the natural 
sciences/' as it is given in several of our best elementary 
books of physics, or in those of the morphology of plants 
and animals. In order to afford some preliminary notion of 
the import and bearing of what is to be here contemplated 
as historic periods or epochs, it may be useful to give 
instances, shewing on the one hand what is to be treated 
of, and on the other hand what is to be excluded. The 
discoveries of the compound microscope, of the telescope, 
and of colored polarisation, belong to the history of the 
science of the Cosmos, — ^because they have supplied the 
means of discovering what is common to all organic bodies, 
of penetrating into the most distant regions of space, and 
of distinguishing borrowed or reflected light ifrom that of 
self-luminous bodies, «. e. of determining whether the light 
of the sun proceeds from a solid mass, or from a gaseous 
envelope; whilst, on the other hand, the relation of the experi- 
ments which, from the time of Huygens, have gradually led 
to Arago's discovery of colored polarisation, is reserved for 
the history of optics. In like mamier'the development of the 
pdnciples according to which the varied mass of vegetable 
forms may be arranged in families is left to the histoiy of 
phytognosy or botany ; whilst what relates to the geography 
of plants, or to the insight into the local and climatic distri- 
bution of vegetation over the whole globe, on the dry land 
and in the algseferous basin of the sea, consi^tes an im- 
portant section in the history of the physical contemplation 
of the universe. 

The thoughtful consideration of that which has conducted 
men to their present degree of insight into nature as a 


whole^ is assuredly far firom embracing the entire history of 
]pinan cultivation. Even were we to regard the insight 
into the connection of the animating forces of the material 
universe as the noblest fruit of that cultivation, as tending 
towards the loffciest pinnacle which the intelligence of man 
can attain, yet that which we here propose to indicate would 
stQl be but one portion of a history, of which the scope 
should comprehend all that marks the progress of different 
nations in all directions in which moral, social, or mental 
improvement can be attained. Bestricted to physical asso- 
ciations, we necessarily study but one part of the history of 
human knowledge ; we fix our eyes especially on the relation 
which progressive attainment has borne to the whole which 
nature presents to us ; we dwell less on the extension of the 
separate branches of knowledge, than on what different ages 
have famished either of results capable of general applica- 
tion, or of powerful material aids contributing to the more 
exact observation of nature. 

We must first of all distinguish carefally and accurately 
between early presage and actual knowledge. With in- 
creasing cultivation much passes from the former into the 
latter by a transition which obscures the history of dis- 
coveries. Presage or conjecture is often unconsciously 
guided by a meditative combination of what previous investi- 
gation has made known, and is raised by it as by an inspir- 
ing power. Among the Indians, the Greeks, and in the 
middle ages, much was enunciated concerning the connec- 
tion of natuilfl phffinomeua, which, at first unproved, and 
mingled with the most unfounded speculations, has at a 
later perio j been confirmed by sure experience, and has 
flinoe becoma matter of scientific knowledge. The preseii- 


tient imagination^ the all-animating activity of spirit^ which 
lived in Plato^ in Golombus^ and in Kepler, must not ]p 
reproached as if it had effected nothing in the domain of 
science, or as if it tended necessarily to withdraw the mind 
from the investigation of the actual 

Since we have defined the subject before us as the history 

Gurrence in the action of the forces of the universe, our method 
of proceeding must be to select for our notice those subjects 
by which the idea of the unity of pheenomena has been gradu- 
ally developed. We distinguish in this respect, 1°, the efforts 
of reason to attain the knowledge of natural laws by athought- 
fill consideration of natural phsenomena; 2^, events in the 
world's history which have suddenly enlarged the horizon 
of observation ; 3°, the discovery of new means of perception 
through the senses, whereby observations are varied, multi- 
plied, and rendered more accurate, and men are brought 
into closer communication both with tar^trial objects and 
with the most distant regions of space. This threefold 
view must be our guide in determining the principal epochs 
of the history of the science of the Cosmos. For the sake 
of illustrating what has been said, we will again adduce 
particular instances, characteristic of the different means by 
which men have gradually arrived at the intellectual posses- 
sion of a large part of the material universe. I take, there- 
fore, examples of ''the enlarged knowledge of nature,''— of 
''great events," — and of the "invention or discovery of 
new organs." 

The "knowledge of nature" in the oldest Greek physics, 
was derived more from inward contemplation and from the 
depths of the mind, than from the observation of phseno- 


mena. The nataral philosophy of the lonio physiologists 
was directed to the primary principle of origin or prodnction, 
or to the changes of fonn^ of a single elementaiy snbstance. 
In the mathematical symbolism of the Pythagoreans, in their 
considerations on number and form, there is disclosed, on 
the other hand, a philosophy of measure and of harmony. 
This Doric Italic school, in seeking every where for nnmeri- 
cal elements, from a certain predilection for the relations of 
number which it recognized in space and in time, may be 
said to have laid the foundation, in this direction, of the 
future progress of our modem experimental sciences. The 
history of the contemplation of the universe, in my view, 
records not so much the often recurring fluctuations between 
truth and error, as the principal epochs of the gradual ap- 
proximation towards a just view of terrestrial forces and 
of the planetary system. It shews that the Pythagoreans, 
according to the report of Philolaus of Groton, taught the 
progressive movement of the non-rotating earth, or its 
revolution around the hearth or focus of the universe (the 
central fire, Hestia) ; wbereas Plato and Aristotle imagined 
the earth to have neither a rotatory nor a- progressive move- 
ment, but to rest immoveably in the center. Hicetas of 
Syracuse (who Is at least more anciait than Theophrastus), 
HeracUdes Ponticus, and Ecphantus, were acquainted with 
the rotation of the earth around its axis; but Aristarchus of 
Samos, and especially Seleucus the Babylonian who lived a 
century and a half after Alexander, were the first who knew 
that the earth not only rotates, but also at the same time re* 
volves around the sun as the center of the whole planetary sys- 
tem. And if, in the middle ages, fanaticism, and the still pre- 
vailing influence of the Ptolemaic system, combined to bring 


back a belief in the immobility of the earthy and if, in the 
view of the Alexandrian Cosmaslndicopleustes, its form even 
became again that of the disk of Thales,— on the other hand it 
should be remembered that a German Cardinal^ Nicolaus de 
Guss^ almost a century before Gopemicos^ had the mental free- 
dom and the courage to reascribe to our planet both a rotation 
round its axis, and a progressive movement round the sun. 
AfterCopernicus,TychoBrahe's doctrine wasastep backwards; 
but the retrogression was of short duration. When once a 
considerable mass of exact observations had been assembled, 
to which Tycho himseK largely contributed, the true view of 
the structure of the universe could not be long repressed. 
We have here shewn how the period of fluctuations is espe- 
cially one of presentiment and speculation. 

Next to the " enlarged knowledge of nature/^ resulting afc 
once from observation and from ideal combinations, I have 
proposed tonotice '^great events,'^ by which the horizon of the 
contemplation of the universe has been extended. To this class 
belong the migration of nations, remarkable voyages, and mili- 
tary expeditions ; these have been instrumental in makirg 
known the natural features of the earth^s surface, such as 
the form of continents, the direction of mountain chains, 
Uie relative elevation of high plateaus, and sometimes 
by the wide range over which they extended, have even 
provided materials for the establishment of general laws of 
nature. In these historical considerations, it wiQ not be 
necessary to present a connected tissue of events; it will be 
sufl&cient to notice those occurrences which, at each period, 
have exerted a decisive influence on the intellectual efibrts 
of man, and on a more enlarged and extended view of the 
unirerse. Such have been, to the nations settled round the 

baflin of tbe Mediterranean^ ike fiAv%ation of Cotens of Samot 
bejond the Pillars of Hexcuks; the expedition oi.Alexan- 
cfer to Western India; the empire of the world obtained by 
the Eonums; the spread of Arabian cultivation; and the 
discovery of the new Continent. I propose not so much to 
dwell on the narration of occurrences^ as to indicate the 
influence which evei^ts^ — such as voyages of discovery, the 
predominance and extension of a highly polished language 
possessing a rich literature, or the suddenly acquired 
knowledge of the Indo-Aflican monsoons, — ^have exerted in 
developing the idea of the Cosmos. 

Having among these heterogeneous examples alluded thus 
earl^ to the influence of languages, I would here call atten- 
tion generally to their immeasurable importance in two 
very different ways. Single languages widely extended 
operate. as means of communication between distant na- 
tions ; - a pluralily of languages, by their mtercompari- 
son, and by the insight obtained into their internal^ or- 
ganisation and their degrees of relationship, opexate on 
the deep^ study of ihe history d the human race. The 
Gredc language; and tbe national life of the Greeks so inti- 
mately connected with their language, have exercised a power- 
fol influence on all the nations with whom they have been 
brought in contact, (^^a) The Greek tongue appears in the 
interior of Asia^ through the influence of the Bactrian em- 
pire, as the conveys, of knowledge which more than a 
thousand years afterwards the Arabs brought back to the 
extreme west of Europe, mingled with additions from Indian 
sources. The ancient Indian and Malayan languages pro- 
moted trade and national intercourse in the south-eastern 
Asiatic islands, and in Madagascar ; and it is even probable 



that tlirough intelligeiice from the Indian trading spCationd 
of the Banians^ they had a large share in occasioning the 
bold enterprise of Vasco de Gama. The wide predomi- 
nance of particular languages^ though unfortunately it pre* 
pared the early destruction of the displaced idioms, has 
contributed beneficially to bring mankind together; re- 
sembhng in this, one of the effects which have foUowed the 
extension of Christianity, and which has also been produced 
by the spread of Buddhism. 

Languages, compared with each other, and considered as 
objects of the natural history of the human mind, being di- 
vided into families according to the analogy of their internal 
structure, have become, (and it is one of the most bnlliant 
results of modem studies in the last sixiy or seventy 
years), a rich source of historical knowledge. Products of 
the mental power, they lead ns back, by the fundamental 
characters of their organisation, to an obscure and other- 
wise unknown distance. The comparative study of Ian- 
guages shews how races of nations, now separated by wide 
regions, are related to each other, and have proceeded from 
a common seat ; it discloses the direction and the path of 
ancient migrations ; in tracing ont epochs of development, 
it recognises in the more or less altered characters of the 
language, in the permanency of certain forms, or in the 
already advanced departure £rom them, which portion of the 
race has preserved a language nearest to that of their former 
common dwelling-place. The long chain of the Indo* 
Germanic languages, from the Ganges to the Iberian extre- 
mity of Europe, and from Sicily to the North Cape, furnishes 
a large field for investigations of this nature into the first 
or most ancient conditions of language. The same histori- 


cal comparison of langoages leads ns to trace the native 
country of certain productions which^ since the earliest 
times, have been important objects of trade and baiter. We 
find that the Sanscrit names of trae Indian productions, — 
rice, cotton, nard, and sugar, — have passed into the Greeks 
and partly even into the Semitic languages. (^^) 

The considerations here indicated, and iQustrated by 
examples, lead us to r^ard the comparative study of Ian-* 
guages as an important meanstowards arriving, through scien« 
tific and true phjlologic investigations, at a generalisation of 
views in regard to the relationships of different portions of 
the human race, which, it has been conjectured, have ex* 
tended themselves by lines radiating from several points. 

We see from what has been said, that the mtellectual 
aids to the gradual development of the science of the Cos- 
mosareofveryyaiiousldndsj they indude, for example, the 
examination of the structure of lantmage, the decipherment 
of andent inscriptioBS and hia3^n„ments in hiero- 
glyphics and arrow-headed characters> and the increased 
perfection of mathematics, and especially of that powerful 
analytical calculus, which brings within our intellectual 
grasp the figure of the earth, the tides of the ocean, and the 
regions of space. To these aids we must add, lastly, the 
material inventions, which have made for us, as it were, 
Bew organs, heightening the power of the senses, and 
bringing men into closer communication with terrestrial 
forces, and with distant worlds. Noticing here only those 
instruments which mark great epochs in the history of the 
knowledge of nature, we may name the telescope, and its too 
long delayed combination with instruments for angular 
determinations; — ^the compound microscope, which affords 


m the medns of following the processes of devebpment ia 
ofganisation (the farmative activitj^ the origin of being 
or prodoetioQ^ as Aristotle finely sajs) ; the compass^ with 
the different mechanical ocmtrivances for investigating the 
earth^s magnetism; the pendulum^ employed as a measui» 
of time; the barometer; the thermometer; hjgrometric an^ 
electrometric apparatus; and the polarisoope^ in its applica- 
tion to the phsenom^ia oi colored polarisation of lights 
either of the heavenly bodies or of the illamined atmo- 

The histotj of tlte ^ysicd contemplation of the nnivars^ 
based^ as we have seen> on the thoughtful oonsideration of 
natural phsenomena^ on the occurrence of influential eventjs 
and on discoveries which have enlarged our ^sphere of per- 
ception^ is> however^ to be here presented only in ita lead- 
ing features, and in a fragmentary and general manner. I 
flatter mydeK with the hope, that brevity in the treatment 
may enable the reader more easily to apprehend the spirit in 
which an miage> ao difficult to be defined, should, at some 
future day, be traced. Here, as in the '^ picture of Ufttnre^ 
contained in the first volume of Cosmos, I aim not at eom* 
pleteness in the enumeration of separate paarts^ but at a dear 
development of leading ideas, sedii^> in the present caae^ 
to indicate some of the paths whidi may be traversed bj tfas 
physical inquirer in historical investigations. I assume «t 
the part of the reader such a knowledge of the diffeore&ft 
events, and of their connection and causal relations, as niajf 
render it suffident to name them, and to shew the influence 
which they have exerted on the gradually increasing kxiow^ 
ledge and recognition of nature as a whole. Completeness^ 
I think it necessary to repesi, is neither attainable, nor it it 


to be regarded as the object of audi an uxdertaking. In 

Biakiiig this announcemoit^ for the sake of preserving to my 

vork ou the CSosmos the peculiar character whidi can alone 

vender its execution possible, I doubtless expoae myself 

anew to the strictures of those who dwell less on that which 

% book eaatauiSy than on that which, according to their indi- 

fidual views, ought to be found in it. I have purposely 

eixteired lar moi^ into detail in the earlier than in the later 

portions of history. Where the sources horn whence the 

loatmals are to be diawn are less abundant^ combination is 

less easy, and the opimons propounded may r^uire a foller 

leferenee to aiothorities less ga)era% known. I have also 

freioly permitted myself to treat my UAterials at unequal 

leiigth, where the narration of particulars could impart a more 

lively interest. 

As the recognition of the Cosmos bq;an with intuitive 
ipresentiments^ and with only a few actual observations made 
on detached portions of the great realm of nature^ so it 
appears to me, that the historical repiesentation of the con- 
templation of the universe may fitly proceed first from a 
limited portion of the earth's surface. I select for this pur* 
pose the basin of the Mediterranean, around which dwelt thoae 
nations from whose knowledge our western cultivation {Urn 
only one of which the progress hss been almost unmter* 
xupted), is immediately derived. We may indicate ti)epnn(»* 
pal streams through which have flowed the elements of th^ 
milisaiion; and of the enlarged views of nature^ of western 
Europe ; but we cannot trace back these streama toone com* 
men primitive feuntain. A deep inai^t iitto the lorceaand 
a recognition of the unity dl nature, does not b^ong to m 
original and so-called primitive people, notwitiistaodii^ 
that such an ins%ht has been attnboted at dif erent peiiods» 


and according to different historical views^ at one time to a 
Semitic race in Northern Chaldea, (Arpaxad (***), the 
Arrapachitis of Ptolemy)^ and at another, to the race of the 
Indians and Iramuans in the ancient land of the Zend {^^^), 
near the sources of the Oxus and the Jaxartes. History, as 
founded on testimony, recognises no such primitive people 
occupying a primary seat of civilisation, and possessmg a 
primitive physical science or knowledge of nature, the light 
of which was subsequently darkened by the vicious barbarism 
of later ages. The student of history has to pierce through 
many superimposed strata of mist, composed of symbolical 
myths, in order to arrive at the firm ground beneath, on 
which appear the first germs of human civilisation unfolding 
according to natural laws. In the early twilight of histcny, 
we perceive several shining points already established as cen- 
ters of civilisation, radiating simultaneously towards each 
other. Such was Egypt at least five thousand years hefort 
our Era; (**^) such also were Babylon, Niniveh, Kashmeer, 
and Iran, such too was China, after the first colony had 
migrated from the north-eastern declivity of the Kuen-Iun 
into the lower valley of the Hoang-ho. These central 
points remind us mvoluntarily of the larger among the 
sparkling fixed stars, those suns of the regions of space, of 
which we know, indeed, the brightness, but, with few ex« 
ceptions, (^^7) ^e are not yet acquainted with theur relative 
distances from our planet. 

A supposed primitive physical knowledge made known to 
the first race of men-— a wisdom or science of nature pos- 
sessed by savage nations, and subsequently obscured by 
civilisation — can find no place in the history of which we 
treat. We meet with sudi a belief deeply rooted in the 
earliest Lidian doctrine of Krishna. {^^^ '* Truth was origi- 

contvuplahok or thb ttnivebsb. IIS 

nally deposited with men^ but gradually dombered and was 
torgotien ; the knowledge of it retimis like a lecollectioD/' 
We willingly leave it undecided whether the nations which 
we now call savage are all in a condition of original natural 
rudeness^ or whether^ as the structure of their languages 
often leads us to conjecture^ many of them are not rather to 
be regarded as tribes having lapsed into a savage state^ — 
fragments remaining from the wreck of a civilisation which 
was early lost. Qoser communication with these so-called 
children of nature discloses nothing of that sup^or know* 
ledge of terrestrial forces^ which the love of the marvelloia 
has sometimes chosen to ascribe to rude nations. There 
rises^ indeed^ in the bosom of the savage a vague and 
awfdl feelii^ of the unity of natural forces; but such a 
feeling has nothing in common with the endeavours to 
embrace intellectually the connection of phenomena. ^Trae 
cosmical views are the results of observation and ideal coni- 
binatidn; thqr are the fruit of long-continued contact 
between the mind of man and the external world. Nor are 
they the work of a single people; in their formation, mutual 
communication is required, and great if not general inter- 
course between various nations. 

As in the considerations on the reflex action of the external 
World on the imaginative faculties, which formed the first 
portion of the present volume, I gathered, from the general 
history of literature, that which relates to the expression of 
a vivid feding of nature, so in the '' history of ihe contem- 
plation of the universe,'^ I select, from the history of general 
intellectual cultivation, that which marks progress in the 
rec<^nition of a natural whole. Both Ihese portions, 
not detached arbitriarily, but according to detenninafe 


][«3niBipleB, bear to eexik oth^the same Kelations as do fhe 
subjects of study from whiA tbey aie taken. The histoij 
of the intcillectual cultivation of mankind includes the history 
dF the eteuientwy powers of the human mind, and therefor©, 
also, of the wotks in which these powers have manifested 
tfaeioselves in the domains of literatore and art In a 
nmilar manner we recognise in the depth and vividness of 
the feeling for nature, whieh has been described as differently 
manifested at different epochs and among different nations, 
influential incitements to a more sedulous regard to phfis* 
nomena, and to a grave sad earnest investigation of theit 
cosmical eonneotioii. 

The very variety of thfe sbreams by which the elements of 
the enlarged knowledge of nature have beexk conveyed^ aad 
spread uneqoaDy in the course of time over the earth's 
surface, renders it advisable, as I have already remarked, to 
lM^;in the history of cosmical contemplation with a ob^ 
group of nations, viz^ with that from which our present 
western sdentific culture is derived* Hie mental eultivatioiil 
of the Greeks and Bamans is, indeed, of very recent 
origin compared with that of the Egyptians^ the Chinese^ 
and the Indians : but that which the Greeks and Bomans 
received bam without, from tiie east and from the sotith^ 
associated with that which they thfioeoseilves originated ot 
carried onwards towards perfection, has bem handed down 
on European ground without interruption, notwithstanding 
the constant changes of events, and the adndxtnre of foreign 
elements by the arrival of fresh immigrating races. 

The countries, on the other hand, in which many depart* 
ments of knowledge were cultivated at a much earlier period, 
haveeither lapsed into a state oi barbarism^ wheceby tliis know« 



tsdge has been lost, or^ wbibfc preserving tl^ 
tkm and finnly established complex civil institutions^ as is the 
ease with China^ they ha^e made extremely httle progress in 
idence and in the indnstrial arts, and hare been still more de» 
fici^t in participation in that intercourse with the rest of the 
worldj without which general views cannot be formed. The 
cultivated nations of Eorc^, and their descendants trans* 
j^anted to other contiBents, have, by the gigantic extension of 
tiieir maritime enterprises, made themselves, as it were, at 
home simultaneously on ahnost every coast; and those 
shores which they do not yet possess they threaten. In their 
almost uninterruptedly inherited knowledge, and in their far- 
dcscendedsdentific nomendatnre, we may discover land-marks 
IS the history of mankind, recalling the various paths or chan- 
nels by which important discoreries or inyentions, or at least 
their germs, have been conveyed to the nations of Europe. 
Thus from Eastern Asia has been handed down the know- 
ledge of the directive force and declination of a £reely-sus* 
pended magnetic bar ; from Phoenicia and Egypt, the know* 
ledge of chemical preparations (as glass, animal and vegeta- 
ble colouring substances, and metallic oxides); and from 
India, the general use of position in determining the greater 
or less value of a few numerical signs. 

Since civilisation has left its early seats in the tropical or 
sub-tropical zone, it has fixed itself permanently in that 
part of the world, of which the most northern portions are 
less cold than the same latitudes in Asia and Ammca. I 
have already shewn how the continent of Europe is indebted 
for the mildness of its dimate, so favourable to general 
civilisation, to its character as a western peninsula of Asia; 
to the broken and varied configuration of its coast line. 



extolled by Stiabo ; to its position relatively to Africa^ a broad 
expanse of land within the torrid zone ; and to ike circum- 
stance that the prevailing winds froi^i the west are warm winds 
in winter^ owing to their passing over a wide extent of 
ocean. {^^^) The physical constitation of the surface of 
Europe has moreover offered fewer impediments to the spread 
of civilisation^ than have the long-extended parallel chains of 
mountains^ the lofty plateaus^ and the sandy wastes^ which 
in Asia and Africa^ form barriers between different nations 
over which it is difficult to pass. 

In the enumeration of the leading epochs in the history 
of the physical contemplation of the universe, I propose, 
therefore, to dwell fimt on a small portion of the earth's 
surface where intercourse between nations, and the enlarge- 
inent of cosmical views which results from such intercourse, 
have been most favoured by geograpliical relatione. 


niNCTPAL nraoHs js thb htsiobt at thb tstsical 



Tbe Meditenmnean taken as the point of deperhiie for the repxe* 
sentation of the relatums vhich led to the gradual ertenaioii of 
the idea of the Cosmos.— CJonnectioii ^th the earliest Greek 
cultivation. — ^Attempts at distant nayigation towards the north* 
east (the Aigonaats) ; towards the south (Ophir) ; and towarda 
the west (Golsas of Samos). 

Plato describes the nairow limits of the Meditenanean in 
ft manner quite appropriate to enlarged cbsmogiaphical 
views. He says, in the Fhsdo, (i*®) '' we who dwell from the 
Fhasis to the Pillars of Hercoles, inhabit only a small portion 
of the earth, in which we have settled round the (interior) 
sea> like ants or £rogs around a marsh/' It is from this 
narrow basin, on the maa^n of which Egyptian, Phcenician^ 
and Hellenic nations flonrished and attained a brilliant 
civilisation, that the colonisation of great territories in Asia 
and Africa has proceeded ; and that tliose nantical enter- 
prises have gone forth, which have lifted the veil from tho 
whole western hemisphere of the globe. 

The present form of the Mediterranean shews ixaces of a 
former subdivision into three smaller closed basins. (^^^) 
The iEgean portion is bounded to the south by ^ curved line, 
which, commencing at the coast of Gana in ABia Minor, is 
formed by the islands of Bhodes, Crete, and Cerigo, joining 


fhe, Peloponnesus not far &om Cape Malea. More to the 
west we have the Ionian Sea, or the Syrtic basin, in which 
Malta is situated : the western point of SicHy approaches to 
within forty-eight geographical miles of the African shore; 
and we might almost regard the sudden but transient eleva- 
tion of the burning island of Perdinandea (1831), to the 
southwest of the limestone rocks of Sciacca, as an effort of 
nature to reclose the Syrtic basin, by connecting together Gape 
Gnmtola, the Adventure bank (examined by Captain Smith), 
{he island of PanteHaria, and the AfncanCapeBon, — and thus 
to divide it from the third, the westemniost, or Tyrrhenian 
basin. {}^^) This last receives the influx from the western oceaa 
through the passage opened between the Pillaxs of Hercules, 
and contains Sardinia and Corsica, the Balearic Islands, and 
the small volcanic group of the Spanish Cohonbrato. 

The peculiar form of the Mediterranean waa very in* 
fluential on the eady imitation and later ext»Lsi(m of 
fhisnicianand Grecian voyages ct discovery, of which the 
atter were long restricted to the ^gean and Syrtic basins. 
In ihe Homeric times, continental Itafy was still an 
'' unknown land/' The Fhocaeans first opened the l^lmuan 
bask west of Sicfly, and mi^igatars to Tartessus leacbed 
ibe Pillars of Hercoles. It should not be ibrgotten that 
Carthage was founded near the limits of the Tyrrljienian and 
Syrtic basins* The march of ev^ts, the direction of nautical 
undertakings, and changes in the possessioB of the empire 
of (iie sea, reacting Oin the enlargement of the sphere of 
ideas, have all been inflaenced by the physical configimtioa 
of coasts. 

A more richly varied and broken outiine gives U^ the 
aorthem shcaro c^ the Mediterranean an advantage over Urn 


gontKeni or Lybian cbore^ 'wiieh, aeoording to Sfarabo^ was 
remarked by Eratosthenes. The three great peninsulas^ (*'*) 
the Iberian, the Italian, and the Hellenic, with their smnona 
and deeply indented shores, form, in combination with the 
ndghbourmg islands and Oj^osite coasts, nwny straits and 
isthmuses. The configuration of the continent and of the 
islands, the latter either severed from the main or volcara- 
cally elevated in lines, as if over long fissures, early led to 
geognostical views respecting eruptions, terrestrial revolu- 
tions, and overpourings of the swollen higher seas into those 
which were lower. 'Rie Euxine, the Dardanelles, the Straits 
of Gades, and the Mediterranean with its many isknds, weie 
well fitted to give rise to the view of such a system of 
sluices. The Orphic Argonaut, who probably wrote in 
Quristiaii times, wove antique legends into his song; he 
describes the breaking up of the ancient Lyktonia into 
several islands, when ''the dark-haired Poseidon, being 
wroth with Father Eronion, smote Lyktonia with the golden 
trident/' Similar phantasies, which, indeed, may often have 
arisen from imperfect knowledge of geographical circum- 
stances, proceeded from the Alexandrian school, where 
erudition abounded, and a strong predilection was fdt for 
antique legends. It is not necessary to determine here 
whether the myth of the Atlantis broken into fragm^ts, 
should be regarded as a distant and western reflex of that of 
Lyktonia (as I think I have dsewhere shewn to be probable), 
or whether, as Otfiied Mfiller considers, "the destruction of 
Lyktonia (Leuconia) refers to the Samothracian tradition of a 
great flood, which had changed the form rf that district." (^**) 
But, as has already been often remarked, the circumstance' 
which have most of all rendered the geographical position 


Qf the Mediterranean so beneficently favourable to the mter- 
course of nations, and the progressive extension of the 
knowledge of the world, are the neighbourhood of the 
peninsula of Asia Minor, projecting from the eastern conti- 
nent; the numerous islands of the ^gean (^^^) which have 
formed a bridge for the passage of civilisation; and the 
fissure between Arabia, Egypt, and Abyssinia, by which the 
great Indian ocean, under the name of the Arabian Gulf 
or Bed Sea, advances so as to be only divided by a nar- 
row isthmus from the Delta of the Nile, and from the 
south-eastern coast of the Mediterranean. By means of 
these gex)graphical relations, the influence of the sea, as the 
*' uniting element,^' shewed itself in the increasing power of 
the Phoenicians, and subsequefntly also in that of the Hellenic 
nations, and in the rapid enlargement of the circle of ideas. 
Civilisation in its earlier seats, in Egypt, on the Euphrates 
and the Tigris, in the Indian Fentapotamia, and in China, 
had been confined to the rich alluvial lands watered by wide 
rivers; but it was otherwise in Phoenicia and in Hellas. 
The early impulse to maritime undertakings, which shewed 
itself in the lively and mobile minds of the Greeks and 
especially of the Ionic branch, found a rich and varied fidd 
in the remarkable forms of the Mediterranean, and in its 
position relatively to the oceans to the south and west. 

The Red Sea, formed by the entrance of the Indian Ocean 
through the Straits of Bab el Mandeb, belongs to a dass of 
great physical phsenomena which modem geology has made 
known to us. The European continent has its principal 
axis in a north-east and south-west line; but, almost at 
right angles to this direction, there exists a system of fissures, 
which have given occasion, in some cases, to the entrance 


of the water of the sea^ and in others, to the elevation of 
parallel ridges of motmtains. We may trace this transverse 
strike in a south-east and north-west direction, from the 
Indian Ocean to the mouth of the Elbe in northern 
Germany; it shews itself in the Bed Sea which, in its 
southern portion, is bordered on both sides by voleanic 
rocks ; — in the Persian Gulf and the lowlands of the douUft 
river Euphrates and Tigris; — in the Zagros mountain 
chain in Louristan; — in the mountain chains of Greece 
and the neighbouring islands of the Archipelago; — in 
the Adriatic Sea;— and in the Dabnatian limestone Alps. 
This intersection (^^) of two systems of geodesic lines, 
N.E. — S.W. and S.E. — ^N.W. (concerning which I believe 
the 8 Ji. — ^N.W. to be the more recent, and that both result 
from the direction of deep-seated earthquake movements in 
the interior of the globe), has had an important influence on 
the destinies of men, and in facilitating the intercourse 
between nations. The relative positions of Eastern Africa^ 
Arabia, and the peninsula of Hindostan, and their very 
unequal heating by the sun's rays at different seasons of the 
year, produce a regular alternation of currents of air 
(Monsoons), (*57) favouring navigation to the Myrrhifera 
Begio of the Adramites in Southern Arabia, and to the 
Persian Gulf, India, and Ceylon. During the season of 
north winds in the Eed Sea (April and May to October), 
the south-west Monsoon prevails from the eastern shore of 
Africa to the coast of Malabar; whilst from October to 
April, the north-east Monsoon, which is favourable to the 
return, coincides with the period of southerly winds between 
tiie Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb and the Isthmus of Suez. 
Having thus described the theatre on which the Greeks 

122 niNorPAL Epocns in thb bjbsobj ov thb 

might receive from different quarters foreign elements of 
mental caltivation and the knowledge of other countriess, 
I will next notice other nations dwelling near the Me- 
diterranean^ who enjoyed an early and high degree of 
civilisation — the Egyptians^ the Phoenicians with their north 
and west African colonies^ and the Etruscans. Immigration 
and commercial intercourse were powerful agents ; the more 
our historical horizon has been extended in the most recent 
times, as by the discovery of monuments and inscriptions, 
and by philosc^hical investigations into languages, the 
greater we find to have been the influence which, in the 
earliest times, the Greeks exp^enced eten from the 
Euphrates, &om Lycia., and through the Phrygians allied to 
the Thradan tribes. 

Ck)nceming the valley of the Nile, which plays so large a 
part in history, Ifollow the latest investigations of Lepsius, {^^^) 
and the results of his important expedition which throws light 
on the whole of antiquity, in saying that " there exist well- 
assured cartouches of kings belonging to the commence- 
ment of the fourth dynasty of Manetho, which includes the 
builders of the great pyramids of Gizeh (Chephren or Scha&a, 
Gheops-Ghufu, and Menkera or Meucheres). This dynasty 
eommenoed thirty-four centuries before our Christian era, 
and twenty-three centuries before the Doric immigration of 
the Heraclides into the Peloponnesus. (*59) The great 
stone pyramids of Daschur, a little to the south of Gizeh 
and Sakara, are considered by Lepsius to have been the 
work of the third dynasty : there are sculptural inscriptions 
on the blocks of which they are composed, but as yet no 
kings' names have been discovered. The latest dynasty of 
the " old kingdom/' which terminated at the invasion of the 


Hyksos, 1200 years before Homer, was the twelfth of 
Manetho, to which belonged Amenemha III. who made the 
original labyrinth, and formed Lake Moeris artificially by 
.excavation and by large dykes of earth to the north and 
west. After the expulsion of the Hyksos, the '' new king- 
,dom" begins with the eighteenth dynasty (1600 B.C.) The 
great Aamses Miamoun (Eamses U.) was the second 
monarch of the nineteenth dynasty. The representations on 
3tone which perpetuated the record of his victories were 
explained to Gkttnanicus by the priests of Thebes. (^^) He 
was known to Herodotus under the name of Sesostris, 
{>robably from a confusion with the almost equally warlike 
;and powerful conqueror Seti (Setos), who was the &ther of 
Eamses U.'* 

I have thought it right to notice these few chronological 
points, in order that, where we have solid historical ground, 
we may determine approximately the relative antiquity of 
great events in Egypt, Phoenicia^ and Greece. As I before 
described in a few words the Mediterranean and its geo« 
graphical relations, so I have thought it necessary here to 
indicate the centuries by which the civilisation of the Yalley 
of the Nile preceded that of Greece. Without this double 
preference to place and time, we cannot, from the very 
nature of our mental constitution, form to ourselves any 
clear and satisfactory picture of history. 

by the mental requirements of the people, by the peculiar 
physical constitution of their country, and by their hierar- 
chical and political institutions, produced there, as everywhere 
eke on the globe, a tendency to intercourse with foreign na- 
tions, and to distant military expeditions and settlements. But 



the records preserved to ns by history and by montanental 
remains indicate only transitoiy conquests by land, and but 
little extensive navigation by the Egyptians themsdvea. 
This civilised nation, so ancient and so powerful, appears to 
have done less to produce a permanent influence beyond its 
own borders, than other races less numerous but more active 
end mobile. The naticmal cultivation, favourable rather to 
the masses than to individuals, was, as it were, geographically 
insulated, and remained, therefore, probably unfruitful as 
respects the extension of cosmical views. Bamses Miamoun 
(from 1388 to 1322 b.c., 600 years, th^efore, before the 
first Olympiad of Goroebus) undertook, according to Hero- 
dotus, extensive miUtary ^peditions into Ethiopia (where 
Lepsius considers that his most southern works are to be 
found near Mount Barkal) ; through Palestinian Syria; and 
passing from Asia Minor into Europe, to the Scythians^ 
Thracians, and finally to Colchis and the Phasis, on the 
banks of which, part of his army, weary of their wander? 
ings, finally settled. Samses was also the first — ^so said the 
priests — ^who, with long ships, subjected to his dominion 
the dwellers on the coast of the Erythrean, until at lengtli, 
sailing onwards, he arrived at a sea so shallow as to be no 
longer navigable. {^^^) Diodorus says expressly, that 
l^esoosis (the great Eamses) advanced in India beyond the 
Ganges, and that he also brought back captives from 
Babylon. ''Tlie only well-assured fact in relation to the 
nautical pursuits of the native ancient Egyptians is, that 
from the earliest times they navigated not only the Nile, but 
also the Arabian Gulf. The famous popper mines near 
Wadi Magara, on the peninsula of Sinai, were worked as 
early as in the time o£ the fourth dynasty, under Cheops^ 


C!hafa. The inscriptioiis of Hamamat on the Gosseir load^ 
which connected the Valley of the Nile with the western 
coast of the Bed Sea^ reach back as for as the sixth dynasty. 
The canal &om Suez was attempted under Bamses the 
Great, {^^^) the immediate motive being probably the inter- 
course with the Arabian copper district/' Greater maritime 
enterprises, such even as the often-contested, but I think, 
not improbable, circumnavigation of Afirica(*^3j ^mder Nechos 
11. (611 — 595 B.C.), were entrusted to Phoenician vessek. 
Nearly at the same period, but rather earlier, under Nechos's 
father, Psammetichus (Psemetek), and also somewhat later, 
after the close of the civil war under Amasis (Aahmes), 
hired Greek troops, by their settlement at Nauoratis, laid 
the foundationsof a permanent foreign commerce, of the in- 
troduction of foreign ideas, and of the gradual penetra- 
tion of Hellenism into Lower Egypt. Thus was deposited 
a germ of mental freedom, — of a greater independence of 
local influences, — which developed itself with rapidity and 
vigour in the new order of tilings which followed the Mace- 
donian conquest. The opening of the Egyptian ports under 
Psammetichus marks an epoch so much the more important 
since until that period, Egypt, or at least her northern coast, 
had been as completely closed against all foreigners as Japan 
now is. (^^) 

Amongst the cultivated nations, not Hellenic, who dwelt 
eround the Mediterranean in the ancient seats where our 
modem knowledge originated, we must place the Phce- 
nicians next after the Egyptians. They must • be re- 
garded as the most active intermediaries and agents in the 
connection of nations from the Indian ocean to the west 
and north of Europe. Limited in many spheres of intellec- 


. tual development^ and addisted rather to the mechanical than 
to the fine arts^ with little of the graad and creative genius 
of the more thoughtftd inhabitants of the Valley of the Nile, 
r the Phoenicians, as an adventurous and far ranging com- 
mercial people, and by the formation of colonies, one of 
which far surpassed the parent city in political power, 
,did nevertheless, earlier than all the other nations sur- 
Tounding the Mediterranean, influence the course and ex* 
.tension of ideas, and promote richer and more varied 
views of the physical universe. The Phoenicians had Baby- 
lonian weights and measures, {^^) and, at least after the 
Persian dominion, employed for monetary purposes a stamped 
metallic currency, which, singularly enough, was not pos- 
sessed by the Egyptians, notwithstanding their advanced 
political institutions aud skill in the arts. But that by which 
the Phoeniciaos contributed most to the intellectual advance* 
ment of the nations with whom they came in contact, was 
by the communication of alphabetical writing, of which they 
had themselves long made use. Although the whole legen- 
•dary history of a particular colony, founded in Boeotia by 
Cadmus, may remain wrapped in mythological obscurity, 
yet it is not the less certain, that it was through the com- 
mercial intercourse of the lonians with the Phoenicians that 
the Greeks received the characters of their alphabetical writ- 
ing, which were long termed Phoenician signs. (*^^) Accord- 
ing to the views which, since ChampoUion's great discovery, 
have prevailed more and more respecting the early condi^ 
tions of the development of alphabetical writing, the 
Phoenician and all the Semitic written characters, though 
ihey may have been originally formed from pictorial writiug^ 
vare to be regarded as a j>honetic alphabet; i. «. as an 


dphabet in which the ideal signification of the pictured 
signs is wholly disregarded^ and these signs or characters 
are treated exclasively as signs of sound. Such a phonetic 
alphabet^ being in its nature and fundamental form a syllabic 
alphabet^ was suited to satisfy all the requirements of a 
graphical representation of the phonetic system of a language. 
*' When the Semitic writing/' says Lepsius, in his treatise 
on the alphabet, ''passed into Europe to Indo-Germanic 
nations, who all shew a much stronger tendency to a irtrict 
separation between vowels and consonants (a separation to 
which they could not but be led by the much more significant 
import of vowels in their languages), this syllabic alphabet 
imderwent very important and influential changes." (^^7) 
Amongst the Greeks, the tendency to do away with the 
syllabic character proceeded to its full accomplishments 
Thus not only did the communication of the Phoenician 
signs to almost all the coasts of the Mediterranean, and even 
to the north-west coast of Africa, facilitate commercial in- 
tercourse and form a common bond between several civilised 
cations, but this system of written characters, generalised 
by its graphic flexibility, had a yet higher destination. 
It became the depository of the noblest results attained by 
the Hellenic race in the two great spheres of the intellect and 
the feelings, by investigating thought and by creative imagina* 
tion ; and the medium of transmission through which this im- 
perishable benefit has been bequeathed to the latest posterity. 
Nor is it solely as intermediaries, and by conveying an 
fmpulse to others, that the PhceniciaQS have enlarged the 
elements of cosmical contemplation. They also inde- 
pendently, and by their own discoveries, extended the 
fipliere of knowledge in several directions* Industrial 



prosperity, founded on extensive maritime commerce, and 
on the products of labour and skill in the manufactures 
of Sidon in wliite and coloured glass, in tissues, and in 
purple dyes, led, as every where else, to advances in 
mathematical and chemical knowledge, and especially in the 
technical arts. " The Sidonians,'' says Strabo, " are de? 
scribed as active investigators in astronomy as well as in 
the science of numbers, having been conducted thereto by 
arithftietical skill and by the practice of nocturnal naviga- 
tion, both of which are indispensable to trade and to mari^ 
time intercourse/' (*®^) In order to indicate the extent of 
the earth's surface first opened by Phoenician navigation and 
the Phoenician caravan trade, we must name the settlements^ 
on the Bythinian coast (Pronectus and Bythinium), which 
were probably of very early formation; the Cyclades and 
several islands of the JSgean visited in the Homeric times; 
the south of Spain, from whence silver was obtained (Tar*: 
tessus and Gades) ; the north of Africa, west of the lesser 
Syrtis (Utica, Hadrumetum, and Carthage); the countries in 
the north of Europe, from whence tin (^®^) and amber were 
derived; and two trading factories (^^o) i^ the Persian gul4 
the Baharein islands Tylos and Aradus. 

The amber trade, which was probably first directed to the 
west Cimbrian coasts, (*^*) and only subsequently to the 
Baltic and the country of the Esthonians, owes its first origin 
to the boldness and perseverance of Phoenician coast navi« 
gators. In its subsequent extension it offers, in the point 
of view of which we are treating, a remarkable instance of the 
influence which may be exerted by a predilection for even a 
single foreign production, in opening an inland trade between 
nations and in making known large tracts of country^ In 


the same way that the Phocsean Massilians brought the 
British tin across France to the Bhone^ the amber was con- 
veyed frojn people to people through Germany, and by the 
Celts on either declivity of the Alps to the Padus, and 
through Pannonia to the Borysthenes. It was this inland 
traffic which first brought the coasts of the northern ocean 
into connection with the Euxine and the Adriatic. 

Phoenicians from Carthage, and probably from the settle>- 
ments of Tartessus and Gades which were founded two 
eenturies earUer, visited an important part of the northwest 
coastof A&ica,extendingmuchbeyondCapeBojador; although 
the Chretes of Hanno is neither the Chremetesof Aristotle's 
Meteorology, nor yet our Gambia. (*y*) This was the locality 
of the many towns of Tyrians (according to Strabo even as 
many as 300,) which were destroyed by Pharusians and 
JN^igritians. (^^^j Among them, Ceme (Dicuil's Gauleai, 
according to Letronne) was the principal naval station and 
chief staple for the settlements on the coast. In the west 
the Canary islands and the Azores (which latter the son of 
Columbus, Don Fernando, considered to be the first Cas- 
sdterides discovered by the Carthaginians), and in the north 
the Orkneys, the Faroe islands, and Iceland, became the in- 
termediary stations of transit to the New Continent, They 
indicate the two paths by which the European portion of 
mankind became acquainted with Central and North America, 
This consideration gives to the question of the period when 
Porto Santo, Madeira, and the Canaries were first known to 
the Phoenicians, either of the mother country or of the cities 
planted in Iberia and AMca, a great, I might almost say a 
universal, importance in the history of the world. In a 
long protracted chain of events we love to trace the first 


links. It is probable that^ from the fomidations of Tartesscul 
and Utica by the Phoenicians, fully 2000 years elapsed before 
the discovery of America by the northern route, «. e. before 
Eric Bauda crossed the ocean to Greenland (an event which 
was soon followed by voyages to North Carolma), and 2500 
years before its discovery by the sonth western route taken 
by Columbus from a point of departure near the ancient 
Phoenician Gadeira. 

In following out that generalisation of ideas which be^ 
longs to the object of this work, I have here regarded thd 
discovery of a group of islands situated only 168 geogra^ 
phical miles from the coast of Africa, as the first link in a' 
long series of efforts tending in the same direction, and 
have not connected it with the poetic fiction, sprung from 
the inmost depths of the mind, of the Elysium, the Islands 
of the Blest, placed in the far ocean at earth's extremesi 
bounds, and warmed by the near presence of the disk of the 
setting sun. In this remotest distance was placed the seat 
of all the charms of life, and of the most precious produce 
tions of the earth ; (*7*) but as the Greeks' knowledge of tha 
Mediterranean extended, the ideal land, the geographical 
mythus of the Elysium, was moved farther and farther to thd 
west, beyond the Pillars of Hercules. True geographical 
knowledge, the discoveries of the Phoenicians,— -of the epoch 
of which we have no certain information,— did not probably 
£rst originate the mythus of the Fortunate Islands ; but thei 
application was made afterwards, and the geographical dis^ 
covery did but embody the picture which the imagin^tioa 
had formed, and of which it became^ M it were^ the suIh 

Later writers, such as the unknown compiler of the 

rarsiciii oomasicPLATioN of thb itiiivxbsx. 131 

^Collection of WonderM Narratioxis/' which was nscribed 
to Aristotle and of which Tunstui made rise, and such an 
the still more drcmnstantial Diodoros Sicnlns, when speak'^ 
iog of lovely islands^ which may be supposed to be the 
Canaries, aUnde to the storms which may have occa^ 
sioned their accidental discovery. Phoenician and Caitha* 
ginian ships, it is said, sailing to the settlements akeady 
existing on the Coast of Lybia, were driven out to sea; 
the event is placed at the early period of the Tyrrhenian 
naval power, during the strife between the Tyrrhenian Pe« 
lasgians and the Phcenicians. Statins Sebosus and the 
Numidian King Juba first gave names to the different 
islands, but unfortunately not Punic names, although cer«» 
taanly according to notices drawn from Punic books. Ku* 
tarch having said that Sertorius, when driven out of SpaiUi 
and after the loss of his fleet, thought of taking refuge 
''in a group, consisting of only two islands, situated 
in the Atlantic, ten thousand stadia to the west of the 
mouth of the Betis,'^ he has been supposed to refer to 
the two islands of Porto Santo and Madeira, (^7^) ind^ 
cated not obscurely by Pliny as Purpurarise* The strong 
current whichj beyond the Pillars of Hercules, sets from 
north west to south east, may long have prevented the 
icoast navigators from discovering the islands most distant 
from the continent, of which only the smaller (Porto Santo) 
was found inhabited in the fifteenth century. The curva^ 
ture of the earth would prevent the summit of the great 
volcano of Teneriffe from being seen, even with a strong 
refraction, by the Phoenician ships sailing along the coast of 
the continent ; but it appears from my researches (*''^) that 
it might have been discovered from the heights near Gape 




Eojador under favourable circumstances^ and especially 
during eruptions^ and by the aid of reflection from an de-^ 
vated cloud above the volcano. It has even been asserted 
that eruptions of Etna have been seen in recent times from 
Mount Taygetos. (i^) 

In noticing the elements of a more extended knowledge 
6f the earth which esorly flowed in to the Greeks from other 
parts of the Mediterranean^ we have hitherto followed the 
Phoenicians and Carthaginians in their intercourse with the 
northern countries from whence tin and amber w^te derived> 
and in their settlements near the tropics on the west coast 
of Africa. We have now to speak of a southern navigation 
of the same people to far within the torrid zone^ four thou* 
sand geographical miles east of Ceme and Hanno's westerd 
hom^ in the Prasodic and Indian Seas. Whatever 
doubts may remain as to the particular locnliiy of tha 
distant " gold lands" Ophir and Supara, — whether these 
gold lands were on the west coast of the Indian peninsula, 
or on the east coast of Africa^ — ^it is not the less certain thai 
this active Semitic race, early acquainted with written chai 
racters, roving extensively over the surface of the earthy 
and bringing its various inhabitants into relation with each 
other, came into contact with the productions of the most 
varied cUmates, ranging from the Cassiterides to south of 
the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, and far within the region of 
the tropics. The Tyrian flag waved at the same time in 
Britain and in the Indian ocean. The Phoenicians had 
formed trading settlements in the most northern part of th(( 
Arabian Gulf, in the harbours of Elath and Ezion Geber, a^ 
well as in the Persian Gulf at Aradus and Tylos, where^ 
according to Strabo, there were temples similar in their 


style of architecture to those of the Mediterranean. (^7^) 
The caravan trade which the Phoenicians carried on^ in order 
to procure spices and incense^ was directed by Fabnyra to 
Arabia Pelix^ and to the Chaldean or Nabathseic Qeriha» oa 
the western or Arabian shore of the Persian Gulf. 

The expeditions of Hiram and Solomon^ conjoint under* 
takings of ^he Tyrians and Israelites^ sailed from Ezion 
Geber through the Straits of Sab-el-Mandeb to Ophir 
(Opheir^ Sophir^ Sophara, the Sanscrit Supara(^7^) of 
Ptolemy). Solomon^ who loved magnificence, caused a 
fleet to be built in the Eed Sea, and Hiram supplied him 
with Phoenician mariners well acquainted with navigation, 
and also Tyrian vessels, '^ship^ of Tarshish/^ (^^) The* 
articles of merchandise which were brought back from Ophir 
were gold, silver, sandal wood (algummim), precious stones/ 
ivory, apes (kophim), and peacocks (thukkiim). The names 
by which these articles are designated are not Hebrew but 
Indian. (^®^) The researches of Gesenius, Benfey, and 
Lassen, have made it extremely probable that the western 
shores of the Indian peninsula were visited by the Phoeni-^ 
cians, who, by their colonies in the Persian Gidf, and by^ 
their intercourse with the Gerrhans, were early acquainted 
with the periodically blowing monsoons. Columbus was 
even persuaded that Ophir (the El Dorado of Solomon), and 
the mountain Sopora, were a part of Eastern Asia — of the 
Chersonesus Aurea of Ptolemy. {^^^) If it seem difficult to 
view "Western India, as a country productive in gold, it will 
be sufficient, without referring to the ''gold-seeking ants,J* 
or to Ctesias's unmistakable description of a foundry, (in 
which, however, according to his account, gold and iron, 
were melted together), {^^) to remember the vicinity of 


several places notable in this respect. Such are thd 
Southern part of Arabia, the Island of Dioscorides (Diu 
Zokotora of the modems, a corruption of the Sanscrit 
Dvipa Sukhatara), cultivated by Indian settlers, — and the 
auriferous East AMcan coast of Sofala. Arabia, and the 
island just mentioned to the south east of the Straits of 
Bab-el-Mandeb, formed for the \;ombined Phoenician and 
Hebrew commerce intermediate and uniting links between 
the Indian peninsula and the East Coast of Africa. Indians 
had settled on the latter from the earliest times as on a 
shore opposite to their own, and the traders to Ophir might 
find in the basin of the Erythrean and Indian Seas other 
sources of gold than India itself. 

Less influential than the Phoenicians in connecting dif- 
ferent nations and in extending the geographical horizon, 
, and early subjected to the Greek influence of Pelasgic Tyr- 
rhenians arriving from the sea, we have next to consider the 
austere and gloomy nation of the Etruscans. A not incon^^ 
siderable inland trade with the remote amber countries was 
carried on by them, passing through Northern Italy, and 
across the Alps, where a " via sacra*' (^^) was protected by all 
the neighbouring tribes. It seems to have been almost by the 
same route that the primitive Tuscan people, the Basense, came 
from Bhsetia to the Padus, and even still farther southward. 
That which is most important to notice, according to the 
point of view which we have selected, and in which we seek 
always to seize what is most general and permanent, is the 
influence exerted by the commonwealth of Etruriai on the 
earliest Boman civil institutipns^ and thus upon the whole 
of Boman hfe. The reflex action of this influence, in its re- 
motely derived consequences, may be said to be still politically 


operative even at the present day^ in as far as through Eome 
it has for centuries promoted^ or at least has given a pecu* 
liar character to the civilisation of a large portion of thef 
human race. {^^) 

A peculiar characteristic of the Tuscans, which is espe- 
cially deserving of notice in the present work, was the dis? 
position to cultivate intimate relations with certain natural 
phsenomena. Divination, which was the occupation of the 
caste of equestrian and warrior priests, occasioned the daily 
observation of the meteorological processes of the atmo? 
uphere. The ^^Pulguratores^' occupied themselves with the 
examination of the direction of lightnings, with *^ drawing 
them down," and '' turning them aside/' {^^) They dis- 
tinguished carefully between lightnings from the elevated 
region of clouds, and lightnings sent from below by Saturn 
(an earth god), (^^7) and called Satumian Ughtnings: a distinc- 
tion which modem physical science has considered deserving 
of particular attention. Thus there arose official records of 
the occurrence of thunderstorms. (^^) The " AquaBlicium** 
practised by the Etruscans, the supposed art of finding water 
iBuid drawing forth hidden springs, implied in the Aquilegee 
an attentive examination of the natural indications of 
the stratification of rocks, and of the inequalities of the 
ground. Diodorus praises their habita of investigating 
nature ; it may be remarked in addition, that the high-bom 
and powerful sax^erdotal ca^te of the Tarquinii offered tho 
rare example of favouring physical knowledge. 

Before proceeding to the Greeks, — ^to that highly gifted 
race in whose intellectual culture our own is most deeply 
rooted, and through whom has been transmitted to us an 
important part of all the earlier views of nature^ and know-* 


ledge of countries and of nations, — ^we have named the more 
ftneient seats of civilisation in Egypt, Phoenicia, and Etruria; 
and have considered the basin of the Mediterranean, in its 
peculiarities of form and of geographical position relatively 
to other portions of the eaJrth's surface, and in regard to the 
influence which these have exerted on commercial inter- 
course with the West Coast of Africa, with the North of 
Europe, and with the Arabian and Indian Seas. No por- 
tion of the earth has been the theatre of more frequent 
changes in the possession of power, or of more active arid 
Varied movement under mental influences. The progressiva 
movement propagated itself widely and enduringly through 
the Greeks and the Romans, and especially after the 
latter had broken the Phoenicio-Oarthaginian power. That 
which we call the beginning of history, is but the record 
of later generations. It is a privilege of the period at 
which we live, that by brilliant advances in the general and 
comparative study of languages, by the more careful search 
for monuments, and by their more certain interpretation, the 
historical investigator finds that his scope of vision enlarges 
daily; and penetrating through successive strata, a higher 
antiquity begins to reveal itself to his eyes. Besides the 
different cultivati^d nations of the Mediterranean which we 
have named, there are also others shewing traces of ancient 
civilisation, — as in Western Asia the Phrygians and Lycians, 
-^and in the extreme west the Turdali and Turdetani. {^^) 
Strabo says of the latter, "they are the most civilised of all 
the Iberians; they have the art of writing, and possess 
written books of old memorials, and also poems and laws in 
metrical verse, to which they ascribe an age of six thousand 
years/' I have referred to these particular instances as 


indicating how much of ancient cultivation^ even in Enro* 
pean nations^ lias disappeared without leaving traces which 
we can follow; and for the sake of shewing that the history 
6f early oosmieal views^ or of the physical contemplation of 
which we treat, is necessarily confined within restricted limits^ 

Beyond the 48th degree of latitude, north of the sea of 
Azof and of the Caspian, between the Don, the Volga., and 
the Jaik, where the latter flows from the southern and auri« 
fi^ous portion of the Ural, Europe and Asia melt as it were 
into each other in wide plains or steppes. Herodotus, and 
before him Fherecydes of Syros, considered the whole of 
Northern Scythiaa Asia (Siberia), as belonging to Sannatic 
Europe, {^^) and even as forming a part of Europe itself« 
Towards the south, Europe and Asia are distinctly separated ; 
but the &r projecting peninsula of Asia Minor, and the 
varied shores and islands of the ^gean Sea, forming, as it 
were, a bridge between the two continents, have afforded an 
easy transit to races, languages, manners, and civilisation* 
Western Asia has been from the earhest times the great 
highway of nations migrating from the East, as was the 
north-west of Hellas for the Illyrian races. The archipelago 
of the iBgean, divided under Fhoenician, Persian, and Greek 
dominion, formed the intermediate link between the Greek 
world and the far East. 

When the Phrygian was incorporated with the Lydiaa 
find the latter with the Persian empire, the circle of ideas of 
the Asiatic and European Greeks was enlarged by the 
contact. The Persian sway was extended by the warlike 
entCTprises of Cambyses and Darius Hystaspes, from Cyrene 
and the Nile to the fruitful lands on the Euphrates and the 
Indus. A Greek, jSoylax of £aryanda, was employed to 



examine the course of the Indus^ from the then kingdom <^ 
Eashmeer (Kaspapyrus), {^^^) to the mouth of the river. 
The Greeks had carried on an active intercourse mih 
Egypt (with Naucratis and the Felusiac arm of the Nile) 
under Psammetichus and Amasis^ {^^^) before the Persian 
conquest. In these various ways many Greeks were with- 

distant colonies which we shall have occasion to refer to in 
the sequel^ but also as hired soldiers^ forming the nucleus of 
foreign armies^ in Carthage^ {^^^) Egypt, Babylon, Persia^ 
and the Bactrian country round the Chnis. 

A deeper consideration of the individual character and 
popular temperament of the diiSerent Greek races has shewn, 
that if a grave and exclusive reserve in respect to all beyond 
their own boundaries prevailed amongst the Dorians, and par-* 
tially among the .Allans, the gayer Ionic race, on the other 
hand, were distinguished by a vividness of life, incessantly 
stimulated by energetic love of action, and by eager desire 
of investigation, to expand towards, the world without as well 
as to expatiate in inward contemplation. Directed by the ob- 
jective tendency of their mode of thought, and embellished 


by the richest imagination in poetry and art, Ionic life, 
when transplanted in the colonised cities to other shores, 
scattered every where the beneficent germs of progressive 

As the Grecian landscape possesses in a high degree the 
peculiar charm of the intimate blending of land and seaj^ (^^) 
80 likewise was the broken configuration of the coast line, 
which produced this blending, well fitted to invite to early 
navigation, active commercial intercourse, and contact vrith 
litrangers* The dominion of the sea by the Cretans and 

ntsicjOi eonTEuvLATRw C9 TsonrsfUMiusB, 189 

Sbodians was follimed hf ttw expeditions of the 
VhocssssiB, TapHants^ and ThespiotianB^ which, it must bo 
admitted, were at first directed to canyii^ off captiyes and 
to plunder. Hesiod^s aversion to a maritime life may 
probably be regarded as an individual aentimeiity though it 
may also indicate that at an early stage of dvilisation inex» 
perience and timidity arising from want of knowledge of 
naatieal affairs prevailed on the mainland ef Gteeoe. On 
the other hand, the most ancient legendary stories and myths 
relate to extensive wandenngs, as if the yonthfiil fancy of 
mankind delighted in the contrast betwem these ideal 
creations and the restricted reality. Examples of these are 
seen in Ihe joumeyings of Dicmysns and ef the- Tytisn 
Bercnles (Melkart, in the temj^e at Gadeiia), the wan* 
darings of lo, (^9^) and those of the often resuscitated 
Aiisteas, of the marvdious Hyperb(«ean Abaris, in whose 
guiding arrow (^^) some have thought that they recognised 
the compass. We see in these joumeyings the reciprocal 
reflection of occurrences and of ancient views of the world, and 
we can even trace the reaction of the progressive advance in 
the latter on the mixed mythical and historical narrations. 
In the wanderings of the heroes returning from Troy, Aris^ 
tonichus makes Menelaus drcumnavigate Africa^ (^^7) and 
sail from Gkdeira to India five hundred years before Necho8« 
In the period of which we are now treating, i. e. in the 
history of the Oreek world previous to the Macedonian ex- 
peditions to Asia, three classes of events espedaBy influenced 
the Hellenic view of the universe; these were the attempts 
made to penetrate beyond the basin of the Mediterranean 
towards the East, the attemptiS towards the West, and the foun<» 
dstion of numerous colonies from the Straits of Hercules to ih0 

VOL. 11. L 


North Eastern part of the Euxine. These Greek cdoiuai- 
irere far more varied in their political constitution^ and far • 
more favourable to the pr(^ess of intellectual cultivation^ , 
than those of the Bhoeniciaus and Carthaginians in the 
^gean Sea^ in Sidly, Iberia, and on the North and West . 
Coasts of Africa. . 

Ihe pressing forwards towards the East about twelve, 
eenturies before our era and a century and a half afi;er. 
Bamses Miamoun (Sesostris), when regarded as an historical . 
event, is called the " expedition of the Argonauts to Colchis/* 
The actual reality which, in this narration, is clothed in a . 
mythical garb, or mingled with ideal features to which the . 
minds of the narrators gave birth, was the fulfilment 
of a national^ desire to <^en tho inhospitable Euxine. The 
legend of Prometheus, and the unbinding the chains of the 
fee-bringiug Titan on the Caucasus by Hercules in jour- 
neying eastward)— the ascent of lo from the valley of the 
Hybrites {^^^) towards the- Caucasus, — ^and the mythus of. 
Phryxus and'HeUe, — all point to the same path on which. 
Phoenician navigators had earlier adventured. 

Before the Doric and ^olic migration, the Boeotian Or- 
chomenus, near the north end of the Lake of Copais, was a • 
rich commercial city of tiie Minyans. The Argonautic ex- 
pedition, however, began at lolchus, the chief seat of the . 
^essalian Minyans on the Pagasaean Gulf* , The locality of 
the^egend, which, as respects the aim- and supposed termi- 
nation of the enterprise, has at different times undergone 
various modifications, (^^^) became attached to the mouth of 
the Phasift (Rion), and to Colchis, a seat of more ancient 
civilisation, instead of to the undefined distant land of jEa. 
t!he voyages of the Milesians^ and the numerous towns 


planted by them on the Enxiney procured a more exact 
knowledge of the north and east boundaries of that sea, thus 
giving to the geographical portion of the mythus more 
d^nite outlines. An important series of new views b^aii 
at the same time to open; the west coast of the neighbour*' 
ing Caspian had long been the only one known, and Heca* 
tsBus still regarded this western shore (^ as that of the 
encircling eastern ocean ; it was the venerable > father of 
history who first taught the fact^ which after him. was 
again contested for six centuries until the time of Ptolemy; 
that the Caspian Sea is a closed basin^ surrounded by. 
land on every side. 

In the north east corner of the Black Sea an extensive 
field was also opened to ethnology. Men were astonished 
at the multipUciiy of languages which they encountered ; (^^) 
and the want of skilful interpreters (the first aids and rough 
instruments of the comparative study of languages) was 
strongly felt. The exchange of commodities led traders be- 
yond the Mseotic Gulf (which was supposed to be of far 
larger dimensions than it reaUy is)^ through the steppe 
vrhere the horde of the central Kii^his now pasture thdr 
herds, — and through a chain of Scythian-Scolotic tribes of 
the Argippseans and Issedones (who I take to be of Indo- 
Germanic (202) origm), to the Arimaspes {^^) dwelling on* 
the northern declivity of the Altai, and possessing much- 
gold. . Here is the ancient " kingdom of the Grifim/' the' 
site of the meteorological mythus of the Hyperboreans, (^o*) 
which has wandered with Hercules far to the westward. 

It maybe conjectured that the part of Northern Asia 
ibove alluded to (which has again been rendered cele- 
)rated in our own .days by the Siberian gold washings), as 

-U I 

li& TSmCIPAI. EfOGBB m THK maiOllT <» THB 

iceH fis the laarge qnantily of gold whichj in the tine of 
HerodotaSy had beea accomitlated asioiig the Massagets 
(a tribe of Gothic descent)^ became^ bj means of the intse* 
Course q>e&ed with the Eiudne^ an importanif: source of 
wealth and hixuzy to the Greeks. I place the locality ai 
tttts souzee between the 59d and &5th d^iees of latitade* 
'Ehe r^on of atmfiorous sand, of which the Daradas 
(Dafders os Derdevs^ menticaied in the Mahabharata^ and 
ia the fragments of Megasthenes^) ga^e intelligence to the 
travellers^ and with which the often repeated &ble of the 
g^gantie ante became conaected, owing to the accidental 
double meaning of a name^ (^^) belongs to a more southern 
latitude|S&^ or 37^. It would fall (accordmg to which ot 
two combinatictts was preferred)^ either in the Thibetian 
high land east of the Bohtt dain^ between the Himalayaand 
Ku^-ltio^ west of lakardo ; or north of those mountains^ to* 
wards the desert of Gobi, which is also described as bdng rich 
in gold by the Chinese traveller and accurate observer Hiuen« 
tiisangj in the beginning of the seventh century of our enu 
How much more accessible to the trade of the Milesian 
colonies on the north east of the Euxine, must have been 
the gold of the Azimaspes and the Massagetee ! It has 
appeared to me suitable to the subject of the present portion 
of my work> to allnde thus generally to all that belongs to 
an important and stiU recently operating result of the 
opening of the Euxine, and of the first advances of the 
Greeks towards tiie East. 

The great event, so productive of change, of the Done 
migration and the return of the Heradidse to the Pelopon- 
nesus^ falls about a century and a half after the semi* 
s^hical e^^edition of the Argonai^ts, i. e. after the opening 


of the Eoxine to Greek Bavigatioii and oommeree. Ttnk 
migration, together with the fonndation of new states and 
new institntions, first gave rise to the syntematie establish^ 
dent of odonial cities^ whidi markiB an important epodi in 
tiie histcHy of Greece^ and nidch became most inflnential on 
mtellectaal cultivation based on enlarged views of the 
natoral wodd* The more intimate connection of Enrc^ 
and Asia was especially dependent on ihe establishment of 
oolonies; thej formed a diain from Sinope, Dioscnrias, and 
the Taoiic Panticapeenm, to Ssffontnm and Gyrene; the 
latter founded from the rainless Theiik 

By no andenl nation were more nnmerons, or for the 
most part more powerful, cdinial cities established ; bift 
it diould also be remarked, that four or five centuries 
dapsed from the foundation of the ddest ^olian colonieii, 
among which Mytilene and Smyrna wero chiefly distin> 
guished, to the foundation of Syracuse, Oroton, and Gyrene. 
The Indians and the Malays only attempted the formatioli 
of fedble setdem^ts on ihe East Coast of Africa, in Soco- 
toia (Diosooiides), and in the Soutiii Asiatic Archipehgo. 
The Phoenicians had, it is tin^ a h^hly advanced colonial 
system, extendmg over a still larger space than the Grecian^ 
sfxetching (althou^ with wide interruptions between the 
stations) ftoQi the Feroian Gulf to Cerne on the West Coast 
of Africa. No mother country has ever founded n colony 
which became at once so powerfrd in conquest and in com^ 
toerce as Gaitlu^ But Caithage, notwithstanding W 
greatness, was iiur infmor to the Greek colonial cities in all 
that belongs to intellectual culture^ and to the most nobis 
and beantafol creations of art 

X^et itf not forget that tbeie fioarished at the same ttma 


many populous Greek cities in Asia Minor, on the shores of 
the iBgean Sea, in Lower Italy, and in Sicily; that Miletus 
.and Massilia became, like Carthage, the founders of fresh 
colonies ; that Syracuse, at the sununit of its power, fought 
^against Athens, and against the armlet of Hannibal and of 
.Hamilcar ; and that Miletus was for a long time the fijcst 
commercial city in the world after Tyre and Carthage. 

Whilst ahfe so rich in inteUectnal moveiment and aninw 
tion was thus developed externally by the activity of a people 
, whose internal state was so often violently agitated, and whilst 
the native cultivation, transplanted to other shores, propa- 
, gated iiSeK< afresh, and prosperity increased, new germs 
of mental national development were every where elicited. 
Community of language and of worship bound together 
the most distant members, and through them the mother 
.country took part in. the wide circle of the. life of other 
nations. Foreign elements were received into the Greek 
world without detracting anything from ths greatness of its 
,own independent character. No doubt the influence of con- 
tact with the East, and with Egypt before it had beeome 
Persian, more than a hundred years before,- the invasion of 
Cambyses,-^inust have been more permanent in its nature, 
.than the influence of the settlements of Cecrops from Sais, 
of Cadmus from FhoBnioia, and of Danaus from Chemmi;?, 
the reality of which has been much contested, atle^ 
wrapped in obscurity. 

The peculiar characteristics which, pervading the whqjb 

« organisation of the Greek colonies, distinguished them troi^k 

all others^ and especially from the Phoenician, arose from the 

distinctness and original diversity of the races : into^whiih 

f the parent nation was divided. Iii the HeUeniaookiiues, 


(ms in all that belonged to ancient Greece^ there existed a 
^.mixture of uniting and dissevering forces, which by their 
opposition imparted variety of tone, form, and character, not 
only to ideas and feelings, but also to poetic and artistic 
conceptions, and gavo to all that rich loxuriance and fulness 
of life, in which apparently hostile forces are resolved, accord- 
ing to a higher universal order, into combining harmony. 

If Miletus, Ephesus, and Colophon were Ionic, Cos, 

.'Bhodes, and Halicamassus Doric, and Croton and Sybaris 

Achaian, yet in the midst of all this diversity, and ^ven 

where, as in lowar Italy, towns founded by different races 

dtood side by side, the power of the Homeric songs exer- 

ccised over all- alike its uniting spell* Notwithstanding the 

•deeply rooted contrasts of manners and of political institu- 

tiops, and notwithstanding the fluctuations of the latter, 

'. still Oreek nationality remained unbroken and undivided, 

■ and the :wide range of ideas and of lypes of art, achieved 

by tiie several races, was regarded as the common propertjr 

aA the entire united nation* 

. There still remains to notice, in the present section, the 
tiiird point to wMch I before referred, as having been, con- 
lenrrently with the opening of the Euxine, and the establish- 
ment of colonies along the margin of the Mediterranean, 
influential ^ on . the enlargement of physical views. The 
foundation of Tartessus and Gades, where a temple was 
dedicated to the wandering divinity Melkart (a son of 
Baal), and the colony of Utica, more ancient than Carthage, 
remind us that Phoenician ships had sailed in the open 
. ocean for several centuries, when the straits, which Pindar 
\. termed: the ^^ Gadeirian Gate" {^),'weTt still closed to the 
<;,Gxeek3* As:the';.theEast, by opening the 


Eimne (^^), kid tbe groundwork of commnnicafioiB wUdii 
led to aa active overland comm^^ce with the north of Euicips 
and Asia, and in much lat» tkoes with the Qxos and the 
. Indus, 80 the S^oianB (^ audtiie FhoeanaB (^9) were the 
first among tiie Greeks who sought to pendrate to ihe weeik 
bsjond the limits of the Mediterranean* 

OolsBus of Samos sailed iot Egypt, where at ibak 
time 1^ interooorse with the Gredcs (wMch perhaps was 
onfy the remewal of former commnnications) liad began 
to take jdaoe under Psammetidios ; he was dnven \q 
easteilj winds and tonpests to the ishmd of Platea, and 
ihence, Hecodotos signfficsntly aidds ** not without dime 
dsxec&m/* ihsongh the Straits into the ocean. It was net 
. jnerely the nmgnitade of ihe unexpected gain of a conmiercB 
opened with the Iberian Tartessos, but sfciH more the dis* 
covery in «pace, ik^ eixtranee into a worM before unknown 
ior thoi^ht of only in mythical conjectures, whidi gave to 
4liis event graud^ur and oelebrity tlnx)iQ^umt the Mediter- 
ranean, wherever the Greek tongne was undezstood. Beed, 
beyond the PiJlazs of Hercules (earii^ cafied the PiUam of 
Sriarens, of JBgseon, and ^<konos), at the western margii 
of the Earth, on the way to ^e Elyeian re^OBs and to the 
Hesperides, the Ored^s first saw the primeval waters of the 
all-encirding ocean {mpo$^) (^^), ^ origin, astii^ believe^ 
of all rivers. 

On arrivmg at the Vbma, the «q>lorejB of the Enadns 
had found that sea tenainated by a shone, bqrond which a 
labled ''6un lake'' was supposed to exist; Imt the Gbeeb 
who reaphed the Atlantic, on looking soiMliwaKd iam 
Cfadeira and Tartessus, gazed onward into s boundlsBS 
o^gion, Jt was tUa wluch, for fiftem hundred years^ gsft 

rBJsaiASs coNTUWLAXfoir ov TBS TOirmasx. UT 

io the ^'gate of the interior sea'' « peculiar ittportanoeu 
Ever strotdbing forwards towards that whieh laj bqroftd* 
one maiiEtime people after anothei^ PhoBoiciaBgy Greeks^ 
Arabians^ Catalans^ Mijoreans^ FrenehsLen firom Dieppe 
land La BocheUc^ Genoese^ Yenetjansj Pcurtqgaese^ and 
Spaniardsy made snccessive efEbrts to penetrate onwaids ia 
Hie Atiantie OoeaOf which was hmg r^arded as a varj, 
shallow^ misfy sea of darkness (nuoe tenebrosun) ; unti], « 
at were station bj station, by the Caiudes and the Azaree^ 
ihey at last arrived at the New Continent^ whidi^ howereiV 
Northmen had aheadj reacted at aa eadier period and bjr 
juaother route. 

When the eipediliaBS of Alexainder irere malmg known 
to the Greeks the regions of the East, conaideratioBS on 
the form of the Earth were leading the great Stagirite 
(^^^) to the idea of the nearness of India to the Pillars 
^ Hercules.^ Strabo even formed the oonjecture, that in 
the northern hemisphere— -perhaps in the parallel which 
fasses throngh the Pilkrsj through the island of Ehodes, 
and throngh Thinffi — ''there might exist intermediatelj be- 
tween the shores of western Europe and«astem Asia several 
other habitable lands" {^^^). The assigmnent of th^ 
locality of such lands in ihe continnaticm of the length of 
the Mediterranean was ^connected with a grand geographical 
view put forward by Eratosthenes and extensively enter- 
tained in antiquity, according to which the whole of the 
old €ontii^nt, in its widest extent from west to east, nearly 
in the parallel of 86°, would form an almost continuous line 
of elevation P^'). 

But the expedition of Golrous of Samos not only marked 
an epoch which ofEered to the Greek raees, and to the 


nations which inherited their civilisation, new prospects and 
A new outlet for maritime enterprises, — ^it was also the means 
of making known a fact by which the range of physical 
ideas was more immediatdy enlarged. A great natural 
phenomenon which, by the paiodical upraising of the level 
' of the sea, renders visible the relations which connect the 
Earth with the Moon and the Sun, now first permanently 
arrested attention. When seen in the Syrtes of Africa, this 
phenomenon had appeared to the Greeks accidental and 
irr^ular, and had been sometimes even an occasion of danger, 
Posidonius now observed the ebb and flood at Ilipa and 
Gadeira, and compared his observations with what the 
jexperienced Phoenicians were able to tdl hmi respecting 
the influence of the Moon. ^^) 




Ifiiitarj Expeditions of the Macedonians nnder Alexander the Great. 
— Change in the mutual relations of different parts of the 
World. — ^Fusion of the West with the East, by the promotion, 
through Greek influence, of a union between different nations 
&om the Nile to the Euphrates, the Jaxartes and the Indus.-*-- 
The knowledge of nature possessed by the Greeks suddenly 
enlarged, both by direct observation^ and by intercourse with 
nations addicted to industry and commerce, and possessing aa 
ancient civilization. 

The Macedoman Expeditions under Alexander the Greaty 
the downfal of >the Persdan Empire^ the begioning of int^- 
conise with Western India!, and the influence of the 116 
years' duration of the Greco-Bactrian kingdom^ mark one ot 
the most important epochs of General History; or of thM 
part of the progressive development of the History of the 
Human Bace^ which treats of the more intimate communi- 
cation and union of the European countries of the West 
.with South-Westem Asia, the Valley of the Nile and Lybisu 
The sphere of the development of community of life, or of the 
common action and mutual influence of different nation3j 
was not only immensely enlarged in material space, but it 
was also powerfully strengthened, and its moral grandeui 
increased, by the constant tendency of the uncepsing eSocfai 


of the conqueror towards a blending of all the different 
faces, and the formation of a general unity, under the ani- 
mating influences of the Grecian spirit (3^^). The founda- 
tion of so many new cities at points the selection of which 
indicates higher and more general aims, the formation and 
arrangement of an independent community for the govem- 
ment of those cities, the tenderness of treatment towards 
national usages and native worship, aU testify that the phn 
for a great organic whole was laid. At a later period, as it 
always the case, much which may not have been originally 
comprehended in the pkn, developed itsdf from the 
aiature of the rdbtions^ established. If we remembei 
that only 6t Olympiads elapsed from the battle of the 
<3ramcus to the destructive irruption of the Sacse and 
^ochan into Bactria, we shall look with admiration on 
the permanent influence, and the wonderfully uniting and 
combining power of the Greek cultivation thus introduced 
from the West; which mingled with Arabian, and with 
later Pearsian and Indian knowle%e, exerted its actioti 
ontfl far into the middle ages, so as to render it often 
^doubtful what to ascribe to Grecian influence, and what to 
the original spirit of invmtion or discovery of those Asiatio 

All the civil institutions and measures of this dating 
0(mqu^(»r shew that the principle of union and unity, of 
xather a sense of tiie useful pditical influence of this 
iprinciple, was deeply seated in his mind. Even as applied 
to Greece, it had been early impressed upon him by hid 
great teacher. In the Politics of Aristotle {^^^) we read : — 
^The Asiatic nations are not wanting in activity of mind 
isd skill in art 5 yet they live listlessly in subjection and 


servitaicle, nrhik the QjxAb, vigorous sod soaceptible, living 
in freedoia and tfaerefbre vdl govemed, mff^A^^ iftkey teem 
untied in one stale, subdue and rule over all barbarians^ 
ThiiB the Stf^irite wrote duriag bis second stay at Athem 
(^1^7)^ before AlexKider had yet passed the Gramcns. These 
nasims^ howevear the Stagirite might elsewhere hav« 
q^ea of an unlimited dinninioB {riuf^wCUia) as nanatujraljL 
doubtless made a more powerful impression on the mind (A 
the conqueror, than the imaginative accounts of India 
given by Ctesias, to which August Wilhebn von Schlegel. 
and before him Bte. GroJj^ aUxibated so much impcv- 
tance (^w). 

The preceding section was devoted to a brief description 
of the influence of the sea as the combining and umtmg 
element ; we have diewn how this infltlence was eX;teBded 
by the navigation of the Phoenieians, Garthaginians, 
Tyrrhenians, and Tuscans; and how the Greeks, luwing 
their naval power strengthened by numerous eoloniesj 
advanced from the Basin of the Mediterranean towards the 
east and the west, by the Ai^nauts from lolchos and by the 
Samian Golaeus; and how towards the south the expedi-^ 
tions of Solomon and Hiram passing through the Bed Sea, 
visited the distant Gold lands in voyages to Ophir. Tha 
preset section will conduct us prindpally into the interior 
of a great continent on paths opened by land traffic and by^ 
nver navigation. In the short interval of twelve yearsr 
liiere followed successively, the expeditions into Western 
Asia and Sjnna, with the battles of the Granicus and of the 
passes of the Issus; the siege and taking of l^e; the easy 
possession of Egypt ; the Babylonian and Persian campaign,, 
in which at Arbela (in the plain of Gaugamda) tha 


ivorld-domimon of the Achseinenides was aimihilated; the: 
eipedition to Bactna and Sogdiana, between the Hindoo. 
Coosh and the Jaxartes (Syr); and^ lastly^ the daring 
advance into the conntry of the five rivers (Pentapotamia) of 
Western India. Alexander planted Greek settlements ahnost 
every where^ and diffosed Grecian manners over the immense 
region extending from the temple of Ammon in the 
Lybian Oasis^ and firom Aletandria on the western Delta 
qI the Nile, to the Northern Alexandria on the Jaxartes^ 
the present Eodjend in Fergana, 

The extension of the new field opened to consideration 
—and this is the point of view from which we must 
regard the enterprises of the Macedonian conqueror and 
the continuance of the Bactrian Empire, — ^proceeded from' 
the large geographical space made known, and the diversity 
ot climates, from Cyropolis on the Jaxartes in the 
latitude of Tiffis and Bome, to the eastern Delta of the 
Indus, near Tira, under the tropic of Cancer. Let us add 
the wonderful variety in the character and elevation of 
the ground, including rich and fruitful lands, desert wastes, 
and snowy mountains; the noveliy and gigantic size of the 
productions of the animal and vegetable kingdoms; the 
aspect and geographical distribution of races of men differ- 
ing in colour; the living contact with the nations of the 
East, highly gifted in some respects, enjoying a civiliza- 
tion of high antiquity, with their religious myths, their 
systems of philosophy, their astronomical knowledge, and 
their astrological phantasies. At no other epoch (with the 
exception, eighteen centuries and a half later, of the dis- 
covery and opening of tropical America), was there offered, 
at one time and to one part of the human race; a greater 


influx of new views of natuie, and more abundant materials r 
for the foundation of physical geography and comparatiye. 
ethnological studies. The vividness of the impression 
produced thereby is testified by the whole of western- 
literature; it is testified even by the doubts (always 
attendant on what speaks to our imagination in the 
description of scenes of nature)^ which the accounts (^ 
Megasthenes^ Nearchus^ Aristobulus^ and other followers* 
of Alexander^ raised in the minds of Greek and subsequently . 
of Boman writers. Those narrators^ subject to the colour- > 
ing and influence of the period in which they Hved, and 
constantly mixing up facts and individual opinions or con*' 
lectures^ have experienced the changeful fate of all travellers^ > 
from bitter blame at first to sub^quent milder criticism- 
and justification. The latter has especially prevailed in our 
days, when a deep study of Sanscrit, a more general 
knowledge of native geographical names, Bactrian coins 
discovered in Topes, and above all the immediate view of. 
the country itself and of its organic productions, have 
furnished to critics elements which were wanting to the/ 
partial knowledge of Eratosthenes so frequent in censure, ^ 
of Strabo, and of Pliny (^i^). 

If we compare in difierence of longitude the length of 
the Mediterranean with the distance &om west to east- 
which divides Asia Minor from tibie shores of the Hyphasis > 
(Beas), and from the *^ Altars of Eetum,^^ we perceive that : 
the geography of the Greeks was doubled in the course 
of a few years. . In orcler to indicate more particularly the- 
character of that which I have termed the rich increase of 
materials for physical geography and natural knowledge^ 
dbtidned by the expeditions of Alexander, I would; 

Xi4t SP00H9 DV 9^ VfSffOBT ^ff THE fXfSTBMVLAltOff 

nkt ftrst to the lenuricaUe divendty presented hf • 
the earth's sni&car In the oonntries whidi the army* ' 
traversed^ low lancbr^ — desert's devoid of vegetatioii or sail 
steppes, (as on the north of the Asf emh cham wUeh: is a 
<xmt!nna.tioii of the Tiaii-scJia!D)/-Hnid the ftmr large, ealtf- 
v»ted, and rich aDnvial districts of the EnphrateSy the 
Indus, the Oxos, and &e 7«x»rtes, — contrasted wiA 
enowj mountains of nearlj 20,000 feet of elevation. The 
Hindoo Coosh, or In£an Caaeasus of the Maoedomans, is 
ft continuation of tile Kuen4tan of North lM)efc, and in 
its farther estension towards Ha*at, on the west ef Ite ' 
transverse north and soutii chain of BoIcmt, it divides into two 
great chains boimding Kefiristan (^, t&e southern of 
which is the loftiest and most important* Alexander 
passed over the j^ateau of Bamian, which has morethaa 
8000 feet of elevation, and in which the cave of' 
Prometheus was supposed to be seen (^i), gained the 
crest of Eohibaba, and passed ovorKabura, and along the 
ODurse of the Ghoes to cress the Indus above the preset 
Attock. The Hindoo Goosh, crowned with eternal snow, 
which, according to Bumes, begins near Bamian sA an 
elevation of 12,200 French feet, must, when compared with 
the humbler heighib of the Taurus to which the Gre^ 
were accustomed, have given to them occasion to reoognne 
on a more colossal scale the superposition of different< 
SBones of climate and v^etation« That which elemen* 
taiy nature displays thus visibly, when presented to the 
senses of men produces in susosptiUe minds- a deep and 
lasting effect. Strabo gives a highly graphio des(8riptbn 
of. the passage over the meuntaineufl land of the Piuo- - 
paoisadse, where the- aimy opened tea itself witti tdl^ 


a passive through the snow^ and where all arborescent 
v«?getation ceases (222). 

The dwellers in the west received through the 
Macedonian settlements accurate accounts of Indian pro* 
ductions of nature and of art^ of which little more than 
the names were previously known by reports derived 
either through more ancient commercial connections^ or 
through Ctesias of Cnidos who had lived for seventeen 
years at the Persian court as the physician of Artaxerxesi 
Mnemon. Such were the watered noe fields^ of the 
cultivation of which Aristobulus gave a particular account ; 
the cotton shrub and the fine tissues and paper (223) 
for which it fumii^hed the materials; spices and opium; 
wine made &om rice^ and from the juice of pahns^ the 
Sanscrit name of which^ tala, has been preserved .by 
Arrian (22*); sugar from the sugar-cane (225), which, 
indeed, is often confounded by the Greek and Boman 
imters with the Tabaschir of bamboo stems ; wool &om 
the great Sombax trees (226) » shawls from the wool of the 
Thibetian goat ; silken (Serie) tissues (227) • oil of white 
gesamum (Sanscrit, tila) ; oil of roses and other perfumes;: 
lac (Sanscrit, lakscha, and in the vulgar tongue, lakkha) 
(228) ; and, lastly, the hardened Indian wootz steel. 

Besides the knowledge of these productions, which 
soon became the objects of an extensive commerce, 
and of which several were transplanted into Arabia by 
the SdeucidfiB (229)^ the aspect of nature in these richly 
adorned subtropical regions propored for the Greeks 
enjoyments of a different kind. Gigantic forms of 
plants and animals never before seen filled the imagina*' 
tion with exciting imagery. Writers from whose severe 

VOL. n. M 


iad iKaientific sfyle anj degree of ioBpiietiaa is «ke« 
where entirely absent, become poetieal witen descfibi]!^ 
tile habits of Vke dflphaot^'^ihe height of the ixees^ 
''to the sammit of which an arronr taxmot lea^, and 
whose leares ase broader thim the shieldB of infantiy^''-^^ 
the bamboo, n Hght^ feathery, arboorescent grass, ''dF 
which emgk joinis (iniemodia) semred as {our-oaied 
boate^ — «nd the Radian fig4fee, whose pendant braadio 
tok^ T06t arouad the parent «iem, which attains a diameter 
cf -28 feet, '^ fanning,'' ae OnesierituB es^esses hmadf 
with grBat^imth to natore, '' a leafy ctsaoipj siixdlar te ■% 
mimy-piUared tent.^ The tree^em, which aeeordii^ 4o 
zoy feelings is *&e greatest ornament of Ifhe tropies, is 
never mentioned by Alexander's ^onqpanioiis (^o) ; %fft 
ih^ speak of the magnificent &ai-tike nmbrella pdhaei, 
and of the delicate «nd ever firerii green of the cnltv^atel 
baamnft {^^y» 

Howcfcff the fint tone the knowledge of a large part -rf 
tire earth's «iaface was -trdy opened. The wcarld of objeefts 
eame forward with p*eponderatiQg power to mieet ihd ef 
snbjeotive creakion; and while the 'Grecian language wA 
literatui^, and their dEertilisiDg influx on the human miiBi, 
were widely diffiised through ihs medium of AJiexaodei's 
cdniquests, atihe same time scientific observation and fte 
sjpstematic avaSment of the knewledge.obtained, were brought 
into clear Ught iby theieachxng and^Lample of Amstotie (^^ 
We toudi here 4m the happy eoincidence by yrbkk, 0t the 
VBiy same epoch when tiaere ma suddenly oflfered so im- 
mense a 8up{% uf new materials of 'huanaii laiowledge^ 
thebr so^ordinatioa and inteyeetud wrailmeiit were facdU 
tated and midtipiifta,^thBaugh the sew dindtkoi given Igr 


fbe :8tagiiii» to the enapirioal ssseareh of fiicts in tbe 
daoHim of atattuse^ to the workiiigs of the mind mhai 
phaaiging into the depths of apecuktioi^ and to the foi-i 
lOfstBem of B scientific Um^age^ by which eveiythi^ 
m^j be accixrotely defined. Thus Anstotle zezofiin^ for 
thoiwandfi of yeans ;to com^ accofdingto Dante^s fineioB*. 
•pt&mmg '^il maestro di eolor che eanno^' ^)* 
. The belief in an immediate enrichaient of Aristotle's zoo* 
kgjcal. knowledge by the campaigns of Alexander has been 
nandered vety nncertain, if not entirely dissipated by ro» 
dent and very careful researches. The miseNible compib* 
tion of a li& of the Stagirite, which was long ascribed %^ 
Ammoninathe son of Hermiaa, has ^yai jase^ amoiag buho^ 
other hifitoxioal errors (^^)^ to that of the philosopher havinjf 
aocompanied his pu^ .at least as far as the banks of the 
Kile(^^). The great work on animak appears to \xmt been 
of vei^ little ilateir date than the Meteorologicqi, and the 
kito is shewn by internal evidenjce(^^) to belgsig either to 
tbe 106th cor at the .utmost to the 111th Olympiad; there- 
fosre, either fourtem yeairs before Aristotle came to the cenit 
of Philip^ or, at the latest, three jears before the passd^ of 
iibe Granieus. Some particular notiees contained dn the 
nine boolcis of the history of amnials^ have indeed been 
bir0aght forward in oppontion to the view heire taken «{ 
&f!r psrly ojmpJ^fcim^ .pwtiauUtrly the ^exact .ktiowledfaa 
whioh Aristotle appears to have had of tibe el^ant^ of the 
bearded horse^stag (Mppekiphos), ^i the Badxian camel 
with two hflaqpa, of the hqpa'dion eni^osed to be tha 
hnating tiger (Gn^pard}^ taid of £he Indian buffalo whndi 
was first b90i)ght ito MiWNSgb at the itime of dhe Ousadas,. 
It should .bfe lemaideedj aowiwer. that the native ^place of tho 


remarkable large stag with the horse's mane^ which Diard 
and Duvaucel sent from Eastern India to Cuvier, (and to 
which Cttvier gave the name of Cervus aristotelis) is, accord« 
ing to the Stagirite's own notice, not the Indian Penta- 
potamia traversed by Alexander, but Arachosia, a conntrr 
west of Candahar, which together with Gedrosia formed an 
ancient Persian Satrapy (^^). May not the notices, mostly 
so brief, on the forms and habits of the above named ani- 
mals, have been derived by Aristotle from information ob- 
tained by him, quite independently of the Macedonian 
expeditions, from Persia and from Babylon, the centre of 
such widely extended trading intercourse ? It should be 
remembered that when preparations by means of alcohol (t^ 
were wholly unknown, it was only skins and bones, and not 
the soft parts susceptible of dissection, which under any 
circumstances could be sent from remote parts of Asia to 
Greece. Probable as it is that Aristotle received both from 
Philip and Alexander the most Kberal support in the prose- 
cution of his studies in physics and in natural history, — ^m 
procuring immense zoological materials from the whole of 
Greece and from the Grecian seas, and even in laying the 
grounds of a collection of books unique for the period, and 
whicli passed afterwards to Theophrastus and subse- 
quently to Neleus of Scepsis, — ^yet we must regard the 
Stories of presents of eight hundred talents, and the " main, 
tenance of many thousands of collectors, overseers of fish- 
ponds, and bird-keepers'' as exaggerations of alaterperiod(t^^ 
or as traditions misunderstood by Pliny, Athenseus, and ^Elian. 
The Macedonian expedition, which opened so large and 
feir a portion of the earth's surface to a single nation of 
such high intellect and cultivation, may therefore be regarded 


in the strictest sense of the tenn as a scientific expedition; 
paii, indeed^ as the first in which a conqueror snrroonded 
himself with learned men of all departments of knowledge — 
Xiatnralists^ historians^ philosophers^ and artists. We should 
attribute to Aristotle not only that which he himself pro- 
dnoed; — ^he acted also through the intelligent men of 
liis school who accompanied the army. Amongst these 
shone pre-eminently the near relation of the Stagirite^ Callis« 
Hienes of Olynthus^ who, even previous to the Asiatic 
campaigns, had been the author of botanical works, and of 
a dehcate anatomical examination of the eye. The grave 
severity of his manners, and the unmeasured freedom of his 
language, rendered him hateful both to the flatterers, and to 
tbe monarch himself already fallen firom his higher thoughts 
and nobler dispositions. Callisthenes unshrinkingly pre- 
ferred Uberty to life ; and when in Sactra he was implicated, 
thou^ guiltless, in the conspiracy of Hermolaus and the 
pages, he became the unhappy occasion of Alexander's 
exasperation against his former teacher. Theophrastus, the 
genuine friend and fellow disciple of Callisthenes, uprightly 
and worthily undertook his defence after his fall. From Aris«* 
totle we only know that before Callisthenes' departure, the 
Stagirite recommended to him prudence ; and apparently well 
tersed in the knowledge of courts by his long sojourn at 
that of Philip of Macedon, advised him to " speak with the 
king as little as possible, and if it must be, always in agree^ 
ment with him'' (2*0), 

Callisthenes, as a philosopher familiar with the study of 
nature before leaving Greece, and supported by chosen men 
of the school of Aristotle, directed to hi^er views the 
researches of his companions in the new and wider sphere 


of inarostigatioai mm c^eaed. to them. It iwa not onljl tiv 
jpodep foima of the aaimal. Tringfloni^ the hiynwanre ^ 
!Rfig0tBi3on> the. V8rifition» of the sQj&^e^ aad the penodkul 
jHReUing. of the great wren- which anested his atteatioft ^<— 
man and his varieties) mik their many gradatioBfl of feiai 
«ad ooloiup> ooold* laoi but appeaf^ in accordance: with.Aori^ 
teik^s own sej[iiig(^^^)^ as ^Hhe, GfiDtw andobjeei a£ tt» 
shxile creation^ the eooa^ona poflieaeior of thoughtrdttimil 
tosttk the divdne aoucee of thought/^ Irom ther ]siA 
tiial.iomains to ua of. the aeoaiinta<)I.Oiiiee»0ritud (nuii^eeBK 
•Bsed hy the aiiciefits)^, we taee that in the Maoed^an 
expedition gneat: mafimi& waa felt, whea im adj^aaoi^' lat 
tomuds. the eaat^.tiie^ Indian saees spoken of by H^eodatuK 
f^'dai^. ooloiKDed aad. JseseeafaliBg^ Ethiopiane/' wei^ indoni 
met, with ;. Imb the AMcan negro with cutlj- haiiv. tm 
not fQuad{^^^)'. The inflnc^ee of the:atmosp]iere: on celoait 
aod the diSkeat, effects of dry and- huiaiid. wiaaaithy iwA 
eMsefoUy- noticed^ In the- eady Hooierio timea^ aad ion. a 
)(»iig;subae(p8nt. period, the dependence of ihetempeeatinBief 
the air on latitude was completely overlooked. Sasteaaaad 
It^stein' selationa deteimined the whole thenme meteosdlig;^ 
of: the Gred&Sk. The paxta of the earth towards the auaifrisiaf 
veie regaidedaa near to the smi, on "swa. laade**' '* The*€M 
in Usi course ooloajps- the akin of man with- a darit aeelf 
lustre^ and. pacehea and curk his hair'^ (^^). 
. The oampaignfl of Alexander fiest afforded an ^fOKhmitffi 
of comparing on a large scale the Afiriottt raees> asteulaM 
vi^SgSl^ eqUBciaHy^ ynAh Arian raoes: beyond fhe.TI^^,iiid 
«^- tiie vecy dark oolouired^ but net: woolly hauTod^^ Indttt 
aborigjnen. The^ subdivision of mankind ioioi vaia^eaf aoid. 

tfafiir. diatcibutum* ovei^ the.eai:;th'& suc&Gfl^, (ther sasuUrsatiifift 

^ bifii^cal eveixb tttBii of^ a long eostumance of oli« 
9itia inflxieaoeGi^ Whea^ tha iype» have been once firmlf 
ostablid^) and: the e/gigsmsD^ coixktidiction between coloor 
«id situation^ miwt'hBRr» airakaeied the liyeliest interest hr 
thoto^itf iiL obsenp^f. We BtiH find in the interior of India 
$a extendre tcofntoiif pooj^d hy v&y daxk oolbured^ aloog^ 
!itidc^.aboi%iml> kihatitartb^ qndedistinct from the Hgfator 
iiflkixa^BSiiiila^ To these belong 

wmmg tfae ^mdt^ittllone} Ae (i(»idB»^ lie Bfaiihs (Mieelfa^' 
JDi^tii&foxert*a^wn)d moiQittain ef IkCdiraraEDd Gnaeratr^ and 
ttiaSioliffof Omsoi^ Tho" atnie KaaseDr eosflidera itpro^ 
Urift tifltcia tte timeof Hesodotbs^ th« bhick Asiatic nec^ 
--hIni '^EtMoi^iiiiiii rf ^ snaMJahig/'' resembling tite 
jb3nfaiw.]!i^(]9ttai#]&>&e oolonrof thea^ bat not in the 
foaiibf. of- Urn hni^—eitaided^ much' farther towards the 
maiibitmesAi^ksm^9ii jlrtaant-^). Tttns also in tihe ancient 
S^ftiaBthxDgdom^ tb&hs^itliticm&oftixe true woolly-haired, 
ofiKSKttBfMsad Niegio^ uaoes esiended &r into northenr 

3&iei«9ilMgaHBiit^'0fitho sphere of iSeas; which arose from 
tita: aspM^ €ff many new physical phsBiromena, as wdl as from 
oonteolf 'witil' dif^e^oifr raees of men and with their ciVili* 
satinn a»^ tber oonlxBBfcs' whii^- it presented, was nnfortu^ 
irately no* aceoBapaaned By ifier frmta of an ethnological* 
CBEBipaaiseir of Ik^Qagesj either philosopEieal, regard- 
ing i^e fimdamentd refirtions of ideas (^, — or simply 
hMaiimf ^Wttet we- cafl dassical' atrtiquity was wholly 
a stranger to this class of investigations. On the other 
linRi^ tbe»* ezpdBiibns' of Alexander oSbied to the 6i:eeks 
mmHAa mateidir thMenr fitrm the long accumulated 
tiOBBcixeei eF more andfenlfy cultivatecb nations. What T 


would more especially refer to is the fact that^ with an 
increased knowledge of the earth and its productions^ we 
iSnd by recent and careful investigations that the Greeks 
obtained from Babylon an important augmeotatiiou of iheir 
knowledge of the heavens. The conquest of Qyms had in- 
deed already caused the downfal of the glories of the Astro* 
nomical CoUege of priests in the capital of the eastern world t 
the terraced pyramid of BeluSj, (at <»ice a temple^ a Umb^ 
and an astronomical observatory whence the nocturaal 
hours were proclaimed)^ had been given over to destruction 
by Xerxes^ and already lay in ruins when the Maoedoniflais 
came. But the very fact of the close sacerdotal c^ste 
being dissolved^ and of xnany a^onomical, schools having 
formed themselves (^^^)j rendered it possible for GaUisthenes 
to send to Greece, (by the advice of Aristotle according io 
Simplicius), observations of stars for a very long period^ 
Porphyry says for a period of 1903 years before Alexander'* 
entryintoBabylon, 01. 112,2. The oldest Chaldeaaobse^w^• 
tions referred to in the Almagest, (probably the oldest which 
Ptolemy found suitable for his objects) go back indeed only 
to 721 years before our era, or to the first Messenian Ww. 
It is certain that ^' the Chaldeans kne\7 the mean motioB» 
of the moon with an exactness which caused the Greek • 
astronomers to employ them for the foundation pf the theoiy 
of the moon (248)." Their planetary observations^ to which 
they were stimulated by the old love of astrology, appear- 
also to have been used for the construction of astronomical 

Tliis is not the place to examine how much of the earliest 
Pythagorean views of the true fabric of the heavens, of thft 
course of the planets, and of that of comets which accord* 


fag to Apollomtis Myndius (249) return in long regulated 
paths, belonged to the Chaldeans ; Strabo calls the '^ mathe- 
matician Seleucus*' a Babylonian, and distinguishes him 
from the Erythrean who measured the tide of the sea. (^w) 
It is sufficient to remark as highly probable that the 
Greek Zodiac is borrowed from the Dodecatemoria of the 
CSialdeans^ and according to Letronne's important investi- 
gations does not go back farther than to the beginning of 
the sixth century before our era (^i). 

The immediate results of the contact of the Greeks with 
the nations of Indian origin, at the period of the Macedonian 
oampaigns^ are wrapped in much obscurity. In science, 
little was probably gained; as after traversing the kingdom 
of Poms, between the cedar fringed (252) Hydasp«« ( Jelum), 
and the Acesines (Tschinab), Alexander only advanced in the 
iPentapotamia (the Pantschanada), as far as the Hyphasis,— 
below the junction, however^^ of that river, with its tributary 
the Satadru, the Hesidrus of Pliny. Distrust of his 
soldiers, and uneasiness respecting a dreaded general insur- 
rection in the Persian and Syrian provinces, forced the 
warrior king, who would fain have advanced to the Ganges, 
to the great catastrophe of his return. The countries passed 
through by the Macedonians were inhabited by very im- 
perfectly civilised races. In the space between the Satadru 
and the Tamuna (the region of the Indus and the Ganges), 
the sacred Sarasvati, an inconsiderable stream> forms a 
classic boundary of the highest antiquity between the "pure, 
worthy, pious'* worshippers of Brahma on the East, and the 
*^ impure, kingless'^ tribes, not divided into castes, on the 
^est(2«3). Alexander* therefore, did not reach the proper 

I64i BffoOHa m ssb hibtobt ow the contehplatiow 

« fc 

ieai ©f the liigker Indian civilisation* Seleucus- Nicatoij 

tte founder of ihe great empire of the Seleuddse, was HEm 

fiijbt who advanced fraiD. Babylon towards the Granges^ and 

tep* the- repeated' missions of STegasthenes to Pat&Kputra (®*) 

tfliinectfed himself by politicaT relations with the £0werftd 

Sendraeottua (Chandragapta)'. 

' Thus fizsfr asose* an animated -and lasting contact witfi 

the eivilised: parts of the Madhya-dtssa (*^lhe central land"^ 

There were indeed in the Pendschab (Piaijanb, or Pentapa* 

temia^learasd. Brahmins living asherinits. Wedonotknow, 

hmeiver, wh^her those Btohmins and Gynmosophists were 

^0qpikaijitect wiiii tide fine Indian system of numbers, inwltic& 

•• hw characters receive their value merely by '^gosf- 

iiBm;"' nw aw we. even G»tain whether at that^ period* the 

BBffthod of as^ning- value by position was tnown even ih 

iher most cultivated parts of India, aliiiough it is highlj 

pobaJble thatsnch. was tfiexase. What a revolution would 

feanre beam effected in* the more rapiff development of 

jiia&emaiti)eaLlaiowMge> and^ iii the facilities of its app]> 

flatton^if theBfiahmittSphihes (called' by Hre Greeks Calanos) 

yfbQ: aceompsmiad' Ale:seaider'd army;- — or at a later period, 

faj tihie tinie^ at Augusts, the Brahmin Bargosa, — ^before 

thejT^^olunttoily aseended' the funeral pile at Susa and af 

Atitiens,. had been> able to communicate liie knowledge of 

iM' Bxdiaa systiem of numbers to* l^e' Greeks, so that 

it wigtdi hare been brought into general' use !' The acutie 

Q&di comprehensive leseorehes of Ghasles Have indeed shewn, 

that; what is- called the me^od: of the Pythagorean Abacus 

arAlgoriamaiS) as we fiaidit deseribed in Bbetiiius' Geo- 

VKBkofy k ahoosi id^ntieal' with the position-vaike of the 


Indian system ; but that method^ long unfruitful with the 
Greeks and Eomans^ . first obtained general extension in 
the middle ages^ especially after the zero sign had super- 
seded the vacant space. The most beneficial discoveries 
oftoi require oentunesfor their xeoognstbu and c«iB|iletttiii. 




Progress of the contemplation of the Unirerae irnder thePtolemies-** 
Museum at Serapeum.— Peooiiar character of the scientifb 
direction of the period. — Enc;fdopedic learning. — Generalisar 
tion of the views of nature regarding both the earth and the 
regions of space. 

After the dissolution of the great Macedonian Empii« 
comprising territories in the three Continents, the germs 
which the uniting and combining system of the government 
of Alexander had deposited in a fruitful soil, began to devekqi 
themselves every where, although with much diversity of 
fonn. In proportion as the national exclusiveness of the 
Hellenic character of thought vanished, and its creative 
inspiring power was less strikingly characterised by depth 
and intensity, increasing progress was made in the 
knowledge of the connection of phenomena, by a more 
animated and more extensive intercourse between nation^ 
as well as by a generalisation of the views of Nature based 
on argumentative considerations. In the Syrian kii^gdon^ 
by the Attalidse of Pergamos, and under the Seleacidffi 
and the Ptolemies, this progress was favoured and promoted 
every where and almost at the same time by distinguished 
eovereigns. Grecian Egypt enjoyed the advantage of poll* 



tical nniij^ as well as that of geographical position; thd 
influx of the Bed Sea through the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb 
to Suez and Akaba, (occupying one of the SSE.-NNW» 
fissures, of which I have elsewhere spoken), {^^), bringing 
the traffic and intercourse of the Indian Ocean witliin a 
few miles of the coasts of the Mediterranean, 

The kingdom of the Seleucidse did not enjoy the advan« * 
tages of sea traffic, which the distribution of land and water, 
and the configuration of the coast line, offered to that of the 
Lagidse ; and its stability was endangered by the divisions 
produced by the diversity of the nations of which the different 
Satrapies were composed. The intercourse and traffic enjoyed 
by the kingdom of the Seleucidse was mostly an inland one, 
confined either to the course of rivers, or to caravan tracks, 
which braved every natural obstacle, — snowy mountain 
chains^ lofty plateaus, and deserts. The great caravan 
coEveying merchandise, of which silk wa§ the most valuable 
article, travelled from the interior of Asia, from the highi 
plain of the Seres north of Ilttara-kuru, by the ''stone 
tower" (256) (probably a fortified Caravanserai) south of 
the sources of the Ja&artes, to the vaUey of the Qxus, and 
to the Caspian and Black Seas. In the kingdom of the 
Iiagidae, on the other hand, animated as was the river navi- 
gation of the Nile, and the communication between its banks 
aaftd the artificial roads along the shores of the Bed Sea,, the 
{ffincipaltraffio was, nevertheless, in the strictest sense of the 
word^ a sea traffic* In the grand views formed by Alexander, 
the newly founded Egyptian Alexandria in the West, and 
the very ancient City of Babylon in the East, were designed • 
to be the two metropolitan cities of the Macedonian universal 
empire; Babylon, however, never in later times fulfilled 


thffaeMpeetetioiis^imatbefl of Selew», 

foimdedVb^ Seleacus Kicator on;the iow«r ISgris^ «iid luttfcfli 
uBiRi the EupliTdiies by meaBB of ranals (^); cNmtiAHtel 
to its 6oini^ete decline. 

. Three gpeot rulers^ the thx^e first Ptolemies^ whose TOgn 
occupied a whole oentuiy, by tiieir love of the sdeaiMSj bf 
tfaeiT farilliant institutians for ike promotioii of intdlastaal 
GEdtiystKm, and by their muntemipted endeaveuBs 1;o prtonofte 
and extend commerce^ caused the knowledge 'Of 19'atisre mit 
of distant eounkieB to Teceke a greater and mone nfii 
increase than had yet been achieved 'by any single radnon. 
This iareasnre of trae scientifio cultivation passed from ike 
Qieeks settled in Egypt io {he lUxmans. Even nndor 
Ptdlrany Philadelphus, hardly haff a centaiy after the ^eofli 
of Alexander, and before *he first Punic war 'had shabBii 
the flxidtooratic republic of Carthage, Alexnadm 'was ftd 
pott of greatest eammeree inihe wotlL The 'Bearest vbA 
most commodiois 'route 'from the bashi of tlie MediteN 
ixnean to South Eastern Africa, Arabia «nd Ijvfia.^ was bj 
Alexandria. The IjagidGeovoikdlihenBdhres with unexanqfM 
success of the road which Ikture had «s itwere madded oiit 
fcriihe commerce <tf the world by tho flireotion of the Sei 
Sea or Arabian Gulf p«) ,' — ^a jroitte vAMi will never be 
&Ity appreciated until the^wildness of Eastern life, and -fin 
ieabnsies of £be ^Wisstsni f^sr^ss, '^laS. W& ^iad^iiAi 
Even when Egypt became b fiomsn pioiwee) it ceiittiRffii 
to be the «eat of almost iboa&dless riches ; the imsreoflii^ 
lumry of ISomeTmdcrtheCtesow reacted on 'Ae knd 'uf 
liie !Sf&d, and soo^ tiie meases of its saitisfa^on primnpAf 
Bi ihe amivessiii 'oommeiee ef AleKandria. 
Hbe inqiotftant ^skeasioii of (the teoWkdge xSThttae vni 

,OF fmE rUNiVBitai:. — ^bpooh of the ftolibiibb. IVB 

of difEeFent cQuntsies unoter the liagidas/was derived from 
«the^camvaii traffic in tbe interior of Africa by Ojrene and 
the Oases j from the conquests in Ethiopia oiid Arabia Fdk 
under Ptokmy Euergetes ; and from commerce by sea inth 
tiie whole Western Peninsula of India^ from the Gulf cif 
Baiygaza (Guzerat and Cambay), along the coasts of Canorft 
and Malabar ^Malaya-vara^ territory of Mabija)^ to Urn 
Biahminical Sanctuaries of Cape Comorin (Kumari)^ C^^) 
and to the gfeat Island of Ceylon^ (Lanka in the Bama* 
yaaa^ iuad called by Alexander's coten^oiaries Tsprobam 
Igr the mutilation of a native name). {^^) An important 
advance in uautioal knowledge had previously been obtained^ 
by 'the laborious five mcmths' ^voyage of ISTearchus along the 
coaats of Gedrosia and Garamania^ between Pattala at the. 
mottih of the Indus and the mouHis of the Euphrates. 

Aiezander's con^panions were not ignorant of the existence 
«if the periodieal winds or monsoons^ which favoier m 
materially the naivigation between the East coast of Africa 
and the North and West coasts of India. At the end df 
ten miontha spent by the Maeedoniaais in navigating and 
examindng the Indus- between STicea on tibe Hydaspes imd 
Pattala, with the view df opening thai river to the oommeiee 
of the worlds N^orchus hastened at'tiie beginning of October 
(QL 113^ S) to saQ away from the mouth of the Indus 'Ot 
Stuxa, because he knew that his voyage io the Persian QvS 
iQbng « coast running on a {larallel of latitude^ irould be 
favOHUsd by the J^orth East and East moiraoon. The farther 
knowledge acqnixed by experience of i^ ranarkable lecffl 
law of i^e direction of the wind^ «ul3sequently emboldened 
nsv^gators sailing fromOcelis in the iStraits of Bcfb^el-Mand^ 
;to Jiold a direct course aoroas the tipen sea to Muziris^ tba 


great mart on the Malabar coast (south of Mangalor), 
to which internal traffic brought articles of commerce from' 
the Eastern coast of the Indian Peninsula^ and even gold 
from the remote Chrysa {Borneo ?) . The honour of being the 
IGlrst to apply this new system of Indian navigation is ascribed 
to an otherwise unknown mariner^ Hippalus ; and even the 
precise period at which he lived is doubtful, (^^i) 

Whatever brings nations together, and by rendering largo 
portions of the Earth more accessible^ enlarges the sphere 
of men^s knowledge, belongs to the •history of the contempla- 
tion of the Universe. The opening of a water communication 
between the Bed Sea and the Mediterranean by means of 
the Nile, holds an important place in this respect. At the 
part where a slender line of junction barely unites the two 
continents, and which offers the deepest maritime inlets, the 
excavation of a canal had been commenced, not indeed by 
the great Sesostris (Bamses Miamoun) to whom Aristotle 
and Strabo ascribe it, but by Nechos (Neku), who, however, 
was deterred by oracles given by the priests from prosecuting 
the undertaking. Herodotus saw and described a finished 
canal, which entered the Nile somewhere above Bubastis, 
and was the work of the Achsemenian, Darius Hystaspes. 
Ptolemy Philaddphus restored this canal which had fallen 
into decay, in so complete a manner, that although (notwith- 
standing a skilfrQ arrangement of locks and sluices) it wad 
not navigable at all seasons of the year, it long ftidcd and 
greatly promoted traffic with Ethiopia, Arabia, and India, 
continuing to do so under the Boman sway as late as the 
reign of Marcus Aurelius, and perhaps even as late ai 
that of Septimius Severus, a period of four centuries and 
a half. With a similar purpose of encouraging intei* 
course by means of the Bed Sea, harbour works were wduc 


looaly carried on at Myos Hocmos and Berenicej and wero 
0(»mect6d viUi Goptos by the fonoation of an excellent 
artificial road. {^^) AH these different enterprises of tb# 
Lagidae^ conunercial as well as scientific, were based on the 
idea of connection and union, on a ceaseless tendency to 
embrace a wider whole, remote distances, larger masses^ .^ 
more extensive and varied relations, and greater and more . 
Bumerons objects of contanplation. This direction of the 
Hellenic mind, so fruitful in results, had been long preparing 
in silence, and became manifested on a great scale in the 
expeditions of Alexander, in his endeavours to blend th|» 
Western and Eastern worlds. In its ccmtinued extension 
under the Lagidae it charactmsed the epoch which I here 
desire to pourtray, and must be r^arded as having effected 
an important advance in the progressive leeogniiion and 
knowledge of the Universe as a whole. 

So far as an abundant supply of objects of direct conr 
templafcion is required for this increasing and advancing 
knowledge, the frequent intercourse of Ilgypt with distaiit 
countries, scientific exploring joumjes into Ethiopia ut the 
cost of the Government, {^^^) distant ostdch and elephant 
liants, (2^) uid menagerii^ of wild and rai« beasts in the 
^^ kings' houses of BruchiuiKi,'' might act as incitements to . 
the study of natural history (2^^) and contribute data to • 
empirical knowledge ; but ^e peculiar ciharacto of the 
Ptolemaic epoch, as well as of the whole '^Alexandrian 
School,'' which, indeed, preserved the same direo^n until 
the third and fourth centuriesi maniliested itself in a differeial; 
path ; it occupied itsdf less with the immediate cbservatioa 
of particulars, than with the laborious assanblage of all that 
vas already obtained, and m the axrai^eanein^ oompacisai^ 




and ihtdlectual £ractification of that whieh had long been 
collected. During the long period of many centuries, and 
until the powerful genius of Aristotle appeared, natural 
phenomena, not regarded as objects of accurate observation, 
•were subjected in their interpretation to the exclusive sove- 
reignty of ideas, and even given over to the sway of vague 
5)resentiments and unstable hypotheses. There was now, 
however, manifested a higher appreciation of empirical know- 
ledge. Men examined and sifted what they possessed. 
jN^atural philosophy becoming less bold in her speculatiom 
end less fanciful in her images, at length approached nearer 
io a searching empirical investigation in treading the sure 
path of induction. A laborious tendency to accumulate 
materials had enforced the acquisition of a corresponding 
'©mount of technical information; and although in the 
works of distinguished and thoughtful men, an extensive 
•and varied knowledge presented valuable results, yet in the 
decline of the creative power of the Greek mind this know- 
ledge appeared too often to want an animating spirit, and 
wore the character of mere erudition. The absence of due 
care in respect to composition, as well as want of animation and 
grace of style, have also^ contributed to expose Alexandrian 
learning to the severe censure of posterity. 

It particularly belongs to these pages to bring forward 
that which the epoch of the Ptolemies contributed towards 
the contemplation of the physical Universe, whether by the 
concurrent action of external relations, by the foundation 
«nd suitable endowment of two great establishments (the 
Alexandrian Institution, and the libraries of Bruchiam 
{^^) and Ehakotis), or by the collegiate assemblage of 490 
many leamed men of active and practical minds. An <a- 

'oif rrHB umvzBSB. — bpooh of thb ffolskib9« 17S 

dydopeedic knowledge was favourable to the comparison of 
file results of observation^ and thus tended to facilitate 
generalisations in the view of Nature. The great scientific 
Institution which owed its origin to the two first Ptolemies, 
long maintained amongst other privileges that of ii» members 
bemg free to labour in wholly different directions (^^) ; and 
thus, although settled in a foreign country, and surrounded 
by men of many different races and nations, they preserved 
the peouUar Hellenic character of ttiought, and the acute 
HeUenic ingenuity. 

In accordance with the spirit and form of the present 
historic representation, a few examples may suffice to shew 
the manner in which, under the protecting influence of the 
Ptolemies, observation and experiment assumed their ap- 
propriate places, as the true sources of knowledge re- 
specting the heavens and the earth; and how, in the 
Alexandrian p^od, in combination with a diligent ac- 
cumulation of the mere materials of knowledge, a happy 
tendency to generalisation was also at all times manifested. 
Although the different Greek schools of philosophy trans- 
planted to. Lower Egypt did not escape a certain degree cl 
Oriental degeneracy, and gave occasion to many mythical in-» 
terpretations of Nature and of physical phenomena, yet in the 
Alexandrian school the Platonic doctrines {^^) still remained 
as the most secure support of- mathematical knowledge* 
The progressive advances made in this knowledge embraced 
almost at the same time pure mathematics, mechanics and 
astronomy. In Plato's high esteem for mathematical de» 
Velopment of thought, as well as in Aristotle's morphological 
riews emEhrafang all organic bein^, were contained the germs 
ol aU lat^ advances in natiual sdenoe; they became tb^ 


guiding stars wUch conSucted tlie hionan ixtfcelleet cnoorelj 
through the mazes of i&naticism in the dark ages; and jfid 
not suffer healthy scientific iatdlectoal pfower io iwiisL 

13ie mathenMiticiaii .and astrDnomer Enitostfafmes of 
Olfrene^ ihe moirt celebrated df the Alexandraan HbranauSj 
availed himself of the treasures at his oconmaiid by i^oi^g 
<tihem up inio a systemjatic '^ universal geography/' fie freed 
.ge(]^caphical description from mythical legends, 'snd, sS- 
thofn^ himself occupied with chronology and history, even 
separated from it the historical admixtures 'by which it 
had been pcevioo^y not nngracdfuHy exdivened. ^eir 
absence ^as satisfactorily supplied by mathematical ocbl- 
^erations on t&e more or less articulated form of continents, 
and on thidr extent; and by geological conjectures on 6ie 
comiection of chains ot mountains, the action of currente, 
'-and the former presence of an aqueous covering over the 
surface of lands still bearing traces of having been once the 
/bottom of the sea. [Regarding mth favoi9 the oceanic sluice 
^&eory of Strato of Lampacus, the Alexandrian librarian was 
«8d by the beKef of the former swollen state of the Euxine, 
Hhedisruption of the Dardanelles, and the consequent opening 
•of the pillars of Hercules, to the important investigation of 
ihe problem df the equality of level of the ''outward sea 
^encompassing all conftinents.'^ (*®^) A farther instance of 
happy genersflisation on the part of Eratosthenes is his asser- 
tion that fbi^ whole continent of Asia is traversed in the 
parallel! of Bhodes, (the diaphragm of Dicearchus), by a 
tomieoted chain of mountains running East and West. (^®) 
A lively desire for generalisation, the result df the intel- 
kofcuai movemeift of the period, also led Eratosthenes to set 
on foot the first (Hellenic) measurement of an arc (tf the 


luleiddiaii, hwmg ita ^tromitied at Alexasdcia snd S^ene^ 
and for its object the ajpproximate deteiminainoa of the earth^ s 
circmiifeieiice. It is not Obe lesult thafc he obtaiiied, based 
as it was upon impecfect dato^, foinished by pedestarians^ 
which awakens aur interest; it is the endeavour of Hm 
philosopher to rise firom tiie narrow limits of a single couxiby 
to the knowledge of the magnltade of the entiis globe. 

A similar tendency towards generalization of view is 
manifested in the brilliant advances made in the epoch of 
the Ptolemies towards a scientific, knowledge of the heavens t 
J allude here to the dietermination of the places of the fixed 
atars by the earliest Alexandrian astronomerSj AristyUns 
and Timocharis; — ^to Aristarchus oi Samos, the cotempo* 
xaiy of Geanthes, who^, familiar with the old Pythagpreaai 
Tfiews^ adventured an inquiry into the relations in apace oi 
the whole fabric of the Universe^ and who first recogmsed 
the immeasurable distance of the heaven of the fixed stars 
bom. oqz little ^anetary s^stemj, and even conjectured the 
twofold movement of the earth> i e, her rotation round hear 
axis> and her progressive, movement around the. smi; — to 
Sdeucus of Erythrea, or of Babylon^ (^^) who, a century 
later,, sou^t to. support the views of the Samian philoso- 
pher (views which we may iesm CJopemican, and which at 
that period found little a«eeptance). ; — and to Hipparchu^ 
the creator of scientific astroQomy,, and the greajfeest of ob^ 
serving astronoiaers ia all antiquity. Amoug the Greeks^ 
Hipparchu3 was the true and prop^ author of astronomieal 
tables, (272) and the discoverer of the precession of the equi* 
noxes. His> own obflervafeiond of fixed staars (made at Ehodes, 
lyot at Alesaaddaii),, wh&ik compared with those of TiiQO^ 
' «h«tia and AdstyflpiSj^ led. him (parobably without th& sssddsm 


apparition of a new star (^T^) )to this great discovery; to whi^h 
the long-continued observation of the heliacal rising of Sirius 
ought indeed to have conducted the eariier Egyptians. (^74) 
Another peculiar feature in the proceedings of Hippar- 
chus, was his endeavouring to avail himself of celestial phe- 
nomena for determinations of geographical position. Such 
a combination of the study of the heavens and the earthy 
the knowledge of the one becoming reflected on the other, 
served by its uniting tendency to give a lively impulse to 
the great idea of the Cosmos. In a new map of the ^world, 
constructed by Hipparchus, and founded on that of Eratos- 
thenes, wherever the application of astronomical observa- 
tions was possible, the geographical positions were assigned 
by longitudes and latitudes, obtained, the former from lunar 
eclipses, and the latter from lengths of the solar shadow 
measured by the gnomon. The hydraulic clock of Ctesibius, 
an improvement upon the ancient Clepsydra, might afford 
the means of making more exact measurements of time; 
whilst, for determinations in space, gradually improved 
means of angular measurement were offered to the Alexan- 
drian astronomers, from the old gnomon and scaphe to the 
invention of astrolabes, solstitial armills, and dioptras. 
Thus men arrived by successive steps, as if by the acquisi- 
tion of new organs, to a more exact knowledge of the 
movements of the planetary system. It was only the know* 
ledge of the absolute magnitudes, forms, masses, and phy- 
sical constitution of the heavenly bodies, which made no 
progress for many centuries. 

. Not only were several practical astronomers of the Alex- 
andrian school themselves distinguished geometricians, but 
&e epoch of the Ptolemies was moreover the most brilliant 


epoch of the cultivation of mathematical knowledge. There 
flourished in the same century Euclid the creator of mathe* 
matics as a science^ Apollonius of Ferga^ and Archimedes^ 
who visited Egypt and was connected through Conon with 
the Alexandrian school. The long path of time which 
leads &om what is called the geometric analysis of Plato^ and 
the three conic sections of Menaechmes, (^75) to the age of 
Kepler and Tycho^ Euler and Clairaut, d'Alembert and 
Laplace^ is marked by a series of mathematical discoveries, 
without which the laws of the motions of the heavenly 
bodies, and their mutual relations in space, would never 
have been disclosed to mankind. The telescope pierces 
•pace, and brings distant worlds near tlirough our sense of 
vision. Mathematical knowledge forms a no less powerful 
instrument of another glass : ever leading us onward through 
the connection of ideas, it conducts us to those distant re- 
gions of space, of part of which it has taken secure posses- 
sion. In our own times so favoured in the extension of. 
knowledge, by the appUcation of all the resources afforded 
by modem astronomy, a heavenly body has even been 
jeen by the intellectual eye, and its place, its path, and its 
mass pointed out, before a single telescope had been directed 
towards it. (^76^ 





Bomaii UniTerscd Umpire-— Inflitence on Cosmical Ykiyrs ti » great 
Political UnioA of Goimtiies — Flrogvess of Geogiapli^ tiboaf^ 
Cominezcd. by Litadr— Siarabo and Ptokaiy — Conimeacemeat •! 
Mathematical Optics aad Chemistry — ^Pliny's Attempt at a Physi- 
cal Description of the Universe — ^The Else of Christianii^ pro- 
duces and favours the Peeling of the Unity of Manldnd. 

Is tracing tie intellectual progress of mankind and its 
gradual extension of cosmical views, the period of the Eoman 
tmiversal Empn-e presents itself as one of the most im- 
portant epochs. We now for the first time find all those 
fertile regions of the globe which snrronnd the basin of the 
Mediterranean connected in a bond of dose political nnion, 
which also comprehended extensive countries to the east- 
ward. I may bere appropriatdy notice, (^^) that tins 
political union gives to the picture which I endeavour to trace, 
(that of the history of the contemplation of Ae universe), an 
objective unity of presentation. Our civilization, t, e. the 
intellectual devdopment of all the nations of the European 
G)ntinent, may be regarded as based on that of the 
dwellers around the Mediterranean, and more immediately 
on that of the Greeks and the Eomans. That which 
tie term, perhaps too exclusivdy, dassical literature, 
has received this denomination through men's recog- 
xition of the source from whence our earliest know- 


ledge hm hxg/^j floMred^ and which gave the first impulse 
to a class of ideas and £ee£ngsL most intimately comieeted 
with the civilization and inteUectnal devatiou of a natioB 
or a race. (^^^) We do not by any means r^ard as 
luumportaH^ the elemeots of knowledge^ whicfa^ flowb^ 
through the great eixrrent of Qredc and Bcman cultiratioii^ 
were yet derived ia a variety of ways from other sources — 
£;om the valley of the "NUe, Phoeaitsa^ the banks of file 
Euphrates, ai^ Indian but even for these we are indebtec^ 
ia tiie first instasice, to the Greeks, and to Bomans snr^ 
lomided by Etruscans and Greeks^ At how late a period 
have the great monumei^s of more anciently civilized 
nations^ been direetly examined, interpreted, and airanged 
aecocdiBg to liieir relative antiquity ! It is cmly within s 
ireiy recent period that hien^^Mcs «d cuneiform m^ 
scriptions have been read, aftas having been passecE for 
thousands of years by acmies and caravans^ who dmmei. 
nothing of their in^^rt.. 

Erom the shores of the Mediterranean, and cspetiafly icma: 
ks Itdic and Hellenic pemnsulaa, have iindeed pfooeeded 
the intellectaal character and political instiitmtions of those 
nations who now possess the daily increasing treasures' dt 
srientific, knowledge and creative artistic activity, whida 
we would faizK regard a& imperishable ; nations which spreads 
civilization^ and with it^ first servitude, and. th^i^ ihvciirai* 
tarily, libejty,^ aver another hemisjiiere. Xet in modem 
Europe too, as it were by a favour of destiny^ unity aad 
divescaaiy are stiU happily assocdated. The dements re^ 
ceived faavB been various^ and no lessi various have 
been their appropriation and truisfozmati(»i^ aeQordiBg 
tath£ ahaxply contrasted pecsujiaritiea^ aiod indiTidual 


of mind and disposition, of the different races by which 
Europe has been peopled. Her civilization has been 
carried beyond the ocean to another hemisphere, where the 
reflex of these contrasts is still preserved in colonies and 
settlements, some of which have formed, and others it may 
be hoped may yet form, powerful free states. 

The Roman state, as a monarchy under the Caesars, whefl 
considered only in regard to superficial extent, (279) was infe- 
i:ior in absolute magnitude to the Chinese empire under the 
dynasty of Thsin and the eastern Han (from SO years before 
to 116 years aft^ the commencement of the Christian era); 
it was inferior in extent to the empire of Ghengis £haa, 
and to the present area of the Russian dominions in Europe 
and Asia; but with the single exception of the Spanish 
monarchy at the period when it extended over the New 
"VTorld, never has there been combined under one sceptre a 
greater mass of countries so favoured in climate, fertility, 
and geographical position, as the Roman empire from Au« 
gustus to Constantine. 

This empire, stretching from the western extremity of 
Europe to the Euphrates, from Britain and part of Cale- 
donia to Gretulia and the limits of the Lybiaa Desert, not 
only offered the greatest variety of form of ground, organic 
productions, and physical phenomena, but abo presented 
mankind in every gradation from cultivation to barbafism, and 
from the possession of ancient knowledge and long prac- 
tised arts, to the first twilight of intellectual awak^nngL 
Itistant expeditions to the North and to the South, to the 
Amber Coasts, and, (under iBlius Gallus and Balbus) td 
Arabia and the Garamantesj ware carried out with unequal 
success. Measurements of tiie whole empire were begiii 

- .■ K^ 1. . njm 


mm under Angasrlius, hj Greek geometefs, Zenodoros and 
Polycletos; and itineraries and special topographies were 
prepared (as had indeed been done some centuries earlier ia 
Ate Chinese empire)^ for distribution amongst the several 
governors of provinces, (^so) 'fiiese were the first statistical 
works which Europe produced. Many extensive prefec- 
tures were traversed by Soman roads^ divided into miles ; 
and Hadrian even visited tlie different parts of his empire^ 
tiiough not without interruption^ in an eleven years' journey^ 
from the Iberian peninsula to Judea, Egypt^ and Mauritania. 
Thus a large portion ci the globe^ subject to the Boman 
dominion^ was opened and made traversable ; '^pervius orbis/' 
as the chorus in Seneca's Medea less justly prophesies of the 
wholiB earth. {»^) 

We mighty perhaps^ have expected that during the en* 
joyment of long-continued peaoe^ and the union under a 
single monarchy of such extensive countries and different 
climates, the facility and firequ^icy with which the provinces 
were traversed by civil and military functionaries, often ac- 
companied by a numerous train of educated men possessed 
of varied information, would have been productive of extra- 
ordinary advances, not only in geography, but also in th^ 
knowledge of nature generally, and in the formation of higher 
views ocmceniing the oonnectiou of pbenomena. Such high 
cspectations were not, however, realised. In the long 
period of the undivided Boman empire, occupying almost 
lour centuries, there arose as observers of nature only Dios-> 
eovides the GiUoian, and Galen of Pergamos. The first of 
Aese, who augmented considerably the numb^ of described 
speeies of plants, is &r inferior to the philosophically com** 
Iming Theopfarastas^ — ^whereas Galen, wbo extended his 


obflerratiQaifr toiiXDM^r genera «f.Mumala^ bj thf fi9eaflWr4[& 
hia dastuietiQDfl^ tad tbe compisbflaflmineia of h^ 
gbal SmmwE^ '' BUf be pla«odi Texy neat to ATrkldil% 
aod in moat neq^aeia ctidi above* him.^ H ift Giuaer viii 
has pixHUHUieed thia jv^gmeKt. (^^ 

Bjr the aUe cf Dsnaoorid^aiBd Galwabiiiest* tkirdaaA 
great. naniA— ^Jifit of ftoihin;* I dc^ Ofik dtfl»}|u» kaataii 
the aatibos of an aatwaiffliwial $jnici% eir a» ib geepifiuti^ 
but as an sip«ri]iieiilal pbjsBieat fldkiopllav MhotmemamA 
reCradtRnis^ and, therefore, asr tbe &s(h finindnr of aJfrWinnirtMift 
j»art of op&aL aeffincet. His incontetludda ri^^ m. 6m 
respect were not re<»gBiaedisntiLii^lat%>(^^)( ImgwHhnli 
as were the advances Biad&in tha. depctauBtof avganittli^ 
snd in the general views of comparatiye zootomy,. t^^M 
aqoenmeats on tiis: passant ef nfsr of h^^^ at %ipmoi.t9t 
cantisFies anterioi to tfait of tlM iasbuaaav mafc aaBfl6.a«t 
alt^tionjRetimocciBBDb^; tiugrfonn,. aft itimn^ibmSa^ 
step, in a newl]iB^<^ieEe<£ oomrae^ — a itt^vasfeeBBeaE of jwiflfr ' 
mBidctijkijmuL- .... 

The. diatingaifiUliBaai whom we bnnr Bmedcast adMiUa^ 
seeent^c lustse es die peribd af the SonuDE eaB^anv veerafi H 
Qreciati origiAf (th^ pEofiomd ajihtii i ei ii ^ algdbaasflkSXa^ 
phastcEs, (^ nbo, bowrm, waa alfflk witifcaHt tke wft «l 
sjmbds) beloBgn^ t»^ a later tioBB.) la. thtttP(»dbief.diri» 
aioDs in respect to^inkttectnal cuiiivatiim wUefa; the Bqmbb 
emigre parosaita te OS, tiw pajba was. atffl wtfK the fieSfliat 
file older and ooore happiif afgaaiaaA aatioan; hgt. timt 
dmi decHne of tihȣgjptimiLkxMicbaai 
hj the diapemioa ef tiiec atiiil wammmg^ hnk 
points (rf £ght b» scknitifte fawvvfadgfr a&4 iiriBoiiala 
gation; anc^itwas eri^«t a Mv |isaoi. ttii.1ikf 



^ OP THE UHinaEtSB. — TiXmAN EM? IBS. 183 

pesffedin Greece and Asia Minor. JLs in all unliHuted 
fiionarchies of enonnous extent^ and CQnQtf)aad of rhetezD- 
^eneous demeatSj the efforts of the gaveouneat vsere pm- 
«7pally directed to avert by loilitary ioeoe, and by tiie internal 
xiyabies of a divided adndinstxatHa^ impending dismem- 
1»ffirment and dissolution — ^to oonoeal &milj discords in tbe 
liovse of tbe Caesars bj alternate imildness and seventy^ — 
mi^ under a few nobler raleis, to gire to die nations be- 
neath their svraj the rcjpose which imresisted despotism 
can at times afford. 

The attainment of the ILoman anivarsal empire was itself 
U bmjb of the greatness of the Boman chaxacte^ ci a long 
preserved severity of maniier^ and of «n exohisive love of 
country, united with high individual feeling ; but affcer tim 
mdversal empirerwas attained^ these noble qualities becamiB 
giadiialLj weakened, and ^»^e peirv^ited even by the inevi- 
table influences which new circumstances called foath. Am 
the national sjnrit beeamA extimoti H^ sBsm deadeniiDg effect 
extended to individual hfe^ publicity aad i&dividbaailiky^— ^ 
Ae two ehief isopporte d free iBSlitatiioQS^-^-disappeared 
at the lama timeu Hhd eternal cilf had beeome tiate 
eentr^ cl too grea^ « <oi»^; the ispnk wbich could per- 
xaaofifitfy animate a body ao vast^ and <eomposed of m 
Humj memboKs, w9a wasr^i^. ChrisliaBSly became tike 
cetigioa of the state when the «n^ire was aliready i^cdac 
po its ibiLBdalioiig; iteed "the auldness ^ef the new dockiae, 
and its benefioeni infltten^Si were soon tUsturbed by ihd 
ii^gniatb fltrif e cf paidfifi. Thm also began the ^uofeir- 
te&ate eontesfc between Imowladge and iaifii,^ wkidi, under 
maam hemB, all tending to impede invei^t^tion, has been 
iifBitiiriffied tlttftugfa ^wmeesdMiiai; centmes. 


Although, however, the vastness of the Boman empire, 
and the institations which that vastness rendered necessaryi 
were strongly contrasted with the independent life of the 
small Hellenic republics, and tended rather to deaden than 
to cherish creative intellectual power among its citizens, yet 
there resulted from the same cause some peculiar advantages, 
"which should be noticed here. A rich accession of ideas 
was the fruit of experience and varied observation ; the world 
of objects was considerably augmented, and the ground was 
thus laid for a thoughtful contemplation of natural pheno* 
mena at a later epoch. The Roman empire gave animation 
to the intercourse between nations, and extended the Eomari 
language over the whole of the "West, and over a portion of 
Northern Africa. In the East, Greek influence survived, as 
if naturalised, long after the Bactrian empire had been de- 
stroyed under Mithridates I. (thirteen years before the attack 
of the Sacse, or Scythians.) 

• In point of geographical extent, the Boman language! 
'gained upon the Greek, even before the seat of empire was 
feransfened to Byzantium. The interpenetration of two 
'Jhighly-gifted idioms, rich in literary monuments, became t 
means of faarther blending and uniting different nations and 
faces, and of increasing civilization and susceptibilitry to 
mental culture; it tended, as Pliny says, (^sc) ^*to huma- 
idze men, and to give them a common country." However 
much the language of the barbarians (the dumb, ayXctwcroe, as 
PoUux calls th^n) may have been contemned, yet the*e 
were instances in which the feanslation of a literary woik 
from the Praiic to the Roman language was desired by ti» 
' pubhc authorities : Magogs Treatise on Agriculture is know;! 
to have been translated by the command of the Bomlii 


Senate. The Lagid» had previously given examples of a 
similar kind. 

Whilst the Eoman empire extended westward to the ex« 
tremity of the old Continent (at least on the northern sida 
' of the Mediterranean)^ its eastern limit, under Trajan, who 
navigated the Tigris, reached only to the meridian of the 
Persian Gulf. It was in this direction that, at the 
pmod we are describing, the greatest intercourse between 
different nations took place in a shape very conducive to the 
progress of geography, viz. that of commerce by land. 
After the fall of the Greco-Bactrian empire, the rising and 
flourishing power of the Arsacides favoured intercourse with 
ike Seres ; but to the Bomans this communication was only 
an indirect one, their immediate contact with the interior of 
Asia being impeded by the active carrying trade of the Par- 
thians. Movements which proceeded from the most distant 
parts of China produced sudden and violent, though not per« 
manent, changes in the political state of the vast range of 
oountiy, which extends from the Thian-schan mountains to 
ihe Kuen-lun, the chain of Northern Thibet. During the 
reigns of the Boman emptors Yespasian and Bomitian, a 
Qiinese military expedition overran and oppressed the 
Hiungnu country, rendered tributary the little kingdoms of 
Khotan and Kashgar, and carried its victorious arms as far 
as the eastern coast of the Caspian. This was the great 
.^Epedition led by the military commander Pantschab, under 
the Emperor Mingti of the dynasty of the Han. Chinese 
writers even ascribe to this adventurous and fortunate leader, 
cotemporaneous with Vespasian and Domitian, a grander 
0an ; they assert that he designed to attack the empire of the 
Jtomans (Tathsin) ; but that the advice of the Persians in- 
duced him to change his purpose {^. Thus there arose con- 


iieeti(Mis between the coasts of thePaciiSc/tlffi Shensi^ x6A thfi 
region around the Oxus, in which there had beeoa, frosDa vcay 
nearly tifisoes/aai^txaBiated traffic with the neighboiaichood of the 
Black Sea. 

The directicm in whidh the great tide of popnlttfion flowied 
in Asia was from east to w^t, as in the Neur Continent 
Irom noitii to sonth. A oentiuy and a half before our «r|, 
&ear the Hme of the destruction of Corinth and of Oarthage, 
ibe atta^ of the Hiungnu (a Turkish tiibe confoimded by 
De GTa%nes and Johannes Miiller with the I^innish Huns) on 
the fsir 4iaired and blue^yed^ probably Indo-Oemmnic^ ta^ 
of ihd (^ Yueli (Getae ?) and Usun, near the Chinese iraB, 
-gKve the first iaapiiilse to that ^^ migration of nations^^ whicb 
did not reach the borders of Europe nntii five •ce&tiiries 
later. Thus the wave of populaticm flowed {at was propa- 
gated) from the npper vaJley of the Hoai^ho to the Bon 
a&d the Danube ; and in the northam part of the Old Con- 
tinent, movements advancing in different directions brought 
one part of mankind &rst into hosiik collision, ajid 
subsequently into peacefol and conuaercaal oontact wxlii 
another. Thus we may regard great cmvents of popula- 
tion^ moving forward like the cunents of the ocean 
between unoioved masses ait rest^ as facts of cosmical iio* 

Under iite reign of the Emperor Cla;udiu^ the embassy 
of Kachias came from Ceylon, through Egypt^ to Borne. 
Under Maidens Aurelius Antoninus (eaSed by the historians 
fxf the dynasty of the Han^ Antun), Baman legates appoured 
at the Chinjese court, having come by water by Tonkin* I 
here point out the first traces of an estezkded intercourse 
Itetwoen the Boman Empire and China and India fen: this 
among others^ that it is highly probaUe thttt thiwi^ 


tUs. mterooux9e the knowledge of the Greek sphere^ the 
Greek zodiac^ and the astrological planetary week^ extended 
to the last-named conntries in the first centuries of ou; 
era. (^^) The great Indian mathematicians Warahamihiray 
Bramagapta, and perhap even Aryabh»tta> are later than the 
period of which we are treating; {^^) but it is also possible 
that a partial knowledge of discoveries earlier madcj in ways 
distinct and apart in iQdia itself and originally belonging 
to that anciently civilized nation^ may have been conveyed 
to the countries of the West before Diophantus^ through the 
extensive commercial intercourse which took place under the 
LagidsB and the Caesars. We do not here undertake to dis- 
tinguish accurately what belongs to each nation and to each 
epoch ; it is enough if we point out the channels which were 
opened to the conununication and interchange of ideas. 

The gigantic works of Strabo and of Ptolemy testify in 
the most lively manner the increase which had taken place 
in ikese channels and in general international intercourse. 
The ingenious geographer of Amasia had not Hipparchus^s 
exactness of measurements or the mathematical views of 
Ptolemy ; but his work surpasses all the geographical writings 
of antiquity both in grandeur of plan and in the variety and 
abundance of materials. Strabo^ as he takes pleasure in 
telling us, had seen with his own eyes a considerable part of 
the Koman empire, " ff om Armenia to the Tyrrhenian coasts, 
and from tbe Euxine to the borders of Ethiopia.'^ After 
having completed forty-three bocks of history as a continuation 
of Polybius, he had the courage in the eighty-third year of 
his age (29^) to commence his great geographical work. 
He reminds his readers "that in his time the power of the 
Somans and of the Parthians had opened the world even 



more than Alexander's expediticms^ oil ifideh EratOGrtheM 
had rested/^ The commerce of India ^nas no Icmger in thi 
hands of the Arabians : Strabo saw in Egypt trith snepiis* 
the increased number of ships Which safled direct from M]«6 
Hormos to India; (^^) and his imagination led him b^ond 
India itself to the eastern coasts of Asia. In the pandld 
of latitude which passes through the pillars of Herenles and 
the Island of ^Rhodes, and in which Strabo believed that a 
connected chain of mountains traversed tiie old continent da 
its greatest breadth, he conjectured the eiii^^ice of '^anothdr 
continent between the western coast of Europe and Asia. 
"He says, {^^^) "it is very possible that there may be, beside 
the world which we inhabit^ in the same tanperate zono, 
about the parallel of Thinse (or Athens?) which passes 
through the Atlantic Sea, one or more othiar worlds inhalHied 
by men different from ourselves/' It is surprising that the 
attention of Spanish writers in the beginning of the sixte^tii 
century, who thought that they found everywhere in the 
•lassies traces of a knowledge of the new world, should not 
have been attracted by this passage. 

''Since,'' & Strabo finely says, "in all works of ait 
which would represent something great, the object is not &e 
^ish and completeness of separate parts," so in his "g^antic 
work'' it was his wish to fix his attention primarily 
On the fonn of the whole. This predilection^ for gene- 
ralisation has at the same time not prevented him from 
bringing forward a great number of excdOient physical ob- 
servations, and particularly many concerning the stmctnie 
of the earth. {^^) Like Posidonius and Polybius, he 
discusses Ihe influence of the shorter or longer interval 
between successive passages of the sun through the zeniUi 

Of tne tmrrBBSB.^HBOHAK impiab. 189 

under (lie tropic or the equator npon the maximum of iem- 
peratuve of tbe «ir; he treats of the variotis causes of the 
Ganges wfaieh the suifiEiee of the earth undergoes ; of the 
brcfddng tiirough of the boundaries of hkes or seas originally 
doeed; of the general ievA of the sea (abeady recognised 
hf Archimedes) ; of its currents; of the eruptions of sub- 
ntsrine inolcanoes ; of petri&ctions of dbieDs, and impressions 
nit Mies; tmd even of the oscillations of the crust of the 
earthy -which last point espedallj arrests our attention, as it 
has become the nudeus of modem geology, Strabo says 
expresdythat the alterations of the boundaries between land 
and sea are to foe attributed to the rising and sinking of the 
land rather than to small inundations ; ''that not only 
detached masses of rode, or small or large islands, but even 
whole comtinents may be raised up.'^ Like Herodotus, 
Strabo is also attentive to the descent of nations, and to the 
diversities of race in mankind ; he curiously enough calls 
man a "land and air animal" who ''requires much light'* 
(^. We find the ethnological distmctions of races most 
acutdy and accurately marked in the commentaries of Julius 
Ceesar, as wdl as in Tadtns's fine eulogium oh Agricola. 

Unfartunately Strabo's great work, so rich in facts and in 
the €dsmic8l views which we have here referred to, remained 
almost unknown in Eoman antiquity untQ the fifth century, 
and was not even employed by the all-collecting Pliny, 
towards ike end of the middle ttges Btrabo's work became 
influential on the direction of ideas, though in a less degree 
than the more mathematical and more dry and tabular 
geography of Claudius PtdemsBus, firom which physical views 
are almost entirely absent. This latter work became the 
guiding clue of aU travellers as late as the sixteenth century ; 


thej imagined that thej reoc^pused in it nnder different 
names whatever new places they discovered. In the same 
numn^. that natural historians long attached to new foimd 
plants and animals the marks of the classes of Lmnsensy so 
the earliest maps of the New Continent appeared in the atlas 
of Ptolemj which Agathodsomon prepared^ at the same time 
that, in the farthest part of Asia> among the highly civilised 
Chinese, the western provinces of the empire (^?^) were 
already marked in forty-four divisions. The nnivarsal 
geography of Ptolemy has, indeed, the merit of presenting to 
us the whole of the ancient world graphically in outlmes, 
as well as numerically in positions assigned according to 
longitude, latitude, and length of day ; but often as he 
affirms the superiority of astronomical results over itinerai; 
estimates by land or water, we are unfortunately without 
any means of distinguishing among these assigned positions, 
above 2500 in number, the nature of the fopmdation on 
which each rests, or the relative probability which may be 
ascribed to them according to the itineraries then existing. 

The entire ignorance of the polarity of the magnetic needle, 
and of the use of the compass, which 1250 years before the 
time of Ptolemy, under the Chinese emperor Tschingwang, 
had been employed in the construction of ^^ magnetic cars'' 
furnishing an index to the road to be followed, rendered 
the most detailed itineraries of the Greeks and Somans 
extremely uncertain, from a want of knowledge of the direc- 
tion or angle with the meridian. {^^) 

In the better knowledge which has recently been ob- 
tained of the Indian and ancient Persian (or Z^id) lan- 
guages, we are struck by the fact that a great paitof 
the geographical nomenclature of Ptolemy may be re^paided 


m an liistorio monnment of the commercial relations 
between the West and the most distant regions of sonthem 
and central Aria. (^ One of the most important geographical 
results of these relations was the correct opinion of the 
insolation of the Oas|Han Sea, which was restored by Ptolemy 
after the contrary error had lasted five hundred years. The 
troth on this subject had been recognised both by Herodotus 
and by Aristotle, tiie latter hating fortunately written his 
Meteorologica before the Asiatic campaigns of Alexander. 
Hie Olbiopdites, from whose lips the fiither of history had 
gathered the account which he followed^ were jEEmiiliar with 
the northern shores of the Caspian betwera the Kuma^ the 
Volga (Bha)^ and the Jaik (Ural) ; and there was nothing 
tiiere which could give them an idea of an outlet to the Iqr 
Seai Yery different reasons produced the erroneous im- 
pression received by the Macedonian army, when^ passing 
tim>u^ HecatompyloB (Damaghan)^ thqr descended into 
the humid forests of Mazanderan^ and, at Zadracarta^ a little 
to the west of tlie present Asterabad, saw the apparently 
boundless expanse of the Caspian in the northern direction. 
Flutarch tells us in his Life of Alexander that this sight first 
caused the hypothesis that the #a thus seen was a gulf of 
tiie Euxine. (^ The Macedonian OLpedition, although 
it was upon the whole very favourable to the progress of 
geographical knowledgCi yet gave rise to particular errors 
which long maintained themselves. The Tanals was con* 
founded with the Jaxartes (the Araxes of Herodotus), and 
tiie Gaocastts with the Paropanisus (the Hindoo Coosh). 
Ftolemy, during his residence iat Alexandria, was able to 
obtain certain accounts firom countries immediately adjoining 
/-the Caqpian|(£rom Albania Atn^tene, and Hyrcania), of the 

198 BP00H8 nr thb hisioat ot thb ooimiaiiAnoir 

oaraTan loads of the Aorai, whose oameb earned Iiidiaii and 
Babjloiiiaiigood8totheDonaiidtoiIieKackSea(^). lS,Wk^ 
traiy to the joster knowledge of Hecodotnt^ Ptotoay beUered 
the length of the Caspian to be greatest in tiieeart and west 
direction^ he may perhaps haTe been thus misled by some 
obscure knowledge of the former greater ixtent of Ao 
Scythian Gulf (Eaiabogas) ; and the ^dsAcneeof Lake Anl, 
the first decided notice of which we find in & BysKntine an* 
thor, Menander, who wrote a oontinnatioii of Agatihiaa. (^ 
It is to be regretted that Ptolemy, who leeloeed Ha 
Caspian Sea» (which the hypothesia cf four gnl& sop- 
posed to be the reflections or oonnierparts of siBttlar ones in 
the disk of the moon {^^) had bug k^ open), did not aft 
the same time give up the fiiUe of tiie '^ unknown sonthflRi 
land'' connecting Gape Frasnm with Oattigara and Thins^ 
(Sinarum metropolis) ; therefore ccmnecting eastern Afinca 
with the land of Tsin, or China. This myth, whieh would make 
the Indian Ocean an inhmd sea, was derived from vievs 
whiidi may be traced back from Marinns of Tyre to Hip* 
parchusj Seleucos the Bfkbyloniant, and evento Aristotte. (^ 
In these cosmioal descriptioiis of the progressive advance of 
the knowledge and oontemi^ation of the Universe, it is soft* 
cient to lecal by a few examples how in successive fluctuatianB 
the already half recognised tretii has often been ^;aiii 
obscured. The more the increased extent bo& of aavigatioii 
and of traffic by land seemed to render it possiUe to know 
tiie whole of the earth's suifoee, the more actively, espeoiaUf 
in the Alexandrian period under the Lipids, and nnder thtf 
Boman empire, did the never alumbering Hellenic imagine* 
tion seek by ing^ous comUneiiona to Uend all previous 
coigectures with the newly added stores of actual knowledge^ 

an^ tbcui to QomplwUi »t onoe the yet scaicdjr sketclied map 
cf tbaeiMfth. 

We have alfseady briefly notiioed that Qaodius FtolemsBUfl 
bg^ 14» optica^ n^seaiches (which have l^een preserved to us^ 
a)|jjtiqqgh( 19 a Yeiy ioc(Hn^ete staic^ by the Axabians) be- 
oeip^ the fep^i^Eir of a Imaich. of mathei»atical physiGs ; 
\|b^qh^ u^Jee^^ iioeordijig to Thecm of Alexandiia^ (^ 
had already been touched upoE, so &r as relates to the le- 
ftac^mik i4 i!9j&% 191 tiie Catoptrii^ of Ardiimedes. It is a 
y^ impolite step ia advance, wheii physical phenomena, 
mtmA ok ^mg simply observed and compared with, each 
(lth^>--H^ wkidi WO} find memocable examples in Greoiaa^ 
dfiia^ij Wk tbe p8e^do-AJristotetian problems, which are foli. 
qCB>aHw,ai^diftRo»>anaailiqmiyinthewril^ — 

lie prodiM»d at ifiU nndei altered oondifeiolis, and measured*, 
(3M) Th^ pioAeoa thus retoed to ohiyracteriaes PtoIem/s> 
remki^Mi Qn the re&netion of rays of Ught when made to passi 
tlNxmgk media of uiJie^pM^deosiiy. He caused the xays to, pasn 
&Qm airinto w^tarand g^iass, and from water into glass, under 
different. a9gl98 <^ ineideiiQeb Tfai&mrults oi these " physical 
cB^pewpnenti^^ ^«re f^oUe^ted bj) hiin v^ td)les. This, 
measioiii^inmk of a fhyaioal phenomenon purpose^ caUed 
fpith> ^ a natuffd process not reduced to a movement of 
cl the waves of ]j^ (AriMotle aamiied a movement of the 
me^jwin intervening between the eye and the.objeet seen)^ 
is a sofitaiy oocvirrenoe in th& period of which we are 
ifidfiimf^ (3^) In the* invest^iatjtn ol inovgaoio imtme^ 
this period offers in additioa only a kw ohemieal eKpeximenta 
by Sioeeorides^ and, aft I havc^ elsewhere obaewed^ ihe^ 
tfic^nic^ art of; ^Sei^tiiigt floid^ whim piiawipg^vfeff indiatiQiis 

194 EPOCHS nr thb histost ov the ookteicplatioii 

tion. ('^) Ab ehemifltiy first begins irhen men have kami 
to employ mineral acids as powerfdl solvents, and aa means of 
liberating substances, the distillation of sea-water, described 
by Alexander of Aphrodisias, in the reign of Garacalla, is 
deserving of great attention. It indicates the path by wfaadi 
men gradually arrived at the knowledge of the heteregeheily 
of substances, their combination in chemical compoonds, and 
their reciprocal attractions or affinities. 

We can onfy dt^ as having advanced the knowledge of 
organic nature, the anatomist Marinus, Bufns of Ephesns 
who dissected apes and distinguished between nerves of 
sensation and of motion, and Galen of Pergamos Who eclipses 
all other names. The natural history of animais by .ffilian of 
Prseneste, and the poem treating of fishes written by Oppianus 
of CSilicia, do not contain facts based on the author's own 
examination, but only scattered notices derived from other 
sources. It is hardly conceivable how the enormoiis multi- 
tude (^') of rare animals, which, during four centuries, were 
massacred in the Boman circus, — elephants, rhinocofoses, 
hippopotamuses, elks, Uons, tig«», panthers, crocodiles, and 
ostriches, — should never have been rendered of any use to 
comparative anatomy. I have already spoken of the merits iof 
IMoseorides in segard to the knowledge of collected plants: 
his works exercised a poverful and long-enduring influence 
on the botany and phacmaceutical ohemistiy of the Arabians. 
The botanical garden of the Boman physidan Antonius 
Gastor (who lived to upwards of a hundred years of age), 
imitated, perhaps, from the botanical gardens of Theo- 
phrastus and Mithridetes, was probiibly of no greater scien- 
tific use than the coQectton of fossil bones of the Emperor 

07 THB UKIVIB8B. — ^BOUAN EMnXl. 195 

AugostUB^ or theassemUagec^ objeots of natural liistoiy 
which has been ascribed on very feeble grounds to Appukios 
of MadauTR. {^) 

Before we close the desci^on of what the period of 
the Soman empxe oontribated towards the adyanoement 
of cosBiiGal knowledge^ we have still to mention the grand 
essay towards a description of the Universe which Cains 
Plinins Secnndus endeavoured to comprise in thirty-seven 
books. ' In tiie whole of antiqnity nothing abnilar had been 
attempted; and although in the execntion of the work 
it became a kind of enc^dqwedia of nature and art 
(the author in his dedication to Titus not 8onq>ling to 
apply to his work the then more noble Greek expression 
9yKvK\oirati€ia), yet it cannot be denied that, notwithstimding 
the want of an internal connection and coherence of parts, 
still the whole presents a fdan or sketch of a physical 
description of the Universe. 

The Hist(»ia Natundis of Pliny^-^tenned Historia Mundi 
in the tabular view whidbi forms what is now called the first 
book, and in a letter of his nephew's to his Mend Macer 
more finely described as a Natures. Historia., — embraces the 
heavens and the earth, the position and course of the 
heavenly bodies, the meteorological processes of the atmo* 
sphere, the forms of the earth's sur&ce, and all terrestrial 
objects, from the v^table covering of the land and the 
moUusce of the ocean up to the race of man. Maidundare 
considered according to the variety of their mental disposi- 
tions and intelleotual powers, and to the cultivation and ex- 
altation of these as mainifested in the noblest works of art. I 
have here named the elements of a general knowledge of nature 
which lie scattered ahnoat without order in the great work 

I9f £FO0Hft m lan euoobx op tvs ooiimmtumos 

«C which ve ave apeakiog. /'Tb^ piKth Ub whkh I piopooi 
to Wflk" aajs Flioy^ mtik nM^ confldQQoe in hiioself^ ^ it 
untrodden, (non trita auctoribns via) ; no one anions 
Qor^dv^sy, BO ow lOQong the Greekcii^ haa undertake to 
tpeat as one the whole ei nature (nemo. apod Ghmeoa q/A 
unua omnia bactaverit^ If my nftdertakittg ie no^ sneoess** 
fill, still it is aomething fair and noUe (pulehrani atqoe 
magttificnm) to have attempted ita acoconplishmenL'' 

There floated before the mind of Pliny a grand and 
single imi^; but diverted from his purpose by specialities 
and wanting the Uving pefaonal oontemphtion of natore^ 
he was unable to hold &8t this image. The execution 
remained impecfect, not moely fiom haste and ireqpenb 
want of knowledge t)f the ob}ieot8 to be treated, but ako 
tpmi defective arrangement. We may judge thns firom 
those portiona of work whieh are now accessible to usl Hfia 
recognise in theauthor a man of rank, fall of occnpatio% 
who prides himself on labour bestowed on his wock in 
sleepless nights, but who, whilst exercising the fiiuetioiia 
of govenunent in Spain, and those of superiutendevt of 
the fleet in Lover Italy, doubtleas too often confided to 
imperfectly educated dqtendants the loose web of an 
endless compilation. This fondnesa for compilation, t. e, 
fbr a kborions collection of separate observationa and 
fects such as the state of knowlec^ conld then afford^ 
is, in itself, by. no means deserving of oenaurei the knperw 
fection in the success of the resolt arose from the want 
of capacity foUy to mastof and oemmand the aecuma* 
lated materiaLi,T— to subordinate the dtsoiptiona of natora 
to hitler and more general viewB,««^'«]d to keep ateadStyi 
to the pdut of view from which the whole should be seei^ 


m.j iliat of a compantive study of mime. The germi <tf 
sach higher views^ not meidy oiographie^ hxA truly geo> 
gnoiticy were to be found in Eratosthenes and Strabo ) but 
the works of the fomnerwere made use of by Pliny only ta 
one instance^ and those of the latter not at all. Nor has he 
leamei from Aristode's anatoinieal history of animals^ eithef 
the division into great classes based upon tiie principal divert 
sities of internal ocguosaliony or the method of indnetian^ • 
the only safe means of generalisation of results. 

Gommencing with pantheistic oontmnplatioQS and con- 
iidenitionB) Pliij descends from the celestial spaces to 
terrestrial objects. Kecogmeing the necessity of presentmg 
tiie powers and the megesfy of natore (naturae vis atquo 
majestaa) as a great and concurrent whole^ (I refer here to 
the motto on the .title of my woi^)^ he also distii^piishesi 
in the beginning of the third book^ bd^een general and 
qpesial geography; but this distinction is soon again forw 
gotten and negieeted when he plunges into the dry nom^- 
okture of countries^ mountains^ and rivers. Tke greater 
part of bodes viii. to zxvii.^ xxxiii. and xxxiv.^ xxxvi. and 
xxxvii. is filled with catalogues of the three kingdoms of 
nature. The younger Phny^ in cme of his letters^ charac- 
terises his uncle's work with great justness as ''a work 
learned and ML of matter; no less various than nature 
herself (opus diffusum, ouditum^ nee minus varium quam 
ipsa natura).'' Mudi which has been made a subject of 
reproach to Piiny as needless and extraneous admixture^ I 
m inxshned to r^ard rather as deserving of praise. I view 
wxtii particular pleasure the firequent references which ho 
aiakes^ w^ evident predilection^ to the influ^ace of natnio 



on the civilization and mental deydopment of mankind, Hia 
points of connection, however, are aeldom happily chosen 
(vii. 24 to 47 ; xxv. 2 ; xxvi. 1 ; xxxv. 2; xxxvL 2 to 4; 
xxxviL 1.) The nature of mineral and vegetable sab- 
stances, for example, leads to a fragment of the history of 
the plastic arts; but this fragment has beoome in the 
present state of onr knowledge of greater interest and impor- 
• tance than almost all which we can gather from his work in 
descriptive natural history. 

The style of Pliny is rather spirited and livdy than cha- 
racterised by true grandeur; he seldom defines pictniesqu^; 
and we feel, in reading his work, that the antbor had 
derived his impre^ions from books, and not from the free 
aspect of nature herself, although he had enjoyed that 
aspect in various regions of the earth. A grave and mehm- 
choly colouring is spread over the whole, and with this 
sentimental tone there is blended a d^ree of faitteniess 
whenever man and his circumstances and destiny are touched 
upon. At such tiaies (almost as in the writings of 
Cicero, (^^) though with less simplicity of diction)^ the 
view of the great universal whole of the world of nature is 
described as reassuring and consolatory. 

The conclusion of the Historia Naturalis of PUby, the 
greatest Boman memorial bequeathed to the literature of 
the middle ages, is conceived in the true spirit of a descrip* 
Hon of the universe. As we now possess it, since 18lSl, (**®) 
it contains a cursory view of the comparative natural history 
of countries in different zones ; and a laudatory descriptiQii 
of Southern Europe between the natural boundaries of- the 
Mediterranean and the Alps, and ci the serene heaven at 


Hesperia,! ^where/' aooordiiig to a dogma of the older 
I^hagoreansj ''the soft and temperate dimate had early 
hastened the escape of mankind from barbarism/' 

The influence of the Boman dominion^ as a constant 
element of union and fusion, deserves to be brought f orward, 
in a history of the contemplation of the universe, with the 
more detaQ and force, because we can recc^mse its conse- 
quences even at a perioci when the union of the anpire had 
been loosened, and in part destroyed, by the assaults and 
irruptions of the barbarians* CSaudian, who, in a late and 
troubled s^, under Theodosius the Great and his sons, 
came forward with new poetic productiveness in the decline 
of literature, still songs, intoo laudatorv strains, of the Boman 
sovereignly (3") :— 

" Haec est, in gremium victos qm sola recepit^ 
Hnmanimiqiie genus commnni nomine ibvit 
MdsSs, non daminsB, ritn; oiTesqiie vocaTit 
Qnos domnit, nexnqne pio longlnqna revuudt. 
Hig'as pacificis debemus moribus omnes 
Quod veluti patriis regionibns ntitur hospes" • 

• • • • 

Outward means of constraint, skilfully disposed civil in- 
stitutions, and long-continued habits of servitude, may 
indeed produce union, by taking away separate national 
exist^ce ; but the feeling of the unity of mankind, of their 
common humanity, and of the equal rights of all portions 
of the human race, has a nobler origin : it is in the inmost 
imptdses of the human mind, and in religious convictions, 
that its foundations are to be sought. Christianity has pre- 
eminently contributed to call forth the idea of the unity of 
mankind, and has thereby acted beneficently on the '' human- 
izing'' of nations, in their manners and institutions. Deeply 

BOO xxnimBLAXKiK <xr tbb VKivsunL 

iabsswov&i Aon the fint "^ith iShiistiaa doofamM^ iiud k 
of hmnanitjr has nevartiidess taif Blowly obtuned its just 
recognitioiu At &e tmie ^Aea, from polaiiaeal motiTee^ &t 
new Mth was estabUahed at JBytantiam •aa the TeHgktQ of 
ike state^ its adherents wne abeacty involTed in naaevaUe 
party strife, whilst inteitcourse with diai^nt nattons had hecn 
diecked^ and the fonndatioiis ef tiie empire had been ahalow 
hf external assaidts* ETen the persond freedom of entire 
classes of men loi^ fomid no protection in Ghiiatian states^ 
and even among ecclesiastical piepriekos and corptmtions. 
&Loh nnnatacal impedime»tBy aad manyothos which staH 
atand in tiiie way of the intdlectiial and social adyanceiQeut 
and ennobleaoent of niankindj will giadnalfy vanish. The 
principle of individual and political freedom is rooted in the 
indestructible conviction of the equal rights of the* whole 
human race. Thus, as I have already said in another 
place, (3^^) mankind,. as one great br0theriux)d, advance 
together towards the attainment cl one common object, the 
free development of their moral faculties. This view of 
humanity, or at least the tendency towards the formation of 
this view, — ^sometimes cheeked, sometimes advancing with 
powerful and rapid steps, and by no means a disooveny of 
modem times — ^by the mdversality of its direction, bekmgs 
most properly to our sabject, as elevating and Mifitiniang 
eosmical life. In depicting a great epodi in the history of 
the world, that of the Empireof the Bomans and the laws 
which they originated, and of thel)^nning of the Christian 
religion, it was fittfaig that I should, before all thhigs, leeal 
the manner in which Christianity enlarged the views of macD- 
kind, and exercised a mild and enduring, although slovfy 
operating, influence on Intelligence and drSization, 





luyasion of the Arabians — ^Aptitude of this part of the Semitio 
Bace for IhteHecttial Gultiyation— Inflnence of a I'orcign Element 
on the Dei^elopment of Enropeim Givflkatioii and Ooltxtre— Pe* 
eoliarities of the National Gharaeter of the AxafaiBiis-^Attaeh- 
ment to the Study of Nature and its powers — Seience of Ma- 
teria Medica and Chemistry — ^Extension of Physical Geography 
to liie Interior of Continents, and Adyances in Astronomy and 
in the Mathematical Sciences. 

In my fkeick of the histoiy of the physical contemplatioii of 
liie universe^ I have already enumerated four leading epodis 
in the gradual development of the recognition of the miiverse 
as a whole. These included, firstly, the period when the 
inhabitantB of the coasts of the Mediterranean ^deavourecL 
to penetrate eastward to the Euxine and the Phasis, soutk* 
ward to Ophir and the tropical gold lands, and westward 
through the Pillars of Hercules into the '' all-surrounding 
ocean f' secondly, the epoch of the Macedonian expeditions 
under Alexander the Great; thirdly, the period of the 
Lagidse; and fourthly, -that of the Boman Empire of the 
World. We have now to c(msider the powerful influence 
exercised by the Arabians, whose civilization was a new de- 
ment foreign to that of Europe,^ — ^and, six or seven centuries 
later, by the maritime discoveries of the Portuguese uid 
Spaniards, — on the general physical and mathematical know* 


ledge of nature^ in respect to form and measurement on the 
earth and in the r^ons of space^ to the heterogeneity of 
substances, and to the powers or forces resident therein. The 
discovery and exploration of the New Continent, with its 
lo% Cordilleras and their numerous volcanoes, its elevated 
plateaus with successive stages of climate placed one above 
another, and its various vegetation ranging through 120 
degrees of latitude, mark incontestably the period in which 
there was offered to the human mind, in the smallest space 
of time, the greatest abundance of new physical perceptions. 
Thenceforward the extension of cosmical knowledge has no 
longer been connected with poUtical events acting witiiin 
definite localities. !From that period the human intellect 
has brought forth great things by virtue of its own proper 
strength ; and instead of being principally incited thereto by 
the influence of extraneous events, it now works simul- 
taneously in many directions: by new combinations of 
thought it creates for itself new organs, wherewith to examine, 
on the one hand, the wide regions of celestial space, and, on 
the other, the delicate tissues of animal and vegetable struc- 
ture which form the substratum of life. The whole of the 
seventeenth century, brilliantly opened by the great discovery 
of the telescope and by the more immediate fruits of that 
discovery, — ^from Galileo's observations of Jupiter's sateOites, 
the crescent form of the disk of Venus, and the solar spots, 
to Newton's theory of gravitation, — ^is distinguished as the 
jnost important epoch of a newly created ''physical 
astronomy." We here find, therefore, once more a marked 
epoch, characterised by imity in the endeavours devoted to 
the observation of the heavens and to mathematical re- 
search; it forms a well-defined section in the great process 

of intellectual dbvdbpiueiiliy whicli smce that period hat 
advasLced oninterraptedly forward. 

Nearer to our own time it becomes so much the moie 
diflBcult to distingoiabparticular epochs^ as tbe inteHectoal ao- 
tivity of mankind has moved forward aimultaneottsly in many 
directions, and as witti a new order of social and political 
relations a closer bond of union now subsists between the 
differ^t sciences. In the separate stocUes the develoinnent 
of which belongs to the '^histoiy of the physical sciences/' 
in chmnistiy and descriptive botany, it is stjll quite possible^ 
even up to the post recent time, to distinguish insulated 
periods in which the greatest advances were made, or in 
which new views suddenly prevailed; but in the *' history of 
the contemplation of the universe/' — ^which, according to its 
essihitial character, ought to borrow from the histoiy of 
separate studies only that which relates most immediately to 
the extension of the idea of the C!osmos,— connection with 
particular epochs becomes unsafe and impracticable, since 
that which we have just termed an intellectual process of 
development supposes an uninterrupted simultaneous ad- 
vance in all departments of cosmical knowledge. Having 
now arrived at the important point of separation, at which, 
after the fall of the Soman Empire of the World, there 
appears a new and foreign element of cultivation received by 
our continent for the i^i time direct from a tropical coun- 
try, it may be use&il to cast a general glance at the path 
which, yet remains to be travelled over. 

The Arabians, a primitive Semitic race, partially dispelled 
the barbarism which for two centuries had overspread the 
bee of Europei after it had been shaken to its foundations 
by the tempestuous assaults of the nations by whom it was 



OYemin. The Arabians not onlj contributed to presem 
scientific cnltiyation, by leading men back to the perennial 
sources of Greek philosophy^ but they also extended that cuM- 
yation^ and opened new paths to the investigation of natnie. 
The desolation of our continent by the overwhelming torrent 
of invading nations commenced in the reign of Yalentinian I.^ 
in the last quarter of the 4th century, when the Huns (of 
Finnish not MongoHan origin) crossed the Don, and 
oppressed the Alani, and later with the help of these, the 
Ostrogoths. Ear off in eastern Asia, the t(»T^t of 
migrating nations had been set in motion several centuries 
before our era. The first impulse was giv^ as we 
have already said, by the attack of the_Hiungnu (a Tork- 
isTi tribe), on the fair -haired and blue-eyed, perhaps Indo- 
germanic, population of the Usiin, dwelling adjacent to'ihe 
Tueti (Get© ?), in the upper valley of the Hoangho in Norfli- 
western China. This desolating torrent, props^ated £rom 
the great wall erected against the Hiungnu (214 B.C.) to 
the most' western parts of Europe, moved through central 
Asia north of the chain of the Himalaya. These Asiatic 
hordes were not animated by any religious zeal before 
they came in contact with Europe; it has even beea 
dhown that they were not yet Buddhists (^i^) ^hen th^ 
arrived as conquerors in Poland and Silesia. Causes of an 
entirely different kind gave to the warlike outbreak of a 
southern people, the Arabians, a peculiar character. 

In the generally compact and unbroken continent of 
Asia, (31*) the almost detached peninsula of Arabia, between 
the Bed Sea and the Persian Gulf, the Euphrates and the 
Syrian part of the Mediterranean, forms a remarkably dis- 
tinct feature. It is the westernmost of the three pemnsoiaB 


of Bouthem Asia, and its proximity to Egypt and to a 
£afopean sea render its geographical position a very favour* 
fiUe one, both politicaily and commercially, in the central 
» parts of the Arabian peninsula lived the population of the 
Hedjaz, a noble and powerful race^ uninformed but not 
rude, imaginative, and yet devoted to the careful observa- 
tion of all the phenomena presenting themselves to their 
«yes in the open face of nature, on the ever clear vault of 
heaven or on the surface of the earth. After this race 
had Uved for th6usands of years almost without contact with 
the rest of Hhe world, and leading for the most part a 
nomadic life, they suddenly broke, forth, became poHshed 
tmi informed by mental contact with the inhabitants of the 
ancient seats of cultivation, and subdued, proselytised, and 
ruled over nations from the Pillars of Hercules to the Indus 
as far as the point where the Bolor chain intersects that of 
the Hindoo Goosh. Even from the middle of the ninth 
isentury they maintained commercial relations at once with the 
northeni countries of Europe and with Madagascar^ with East 
Africa, India and China; they diffused their language, their 
coins, and the Indian system of numbers, and founded a 
powerful combination of countries held together by the ties 
of a common religious faith. It o&esa happened that great 
provinces were only temporarily overrun. The swarming 
troop, threatened by the natives, encamped, according to a 
coinparison of their native poets, ''like groups of clouds 
wHch are soon scattered anew by the wind.'' No national 
movement ever offered more animated phenomena; and the 
mind-repressing spirit which appears to be inherent in Islam, 
has manifested itself, on the whole, £ar less under the Ara- 
bian empire than among the Turkish races. Beligious per- 


0eoution was here as elsewhere (ftmong CSuJsttan iiaiioitf 
also)^ rather the effect of a boaii<£ess dc^matising despo- 
tism, (3^^) than of the (Higiiuil fiEiith and doctrine or of tiie 
religious coxitemplation of the natitm. The seTerity of tite ' 
Koran is principally directed against idolatry, and especially 
against the worship of idols by Aramean races. 

As the life of natidns is determined not only by then 
internal mental dispositions, bat also by many estemal oaiL<- 
ditions of soil, dirnate, protimiiy of the sea> &c., we shoidl 
first recal the diversities of form presented by the Arabin 
peninsula. Although the first impulse which led to iiie 
great changes which the Arabians wrought in the three 
continents proceeded from the Ismaelitish Hedjaz, and 
owed its principal strength to a solitaiy pastoral tribe, ji 
the coasts of the other parts of ihe peninsula had for IhoiV' 
sands of years enjoyed seme p(»rtion of intercourse with tiie 
rest of the world. In order to obtain an insight into the 
connection and necessary conditions of great and singobr 
events, we must ascend to the causes whidi gradurJly prepaied 
the way for thenu 

Towards the south west, near tli» Erythrean ISea.^ o 
situated the fine fruitful and i^cultoral country of die 
Joctanides, {^^^) Yemen, the ancient seat of oi^ilizatioii 
(Saba). It produces incense (lebonah of the Hebrewsi, par* 
haps BosweUia thurifera, Gdebr.), (3^^) myrrh (a laiid>«f 
Amyris, first exactly described by Ehraiberg), amd vefaatn 
called the balsam of Mecca (Balsamodendron gileadense!, 
Kunth) : all of which formed articles of a considerable trade 
with neighbouring nations, and were carried to the Bgfp- 
(ians, to the Persians and Indians, and to the GreekB aod 
ttomans* It was from the^e productions that the geographioil 


Of THX innTE]t8B.--THB ABABIANS. 207 

ileitomination of Aiabia Felix, which we find first employed 
by Diodorus «Qd Strabo, was given. Ou the south-east 
«f the pemnsula, on the Persian Gulf, the town of Gerrha, 
sitnated opposite to the Phoenician settlements oi Arados 
and lyius^ Icmiied an important mart for the traffic 
UL Indian goods. Ahhongh almost the wJhole of the in* 
tenor of Arabia may be termed a treeless sandy desert, 
yet there exist in Oman (between^ Jailan and Batna), a 
chain of oases, watered by subteiraaean canak; and we 
owe to the activity of the meritorious traveller Wellsted, (3*®) 
the knowledge of three mountain chains, of which the lof*^ 
tiest smomit, Djebd Akhdar> rises, clothed with forests, to 
an elevation of more than six thousand feet above the level 
of the sea. There are also in the mountain, country of 
Yem^, east of Lopeia, and in tiie littoral chain of HedjaZ 
in Asyr, as well as east of Mecca near Tayef, elevated 
plains, of which, the constantly low temperature was known 
to the geographer Edrisi. ('^^) 

The same variety of mountain landscape characterises the 
peninsula of Sinai, the '^copp^ land'^ of the Egyptians of 
the " ancient kingdom'^ (before the time of the Hyksos), and 
the rocky valleys of Petra. I have already spoken, in a 
preceding section, (^w) of the Phoenician trading settlements 
on, the most northern part of the Bed Sea, and the voyages 
to Ophir of the ships of Hiram and Solomoi^ which sailed 
from Eeion Geber. Arabia, and the adjacent island ol 
Socotora (the Island of Dioscorides), inhabited by Indian 
settlers, were tiie intermediate links of the traffic of the 
world with India and the east coastof Afiica. The produc* 
tions of tiiese countries were commonly confounded with 
those of Hadramaut and Yemen. We read in the prophet 


Isaiah^ ''they (the dromedaries of Midian) shall come from 
Saba^ they shall bring gold and incense/' ('^i) Petra was 
the emporium for the valuable goods designed for Tyw 
and Sidon^ and a principal seat of the once powerful com- 
. merdal nation of the Nabateans^ supposed by the learned 
Quatrem^re to have had their original dwelling-place in the 
Gerrhft mountains^ near the lower Euphrates. This northern 
part of Arabia, by its proximity to Egypt, by the spreading 
of Arabian tribes into the mountains bounding Syria and 
Palestine and into the countries near the Euphrates^ as well as 
by the celebrated caravan road from Damascus through Emesa 
and Tadmor (Palmyra) to Babylon^ had come iiitto influential 
contact with other civilised states. Mahomet himsdf, 
sprung from a noble but impoverished family of the tribe ci 
Koreish^ in the course of his trading occupations^ before 
he came forward as an inspired prophet and reformer^ 
had visited the fair of Bosra on the Syrian border, the fair 
held in Hadramaut the land of incense, as well as the twenty 
days' fair of Okadh near Mecca, where poets, chiefly Bedouins, 
assembled for lyrical contests. I allude to these particalaTS 
of the Arabian commerce, and the circumstances thenoe 
arising, in order to give a more vivid picture of that which 
prepared great revolutions in the world. 

The spreading of the Arabian population towards ite 
north reminds us of two events, the circumstances of 
which are indeed veiled in obscurity, but which afford 
evidence that ages before Mahomet the inhabitants of 
the peninsula had mixed in the affairs of the world Ijy 
outbreaks to the west and east, towards Egypt and the 
Euphrates. The Semitic or Aramaic descent of the Hyksos, 
who, under the twetfth djnasiy, 2200 years before (mr cst^ 


pat an ead to the ''ancient kingdom" of Egypt, is now 
received by almost all liistoric investigators. Manetho eveu 
had said^ ''some maintain that these shepherds i^eie 
Arabians/' In other sources of historical knowledge they 
are called Fhcenicians — a name which in antiquity was 
extended to the inhabitants of the valley of the Jordan, and 
to all the Arabian tribes. The acute Ewald refers particu- 
larly to the Amalekites (AmalekaUans), who originally dwelt 
in Yemen, and then spread themselves by Mecca and Medina 
to Canaan and Syria, and are said, in early Arabian historical 
works^ to have had power over Egypt in the time of 
Joseph. (3^^) It still must appear remarkable how the noma- 
dic tribes of theHyksos should have beoi able to overthrow the 
powerful and well-established "ancient kingdom^' of Egypt. 
Men accustomed to freedom fought with success against men 
habituated to a long course of servitude, even though at that 
period the victorious Arabian invaders were not, as they sub- 
sequently were, animated by religious enthusiasnu Prom fear 
of the Assyrians (races of Arpachsad), the Hyksos established 
the fortress of Avaris as a place of arms on the eastern branch 
of the Nfle. Perhaps this circumstance may indicate a suc- 
cession of advancing warlike masses^ or a movement of nations 
directed towards the west. A second event, which occurred 
fully 1000 years afterwards, is that which Diodorus(^^) 
relates from Gtesias. Ariseus, a powerful Himyarite prince, 
entered into alliance with Ninus on the Tigris, and with 
him, defeated the Babylonians, and returned to his home in 
Bouth^n Arabia laden with rich spoils. (^^) 

Although, on the whole, the prevailing mode of life in 
Hedjas, and that followed by a large and powerful portion 
of the people, was a free and pastoral one, yet even tiioi 


tile towns of Medba and Mooca (the latter with its higUf 
aEicient and ^gmatical sacred Kaaba) were distinguished 
as places of importance visited by fore%n nations. In 
districts adjacent to the sea, or to the caravan roads 
which act as rrrer vallies, tile complete savage wildness 
^gendered by entire insulation never prevailed. Oibbon^ 
whose conception of the diiferent circumstances of man- 
Kind is always so clear^ notices the important distindaon 
to be drawn between the nomadic life of the inhabitants of 
the Arabian ]^)eninsula, and that of the Scythians described 
by Herodotus md Hippocrates; since among the latter, no 
part of the pastoral population ever settled in towns, whereas 
in the great Arabian peninsula, the inhabitants of ike country 
have always kept up intercourse with the inhabitants of the 
towns, who they regard as descended from the same original 
race as themselves. {^^) In the Kii^ez Steppe, a portion of 
the plains inhabited by the ancient Scythians (Scoloti and 
Sacae) and exceeding Germany in superficial extent, (^^ej qo 
town has existed far thousands of years; yet at the time of mj 
Siberian joum^, the number of tents ^ourtes or kibitkos) 
in the three wandering hordes still exceeded 400,000, indi- 
cating a nomadic population of two millions. I need not 
enter more folly on the influence which such differences, in 
regard to the greater or less insulation of nomadic life, most 
have exercised cm the national aptitude for mental eultivauon, 
even supposing an equality of origmal disposition and 

In the noble and richly-gii ted Arab race^ the internal dis* 
position and aptitude lor mental cultivation concur with the 
external circumstances to which I have adverted, — I mean the 
natural features of the country, and the ancient commercial 


inteicoxine of the coasts with highly -ci?i]ised neighbooring 
statesi — ^m explaining how the irruptions intoSyria and Fersi^ 
and at a later period the poaseasion cS Egypt^ conld have 
80 rapidly awak^ed in the conquerors a love for the sciences, 
and a disposition to original investigation* We may per* 
cdve that, in the wond^fnl arrangement of the order of the 
wovld, the Christian sect of the Nestorians, who had exerted 
a very important influence on the diffusion of knowledge, 
became also of use to the Arabians before the latter came to 
the learned and controversial city of Alexandria; and even 
that Nestorian Christianity was enabled to penetrate far into 
eastern Asia under the protection of armed Islam. The 
Arabians were first made acquainted with Greek literature 
through the Syrians, (3^7) a cognate Semitic race, who had 
received this knowledge hardly a century and a half be* 
fore from the Nestorians. Physicians trained in Grecian 
establishments of learning, or in the celebrated medical 
school founded at Edessa in Mesopotamia by Nestorian 
Christians, were living at Mecca in the time of Mahomet^ 
and connected by family ties with himself and Abu-Bekr. 

The school of Edessa, a prototype of the Benedictine 
schools of Monte-Cassino and Salerno, awakened a disposition 
for the pursuit of natural history, bj ihe investigation of 
^ healing substances in the mineral and vegetable kingdoms/' 
Wh^ tiiis school was dissolved from motives of fanaticism 
imder Zeno the Isaurian, the Nestorians were scattered into 
Persia, where they soon obtained a poUtical importance, and 
founded a new and much-frequented medicinal institution 
at Chondisapur, in Khusistan. They succeeded in carrying 
both their scientific and Uterary knowledge and their religion 

far as China, under the dynasty of the Thaug, towards 


the middle of the se7eiith centazy, 572 years after Buddhisim 
had arrived there from India. 

. The seeds of westam cultivation scattered in Persia by 
learned monks^ and by the philosophers of the school of the 
later Platonists at Athens persecuted by Justinian, had 
exercised a beneficial influence on the Arabians during thdr 
Asiatic campaigns. However imperfect the scientific know- 
ledge of the'Nestorian priests may have been, yet, by its 
particular medico-pharmaceutical direction, it was the more 
effectual in stilnulating a race of men who had long liveS 
in the enjoyment of the open face of nature, and pres^ved'a 
Rasher feeling for every kind of natural contemplation, than 
the Oreek and Italian inhabitants of cities. That which 
gives to the epoch of the Arabians the cosmical importance 
which we are endeavouring to illustrate, is very much con- 
nected with thijs feature of the national character. The 
jir$bians are, we repeat, to be r^arded as the propw 
founders of the physical sciences, in the sense which we 
sre now accustomed to attach to the ta:m. 

Xn the world of ideas, the internal connection and enchain- 
metit of all thought renders it indeed always difiicult to 
altach an absolute begmning to iany particular period of time. 
Separate points of knowledge, as well as processes by whidi 
knowledge may be attained, are, it is true, to be seen scattaied 
in TBxe instances at an earlier period. How wide is the 
difference between Dioscorides who separated mercury from 
cinnabar and the Arabian chemist Djeber; and between 
Ptolemy ais an investigator of optics and Alhazen ! But the 
foundation of physical studies, and of the natural sciences 
thetnselves, first begins when newly opened paths are pursued 
by many at once, although with unequal success. After ilift 


8im^ contempiatioB of natuie, after the observation of sock 
phenomena on the surface of the earih or in the heavens 
as present themselves spontaneonalf to the eje, oomesf 
investigation, the seeking after that which exists, the 
measurements of magnitudes and of the duration of motion. 
The earliest epoch of puch an investigation of nature, chiefly 
limited, however, to the oi^pmic wodd, was that of Aristotle. 
In the progressive knowledge of physical phenomena^ in the 
searching out of the powers of nature, there stilL remains a 
third and higher stage, — ^that of the knowledge of the action 
of these powers or forces in producing new forms of matter, 
and of the substances themselves which are set at liberty in 
order to enter into new combinationa. The means which 
lead to this liberation belong to the calling forth at will of 
phenomena, or to ^'eipmment/' 

It is on this last stage, whidi was almost wholly untrodden 
by the ancients, that the Arabians principally distinguished 
themsdves. Their country enjoys throughout the dimato 
necessary for the growth of palms, and in its larger portion 
possesses a tropical climate, as the tropic of Cancer crosses the 
penin^da nearly from Maskat to Mecca;«»it is therefore a 
{lart of the world in which the higher vital energy of 1^ 
vegetable kingdom offers an abundance of aromas, of 
balsamic juices, and of substances injurious as well a^ 
beneficial to man. The attention oi the people must havt 
been early directed to the productions of their native soil, ana 
to those obtained by commerce from the coasts of Malabar, 
G^lon, and eastern Africa. In these portions of the torrid 
zone organic forms are '^ individualised'' in the smallest 
geographical spaces, each of which offers peculiar productions, 
•—and thus incitements to the intercourse of men with nature 


were increased and multipUed. Great desire was felt to 
beoome acqaamted with articles so predous and so impcntoit 
to medicine, indostry, and tiie Ixaxaj of the temple and the 
pdace; to distingnisli them caiefdlly from each other; and 
to find out thdr natire place, which was often artfoHy con- 
c^ed from motiyes of covetousness. Nnioerons carayan 
loads, departing from the o(»nmerdal mart, G^rhs, 
on' the Persian Gialf, and bom the incense district of 
Yemen, trairersed the whole interior dl Arabia to Phoenicia 
and Syria; and tiins the names of these mnch-desired pro- 
ductions,, and the interest felt ia tiiem> beeame generally 

The science of mateiiaixiedica> thte ftmndation of which was 
laid in the Alezandrisa sehool by Dioscorides, is, in its scien* 
tific form, a creation of the Aiabians^ who, however, hsd 
previously access to a rich scarce of instruction, the 
most ancient of all, that of the Indian physicians, (^^j 
The apothecar/s art was indeed formed by the Arabians, 
and the first official authoritative rules for the prepara- 
tion of medicines were taken from them, and were difinsed 
through southern Europe by the school of Salerno. Pharmacy 
and ibid materia medica, the first requirements of the healing 
(krt, conducted to the studies of botany and chemistry. 
IVom the confined sphwe of utility and of single application, 
the study of plants gradually expanded into a wider and freer 
field: it examined the structure of organic tissues; the 
oonnaction of this structure with the laws of their develop- 
ment; and the laws according to which vegetable {c^aas are 
distributed gec^raphically over the earth's surf ace, according 
to differences of climate and of elevation. 

After the Asiatic conquests, for the maintenance of whidi 


Bftgdad subsequently became a ceutrol point of power and 
civilisation, the Arab% in the short space of seventy years^ 
extended their conquests over Egypt, Cyrene, and Carthage, 
and through the whole of northern Africa to the distant 
Iberian peninsula. The low state of cultivation of the armed 
masses and of their leaders, may indeed have rendered occa- 
sional outbreaks of a rode spirit not altogether improbable. 
The tale of the burning of the Alexandrian library by Amra, 
40,000 baths being heated for six months by its contents, 
rests, however, solely on the testimony of two writers who 
lived 580 years after the supposed event. (^29) We need not 
here describe how, in. more peaceful times, but without 
the mental cultivation of i^e mass of the nation having 
attained any free development, in the brilliant epoch of 
Al-Mansur, Harun Al-£aschid, Mamun, and Motasem, tiie 
courts of princes and the public sdentifio institutions 
were able to assemble a considerable number of highly 
distiDgaished men. We cannot attempt in these pages to 
characterise the extensive, varied, and unequal Arabic litera* 
tuxe ; or to distinguish that which springs fitun the hidden 
depths of the particular organisation of a race and the natural 
unfolding of its faculties, from that which is dependent on. 
external incitements and accidental conditions. The solution 
of this important problem belongs to a different sphere of 
ideas. Our historical considerations are limited to a frag-* 
mentary notice of what the Arabian nation has >mtributed, 
by mathematical and astronomical knowledge, and in the 
physical sciences, to the more general contemplation of the 

The true results of investigation are indeed here, as el8P> 
where in the middle ages, alloyed by alchemy, sup;;>Dsed 


magical arts> aad mystic fancies ; but the Arabians^ inces- 
sant in their own independent endeavours^ as well as labo- 
rious in appropriating to themselves by translations the 
fruits of earlier cultivated generations^ have piroduced much 
which is truly their own, and have enlarged the view of 
nature. Attention has been justly called {^^) to the dif- 
ferent circumstances in respect to cultivation of the invading 
and immigrating Germanic and Arabic races. The former 
became civilized after their immigration ; the latter brouglit 
with them from their native country not only their religion, 
but also a highly polished language, and the tender blos- 
soms of a poetry which has not been altogether without 
influence on the Provengal poets and the Minnesingers. 

The Arabs possessed qualities which fitted them in a 
remai^able manner for obtaining influence and dominion 
over, and for assimilating and combining, different nations, 
from the Euphrates to the Guadalquivir, and southward to 
the middle of Africa : they possessed a mobility unexampled 
in the history of the world ; a disposition, very different 
from the repellent Israelitish spirit of separation, to effect a 
fusion with the conquered nations; and yet, notwithstanding 
perpetual change of place, to preserve unimpaired their own 
national character, and the traditional remembrances of their 
original home. No nation can shew examples of more 
extensive land journies undertaken by individuals, not always 
for conmiercial objects, but also for collecting knowledge : 
even the Buddhistic priests fromThibet and Ghiaa, even Marco 
Polo, and the Christian missionaries who were sent to the 
Mogul princes, moved over a smaller range of geographical 
space. Through the many relations subsisting between 
the Arabs and India and China, for their conquests had ex- 


tended under the Caliphate of the Ommaiades by the end of 
the seventh century (***) to Kashgar, CJaubul, and the 
Punjab)^ important portions of Asiatic knowledge reached 
Europe. The acute researches of Beinaud have shewn how 
much may be derived from Arabic sources^ for the knowledge 
of India. Although the invasion of China by the Moguls for 
a time disturbed the communications across the Oxus^ (^^) 
the Moguls themselves soon became a uniting link to the 
Arabs, who^ by their own observations^ and by laborious 
researches^ have illustrated the knowledge of the earth's sur* 
face from the coasts of the Pacific to those of Western Africa,, 
and from the Pyrenees to Edrisi's marsh-land of Wangara 
in the iaterior of Africa. The geography of Ptolemy was 
translated into Arabic^ according to Pr&hn^ by the command 
of the Caliph Mamun between 813 and 838 ; and it is even 
not improbable that some fragments of Marinus of Tyre 
which have not come down to us may have been used in the 
translation. (^33) 

Of the long series of distinguished geographers which 
Arabic literature affords^ it is sufficient to name the earliest 
and the latest : — ^El-Istachri, {^^) and Alhassan (Johannes 
Leo Africanus). At no period before the discoveries of the 
Portuguese and Spaniards, did the knowledge of the earth's 
surface receive a larger accession. Only fifty years aft» 
the death of Mahomet the Arabs had reached the extreme 
western coast of Africa at the harbour of Asfi. Whether, 
subsequently^ when the adventurers known under the name 
of Almagrurin navigated the '' mare tenebrosum/' the 
islands of the Guanches were visited by Arab ships, as I long 
thought probable, has recently been rendered again doubtful. 
(*«*) The quantity of Arabic coins found buried in th« 

tl8 EPOCHS Hr THE HIS5t>Kt 07 T&B OOlfTEUnLiTIOir 

cottntries about the Baltic, and in the extreme Ncarth k 
fieandinaviay are not to be attribtited to ooBuneroe by4iea 
ftapaAj so called^ but to the far extended inland tn&c of 
the Ajabs. (336) 

Geography did net ooHtmue to be restricted to the 
enumeration of countries and thar boundaries^ and to 
positions in latitocfe and kmgitude, (whidi were multiplied 
by Abul-Hassan) ; (337) it led a people familiar with nature to' 
eonfiider the organic productions of different places^ and more 
cspedally those of the vegetable world. Thehorror which the 
IbllowerH of Islam have for anatomical examinatioiis jnre^ 
i^ented all progress in the nataral history of animals. Hhej 
W€le ecmtent with appropriating to th^iaselves by traoalstioii 
n^ttt they eould find in Asistotle (338) and Galen; yet 
A^cenna's history of animals^ (whieh is in the Soyal library 
at !Paris)^ (33S) differs horn that c^ Aristotle. As a botaiuel 
#e may name Ibn-Baithar of Malaga^ (3^0) ^[10^ fromhis joumies 
into Greece^ Persia^ India^ and Egypt^ may also be regained 
as an example of the endeavour to compare by direct obserra- 
tion the productions of different regions, — of the East and of 
the West. The , study of medicines was, however, always 
the point from whkh these endeavours proceeded ; it was 
through it that the Arabs long swayed the schools d 
€3mstendom, and for its improvement and comjdetion 
Ibn*Sina (Avicenna), a native of Affschena near Bc^aia, 
Ibn-Boschd (Avait)es) oi Gordova, the younger Serapon of 
Syri% and Mesne of Maridin on the Euphrates, avafled 
themselves of all the materials furnished by the Arabian 
enavan and sea^ traffic. I have piuposely cited these widely- 
separated birth-pkoes of celebrated «nd learned Arabs, h^ 
ctttyiie th^ l»iiig vividly before us the manner in which, ivi 

tlaBi^aMwbaiitnqmitionsoCithiflrtG^ of mm^ natoialJuMMvw- 

and ihB^mok id: ideas edarged by siaMlta0$cM9^Knlftrp«)^* 
oecidiiig fiomrxaaBT; qvadicm^. 

' Hm homkigt ppsseased bj^ a mam aaekoitly'^cukHrated i 
ppffeyiheJndiaiuij )PM:Bbo dmvm Ute. the fiuneT^iaBl^^; 
sef^eral iurpottent wotka, p^fobabljr tboM known undesr tbft: 
smwUBiahw^T mmeoi of. Tsehfttaka aikd-. 8iuumiA# (^^) wem; 
tiaiidaked.'froBi.Saasecit.iiito AxabiQi. Avioeiinfit. a mait^l,. 
ottnficebeiudve loand^ and wba has olbwx> been coKtpanod tof 
i^bi^i^ MdgDi]s> affords, in bb Matm».Mfidioft:a».inBRf{^ 
steikii^dnsteaoe of tbis. iofloenoe of ladisA' litesatarey ia^ 
shpOTg hanarff 'wqaeiimkiei, as tbe leacoed Boyl^aremaek^, 
with . the .Deo&ta (Cedri» deodvara) (^^2); of ihf< wotmy;; 
Bimb^UEJ^^'wkaihp,u}ciAie 11th 9^imj^.hui ^sem^dlf 
nmw been arisited b]r tniy AnJs^m calbrit.byrH 

ite truB;Saiiaeriii luiQe^ . and afiaaka of it «A<alQ%; vposim^sti 
jVflnper>.£raiiv.whiQh: oil o£ toip^tinfr was. obtoined^ Hie 
sona: of. Asremws lived at! tiier eourt; q£ th& Tiiiqpaiii»> 
Bxd^de n^^tibe g«eat ppaBee.of.tbe hoHte cf Hoh/ii:^tauffie»>, 
who ^w«a iBdebted ios< past, oi lash kudwk^j^ of Bati]xsl.his^ 
tojT jr to Gi»Qi]»Bioc^a . iidtk leaned* Arabs, asd Sg^tniskr 
Jsms), C^) The.C^liph Abderrahiaaii cfttabUshfidaJbotmcaL 
ga]3deu;ai;Ck»9dev%(3^^) aod sent tiaycUeciN into S^aaad^ 
QiUiierpaite of (Ajsia^io.Gelkotxare^ plaints.. H&j^bntadyneacr 
the palace of Eissafah^ the first date tree^ which he^ceter 
b«aieain.sttfliQft'£Edi.o{.tendei;.iep^ and: bngpg^ior his 
miivt hoB^ySamaacnauu. 

Btsb the jx^oat impcuteatr infiuencG, exected b^rthB Acair* 
bkns on: tbe^ geaecal ; koosdedg^ of. nataie^ . waa.ija.tfa& jg^^ 
gfmhjott cafioaistef ;, w^h . tbeii labours oomarncedx a.,ii«»i 

TOL. n. Q 


efpoeh in that science. Alchemistic and new Plttonic 61^ 
cies were, it is true, as nearly allied with their chemistry, as 
was astrology with their astronomy; but the demands of 
pharmacy, and the equally pressing requirements of thu 
technical arts, led to discoveries which were favoured some- 
times by design, and sometimes, through a happy accident, 
by metallurgic attempts connected with alchemy. The 
labours of Geber, or rather Djaber (Abu-Mussah-Dschafac 
al-Kufi), and the much later ones of Bazes (Abu-B^ 
Arrasi), have had the most important results. This epoch is 
marked by the preparation of sulphuric and nitric acids, {^\ 
aqua regia, preparations of mercury and other metallic 
oxides, and by the knowledge of alcoholic {^^) processes of 
fermentation. The first foundation and earliest advances of 
the science of chemistry are of so much the greater impor- 
tance in the history of the contemplation of the universe^ 
because thereby the heterogeneity of substances, and the 
nature of forces or powers not manifested visibly by motion, 
were first recognised; and the students of nature, no longer 
looking exclusively to the Pythagorean Platonic perfection 
of form, perceived that composition was also deserving of 
regard. Differences of form and differences of composition 
are the elements of all our knowledge of matter; they aie 
the abstractions by which, through measurement and ana^ 
lysis, we believe that we can form a conception of the entire, 

It would be difficult to determine at present what portion 
of knowledge the Arabian chemists may have derived, either 
from their acquaintance with Indian literature (writing*^ 
on the BaSayana), p*^) from the primitive technical arts bi 
the ancient Egyptians, from the comparatively modenp, 


^chemistic rules of the Pseudo-Democritus and the Sophist 
Synesius, or even from Chinese sources through the medium 
6f the Mogols. According to the most recent and veiy 
careful investigations of a celebrated orientalist, Reinand, 
the invention of gunpowder, (^®) and its application to 
projectiles, are not to be ascribed to the Arabians : Hassan 
Al-Rammah, who wrote between 1285 and 1295, was not 
acquainted with this application; while, as early as th# 
twelfth century, 200 years therefore before Berthold Schwarz, 
a kind of gunpowder was used at Rammelsberg in thb 
fiarz, for blasting rocks. The invention of an air thermo- 
meter has been ascribed to Aviceimay. on the strength of a 
notice by Sanctorius ; but this notice is very obscure, and 
six centuries elapsed before Galileo, Cornelius Dreddel, and 
the Academia del Cimento, by the establishment of an exact 
measure of temperature, created the important means of 
penetrating into a world of almost unknown phsenomena, 
whose regularity and periodicity excite our astonishment; 
and of recognising the cosmical connection of effects taking 
place in the atmosphere, in the superimposed aqueous strata 
of the ocean, and in the interior of thie earth. Among the 
advances which physical science owes to the Arabians, it 
will be sufficient to name Alhazen's work on the refraction 
of rays, which may indeed have been partially derived frond 
Ptolemy's optical researches ; and the knowledge and first 
application of the pendulum as a measure of time (^*^) by 
the great astronomer Ebn- Junis. 

The purity and rarety disturbed transparency of the Arabian' 
slcy had in a peculiar manner drawn the attention of the Arab 
Kice, in their eariiest uncultivated state in their native land, to 
ttie motions of the heavenly bodies; foi yfe find thai, besides 

ibb'wc^l^ of. the jiflmat Jopitar otioi^ iba/Baelmiiltf^.tti 
tribff of the . Asediifeei wofsUpped the •phmek Merooryy wloAk;. 
Irculiiisiprouiiikytotlie8oiiff.orbyisxaxi^^ iSFotwitlb 

staadmgi^his^'howerer^the distingiiisbed sdcnt^ aetififyoC 
the cinUsdl iAxabiaiisi&fJl dbgaari»&«iU^ 
msatber to bensoribdl to Qhddafttt.ftBd Ifidiaa iwflnomwL 
Atmo&g]aerie' candiiioiB* oan oaoJ^^ cttooonigi^ md fimmt- auk 
]g[iii«T]Jts^i»h®ire a di8pa8ition.towafdfi^6i{k4aylMeir poAowi 
bjr the oiigmdi.BifiyAit^diMniieiftsr o{> rivUf jp^todLz&eo^ce 

Horn. R&w,mmf disl^dteof tiDpical^Ammoi^ at Cbmaiiii 
CofQ^ . tmd B&ytA^^ ivbem mmr mfwn hSki, enj&g^' aaa; adtam^ 
s)43fir& eveoiBioie tittn^aceat tban that.a{>£gr()ty AxMst^ 
BoHiawl Thft.dimrte(rf.tltete^H»,;«ad the 6toEii.l.» 
SDQitjr of the vatolt: of heavooy. resg^idailf vith stan^saai 
StebulBB,, are indeed' ti#f«r ' irithaat aome zofiueafie ott»tta 
dispositi(»i9 of. laeai btit tUejorer fraitfiiLui inteUctttyal 
i^axdtajf; aad iinailatbe humim iHuidtDlabonrin.tbe.dMh» 
Ibpmeat at mathenmtifial kteaa^, exdyin^ttire' aa imp^«IiB6riii 
^en, indegeQdexLtiijf of eUmaie^ hjr ottur Gftdsea bdcfafgag 
fiSaex to tke character of^ the imee; on to extanaLcieoaoif 
8toi]ie«s:|i as^ foae exam^k^^ whcitre the- exesei diirinou.of tine 
hieciaiiea.aB< object of soosal BooeaBit;, fiyr tha salasfaelkiiivaf 
taligioo^ or of -«igK!Bi:dtiu?id reqciiiieiafiHtea . Attei^eedetdidbaB 
OPiamivdaL BaiioBa Ukethe Bh aDd<iiatioiv»*iil»rtiv 

^fffj^ums^mA^CiAldmas fond^ o£ Mddteaixase aiod m^ 
stractions of all kinds^ and mmsh aeoustoasted' to- gfoifeil 
masOsym mi* measuaremjeatsi emgiriealt. ndessr^ of^ aiatiuaiiic 
a&d of /geomebrjr. Trnflr^" eatljr dbooreredj; hoi. the^. Ml 
(nd]i» fin^ma^ the. way ibf the iiiatheBurtididi affii/aatiran^ 
ttioa^ adaaaes^ Jbs is i^ laiiySt miUirsrfSo&} faas> zMhaA* 

^litiieb cbacaolMs&ike euivemeots ci- the ka&reiily bodies, an; 
aaeenito'be^ 4is iit '^vrere^ TeiMted in it^resbial jineiuiiBciiQt^ 
Mid-^tfaAt'SMa ^aeik to^diaoomr i& iiieae abo^ t<» iuse ^tkc 
ttcpKessiMOL <^>oiff'^;Bettt peet^ tke "^'fised'Uodittiguq; pokL^ 
&'^'4Um«te8, the oonvi^iMQ'Of «tke T^uktitjr of vtheipk- 
Ditaiy movenefit0j'«iid^f theb 8ubjed%<» to Jaw>«^ 
bas.-coatdbuted Qiore tjnea <aiqr thiag abe to ikiil iBien .to 
Beakvtiie fipse subjedsm sndocdigrj iutiks jmdsiA- 
Hana < ol :tbe .«eiiil oma, in the oaalktiDiis of ike aw, im 
tiie.) periodical nwrob of .the 'OMigEAtio ^needie, and in ^tbe 
;diitdbiaitioB'of v«g0tdbld«ad ttoimalilife on itiKtcRO&Beiyf 

^Hie iufaUons \iire» ia poweBsion x>f .LidiHn ipIaaBtaiy 
Ita^las. (9^0) OS eaiiy as iisud «ud jof tive eighili .oeatury. .1 
4i0fi^€Jieady matttumed that the Sc^ruta; the^uioieiKt epitom 
tisompTiaing ail tiie nediciiial ^kaovrlsdge 'Of ' thia Jndtanij, 
Me i3»iiilaled i^y ieamed imaa babfiging ito ihe oouit 
^ ttibe'Oal^ Hanson ^l-4£asahid>-*Ta pr^iof of the :ea% 
a^tcodnatioa^Df Sansarit Jiitesatore. .Tbe-AfabianifiiatheoM- 
^iksian Albjnmiii»ni>>faioaself to India 'to .atudymatonoif^' 
4h{xe. -Mis ^mitixiff, >mbmk .have « only <f€a^ lately JMsoame 
faaoesfitt^ 4io;nB, :$hew JK»ifr m^ he jw^s .aeqaainted <^th the 
4fiofmtry> the4nditiQmiy.aad theeti:teBQ^ Of the 

Inditas. (^^^) 

But how«^p» 'tauah ihe :^biBii mhoamness noej haite 
^ewned-to^aailUN; oirinUssed^tiationsiiandfeapeQkllytto the Indian 
^mi fftJfixandria& -«ahA(>lBj 'they still oanat *be nagaxded ^ 
^J»Ti])g CKn^^erablyaida^ed .the domain itf.«Btn»nomy^'hy 
v;^ab^pf»iUidT^pmctk0l*^^ *of «aind>riby4te gveat^-moBahar 
imsfA tha 'dz«»^timi a£'4faaix «obm?wiaail4i by tlnar aDpNiine- 


m&A& ia ioatniments for angular jaeasurements, and bj 
thefbr zealous endeavours to correct the earlier tables bj 
carefol comparisoA with the heavens. Sedillot has recog-* 
lused in the seventh book of the Almagest of Abul-Wefa 
the important inequality in the moon's motion^ which 
voiiashes at the Syzygies and Quadratures^ and has its greatest 
value at the Octants^ and which under the name of ^^ variation'^ 
has long been regarded as a discovery of Tycho Brahe. {^^) 
Ebn- Junis's observations at Cairo have become particularly 
important for the perturbations and secular changes of th^ 
iffbits of the two great planets^ Jupiter and Saturn. {^^) 
A measurement of a degree of the meridian^ executed by the 
orders of the CSaliph Al-Mamun in the great plain of 
fiiindschar betnreen Tadmor and BaklsB, by observers whose 
names have been preserved to us by £bn-Junis^ is less 
importaiyi lor its result than for the evidence which it affords 
4>f the scientific cuUivation of the Arabian race. 

We must also attribute to this cultivation^ in the West^ 
'ihe astronomical congress held in Toledo in Christian Spain 
und^AJiphonso of Castile^ in which the Sabbi Isaac Eba 
•Sid Hazbh oQonpied a prominent pkce; and in the far East, 
tilxe Obs^vatory provided with many instruments established 
by Bschan Hol^^> the grandson of Ghengis-khan, on^a 
mountain niear Meragha^ in which Nassir-Eddiu of Tus in 
Khorasan made his observations. . These details are deserv- 
ing of notice in the history of the contemplation of the 
Uiaveraev because they remind us in a lively manner of what 
the AraliAfais have effected in the extension of knowledge 
DYer wide pcwrtions of the earth's surface, and in the accu- 
mulation of numerical results ; results whieh contributed 
matorially ia th^ {^eat epoch of Kepler and T^oho Brahe to 


tiie foundation of theoretical astronomy^ and to a correet 
view of the motionk of the heavenly bodies in space. The 
light kindled in the part of Asia inhabited by Tatar nations 
extended in the fifteenth century to the westward as far as 
Samarcand^ where Ulugh Beig a descendant of Timour 
established an astronomical observatory^ and a gymnasium 
of the class of the Alexandrian Museom^ and caused a 
Star catalogue to be prepared founded entirely on new and 
independent observations, p**) 

Besides the tribute of praise which we have here paid to 
the advances made by the Arabians in the knowledge of 
nature, both in the terrestrial and celestiBl spheres, we have 
still to allude to the additions which, in the solitary paths 
of the development of ideas, they made to the treasuiy (X 
pure mathematical knowledge. According to the most 
decent works written in England, IPrance, and Gfermany (***) 
on the histoiy of mathematics, the algebra of the Arabians 
is to be regarded as ** having originated from the confluence 
of two streams which had long flowed independently 6i 
each other, one Indian and one Greek.'' The compendium 
of algebra written by the command of the Oaliph Al-Mamun 
by the Arabian mathematician Mahommed Ben-Musa (the 
Chowarezmian) is based, as my deceased learned frienS 
iViedrichEosen has shewn, (*^) not on the woAs of Diophan- 
tus, but on Indian knowledge ; and even as early as under 
Almansor at the end of the eighth century Indian astrono- 
mers were called to the brilliant court of the Abas- 
sides. According to Castri and to Colebrooke, Mophantus 
was not translated into Arabic until the end of the tenth 
century by Abol-Wftfe Bu3^ani. The Arabians were in- 
debted to the Alexandrian sdiool for tliat whic^ we miss in 

JM EPocsBtiK ^uu^ mnnv of^isb^ owibhvla.tion 

iMVHdi^MiL J3gr)the>isco«8Wfe'i^ bom yft^ipnsStiomiM^ 

ilieip Qwrm«wriafl^8y^ piiwed- in Urn ttrdlfiii.isciilbarf fromiAi 
JLssdbsrta aie.fiftroyMW l^iefotare <of )tbe mUilk ageditkMiih 
JohflDiibss.HiqpaileinM ''^foiii 

digebslaGal^workg<a£«ihetInlyiaS' se^ftiGl.tfie^|e!iiaM&» sdOfcM 
!ot.jn4etenBipate.tttaatkim waAf^Ammm 

highly finished treatment of tfafid rfr^tlte'tfteaAJl . j | g p <)^ A ii 

4)if viheJbdiWv*iisritBfea bad feeflffi. ftHiflb'ttai»K>i m to fflatvpctts 
iM&4»ntetieft oadiepy instead of ody^in .4)iuv0«t!iitiBi^; H^ 
fttugfc.batte aid»d.iiie.dgv^l(g|«|pc«t.4rf gi»deitt»«»ijfeyafe/* ' 
wXh&i^aU i&^P4»ia4md oa^ *£ig>biat^^ 

ladiiia Btiioerioal fihaiaciers 

Mrhichrhad led to theit aQq[aai»f4gim iritii lDdttft4Jgdbia«. rSo^ 
wmsTj-wereeiBployed^^ihat .penod aa.r€fveiu]6 xoUeckos w 
theilndos^; .and the tuse of .Indian aumbeRs .becani0,g»Hiil 
amo^lggt . tbe:Ai«b tew&uoQjoS&cea^^^woA ext€Eid8dia!N<»liyeQi 
A&ic9y43|^posi9kerto ^tiae ; coAst of JSicaJj. .Nemecihalesjaiy t]» 
proicwuid and.fmportamt.higtorifial myeirtigatioii&todbichri 
dij^ifpgiKiBhed mathematician^ M. Chaales, iiiKaa Jbd^ ^-^ 
ooixectijitcrpretatioiL.of the jsoirCidlfid.rPjrdagoieaa taU^ 
the, ^geoiQietij of Boethius, (^ . resder^ it mare» thaojin^babk 
that the.Ghnstiadi&ia the We$t were aequaii^ied eiseikeailiar 
than the.Arabiass. Kith' the Indian ^^stesi ^cf^numeratiaRS 
the-Ufaeof thernine,%nises, havi^ theif vakuesdeUyesiiBfii 
Igrfposition, bd!Og»]aionm by.tlMm ladeir tbeAnaoae^iOf^tta 
qfatem^of the AJaacns. 

. JEtejpiaMnfc iwdcis iitt^tkeifboafntjeataMgifiiomfiAjr 

jmo^Bmrnm i^reaotttod.i&aSJbd .aid ia dtte cto ilbe^Am- 
4faiib ties Liwiftiaiisr«tiPaBs, y«id .tiK.i/yndMii&tite 
Wissenschaftea at Berlin; (^^) but in in iMitoiii»1iyi<Jikm, 
JAt«hieh mtlrftttiillitnniiiifnstto Ae idiMO^witcl, tii&quiiion 
0mmk ^Hbetlwitei lughlgriiqgaMna (MEti&oal adaauif «dMe 
%if>cMitbvwhi«h(iaf p«HBiiMtii^ ^die iSdmnl Ahioasf^nid 
^lib&tShlfiiftTpw^lithe sitemr <»f ::A«ia, ^vams^pftiAleiyitti- 
49(fW:«fd<iQtAe ^JEM^aodim tke^Wett; 01 inrbetin, ikamffi 

it\m»(i» >Jte *«w^ tfraoi ike ^mstcnxipaiBsbla df .Jadia'itD 
JUffiraafhi^j 4ndrSttbiQqttintly9 mjthci rmwiil cfctlii 1 iinwj 
^f .the .Pyrttagfwwwif^ wts vqmBettiad iias ia. diaaoYuy.jtf 
iliMf . founder. We r n«ed JMt«diHrcU ab:. AejMt]aB.^sHlil% 
0£ aDflieatvielflbiofis \nkl1tMib10b weiane taJJiriymrwiqiiiitodH 
iM«iisi|( «alMiitod piior to .tlie''60tii Q^rnqviaL ./Wib^aBD^ 
«Ke not s^{p«8e4ha^> iuider(Arfl0a6e.t«F(ttniikr>«a&li,£liB' 
4WDPe>€nmbiBrti»n* ef ^ickas. siay.lnve'piesarted'AknHUMlwB 
HPfflWitgJyt to .bigl4yHg>^^ nations^ of diloDeDtiiaca F 

The atgebta^iof t^j ArtbiuBSf, ineladiag'iiiikititiicgrlHd 
Modwd fioHiitibe (Greeks raad'Ae^Indiaiis msiiAadUAMf 
liad' tboBMlfes ^ari^inatodi * ao^miiiiuBteidsog :its igtaai} drf^ 
MOjyy. an^^jubetio! AotatiOD^ .«saMMed ^> facMficial rinfartmawi 

tiieir wtif^i^kMd^ by tkdahrexhiAsife4)aauneicial. JBtereouBse^ 
•« MACT atod:the naexif .theilDiHiL:$yitei of ..numbers from 
Bfi9Uifi.dKJBa8titO'iODi^ :Bath*iscv 

aawirtiaiiflpflaewtoibutad ijpfmmBhSlf^ aklM^gh ^an idiffewat 


wajB^ to adhranoe the mathematioal part of natoral know- 
ledge^ aad to fadlitate the access to fidds which without 
these aids mast hvre remained unopened^ in astronomy^ in 
QftioSf in physical geography, in thennonietricsj and in the 
theory of magnetism. 

In studying the history of natioiu^ tihe question has offten 
been raised, what would have been the effect on the course 
of events if Carthage had conquered Some^ and had sub- 
jected to its dominion the European West : Wilhehn von 
Humboldt (3^) has remarked, that ^'we might ask with 
equal justice, what would have been the state of our present 
intellectual cultivation, if the Arabs had continued the 
exclusive possessors of science as they were for a long 
period, and had spread themselves permanently over the 
West? In both cases it appears to me we can scarcdy 
doubt that the result would have been less favourable. It 
is to the same causes which led to the Soman universal 
empire, namely, to the Soman mind and character and not 
to external accidents, that we owe the influence of the 
Bomans on our civil institutions, our laws, our languages, 
and our civilization. Through this beneficial influence, and 
in consequence of our belonging to a kindred race, we have 
been enabled to receive the impression of the Grecian mind 
and Grecian language; whereas the Arabians only attached 
themselves to the scientific results of Greek investigation in 
natural history, physics, astronomy, and pure mathematics.'' 
The Arabians, by sedulous care in preserving the purity of 
their native idiom, and by the ingenuity of their figurative 
modes of speech, knew how to lend to the expression of 
their feelings, and to the enunciation of noble and sage 



maxims^ the grace of poetic colomiBg; but judging from 
"what they were under the Abassddes, even if they had built 
on the sauM foundation of classical antiquity with which we 
find them familiar^ they yet could never have produced those 
works of sublime poetry and creative art which are the 
boast of our European cultivation* 



Epoch of the Oceanic Discoveries — Opening of the Western Hemi- 
sphere-^Events, and Extension of different Branches of Scientific 
Sjiowiedge, 'which prepared the way for the Oceanic DisooTeries. 
— ColmnbiiB, Sebastian Cabot, and Yasco de Gama — America and 
the Pacific Ocean — Cabrillo, Sebastian Vizcaino, Mendafia^ and 
Quiros. — ^The rich abundance of materials for the foundation of 
Physical Geography offered to the nations of Europe. 

Ths fifteenth oentuiy belongs to those rare epochs in tiie 
histoiy of the worlds in which all the efforts of the hmsaa 
mind are invested with a determinate and common charae- 
ter^ and manifest an unswerving direction towards a single 
object. The unity of these endeavours^ the success with 
which they were crowned, and the vigour and activity dis- 
played by entire nations, give grandeur and enduring splen* 
dour to the age of Columbus, of Sebastian Cabot, and of 
Yasco de Gama. Intervening between two different stagea 
of cultivation, the fifteenth century forms a transition epocb 
belonging at' once to the middle »ges and to the comm^oe- 
ment of modem times. It is the epoch of the greatest dis- 
coveries in geographical space, comprising almost all degrees 
of latitude, and almost every gradation of elevation of tha 
earth's sur&ce. To the iohabitants of Europe it douUed 

iiie infadlMiniieir «iA ptsrefMi ineitaneiiter to. tiie ia^RMnit^ 
iMfrttof: tb»f^iiailiia8ltsmi»Be6h IB. Ulek Qkjiical. acdi Hiaifaw 

bob iritii: jtk[ mtm ppnpoiulcrakmg pener^, joreMKited. te 
tbe: comluBaog mbid, th«.- stpvate SnmMh ol. MisiUfr. obf- 
J9t^, flbA ttle^ Goft0iirrttrt«'{UBtU)m ol amaiatmg, poireitK os^ 
hratoc l%e.itf»itetfd iwa^r oSeattA tor thct cscntompbtiaBr 

jnw»ti amt» to^n(iecti»esrflbcijd))g 'in! i^iitTii^jEmBSbbefiBiQf 
1iK^efe. of. fniflj^ bidilasianresBU ofvactatl^ohsariFtitioa.. I&t^ 
malt'.afihtiavfipt abo offev^ to tbe ye^\maemiG/i^ej€x.iagm 
mpoBs^j adoimd ^fitk'Gon9ldkifM» before xvaxmfki. A» L 
I|«B)Giab«dj'niinarke(]$ afe nr peaDiid:h«»Ytliare beesfoAoiii 
It BWBukM f ii.^grtwp'alwudmicQr;af f fffi-fidleraw 

tcwfe fisrtiiB fawKtitioii lof cnwipm'iati wi pliyniwri] .^mvafjbpr* 
MMKft' aid^. thtt iwraD inbc gsogEiiffactl or pibjHMal dboai* 
imtar apiprigflnwitiiib oni hmaaR! aAm^ Ai Itngfsrrfteidicfi 
\iim'mBiOff!neii fmmm»'mm viimnMoi bjpra^grrakiin^ 
qj HW b in tliQi nednm of exdumgr^. a^iirelli asi lij^^ si hope 
Hjwwriwiitg&e iMOahtrr aft mtoal piodix0tk>nF vdted has 
HM or engogfaiHnli^abomsdl^itiieioif^ 
ofsodoBiOBy o£ ft TOignHmfto nBfeeUbrokiioHiii': * axidjtlitov^flKi 
lib agonqr q|i alli &eM €a»att]^.€Bftraoidiiiaiy dn^ wmm 
iWBPpghMin. anamasi and' cmiawn » iir tUa ouwlitioiiiofl an^ 
vrindar kngc tiqiatuuccd bjn au^ poctiiuat vb iMwrkntd^. 8mH 
IVQgMttaipHttasttr cpDilt tina: stasAu onkiirflie iaiup 


ofmanlmd as marked bjimpoi^wntintdlectoalprogreds^ira 
shall find on examination that preparations for this progress 
had been made daring a long series of antecedent centoiies* 
It does not appear to belong to the destinies of flie hmnaa 
nee that all portions of it should suffer eclipse or obscura^p 
iion at the same time. A preserving principle maintains 
ihd ever living process of the progress of reason. The 
^poch of Columbus attained the fulfilment of its objects so 
rapidly^ because their attainment was the development of 
fruitful germs^ which had been previously deposited by fl 
series of highly gifted men^ who formed as it were a long 
beam of light which we may trace throughout the whole of 
what have been called the dark ages. A single century^ thd 
thirteenth, shows us Soger Bacon, Nicolaus Scotus, Albertus 
Magnus, and Yincentius of Beauvsds. The subsequent mors 
general awakening of mental activity soon bore fruit in the 
extension of geographical knowledge. "When, in 15£5, 
Biego Sibero returned from the geographico-astronomical 
oongress which was held at the Puente de Gaya near YelveSi 
for the termination of differences irespecting the boundaries 
of the two great empires of the Portuguese and Spanish 
monarchies, the outlines of the New Continent had abeady 
been traced from Terra del Puego to the coasts of Labia- 
dor. On the western side, opposite to Asia, the advance* 
were naturally less rapid; yet in 1548 Bodriguez Cabrillo 
had already penetrated north of Monterey ; and after thii 
great and adventurous navigator had met his death otf' 
New California, in the Channel of Santa Barbara, the pilot 
Bartholomew Perreto still led the expedition as far as the 
4j8d degree of latitude, where Vancouver's Cape Oxford is 
situated. The emulative activity of the Spaniards, Englisli, 


^d Forfcagiiese> was then so great, that half a oentary fsaS* 
ficed to detenniue the outline or the ^neial direction of the 
coasts of the Western Continent. 

Although the acquaintance of the nations of Europe with 
the western hemisphere is the leading subject to which this, 
section is devoted, and around which are grouped the nu^ 
merous results which flow from it gf juster and grander 
views of the Universe, yet we must draw a strongly marked 
line of distinction between the first discovery of America 
in its more northern portions, which is certainly to be 
ascribed to the Northmen, and the re-discovery of the same 
Continent in its tropical portions. Whilst the Caliphate . 
of Bagdad still flourished under the Abassides, and while the 
Samanides whose reign was so favourable to poetry bore sway in 
Persia, America was discovered in the year 1000, byanorthern 
route, as far south as 41 J° north latitude, by Leif, the son of. 
Eric the Bed. (^62) The first but accidental step towards this, 
discovery was made from Norway. In the second half of the 
ninth century, Naddod, having sailed for the Faroe Islands^ 
which had previously been visited from Ireland, was driven 
by storms to Iceland, and the first Norman settlement was 
established there by Ingolf, in 875. Greenland, the eastern 
peninsula of a land which is everywhere separated by the 
sea from America proper, was early seen, (^63 J but was first 
peopled from Iceland a hundred years later, in 983. The 
colonization of Iceland, which had been first called by Nad- 
dod, Snowland (Snjoland), now conducted, in a south- westerly 
direction, passing by Greenland, to the New Continent. 

The £aroe Islands and Iceland must be regarded as< ia-* 
termediate stations, and as points of departure for enter- 
prises to Scandinavian America.^ Inasim^ar manner the 

Sn EPOCHS nr thv msrosr of the oofsmxmaios or 

MialleinaD*'Ol th& 'tymos at Cartbuge had aiM: tUem W 
reacb! tbe Straita of Gbdeira and the port of' Taftessoa^ taai? 
Tartessus itself conducted this ^iterprisiDg lace front statmr 
to station to Oen^ the Gauleon (ship iedttiil) of ^the- Gk» 
thjaginiaiis;* (3M) 

NotwitfastftndiBg th&ppoximify of tiie opposite coast* # 
Labgador (HcUttlanditviiidaor'thegpeat)^ IBSyeaRrelafRNs^ 
fipom the first s^lement of Nortimieii in Usdand, to haPi 
gceadL diJcoireij of 'Afioenca; so smaS wctt the tneaas wiudi^ 
IB this renNio aad desolaite part' of the gbbe^ » noUe^ eners 
geti^ hoi not .wMiil^rase> weretible to deroio to naTsl co^ 
teqniaes^ Tim Im of coast eaUed Yinlandy fronr wfil* 
vinos which were fbund' th«e^ by th« Germaii l^ka;. 
chttrmed ' its disoov^i^rs hj the fertiEfy o£ its soil ' and thr 
aooiklncsB oi its cGmate^ , compered with Icdand and GreeD^ 
land. T&e. tract which received from L^'thc name of 
Yinl&ndit godai (Yinland'the good)^ ooo^rised the coasi' 
line between Boston and New. Tork; therefore parts* of tSfir 
piesent States of mi^ssaclhisetts^ Ehode Ishnd, and Cdtinec* 
tkmty between the paralkk of CSvita Yeochia and Tecracni% 
btti which corre^nded there to messn aanmai temperattues* 
of 51'8^ and ST-a^'of Pahr. («5J' TKs was the principals*!^ 
tl^neni of the I^brtlnzien.. Hie colonists hsd'freqnentlj^to^ 
contend with a very warlike thbe of' Esqvdmanx^ then exv 
tending nmeb faithear to the sonth, nndartbe naineof 9tiS>*- 
linger. The first bishop of Greerdtod, I^ielTpsi, an Iceian- 
d^r, undertook, in IIM.; a Ghristiaminissioato "Tiidand^ and' 
the name of thecoibmsed'coontry has even- been meirwi&iii* 
oH national songs of the natives of the PSroe lUancb. (••^ 

Tlie activity, conrage, and enterprssing spirit of* the atf- 
T«ntarerB'fh»n Itelfmd and GTreezdand- is mamfbt^'^byilir 


fkct^ that after they had settled themselves so far south as 
41 J® N. latitude^ they prosecuted their researches to th^ 
latitude of 72® 55' on the east coast of Baffm^s Bay; where, on 
one of the Women's Islands, {^) north-west of the present 
most northern Danish settlement of Upemavik, they set up 
three stone pillars marking the limit of their discoveries* 
The Runic inscription on the stone discovered there in the 
autumn of 1824, contains, according to Eask and Finn 
Magnusen, the date 1185- Prom this eastern coast of 
Baffitf s Bay the colonists very regularly visited Lancaster 
Sbtmdi and a part of Barrow's Strait, for purposes of 
fishing, more than six centuries before the adventurous 
vbyage of Pany. The bcaUty of the fishery is very dis- 
tinctly described, and priests from Greenland from the 
bishopric of Gardar conducted the first voyage of discovery 
(1266). This north-westernmost summer station is called 
tSe Kroksf jardar-Heide. Mention is made of the drift- 
wood (doubtless from Siberia) which was collected there, 
and of the abundance of whales, seals, wafruses, and sea- 
bears. (3^8j 

Our accounts of the communications of the extreme 
north of Europe, and of Iceland and Greenland, with the 
American Continent properly so called, only extend to the 
niiddle of the 14th century. In 1847, a ship was sent from 
Greenland to Markland (Nova Scotia), to bring building 
tiinber and other necessary articles. In returning from 
Markland the ship was driven by tempests and forced to 
take refuge in Straumfiord, in the West of Iceland. This 

is the latest notice having reference to America, preserved 
to' us in ancient Scandinavian writings, (369) ' 

» 1 have hitherto kept strictly on historic ground. By the 

flMf} EPooggi.iii..wgcg«fiPQMuQg-THa.r(Hirg«MBfcArioy of 

aBii.o£ihfi SfiyalSocusty wtoblifthfld ai. Copffnhiigffn for tl»> 
flted)^' o£. iMBtfa«nL aaliqutifii^ tli& Sc^^oa^ axid< ooipuli 
890SGea oC inforiBalJou rftspfctin^ tba. vojujp^ «1 the:Noirthr 
moa to HrilnlMtflifflarfottodkiid)^ to MarMgnd» tiha moBfe 
o£. Urn SL. Lavnnoe and Konra. Sootk^ aod.ta. Yiolwi 
(IftisMckiuetti), , have be^. aemnHj famM^mA. aaiisSBOh 
tooljf c<imwffltad aa. (3^) The: diusatioii ^ <i£ the . vqiipw 
iha eottfiie, aad the. tiiuiia': af biuidm aoA aiii|8Q(|t,«n.Alli 

Thamift: kiSi oertniitf Ttflfoitiiig that tncas wUcLhaie; 
beeaaaj^poaad«fouj|d..<tf.a<cy0oo¥arj of AwawVa. fiwt. 
IxalaDd pranoiubloithdtyear 1000.. The Skiiluigei; jialatadL 
to^ the KiardiiiMSL soMIqcL m Yin]aii4. liiat ftsthai. to; tboi 
sauiih,. bBfoaLiCbaaap^e B^^ Aesa ware '' whitot bqa^ 
ivmJng Joag ivliita gaiment8«> who. casaed bef<tfse tiiem ffks. 
witiLpiaGas olGl0ih.lE«teiiad..tot thenv aod. who eaUed with. 
a bod wcis^I' Thiakacoouot ^ma^ioiacpixM hg^ ihe CShdatiaa 
Noithnatt ttt^iadiaate pQoes8ioiiaywithbaiBiiaraaad.8iiiguig^ 
In the oldest Sagas, in the historical narratives ofTfaorfiaii 
Kacbab^^^.a^d. the.. laelaadic Landnnma^booki^ these aon- 
thfisatsoasta bfii»«aeirYirgiiaa.andi Hondas are.daaignated hf 
the. name. of. White Manx's LaxxL Thi^^ are. also callfid 
Gxeai Iieland,(ilxknd ]H;^mi^ aoditLOs Asaartedthattliej 
were peopled bom Isdand*. i^eording;. to, tQ|tuDaosiG& 
which go baek^as &r as 1064> befoie. Leii diacoveced Yia- 
land, pxobabljr,aboa£. the ym. 968, Ad Jftaiaaoi^ of tha 
pamufol. Icelamdjc funfly of Ulf . the. sqnnibteyed^ on a 
▼oyage &om. Icdand ta the. aonthsRaDcl^ waa* ddiaa bj 
storms to the coaab> of White. MeaV Land^ and. w»s..tb^ 
l^tizad«Chxialian;i,.and not being perxnitted toi {jp^mbrTi 

-^was reoqi^scd there by. mm Smn: ishdf • Qskatf^JsiuiiiA mi 

Same noithem aiitic[tnii48 ure of 'opinion tiuA as in. the 
ddtst IcdbcEfdie dJbeixoieiii» tijof fini isiJKbitoiite^ of tbeislMd 
'«»fOB]!knl^^West meik ntko amrei bj sea/' (t&dMitU 
t&eBisdves mlt PapyM eo: tbe sBofek-ant coast and' en iibe 
ad^aeeiit'SfflaB island' of P&{»r)^ Icehnd nittt' bame llMi 
'ftNt peopled not dmsctly {rem Enrept^ bat bom Yirgnia 
and' Gflxvimft^ that is-to say fimmlrlaaid it unkk or WUfe 
MoaVhod^ wldoh bad received its iidEaUtaois troimlnimai 
nt^ a sttD eai:lieir period. Th^iinpaortaiit tneatise entitled '^de 
Mennvft Qrb]e>7toe»^' by tiie Ir&h maak BwaSk, wbick:m 
jpfiMra isk 9t6j heiag 98 yean before laeiaodwaAdisoQnraidi 
by Northman Ifaddod^ (foeeiiot|h0iifivee> oodbmtiliB opttnoa. 

dtoiBtttai anehoiites in, the tiorlb of Burapcky and Buridkbt 
-tteiJis-iti tto interior o£ ^a^ have expk)i«d and ofBoadbtD 
eilibiatkrD i^one whidi urore soppeved te be JweeeaMiUe^ 
Hie desijeeof eslenAiag rel^poii» dagmae has Ied?seawtiaoes. 
to'imdibe euteiptiscs^ and soiaelinies baa ptepated' tiate ^lay 
ii^peaeeliil ideas and to ooimnereial rebtaons> In the fiart 
kaif of the BKidcBe a^ geogvaphy w«b adina»ead*byeaitai&- 
piMe» dSetated by the retigieti& sseal, etoong^ eentissted 
Willi Jbe inciffiFere&ee of flte pelytbeist) Greeks and Bonume^ 
ef^ dteistiins^ Buddhkts^ ai^^ Matfeometass. Le^oaaie^ in 
'M» eommeartaiy on IXccol^ haB> iritii mmk isgenoi^ and 
eoateness made it appear probable thai after tiie Irish 
iBiflBioiifiiiea If ere expcffied fipom the Kroe Islands by the 
llbithmen^ lltef began dbosl the year 79^ mit lodaaid. 
yfhm the Kofthmes first kmded in lodand they feand 
tHere Irish boc^^ Mass bells> and other objeets wUcii had 
tieB left beMnd'bf eaidier vUtois ealkd Bsqw : tfaeeepapaa 


(ftihers) were the elerici of Dicuil* (^7^) If then, as ;«e 
may suppose from the testimony here refi^red to^ these 
objects belonged to Irish monks (papar) who had come from 
the Faroe Islands^ why should they have been termed in the 
native Sagas, '^ West men'' (Vestmen), ^' who had come ovar 
the sea from the westward*' (kommir til vestan um haf) ? 
^All that relates to the supposed voyage of the Gbelic chieftaia 
•Madoc the son of Owen Qwyneth, is as yet veiled in pro- 
found obscurity : the supposed race of Gelto*American3; 
.which credulous travellers thought they had discovered in 
.'several parts of the United States, is gradually disappeariiig 
•since the introduction of strict ethnological comparison, 
^founded not on accidental resemblances of word^, but oi 
•organic structure and grammatical forms* (3^^) 

That this £rst discovery of America in or before the 
^eleventh century was not productive of a great. and pec- 
*inanent enlargement of the phyisical contemplation ol th^ 
Universe, as was the te-diseovery of the same continent laj 
Columbus at the dose of the fifteenth century, is aii almost 
^necessary consequence of the uncultivated condition of the 
•race by whom tha fiist discovery wae made, and of the native 
4)f the regions to which it r^naiued limited. The Sccin£- 

' .Flavians were not prepared by mj scientifie knowledge tip 
^explore the lands in which thjey settled JMher than appeased 
jiecessary for the supply of their moat imjnediate wants. 

' ..GxeeulaQd and Icdand, wbich must be regaird^d as the ie^ 
.mother countries of those new colonies, are x^ions in whieh 
jnan has to cope with all the difBioulties anct hardships of Mi 
(inhospitable climate. The wonderfully organised lodan^ 
J?ree State did, indeed, preserve its independence for tiuee 
eenturifis. and a hal4 until the destiruation of civil &«ediBi^ 


and the subjection of the country to the Norwegian king, 
Haco YI. The flower of the Icelandic literature, the 
historical writings, the coHeetion of Sagas and of the songs 
of the Edda, belong to the twelfth and thirteenth centurie^. 
If is a remarkable phenomenon in the history of the intd^ 
lectual cultivation of nations, that when the national treasures 
of the oldest documents belonging to the North of Europe 
were placed in Jeopardy by the unquiet state of their own 
country, they should have been conveyed to Iceland and there 
carefully preserved, and thus rescued for posterity. This 
rescue, the remote consequence of IngolPs first settlement 
in Iceland in 875, became, amidst the undefined and 
-misty fonris of the Scandinavian world of myths and of 
figurative cosmogonies, an event of much importance in 
respect to the fruits of the poetical and imaginative faculties 
of men: it was only natural knowledge which gained no 
enlargement. Travellers from Iceland visited the learned 
institutions of Germany and Italy ; but the discoveries made 
from Greenland towards the south, and the inconsiderable 
intercourse maintained with Vinland, the vegetiation of 
which did no* present any striking peculiarity of chft* 
meter, had so little power to divert settlers and mariners 
bom their whoQy European interest, that no tidings of these 
newly sett^led countrieB spread amcmg the cultivated nations 
of Southern Europe. Even in Iceland itself no notice 
feppecting them appears to have reached the ears of the 
great Genoese navigator. Iceland and Greenland had then 
been already separated from each other for more than two 
centuries, as in 12r61 Greenland had lost its republican 
constitution^ and as a possession of the crown of Norway 
Jbad been formally interdicted from all intereourse m^ 

fM EFOOM i» fsen HiniMur.QP tu ooNomai^kTioK oi 
fii«tignetB^ KAd €vea wjdi lod^ IiiAiiawrvfiiynseiiiQik 

hR mentiotti kmBg wted loelaad inllie mcniliLAf JlebBaan 
1477^ «ad idds^ibit ''tbejaa me aot tben eovoped witii 
iee^ (^^) end tlMytti^ oouati^ mis mkad by attoy ^tndeis 
.£k«i BrisbeL^' If Jbe luid hami,iha»oi the^lotmor fioloai- 
<Mliion on an nfpfotilb/G coMt of .an eBteiflm icouiactedteni- 
4Qgc7---^fHdliiibMKl it ouUa, df MaridAad^andiof ^' the ipodi 
Yi]]laucr--H«Biid had c<wtteet«d ftia IsnovleigeiEif a .nagh 
bovring omUasa^ nilih the ptfjaeto nifck which jgye hdd 
idteadj been occa{»ed fiixioe 1470 4iid 143^^ — ^hk wiiit 
9Suile (Icdaned) would no Aovht hafe been mere apohm 4t 
isk flie celebdied htrsBit zesyeoliaf^lha moat Jot the Ant 
ifisoovQvy, "vrhiGh if«8 not tmichided nggatil <1&17 ; Iw ^tfe 
^Qspiobits l^ealteren mentions a ohant ^nappa iBsanda} 
vliit^ Martm Alonso Finaon had seen )at lUnae^ on ^idufik 
the New Gorftanent itas Biad to ham baen laid .^mrnts U 
CbknDbas had deogned io seek In* a iMidi4f •whachihs Jdl 
<< bi«Mi Hd lofbnnatiQii in leelaad^ hn wodd oertaidiy oft 
liave steeised a aaath^^iFeflteEly ecroise fisMOi ths Qammmm 
his ifiiat "vtrfBge f>f diaoovtfy. Bflriiwnm Bergen sbhI Gboaik 
iandy howeiwr, ooimnercU relations utiSSt saJbeialed m .hMk, 
aeven yeams after CohimbBsb loyags to ledbaid. 

Yery diiesent^fMimiiw (diret iA tawtwy ■<< tibesewiMn- 
tioi^t in the eleveaBth tsentary, in its oesaits on Hue . hittoy 
«f the world, and m its inflaence cm 1^ ctisMrgoBUBtt 
of the physical jaaatempljitjan of .the UoivenN^ «as Ae 
Te-disooveiy of .iAmeaaa^-^-^^he dnoovoy 'cf iti trapad 
fands, — fay Oolnnibiuu Aithcmgh in ^oondnctiiDg hss^geeit 
«Edieq>ti86he'had by jioi«ieaBa>Hi<iitGRir the disoowya&a 
new part at the tiaodd; : aldMng^ it ia efca >eeitaan thit 

THE tmrvESSB. — ocBAinx) niBOoynniBi. WOi 

hath Coltunbus and* Amerigo Yvapacd died in ^ firmr'tp^- 
soasion ^) that iiie lands nv^hidi they l»d seen mm 
merely poTtioBs of Eastern Asia, yet insToyage 'bas eSl'^iiB 
diaracter of the exectction of a pka Jbimdcid cm fmsMk 
CombinHtionB. 'The e:!tpedition steered cesfidenily msmndi 
to the -west tfarongh the igate which the'Tjfnaiis and ikAstma 
of Samos had opened^ through the ''immea9Q:ratiieMa''ef 
darkness^' (mare tmebtosnm) of the Arabian 'geo^j^iers; 
they pressed {oTwaards tmrards an object of whidi lSicy 
iJioa^t 'ftey knew Ae distanoe: the siamef s •wennat 
aecidentally driven by tempests/as were Naddod and Ghrdar 
to XeeSand, and 3tnmlnom the son of IMEoraka to Ghraoi* 
hxid/uiir were the diseovereia oondncted onward 'byistop. 
"Yening stations. The great Nuxemberg fxmnognifim, 
'Martin Eefaaim, who accompanied the PdrtogoeBe iDiego 
0am on his important escpeditions to the west 'oeast 'of 
'iA&ioa; Tiyed four years (1466'-1490) at the Azoves; but it 
was^btftbm these islands^ situated at -^ths of the dsKtoaee 
tif the Iberian-coast from that of FdBsjdvaniay that Amaniea 
'was discovered. The determined purpose of the afelt is 
findy celebrated in the stan2as ofT&sso. He isizi^ ^cf ' that 
wfaioh Hercules dared not attenarpt : — 

Nan ob6 di tenfaor Talto Ooeaao 
'Segn6 le nu^ e'n troppo breivi ^osbi 

I/ardir-zzstrinsedeU' xii^gegno nmaao • 

Sempo (fenJL difr-fiui d*£R»le iisegni 
BiTdla Tile ai navfgttoti iAfdastri ...... 

Un uom della Lignria avrii ariimento 
AIT'lnoogiiitio oozbo ^spoini in pnona' •««••• 

TA880/xr. It. 1^5,'30 and 31. 

And yet all that the great Portagoese hilstoiical wxiter 
' John Barros; (^7^) wliose fiiflt decade appeared in 15SS$| hui 


to say of this '^uom della Liguria/' isy that he was a vam 
and fantastic talker: (homem fallador e glorioso em 
mostiar suas habilidades e mais faatastico, e de imaginacoes 
com sua Bha Cypango.) It is thus that^ throughout all 
ages and all degrees of civilization yet attained^ national 
animosity has endeavoured to obscure the brightness of glo- 
rious names. 

In the history of the contemplation of the Universe^ the 
discovery of tropical America by Christopher ColumbuSi 
Alonso de Hojeda., and Alvarez Cabral^ must not be r^arded 
as an isolated event. Its influence on the extension of phy« 
sical knowledge^ and on the enrichment of the world of 
ideas^ cannot be justly apprehended, without casting a brief 
glance on the preceding centuries^ which separate the age of 
the great nautical enterprises from the period when tim 
scientific cultivation of the Arabians flourished. That whieh 
gave to the era of Columbus its distinctive character, as a 
series of uninterrupted and successful exertions &r the 
attainment of new geographical discoveries or of an enlarged 
knowledge of the earth^s surface, was prepared beforehand, 
slowly, and in various ways. It was so prepared by a small 
number of courageous men, who roused themselves at orm 
to general freedom of independent thought, and to the in- 
vestigation of particular natural phsenomena; — ^by the in- 
fluence exerted on the most profound springs of inteUeo- 
tual life by the renewed acquaintance formed in Italy 
with the works of Greek and Eoman literature; — by the 
discovery of an art which lends to thought at .once wings 
for rapid transmission and indefinitely multiplied means of 
preservation; — and by the more extensive knowledge of 
Eastern Asia, which travelling merchants, and the monb 

wbo had been sent as ambassadors to the Mogcd princei^, 
circulated amongst those nations of south-western Europo 
vhd "were most' disposed to distant commerce and inter« 
course^ and most eagi^y desirous of discovering a shorten 
conte to the Spiee Islands. The fulfilment of the wishes 
which sH these causes contributed to excite was in the most 
important degree facilitated towards the close of the 15th 
century, by advances in the art of navigation, the gradual 
improvement ci nautical instruments, magnetical as well as 
astronomical ; and finally, by the introductiosi of new me* 
thods of determining the ship's pliace, and by the more 
general use of the ephemeride^ of the sun and moon pre- 
pared by Begiomontanus. 

Without entering into details in the history of the 
menees which do not belong to the present work, we must 
dte among those who had prepared the way for the epoch of 
Oolumbus and Gama, three great names, Albertus Magnus^ 
Bpger Bacon, and Vincent of Beauvais. 1 have given these 
three in the order of time, — ^but the name of most importance, 
and which bdongs to the most comprehensive genius, is 
unquestionably that of Eoger Bacon, a Franciscan monk of 
Dehester, who studied in Oxford afad in Paris. All three 
were in advance of their s^e, and acted powerfully upon it, 
Intibe long aadfor the most part unfruitful contests of 
diakctie specuktions, and of the logical dogmatism of a 
philosophy which has been designated by the vague and 
eqnivoeol term of scholastic, we cannot overlook the advan- 
tage-derived from what might be called the after -action of 
the influence of the Arabians. The peculiarity of their 
national character described in the preceding section, and 
timr attachment to the cotitemplation and study of nature. 

SM4 EPQOt i3r«»anw«f«» 'amxxmuMmmhnov oi 

,iiad fpNxraMdjf or ^Oie neiiif jinnifcif d^iwritjap^rf ^AuMk 

jkiho ipTQiHeatioA iot vihe ' (OperinieMil iwiHimrH/ r mi nli^^ 
•tiondocke ^ tke :0mdiiBl ifiiiJilMmifuJi !aE^i«»HbaBm)0]e>BidiiBh 
ihfigr iBi^lit heratfiker be.-«oUfflj hutSL Vw&^wmi:atdtt 
tveiHth and dw MtameatHnaaat r^f 'ittior>diiiaaBili l i Mit i imHi, 
iflffiiu^krstood jdactnmes of Ae iBhtaBic 'jpMlniiB|ii; ;jp»- 
vvikd inihe sebook. .The F«llwnafiaaCBinFdt(a^^^Hi 

HOiiteiiipliltioBflw XoB^ of • the 'syBihdftiiig:vph|aHidc 
fifihe .Xmuaas -vere .eceqHMid'^^wildb aothiBnu:; n^billai 
ponfned.i&Ad' eeroneatts idne faifwating'T^ flmWj^gf 
which fhe Alexandrian mathematiGal «dHMl^ JadEllaB^Jnm 
di»,gwxandk«satt8^ mem imifeAhfMathstimmiMa^ 
f%« .ThuB the ; pifidoDBaKnoe of 4he PlatoniBfj^kBafig^ 
€r^ 4o 4f6fJb in{H<e.4iD]sree%> of ihe gww gn o d i iMtii—K«i£H>> 
tofikm; <wa&»prapBgaled omder i^an^d^g fomnslfHini ^ iii fl iii itf" 
to AlGuln^.j4)kirlfcottt&^ jmdBQii^^ 

WkeD^ .on 4lie -other hand^-'tbe ^bJlMflltttt fhanwniiy 
gnnedihe aaca;idfm€y>rildnflsieM^theirnni^ 
at once towasdfr thenroeeaKhfls ol^^^pittdBiiiiet -fUSmK^^BapmA 
die phflosophleal'elabodybion'sefMtort^ 
efqperiment. Of'these>tfVr<>^dire€iion9ikfaer£Mi 
to be Jaiitlitth ecmaeGled'VJthitheiob)^ 
yet^ft mustiDot'be Mtmeilheiit sjfiosioii^ heawrt^acfeiii mJiTiTn 
of 4ihe period i€i£ ^AedsaaohelastkB^it imdMtmmal^mlm 
BoUe aBdh%My ^(;adaBaiBda4K> the'fisamie&txftee 
peQdaitth0B^gbt|iBiltbBtmoBt dUeliaiti 
leSge. An ODhiiged'phjraical QMiiin^^ 
only reqcEbes ftriift»di»nfbteoeofiobBepviti( 

ws'SKPfAhac flEOLcttiBare obvioM veMcms^uKsdcr Att^ia ibe 
ol te tta r w afaBed ooiiitait boiwwn hEKMrledj^ and £BJIih^ ihef 
m^hi lasiihb detenrad byttlifeatouiig Som^, i^liidi «vemb 
nariem • limea fa»7e been wgemdy reifaiedeid as . forUddkig 
«9eeaBr;tQxertadn.d«paEtineQft8 ofMQiqpetkxieBiAl scienoe. 

5(Khe]i kndbsng^m inteUecliial A&veiopBaetA, wemt^sit 
a^azste l^fii«nain(liiig inBueiiees t)f"the ooadoiiaBew «£ mafli^ 
jurtpjxiifsgeiaf t&teUcicku^ fesedom^. aod-i^beloiig unsaiiUKfi^ 
dg da eaf viieTfE^ds ^thaemhigs, 6BibiaQiiigtbe«i0i^diffl«ffit 
M^km^iof fhstiMUifaie&^f .th&«iictih. A sesies^of snoh iode- 
peodsaat > Akbeisno^lii b& naoMd^ beginsibg in the -^niddb 
ages ipitib Dtms Scotos^ Williaai «f Occud^ .ISodiolaa^if Goa«^ 
wbA iiMKinaed 'Avcwtgh Siiiine^ CmnpftBella sad Qmiaaao 

Wtte .iBgpfBmBB&j impmss^ '^gsiS betinem thmkiag lud 
Uiiig^fithcmgbt Attd^aotiiiJ ^xistencQ.; — ^the nilatiiia betw^ea 
Uie mM yfimk'WtoogBkmxaA tiiiBvobjectxecQgiufied'' divided 
the I^alectifiittM iato the two odebrafted schooh of tbe 
.BedtflB sod the ItoBKiiiallstsK The ^atnoLOBt Ibrgotten .o«q^ 
infai taf'titose sebocds <tf th^ixadd]e.age3>«re..b»e xeieaaeii^ 
9amsmm ihej 'tes^tkd « •aajBtesial ioflaeBoe Km ' the Msi 
MUUtUsnent 4if the hasb cX vthe '.esfmnoBAsl sciaaAn. 
is&ftsrwaaagrfiucftaaticmfi iaa tiie siwiQefl9.0f theiwapictiQgfy^ilie 
.wtajrifiM^.i^^ 1:^ and IStii^oenbiiaes viiji 

ii»J!f<m]im&ii)^ who aUoiw 4» ^xtecoal mbBOBC cu^a wai^ 
i^aeim.^aigkmmmXkR hjmkm rnnd, J&aia ibeur^^gzeater 
wmaiui tanecg^ iiJiiiiiuitiiaii^ii Agy .fijstv uflgoi: iibe JiaaMw^ 
of ^peariei^e, and the propriety of angsaeBitixig ihe iuMB 
MAmaMdigSit.'.m wm^ikm ibeafi|^ the .sKpdisan ££ the 


least indirectly inflaential on the cultivation of experimie^ 
natural knowledge ; but even where the views of the Bealists 
were still exclusively prevalent, acquaintance with Arabian 
literature had fostered a love for natural knowledge, and 
aided it to assert its place successfully, amidst the exclu^vdy 
absorbing tendency of theological studies. Thus, we see 
that in the different periods of the middle ages, to which too 
great a uniiy of character is perhaps usuaUy ascribed, the 
way for the great work of discoveries over the surface of the 
earth, and for their successful employment in the enlarge- 
ment of the circle of cosmical ideas, was gradually prepared 
through wholly different trains of thought, the on6 poidy 
ideal and the other empirical. 

Natural knowledge was intimately connected among Afi 
learned Arabians with the study of medidnes and with 
philosophy; and in the Christian middle ages with philo- 
sophy and with dogmatic theological studies. The latter 
jfrom their tendency to claim exclusive dominion repressed 
empirical investigation in physics, organic morphology, and 
astronomy, which indeed was for the most part aUied to 
astrology. The study of the works of the aU-embracing 
mind of Aristotle, which had been brought in by Arabs aftd 
Jewish Eabbis, {^^) had tended to produce a philosophieal 
fusion of different branches of study; and thus Ibn-^Sina 
(Avicenna) and Ibn-Eoschd (Averroes), Albertus Magnus 
and Roger Bacon, passed as the representatives of all human 
knowledge possessed by their age. We may hence estimate 
the fame which in the middle ages isurrounded the names of 
these eminent men. 

Albertus Magnus, of the family of the Counts of Bollstadt, 
must be cited as himself ^ obi^erver in the doinain fi 


imalytical chenuistry. His hopes were indeed directed to 
the transmutatioii of metals; but in seeking the fulfilment 
of these hopes^ he not only materially improved the practical 
manipulation and treatment of ores^ but also gained additional 
insight into the general mode of operation of the chemical 
forces of nature* His works contain some exceedingly acute 
detached remarks on the organic structure and physiology 
of plants. He was acquainted with the sleep of plants^ 
with the periodical opening and closing of blossoms, with 
the diminution of sap during evaporation from the cuticle 
of the leaves, and with the influence of the distribution 
of the bundles of vessels on the indentations of the leaves. 
He wrote a commentary upon the whole of Aristotle's works 
on physics and natural history, following, however, in. the 
history of animals, only the Latin translation of Michael 
Scot from the Arabic (3®^) A work of Albertus Magnus 
bearing the title of Liber Cosmographicus de Natura 
Locorum is a species of physical geography. I have 
found in it considerations on the dependence of tempera- 
ture concurrently on latitude and elevation, and on the effect 
of different angles of incidence of the sun's rays in heating 
the ground, which have excited my surprise. He owes 
perhaps his having been celebrated by Dante, less to himself 
than to his beloved scholar Thomas Aquinas, who he took 
witli him from Cologne to Paris in 1245, and brought back 
to Qearmany in 1248. 

Qnesti, c^ m' ^ a destra piii yUmf>, 
Frate e maestro fiimmi ; ed esso Alberto 
E' di Cologna, ed io Thomas d' Aquino. 

Il Paeadiso, X. 07—99. 

In all that relates immediately to the extension of the 

fig xpoQHft nh TBM jusa&MX ov. TMM'Oammmb^TioN of 

MtwiL raencesj to tlieur ttathematical fomdation^ mLio 
As iBtontknel productiaa. of pkcaomeiuk a the mj. «( 
cgpfMiaaegt; Albeit von BoUstadt or Albertis M»gnB%, tihis 
teiemfoxasy of Boger Bacon^ ludda thft foiwvost flaqs* ia 
the middle agsB. Tham. two lasa occngjr Ymiamsesa, Htm 
ainost tha eotiEe thictemith. oaituxy; hut ta Sioaier BafiOi 
bekmgBrite ppnise, that the iaAiieiMa exartad b}[ bimiQBi ths 
foaa and tte^toxeot of ibe stodj of Batiua vai mom. baoa* 
dBisi, and. JBoie penaanant m its op^rationj tiaaA thaaaical 
diseovenefr iduah hara beaik. witii mosa oc law • aomatoaa 
aacmbad 'ta hiinu Awal&enad faiiuaelf to indesendeot thoafjUk 
lia.£OiideBnad strongly the blizul futk iu tha aotliomties d 
&». sahoels ; yat &r horn baing iudifiaseiit to tba^ imeatagit 
Haa of Gsedan axutiqusiQr^ the sama tima. ^fff&asid 
and. vakiedatborough study of tiiat lorig^ag^ {^^^} thaaf^ 
l^iaatiaii of uaa^Jhi^matifia^ and tha " Sctaotia e&pcriyrifintaliqt? 
to. which last ha devoted a pacticalar section of the G^ 
Ms^s« (38S) Esoted^ed and faaroared by one poff 
(Pfisoei^ ly.); aad. accused of laagic a&d impisaned. b|^ 
ti|(o othera.(Nichdb8 TJL and lY.)^ ha ^cgecL^ced tiia 
idteniatioa& of f€dittDa.'tot which in all ages, great mnii 
hasre feeque^y baei^. subject. He was. aaquaiuted wiA 
Ptoleosy's Optics^ (^ aadwitiithe Alxaagi^« Ai^ lite 
tiifr Axabia&s^ he always, callsi HippaDchua Abraxis, wa mj 
ifi&r that, he too only ipada Esa of a I^atia. tiaissl^kidi 
derived from the Aiikbic* Next to his dieBucal expadanQDll 
on combustible ei^osive mixtures^ , his theoretico-optioal 
works on perspective, and. on the pQsitioA.aif the focus ift 
concave mirrors, aee the most iiiq>artaiit; His Opus Ma^ 
which is full of thought^ contains proposals and plans tf 
passible. execi«tion, but no dear traces of siicccas ift^^cq^lssal 

mati0ti knowleAg&t His^ ,«hara«kmabier b nAemflL cerfcajni 
lyelieea^ ef liiimginatkm^. ^wJaach. that Jm^pmrnon. of ao muxf? 
giart loid imeqpjfiified natiuaL ph^masiia^,. thai laagrrajid. 
pMsfol 86«»k &r the soliilaMiiv^ BijniteikHia' pB»bl6iii%, 
hado raised ta atdognee- olSiiiuidbidt kiteiflity^ anaAS^. tlMsai 
o£ the- mediBBvd miHifcs wbosa Eiaida. ^Mire^ difeoted. t»i 
tharstadf of. pjulosopliy* Th^d^SBouIiiiQSb iii^el^..bafe]»<'tli8\ 
loraatioQ of* priniaGag the espeoae o£ oopjdats oppaaod t«; 
thgttMnpmhlngo of Biaajr aepamte HiaiiHaer^tis^ prodiiaedii^ 
HmJsiMk'Bgi^^ ^rilteQ' after iihetiiiiikeeatii: aoitacj.the oiael^ 
of ideaa bcgaa to eallifg^ a«great.pittdy3fifilioiL fesrEiiiejiidoM* 
pndic worbir Theae worka ase deiacring: q£ piatifidbr 
irttaptioii iiij ithi^plaoej. beoanee they led to Jbhft gaosnii^tismL 
o£.^MKray. Thftia appe^wd oil 8ttfieea&k)fi>. one woib beiaoig: m. 
gmtt. Hiaasiu»t Ibaadfld oa its predeoesaoDs^ tha twenlgt^ 
hooka do wsmh oatora of Thoaaaa^ Gaoiiipiat^iaui/ .Prafaasttt/ 
«t>Lowi^iB}12^8A;. tha;iDisro£of'ii«tuce.(Sp^i]IjimData0al€^ 
irfaidi YiBiMSUb. of Beasyaia- (BeUaivaoeDais). iraoki four Ski 
Loiwh and hi»<30iiaort .MftrgiNDrir/o£ ProroiuiCiiiii 18S&; tine, 
''book of natoref" of Conrad of Mas^^b^gp. a. priasfc aib 
Bflgembusg. in l{849,j and th»^ ^^piatuDa of tha* world'' 
(Jliiafo Muiidi) of. Cardinal 'Reims de Miaioo^, BU^ o£ 
Gfitti]ua7>.iA.141(K Theae Encyidopffidios wei^ thaipiaauar^ 
aon-of; tiborginat . Mdrgiark* .philOac^hiea of, IS^aihest Beiaaii^ 
thfi.fisaif sUtioBt^ii iRhieh appoassed m ];4&6»^ and: whiok tm 
hatf a^ aantefjF pfoiaoted m a< rftmykahlft maaner. tba 
oatensoa rof^ktioadedge. We m^t' hese dwefl> a liilla vunm 
pactieulik»lf oq tha^ L&ago Misadi of GaadfiMili AJ&ieiUN 
(^air6>dfAi%)^. rhaflre Aemi dafewhera that; this utodt 
:ino3»».iaAae]itial on the diii90ovei7'of. Agamat^ tiban 


the correspondence with the learned Morentme Tbscanelli 
(385^, All that Columbus knew of Greek and Eoman 
writers^ all the passages of Aristotle^ Strabo^ and Seneca,, on 
the nearness of Eastern Asia to the pillars of Hercules, 
which^ as his son Door Fernando tells us^ were what princi* 
pally incited his father to the discovery of Indian landSi 
(autoridad de los escritores para mover al Almirante ^ 
descubrir las Indias) were derived by the Admiral from the 
writings of AlHacus. Columbus carried these writings 
with him on his voyages ; for^ in a letter written to the 
Spanish monarchs in October 1498 from Hayti^ he translates 
word for word a passage from the Cardinal's treatise, " de 
quantitate terras habitabilis/' by which he had been pro- 
foundly impressed. He probably did not know that AUiacos 
had on his part transcribed word for word from another earUer 
book^ Boger Bacon's Opus Majus. {^^) Singular period, 
when a mixture of testimonies from Aristotle and Averroes 
(Avenryz), Esdras and Seneca^ on the small extent of the 
ocean compared with the magnitude of continental land; 
afforded to monarchs guarantees for the safety and expedi- 
ency of costly enterprises ! 

I have noticed the appearance^ at the close of the 
thirteenth century, of a decided predilection for the study 
of the powers or forces of nature, and of a progressively 
increasing philosophical tendency in the form assumed by that 
fitudy, in its establishment on a scientific experimental 
basis. It still remains to give a brief description of the 
influence which, from the end of the fourteenth century, the 
awakening attention to classical literature exercised on the 
deepest springs of the intellectual life of nations, and thus 
upon the general cont^nplation of the Universe. The 


individual intellectual character of a few highly gifted men 
had contributed to the augmentation of the riches of the 
world of ideas. The susceptibility to a more free intel- 
lectual development existed at the period when Grecian 
literature, favoured by many apparently accidental relations^ 
oppressed and driven from its ancient seats, sought a more 
secure resting-place in western lands. The Arabians in 
their classical studies had remained strangers to aU that 
belongs to the inspiration of language. Those studies were 
limited to a very small number of ancient writers ; and in 
accordance with the strong national predilection for the 
pursuit of natural knowledge, were principally directed to 
Aristotle's books of Physics, Ttolemy's Almagest, the bo- 
tany and chemistry of Dioscorides, and the cosmological 
phantasies of Plato. The dialectics of Aristotle were 
associated by the Arabians with physical, as they were by 
the earlier portion of the Christian middle ages with 
theological, studies. In both cases, men borrowed, from the 
ancients what they judged available for particular applica- 
tions; but they were far indeed from apprehending the 
genius of Greece as a whole, from penetrating the organic 
structure of its language, from delighting in its poetic 
creations, and from searching out its admirable treasures 
in the fields of oratory and historical writing. 

Almost two centuries before Petrarch and Boccaccio, 
John of Salisbury and the platonising Abelard had exercised 
a beneficial influence in reference to acquaintance with some 
of the works of classical antiquity. Both felt the beauty 
and the charm of writings' in which nature and ^lind, 
freedom^ and subjection to measure, order^ and harmony are 



ever foand conjoined; but the influence of the sesthetic 
feeling thus awakened in them vamshed without leavii^ 
farther traces ; and the praise of having prepared in Italy 
a permanent resting place for the exiled Qrecian Muses^ 
of having laboured most powerfully for the restoration d 
classical literature, belongs to two poets intimately linked 
with each other in the bonds of friendship — ^Petrarch and 
Boccaccio. They had both received lessons from a Galabrian 
monk named Barlaam, who had long lived in Greece enjoying 
the favour of the Emperor Andronicus. (*®^) They first com- 
menced the careful collection of Eoman and Grecian manu- 
scripts; and even an historical eye for the comparison of 
languages had been awakened in Petrarch, (^^®) whose 
philological acuteness seemed to tend towards a inore 
general contemplation of the Universe. Emanuel Ohiyso- 
loras, who was sent as ambassador from Greece to Italy and 
to England m 1891, Cardinal Bessarion of Trebizond, 
Gemistus Pletho, and the Athenian, Demetrius Chalcondylas, 
to whom is owing the first printed edition of Homer, ('®) 
were all important agents in promoting acquaintance wifli 
Grecian literature. All these came from Greece before the 
eventful taking of Constantinople on the 29th of May, 1488 
it was only Constantino Lascans, whose ancestors had once sat 
on the throne of the eastern empire, who came later to Itafy, 
and brought with him a precious collection of Greek manu- 
scripts, which is now buried in the seldona-used library of the 
Escurial. (390) The first Greek book was printed only fourteai 
years before the discovery of America, although the art of print- 
ing was discovered (probably simultaneously, and quite inde- 
pendently (391) by Guttenberg in Strasburg and Mayence, 


and by Lorenz Jansson Koster in Haarlem), between 1436 
and 1439, or in the fortanate epoch of the first immigratioa 
of learned Greeks into Italy. 

Two centuries before the fountains of Grecian literature 
were open to the nations of the west, and a quarter of a 
century before the birth of Dante, who formed one of the 
great epochs in the history of the intellectual cultivation of 
southern Europe, events were taking place in the interior of 
Asia, as well as in the East of Africa, which, by extending 
commercial intercourse, accelerated the arrival of the period 
of the circumnavigation of Africa and of the expedition of 
Columbus. The armies of the Moguls in the course of twenty- 
six years spread the terror of their name from Pekin and the 
Cliinese wall as far as Cracow and Leignitz, and produced a 
feeling of alarm throughout Christendom. A number of able 
monks were sent both in a religious and diplomatic capacity; 
— John de Piano Carpini and Nicolas Ascelin to Batu Khan, 
and Buisbroeck (Bubruquis) to Mangu Khan to Karakorum. 
The last named of these missionaries has left us some acute 
and important remarks on the geographical extension of 
different families of nations and of languages in the middle 
of the thirteenth century. He was the first to recognize 
that the Huns, the Baslikirs (inhabitants of Paskatir, Basch- 
gird of Ibn-Pozlan), and the Hungarians, were of Pinnidi 
or ITraUan race; and he found Gothic tribes, stiU preserving 
their language, in the strong holds of the Crimea. (*^?) 
The accounts given by Bubruquis of the immeasurable 
riches of Eastern Asia excited the cupidity of two 
powerful maritime nations of Italy, the Venetians and the 
Genoese. Bubruquis knew ''the silver walls and golden 
towers of Quinsay,'^ though he does not name that great 


commercial city, (the present Hangtchenfa), which twenty- 
five years later acquired such celebrity through the accounts 
of the greatest of laud travellers, Marco Polo ('^^). Truth 
and naive error are curiously intermingled in the accounts 
given by Rubruquis of his travels, and preserved to us by 
Soger Bacon, "Near Cathay, which is bounded by the 
Eastern Ocean,^' he describes a happy land "where men 
and women arriving from other countries cease to grow 
old" (394). Still more credulous than the monk of Brabant, 
and for that reason much more extensively read, was the 
English knight. Sir John Mimdeville. He describes India 
and China, Ceylon and Sumatra. The variety and personal 
interest of his narrative have, (like the itineraries of Balducci 
Pegoletti, and the narrative of Buy Gonzalez de Ckvijo), 
contributed not a little to increase the disposition towards 
intercourse with distant countries. 

It has been often and with singular decision asserted, that 
the excellent work of the truth-loving Marco Polo, and par- 
ticularly the knowledge which he gave of the Chinese ports 
and of the Indian arcliipelago, had great influence on Co- 
lumbus, and that he even had a copy of Marco Polo's travels 
with him on his first voyage of discovery. (^95) I have 
shown that both Columbus himself, and his son Pemando, 
speak of ^neas Sylvius's (Pope Pius 11.) geography of 
Asia, but never name Marco Polo or Mandeville. What 
they knew of Quinsay, Zaitun, Mango and Zipangu, may 
have been gained, without any immediate acquaintance with 
chapters 68 and 77 of the second book of Marco Polo, from 
the celebrated letter of Toscanelli, in 1474, on the facihty 
of reaxjhing Eastern Asia from Spain, and from the .accounts 
of Nicolo de Conti, who travelled for 25 years through 


India and Southern China. The oldest printed edition of 
Marco Polo^s travels is a German translation made in 1477, 
and this certainly would not have been intelligible to Cb- 
lumbus and ToscaneUi. The possibility of Columbus having 
seen a manuscript written by the Venetian traveller between 
the years 1471 and 1492, in which he was occupied with the 
project of sailing ^'to the East by the West" (buscar el 
kvante por el poniente, pasar a donde nacen las especerias, 
navegando al occidente), cannot certainly be denied ; (396) 
but if so, why, in the letter which he wrote to the monarchs 
from Jamaica, June 7, 1508, — ^in which he describes the 
coast of Veragua as a jpart of the Asiatic Ciguare, and hopes 
to see horses with golden trappings, — does not he refer to 
the Zipangu of Marco Polo rather than to that of Papa Pio ? 
At the period when the extension of the great Mogul 
empire from the PaciiSc to the Volga rendered the interior 
of Asia accessible, the maritime nations of Europe acquired 
a knowledge of Cathay and Zipangu (China and Japan), 
through the diplomatic missions of the monks, and through 
mercantile enterprises conducted by means of land jour- 
niea. By an equally remarka;ble concatenation of cir- 
cumstances and events, the mission of Pedro de Covilham 
and Alonso de Payva, sent in 1487 by King John II. 
to seek for '^ the African Prester John," prepared the way, 
not indeed for Bartholomew Diaz, but for Vasco de Garaa. 
Confiding in reports brought by Indian and Arabian pilots 
to Calicut, Goa, and Aden, as well as to Sofala on the east 
coast of Africa, Covilham sent word to King John, by two 
Jews from Cairo, that if the Portuguese prosecuted their 
voyages of discovery on the western coast of Africa towards 
tlie south, they would arrive at the extremity of that conti- 


nent ; bom whence the navigation to the Moon Island (the 
Magastar of Folo)^ to Zanzibar^ and to Sofala rich in gold, 
would be found extremdj easy. Long before these tidings 
reached Lisbon^ however, it had been known there tiiat 
Bartholomew Diaz had not only discovered the Cape of Good 
Hope (Cabo Tormentoso), but had already sailed round it^ 
thoagh only for a very short distance. {^^) Accounts of 
the Indian and Arabian trading stations on the eastern coast 
of Afidca, and of the configuration of the southern extrezmty 
of the continent, may, indeed, have reached Venice very eariy 
in the middle ages, through Egypt, Abyssinia, and Arabia. 
The triangular form of Africa is distinctly kid down in the 
planisphere of Sanuto {^^) as early as 1306; intheGenoess 
Portulano della Mediceo-Laorenziana of 1351 discovered 
by Count Baldelli ; and in the map of the world by "En 
Mauro. It is fitting that the history of the oontemplatioa 
of the Universe should indicate by a passing allusion the 
epochs when the general form of the great continental 
masses was first recognised. 

Whilst the gradually advancing knowledge of geographical 
relations led men to think of new and shorter maritime 
routes, the means of improving practical navigation by the 
application of mathematics and astronomy, by the inventioa 
of new measuring instruments, and by the more skUfiil xm 
of the magnetic forces, were also rapidly increasing. It is 
highly probable that Europe owes the adaptation of the 
directing powers of the magnet to the purposes of navigation 
—or the use of the mariner's compass — ^to the Arabians, and 
that they again were indebted for it to the Chinese. In a 
CSbinese work, (the historic Szuki of Szumathsian, a writ^ 
belonging to the first haK of the second century before our 


era), mention is made of •'magnetic cars" given, more than 
900 years before, by the emperor Tschingwang of the old 
dynasty of the Tschea to the ambassadors from Tunkin and 
CJochin China, that they might not miss .their way on their 
homeward journey by land. In Hiutschin's dictionary 
Schuewen, written in the third century under the dynasty 
of the Han, a description is given of the manner in which 
the property of pointing with one extremity to the south is 
communicated to an iron bar : navigation being then most 
usually directed to the south, the end of the magnet which 
pointed southwards was the one always referred to. A 
century later, under the flynasty of the Tsin, Chinese ships 
used the south magnetic direction to guide their course in 
the open sea> and these ships carried the knowledge of the 
compass to India, and from thence to the east coast of Africa. 
The Arabic terms zophron and aphron (for south and north) 
(399) which Vincent of Beauvais in his mirror of nature 
gives to the two ends ot the magnetic needle, shew (as do 
the many Arabic names of stars which we still employ) the 
diannel through which the nations of the West received 
mmch of their knowledge. In Christian Europe the use of 
the compass is first mentioned as a perfectly familiar subject 
in the politico-satirical poem called '' La Bible,'' written by 
Guyot of Provence in 1190, and in the description of 
Palestine by Jacob of Vitry, Bishop of Ptolemais, between 
1204 and 1215. Dante (Parad. xii. 29) alludes in a com* 
parison to the '^ needle which points to the star.'' 

The discovery of the mariner's compass was long ascribed 
to Plavio Gioja of Positano, a place not far from the beauti- 
ful Amalfi, which its widely extended maritime Ws rendered 
go celebrated; perhaps he may have made (1S02) soqm 


improvement in its constraction. That the compass was 
used in European seas much earlier than 'the beginning of 
the fourteenth century is proved by a nautical treatise of 
Raymond Lully of Majorca, the highly ingenious and 
eccentric man whose doctrines inspired Giordano Bruno with 
, enthusiasm when a boy, (*<^) and who was at once a philo- 
sophical systematiser, a practical chemist, a christian teacher, 
and a person skilled in navigation. He says in his book 
entitled "Penix de las maravillas del orbe," written in 1286, 
that mariners made use in his time of '' measuring instru- 
ments, of sea charts, and of magnetic needles/' (*oi) The 
early voyages of the Catalans to the' north coast of Scotland 
and to the west coast of tropical Africa, (Don Jayme Ferrer, 
in the month of August 1346, reached the mouth of the 
Eio de Ouro), and the discovery of the Azores (the Bradx 
Islands of Picigano's map of the world in 1367) by the 
Normans, remind us that the open western ocean was navi- 
gated long before Columbus, That navigation of the high 
seas which, under the Boman empire, had been ventured 
upon in the Indian Ocean between Ocelis and the coast of 
Malabar in reliance upon the regularity of the periodical 
direction of the winds, {^^) was here performed under the 
guidance of the magnetic needle. 

The implication of astronomy to navigation was prepared 
by the influence which, from the thirteenth to the fifteenth 
century, was exerted, in Italy by Andalone del Nero and 
John Bianchini who corrected the Alphonsine astronomical 
tables, and in Germany by Nicolaus of Cusa, {*^^) Georg von 
Peuerbach, and Begiomontanus. Astrolabes capable of being 
used at sea for the determination of time, and of geographical 
latitudes by meridian altitudes^ underwent gradual improve- 


ment from the instruments used by the pilots of Majorca de- 
scribed by Raymond Lully {^^) in 1295, in his " Arte de 
Navegar," to that which Martin Behaim made in 1484 at 
Lisbon, and which was perhaps only a simplification of the 
meteoroscope of his friend Regiomontanus. When the Infante 
Henry (Duke of Yiseo) the great encourager of navigation, 
and himseK a navigator, founded a school of pilots at Sagres, 
Maestro Jayme of Majorca was named its director. Martin 
Behaim was desired by king John 11. of Portugal to compute 
tables for the sun's declination, and to instruct pilots to 
'^ navigate by the altitudes of the sun and stars/' Whether 
the log line, which makes it possible to estimate the length 
of the course passed over, whilst the direction is given by the 
compass, was known, as eady as the end of the fifteenth 
century, cannot be determined, but it is certain that Pigafetta, 
a companion of Magellan, speaks of the log (la catena a 
poppa) as of a long known means of measuring the distance 
passed over. (*°s) 

The influence of Arabian civilisation on Spanish and 
Portuguese navigation, through the astronomical schools of 
Cordova, Seville, and Granada, is not to be overlooked : the 
large instruments of Cairo and Bagdad were imitated on a 
small scale for maritime use. The names were also trans- 
ferred; the "astrolabon'' which Martin Behaim attached to 
the main mast belongs originally to Hipparchus. When 
Vasco de Gama landed on the east coast of Africa, he 
found the Indian pilots at Melinda acquainted with 
the use of astrolabes and cross staffs. (*o6) Thus, by 
intercommunication consequent on more extended inter- 
course between nations, as weU as by original inven- 
tion, and by the mutual aids to advancement furnished by 

260 EP00S8 nr thb hisiobt ot thb GONrmcpLiTioN oi 

mathematical and astionomioal knowledge, every thing was 
gradually prq)ared for the great geographical achievements, 
which have distinguished the close of the fifteenth and the 
early portion of the sixteenth centuries, or the thirty yean 
from 1492 to 1522, namely,— the discovery of tropical 
America, the rapid determination of its form, the passage 
round the southern point of Africa to India, and the first 
drcumnavigation of the globe. Men's minds were also 
stiniulated and rendered more acute to receive the immense 
accession of new phenomena, to work out the results of what 
was thus obtained, and by their comparison to render them 
available for the formation of higher and more general vievs 
of the physical Universe. 

It will suffice to allude here to a few only of the principal 
elements of these higher views, which were capable of con- 
ducting men to a farther insight into the connection of the 
phenomena of the globe. In a careful study of the original 
works of the earliest historians of the Cbnquista, we often 
discover with astonishment in the. Spanish writers of the 
sixteenth century the germ of important physical truths. 
At the sight of a continent in the wide waste of waters &r 
removed from other lands, many of the important questions 
which occupy us in the present day presented themselves to 
the awakened curiosity both of the first voyagers and of those 
who collected thefar narrations; — questions respecting the 
unity of the human race, and its deviations from a common 
normal type ; — ^the migrations of nations, and the relationship 
of languages which often shew greater differences in their 
radical words than in their flexions or granunatical forms ;— 
the possibility of the migration of particular species of plants 
or animals ; — ^the cause of the trade winds, and of the constant 


cQcrents of the ocean; — ^the regalar decrease of temperature 
aa the declivities of the .Cordilleras^ and in successive strata 
of water in descending in the depths of the ocean; — and on 
the reciprocal operation upon each other of the different vol- 
canoes forming chams^ and their influence on the frequency of 
earthquakes as well as on the extent of the circles of commotion* 
The groundwork of what we now term physical geography^ 
(abstracting from it mathematical considerations^) is found 
in the Jesuit Joseph Acosta^s " Historia natural y moral de 
las Indias/' as well as in the work by Gonzalo Hernandez de 
Oviedo, which appeared only twenty years after the death 
of Columbus. Never, sipce the commencement of civil 
society, was there an epoch in which the sphere of ideas aa 
regards the external world and geographical relations was so 
suddenly and wonderfully enlarged, or in which thQ desire 
of observing nature under different latitudes and at different 
elevations above the level of the sea, and of multiplying the 
means by which her secrets might be interrogated, was more 
keenly felt. 

It has, perhaps, as I have elsewhere remarked, (*°^) been 
erroneously supposed, that the value of these great discoveries, 
each of which in turn promoted other?, — of these twofold 
conquests in the physical and in the intellectual world, — ^was 
not felt until its recognition in our" own days, when the 
history of the intellectual cultivation of mankind is i;iiade a 
subject of philosophic study. Such a supposition ^ 
refuted by the writings of the cotemporaries of Columbus. 
The feelings of the most talented among them anticipated 
the influence which the events of the latter part of th^ fif- 
teenth century would exert on mankind, Peter Martyr de 
Anghiera (*°®) says, in his letters written in 1493 and 1494if 


''Every day brings to us new wonders from a new world, 
from those western antipodes which a certain Genoese 
(Christophoms quidam vir Ligur) has discovered. Sent bj 
onr monarchs^ Terdinand and Isabella, he could with diffi- 
culty obtain three ships, since what he said was regarded as 
febulous. Our friend Pomponius lidstua" (one of the most 
distinguished promoters of classical literature, and perse- 
cuted at Bome on account of his religious opinions), ''could 
hardly refrain from tears of joy, when I gave him the first 
tidings of an event so unhoped for/' Angliiera, from whom 
these words are taken, was a highly intelligent and distin- 
guished statesman at the court of Ferdinand the Catholic 
and Charles Y., was once sent as ambassador to Egypt, and 
was a personal friend of Columbus, Amerigo Vespucci, Se- 
bastian Cabot, and Cortes. His long life comprised the 
discovery of the westernmost of the Azores (Corvo), and the 
expeditions of Diaz, Columbus, Gama, and Magellan. Pope 
Leo X. ''continued to a very late hour in the night^' read- 
ing to his sister and the cardinals, Anghiera's Oceanica. ' 
Anghiera says, " henceforward I would not willingly leave 
Spain again, for I am here at the fountain-head of the tid- 
ings from the newly discovered lands, and T may hope, as 
the historian of such great events, to obtain for my name 
some fame with posterity. (*09)^' Thus vividly did cotempo- 
raries feel the splendour of events, of which the remem- 
brance will survive through all ages. 

Columbus, in sailing westward of the meridian of the 
Azores, through an entirely unexplored sea, and employing 
the newly-improved astrolabe for the determination of his 
position, sought the east of Asia by the western route, not 
as an adventurer, but according to a preconceived and 


steadfasUj pursued plan. He had indeed on boards the sea- 
chart which the Morentine physician and astronomer, Tos- 
canelli, had sent to him in 1477, and which fifty-three years 
after his death was still in the possession of Bartholomew 
de las Casas. According to the manuscript history of las Casas 
which I have examined, this was the Carta de Marear, (*^^) 
which the Admiral shewed, on the 25th of September, 1492, 
to Martin Alonso Rnzon, and on which several out-lying 
islands were drawn. But if Columbus had only followed 
the chart of his counsellor Toscanelli, he would have held a 
more northern course, and have kept along a parallel of 
latitude from Lisbon ; instead of this, in the hope of reaching 
Zipangu (Japan) more quickly, he sailed for half the distance 
in the latitude of Gomera, one of the Canary Islands, and 
subsequently diminishing his latitude, found himself on the 
7th of October 1492, in 25-^°. Uneasy at not having yet 
discovered the coasts of Zipangu, which according to his 
reckoning he should have met with two hundred and sixteen 
nautical miles more to the East, he, after a long, debate, gave 
way to the commander of the Caravel Pinta, Martin Alonso 
Pinzon, (one of the three rich and influential brothers who 
were hostile to Columbus), and steered towards the south- 
west. The course thus altered, led on the 12th of October, 
to the discovery of Guanahani. 

We must here pause a while, in order to notice a very 
remarkable . instance of the wonderful enchainment and 
connection, whichUnks small and apparently trivial occur- 
rences with great events affecting the world^s destiny. 
Washington Irving has justly stated, that if Columbus, resist- 
ing the counsel of Martin Alonso Pinzon, h^d continued to sail 
on towards the west, he would have entered the warm current 


of the Gulf stream^ have reached Honda, and thence perbipB 
have been carried to Cape Hatteras and Yirginia; a circom- 
stance of immeasurable importance, since it might have given 
the present United States of America aBomanCatholicSpanish 
population, instead of a later arriving Protestant English one. 
*'It is," said Knzon to the Admiral, '^as if something wliis- 
pered to my heart (el corazon me da) that we must change 
our course." He even maintained in the celebrated lawsuit 
(1513-1515), wliich he conducted against the heirs of 
Columbus, that on this account the discovery of Am^ca 
was due to him only. But Pinzon owed in fact 
suggestion, or what '' his heart whispered to him/' as an 
sailor from Mogner related in the same lawsuit, to the flight 
of a flock of parrots which he saw flying in the ev^iing 
towards the southwest, for the purpose, as he might suppose^ 
of sleeping among trees or bushes on shore. Never had 
the flight of birds more important consequences. It may 
be said to have determined the first settlements on the new 
Continent, and its distribution between the Latin and 
Germanic races (*"). 

The march of great events, like the sequence of natural 
phenomena, is regulated by laws of which a few <Hily are 
known to us. The fleet which King Emanuel of Portugal sent 
under the command of Pedro Alvarez Cabral to India, by 
the route discovered by Gama, was driven out of its course 
to the coast of Brazil, on the twenty-second of April, 1500. 
From the zeal which, from the time of the enterprise of 
Diaz (1487), the Portuguese shewed for sailing round ite 
Cape of Good Hope, accidents similar to those which the 
currents of the ocean occasioned to the ships of Cabrali 
could hardly have failed to occur. Thus the Afiicai 


discoveries would have led to that of America vonth of 
the equator; and Bobertaon ^ justified in describing it aB • 
in the destiny of manldnd^ that before the end of the fifteenth 
century the new continent should be known to European 

Amongst the characteristic qualities possessed by Ghris- 
toj^er Columbus^ we must especially disiingttish the pene- 
trating glance and keen sagacity with which, though without 
kamed or scientific culture, and without acquired knowledge 
in physics or in natural history, he could seize and combine 
the various phenomena of the external world- On arriving 
'' in a new world and under a new heaven,'^ (♦^^j jj^ noticed 
carefully the form of the land, the physiognomy of the 
vegetation, the habits of the animals, the distribution of 
heat, and the variations of the earth's magnetism. The old 
navigator, whilst endeavouring to find the spices of India, 
and the rhubarb (ruibarba) which had already acquired so 
much celebrity through Arabian and Jewish physicians, and 
through the reports of Bubruquis and the Itahan travellers, 
examined very closely the roots, fruits, and form of the leaves 
of the plants which fell under his observation. In this 
portion of our work, where we desire to recal the influence 
which the great epoch of nautical enterprizes and discoveries 
exercised on the enlargement of men's views of nature, our 
descriptions will become more animated by being attached 
to the individuality of a great man. In the journal of his 
voyage and in his accounts, which were published for the 
first time between 1825 and 1829, we find allusions to 
almost all the subjects to which scientific activity was after- 
wards directed in the latter half of the fifteenth and the 
whole of the sixteenth centuries. 

266 EPOCHS nr the histoey of the contemplation ot 

It is sufficient to recal in a general manner, all that the 
geography of the western hemisphere gained from the period, 
when, at his country seat, Fer<^ Naval, on the beautiful bay 
of Sagres, the Infante Dom Henry the Navigator sketched his 
first plan of discovery, to the epoch of the South Sea expedi- 
tions of Gaetano and Cabrillo. The daring enterprizes of the 
Portuguese, the Spaniards, and the English, testify how 
powerfully the desire for the great and boundless in geogra- 
phical space had made itself felt, suddenly opening as it 
were a new sense. The advances in the art of navigation, 
and the application of astronomical methods to the correetion 
of a ship^s reckoning, favoured the efforts which gave to this 
age its peculiar character, and disclosed to men the true 
features of the globe which they inhabit. The discovery of 
the mainland of tropical America, which took place on the 1st 
of August, 1498, was seventeen months later than Cabot's 
arrival off the Labrador coast of North America. Columbus 
first saw the Terra firma of South America, not as has beai 
hitherto beUeved on the mountainous coast of Faria, but in the 
Delta of the Orinoco east of Caf.o Macareo. (*^3) Sebastian 
Cabot (***) landed on the 24th of June, 1497, on the coast 
of Labrador between 56° and 58° of latitude. I have 
shewn above that this inhospitable coast had been visited 
five centuries earher by the Icelander Leif Erikson. 

Columbus on his third voyage set more value on the 
pearls of the islands of Margarita and Cubagua, than on the 
discovery of the Terra firma; as he was persuaded until his 
death, that, in his first voyage, when at Cuba in November 
1492, he had akeady touched a part of the continent 
of Asia. (*^^) Prom hence (as his son Don Fernando, 
and his friend the Cura de los Palacios, relate,) if he had 


hud sufficient proTisions, his design would have been to 
have contiuued his navigation towards the west, and to have 
returned to Spain, (*^®) either by water^ passing by Ceylon 
(Taprobane) and '^ rbdeando toda la tierra de los Negros/' or 
by land, by Jeirutolem and Jaffa. Such were the projecter 
which Columbus cherished in 1494, proposing to himself 
the drcmnnavigation of the globe, four years before Yasco 
de Gama, and twenty-seven years before Magellan and Sebas- 
tian de Elcano. The preparations for Cabof s second voyage^ 
in which he penetrated among masses of ice as far as 67^^ 
North latitude, seeking a North- West passage to Cathay 
(China), led him to think of a voyage to the North pole, (a 
lo del polo arctico), to be made at some future period. {^^'^) 
T)ie more it became gradually recognised, that the newly-dis- 
covered lands formed a connected continent stretching unin- 
terruptedly from Labrador to the promontory of Paria, — ^and 
even as the celebrated lately-discovered map of Juan de la Cosa 
(1500) shewed, far beyond the equator into the Southern 
hemisphere, — ^the more ardent became the desire to find a 
passage to the westward, either in the North or in the 
(South. Next to the rediscovery of the American continent, 
and the conviction of its extension in the direction of the 
meridian from Hudson's Bay to Cape Horn (discovered by 
Garcia Jofre de Loaysa,) {^^^) the knowledge of the South 
Sea or the Pacific Ocean, which bathes the Western coasts of 
America, was the most important cosmical occurrence in the. 
great epoch which we are now describing. 

Ten years before Balboa obtained the first sight of the 
South Sea, from the sununit of the Sierra de Quarequa on 
the isthmus of Panama, Columbus in sailing along the coast 
of Yeragua, had abeady received distinct accoimts of a sea 

TOT,. TT. T 


to the westward of that land^ ''which would conduct in less 
than nine days' voyage to the Chersonesos aurea of Ptolemy^ 
and to the mouth of the Ganges/' In the same Carta 
rarissima which contains the beautiful and highly poetic 
narration of a dream^ the Admiral says that at the part near 
the Bio del Belen " the two opposite coasts of Yeragua are 
situated relatively to each other like Tortosa near the 
Mediteranean and Fuenterrabia in Biscay^ or like Yenice 
and Ksa/' This bouthem or western sea, the great Pacific 
ocean, was at that time still r^arded as only a continuation 
of the Sinus Magnus {fnyac koXitoq) of Ptolemy, beyond 
which lay the golden Chersonesus, whilst Cattigara and the 
land of the Sin»e (Thinfle) was supposed to form its eastern 
shore. The fanciful hypothesis of Hipparchus, according 
to which this eastern coast of the great Gulf, or Siuns 
Magnus, joined itself on to a part of the continent of Africa 
advancing far to the East, (*^9) (thus making the Indian ocean 
a closed inland sea,) was happily little regarded in the middle 
ages, notwithstanding their attachment to the opinions of 
Ptolemy; it would doubtless have exercised an unfavourable 
influence on the direction of the great nautical enterprizes 
of the age. 

The discovery and navigation of the Pacific, mark an epoch 
so much the more important in reference to the recognition 
of great cosmical relations, as it was by their means, and 
scarcely therefore three centuries and a half ago, that not 
only the western coast of America and the eastern coast of 
Asia were first known, but also, what is of much greater 
importance, on account of the meteorological results 
which follow from it, that the prevailing highly erroneous 
views respecting the relative areas of land and water upon 


the surface of the globe^ were first dispelled. The relative 
magnitude and distribution of these areas are most in- 
fluential conditions in determining the quantity of moisture 
contained in the air, the variations of atmospheric pressure^ 
the degree of vigour and luxuriance of vegetation, the more 
or less extensive distribution of particular kinds of animals, 
and many other great and general physical phenomena. The 
larger extent of fluid surface (in the proportion of 2^ to 1), 
does indeed restrict the habitable range for the settlements of 
man, and for the nourishment of the greater number of 
mammaUa, birds, and reptiles; but it is nevertheless, under 
the present laws which govern organised beings, a beneficent 
arrangement and necessary condition for the preservation 
and well being of all the living inhabitants of continents. 

When at the end of the fifteenth century there arose an 
earnest and pressing desire to find the shortest way to the 
Asiatic spice lands, — and when the idea of reaching the Ekst, 
by sailing to the West, germinated almost simultaneously in 
the minds of two men of Italy, the navigator Columbus, 
and the physician and astronomer Paul Toscanelh, — (*2o) it 
was generally beUeved, in conformity with the opinion put 
forward by Ptolemy in the Almagest, that the old continent, 
fi*om the western coast of the Iberian peninsula to the 
meridian of the easternmost Sinse, occupied a space of 180^; 
or in other words, that it extended from East to West, 
over an entire haK of the globe. Columbus, misled by a 
long series of erroneous inferences, extended this space to 
240®, making the desired eastern coast of Asia advance as far 
as the meridian of San Diego in New Califomia. Columbus 
hoped therefore that he would only have to sail over 120?, 
instead of the 231° which the rich trading city of Quinsay, 
for example, is actually situated to the westward ci the 


exkemity of the Iberian peninsula. Toscanelli^ m hii 
correspondence with the Admiral^ diminished the breadth of 
-the ocean in a manner still more singular and more favoor- 
able to his plans. He made the distance by sea tnm 
Portugal to Cliina only 52^ of longitude, learing, acoordkig 
to the aneient sayi&g of Esdras, six-sev^ths of the ettrth Aej, 
Columbus, in a letter which he addressed to Queen !babdia 
from Hayti ^nmediately after the accoinplishttieiit of his 
third voyage, shewed himself the moi« inclined towards His 
liew, because it was the same which had been defended hj 
the man whom he regarded as the highest authority, Cardkkd 
ffAilly, in his ^' Imago Mundi."' («i) 

Six years after Balboa sword in hand and advancing up 
to his knees in the waves li^d daimed possession of th« 
entire South Sea for Castille, and two yieass* after has head 
had fallen by the hand of the executioner in the revolt 
against the tyrannical Pedrarias Davila, {^^^) Magellan 
appeared in the Pacific (^7 November 1520)., and navigated 
ihd wide ocean for more than ten thom^md geographical 
miles ; by a singular latality seeing only, — b^re discover- 
ing the Marianas, (his Islas de los Ladrcmes or de las Vdas 
Jjatinas), and the Philippines^ — ^two small uninhabitedidands 
(the Besventuradas or Unfortunate islands), one of which, if 
we might trust his journal and ship's reckoning; would bq 
to the East of the Low Islands, and the other a little to the 
South West of the Archipelago of Mendana. {^^) Sebastian 
de Elcano, after the murder of Magellan in the island of ZelMi, 
completed the first circumnavigation of the gkbe in the ship 
Victoria, and received for his amKMial bearings a t^restnal 
^obe^ with the glorious inscription : '^ Primus circiimdedisti 
jifi^J* He entered the harbour of San Lucar in 8q)tember 
1.522; and before an entire year had dapsed^ w^ find thet 



Emperor Charles urging^ in a ktter to Hernando Cortes, 
the discovery ci a passage ''which should shorten the d»^ 
tance to the spice lands by two-thirds/' The expedition of 
Alvaro de Saavedra was sent jfrom a harboHT of the proviiice 
of Zaoatula on the west coast of Meitico, to thte Moluccas; 
and in 1527, Hernando Cortes wrote, from the newly 
conquered Mexican capital of Tenochtilftri, "to the kings 
of Z^bu and Tidor in the Asiatic Ardiipelago/' So rapid 
was the enlargement of the geographical horizon, and with 
it the desire for an extensive and aiiiiinated intercourse with 
remote nations. 

Subsequently the conqueror of New Spain went himself 
in search of discoveries in the Pacific, and of a north-eastern 
))assage from thence to Europe. Men could not accustom 
themselves to the idea that the continent really extended 
uninterruptedly from such high southern to high northern 
latitudes. When the report came from the coast of 
California that the expedition of Cortes had perished, flie 
wife of the great warrior, Juana de Zuniga, the beautifal 
daughter of the Conde de Aguilar, had two ships prepared 
in order to seek for more certain tidings. (*24) In 1541 
Cafifomia was already known as an arid peninsula without 
wood, although this was agab forgotten in the 1 7th c^tuiy . 
We can discover in the accounts which we now possess of 
£alboa, Pedrarias Davila, and Hernando Cortes, that at that 
'period men hoped to discover in the South S^a, as a part Df 
the Indian ocean, groups of ''islands rich in gold, preciotis 
Intones, spices, and pearls.^' Excited foncy impelled men to 
great ente.rprizes; and the hardihood of these, whether 
successful or unfortunate, reacted on the imagination and 
inflamed it still more powerfully. Thus, at this extraordinary 


period of the Conquista^ (a period when men's heads were 
dizzy with strenuous efforts, heroic achievements, deeds of 
violence, and discoveries by sea and land), notwithstanding 
the entire absence of political freedom, many circumstances 
conspired to favour individual development, and to cause 
some more highly gifted minds to attain to much that was 
noble. They err who regard the Conquistadores as led only 
by a thirst for gold, or even exclusively by retigions 
&naticism. Dangers always exalt the poetry of life ; and 
moreover, the powerful age which we here seek to depict in 
regard to its influence on the development of cosmical ideas» 
gave to all enterprizes, as well as to the impressions of nature 
offered by distant voyages, the charm of novelty and surprise^ 
which begums to be wanting to our present more learned age in 
the many regions of the earth which are now open to us. It 
was not only a hemisphere, but almost two-thirds of the 
sjyurface of the globe, which was then stitl an unknown 
and unexplored world; as unseen as that half of the 
moon's disk which the laws of gravitation withdraw f(»r 
ever &om the view of the inhabitants of the earth. Our 
more deeply investigating age finds, in the increasing 
riches of ideas, a compensation for the lessening of that 
surprise, which the novelty of great and imposing natural 
phenomena once called forth; but this is a compensation 
not to the multitude, but to the small number of physicists 
acquainted with the state of science, — and to them it is 
.ample. To them the increasing insight into the silent 
operation of the powers of nature; — ^whether in electro- 
magnetism, or in the polarisation of light, in the influence 
of diathermal substances, or in the physiological phenom^sa 
of living organised beings, offers a world of wonders 



gradually tuiveiling itself^ and of which we have yet scarcely 
reached the threshold ! 

The Sandwich Islands, New Guinea^ and some parts 
of New Holland^ were all discovered in the first half of 
the 16th century. {^^) These discoveries prepared the way 

for those of Cabrillo, Sebastian Vizcaino, Mendana, (*26) and 


Quiros, whose ^^ Sagittaria^^ is Tahiti, and his "Archipelago 
del Espiiitu Santo^^ the New Hebrides of Cook. Quiros was 
accompanied by the bold navigator who afterwards gave his 
name to Torres Straits. The Pacific no longer appeared as. 
it had done to Magellan, a desert waste; it was now 
enlivened by islands, which indeed for want of exact astrono- 
mical determinations of position, strayed to and fro on the 
map like floating lands. The Pacific long continued the 
exclusive theatre of the enterprizes of the Spaniards and 
Portuguese. The important South Indian Malayan Archi- 
pelago, obscurely described by Ptolemy, Cosmas, and Polo, 
began to shew itself with more definite outlines after 
Albuquerque had established himself in Malacca in 1511, 
and after the voyage of Anthony Abreu. It is the especial 
merit of the classical Portuguese historian Barros, a cotem- 
porary of Magellan and of Camoens, to have apprehended 
the peculiarities of the physical and ethnical character of the 
Archipelago in so lively a manner, that he first proposed to 
distinguish Australian Polynesia as a fifth part of the globe. 
It was when the Dutch power acquired the ascendancy in 
the Molluccas, that this portion of the globe began to emerge 
from obscurity, and to become known to geographers; (*^7) 
and then also began the great epoch of Abel Tasman. We do 
not jffopose to ourselves to give the history of the several geo- 
graphical discoveries, but merely to recal by a passing allusion 


tbe kadiiig occoReiioes, hj irhicbf in a short apace of iim, 
and in dose and connected succession^ in obedi^iee to the 
aaddenlj awakened desire tasearch oat the wide, the unknomi 
and the distant, two-thiids of the eairth^s soxfaoe wore laU 

Together with this enlarged and inercasmg geographical 
knowledge of land and sea, there arose also a nuMre enkffged 
insight into the exist^ce and tiie laws of the powers « 
forces of nature, — ^the distribution of heat over the surfsoe 
of the earth, — ^the abundance of organic forma, and the 
limits of their distribution. The progress which di&rent 
branches €i science had made during the course of tb 
middle ages, (which, as regards science, have been too litUe 
esteemed,) accelerated the just apprehension and thoughi&I 
comparison of the unbounded wealth of physical phenomraia^ 
which was now presented at one time to obsen/atioB. 
The impressions produced on men's minds were so mud 
the fliore profound, and the more fitted to incite to tihe 
investigation of cosmical laws, as before the middle of ths 
16th century, the western nations of Europe had already 
explored the new continent, in the neighbourhood of the 
coasts at least, in the most different degrees of latitude; and 
because it was here that they first became acquainted with 
the true equatorial zone, where, moreover, the remarkable 
conformation of the earth's surface presented to their viev 
in close approximation, at varying degrees of devatioo, 
the most striking contrasts of vegetation and of climate* 
If I here find myself again induced to allude to ibfd 
pecuHar privileges of these regions, in the inspiring influeDee 
belonging to a land of lofty mountains in the equinoctial 
2one, I must plead once more as my justification that, to 


their inhftbitants alone is it given^ to behold at once aQ the 
stars of hearen, and almost all the families of fonns of the 
vegetable worid; — but to behold is not necessarily to 
observe, via. to compare, and to combine. 

Although in Columbus, as I think I have shewn in 
anoth^ work, notwithstanding the ^itiie absence of any pe- 
liminary knowledge of natural history, the mere contact with 
great natural pheotomena;, developed in i^ remarkaUe and 
varied maimer the perceptions and faculties required fof 
accurate observation, yet we must by no means assume a 
similar development in those who composed the rude and 
warlike mass of the Gonquistadores. That which Europe 
Tinquestionably owes to the discovery of America, — ^in the 
gradual enrichment of the physical knowledge of the oon« 
stitation of the atmospheite, and its effects on human orga- 
nization, — the .distributiim of climates «n the declivities of 
the Cordilleras, — ^the elevation of the snew-line in diflS^nt de- 
grees of latitude in the two hemispheres, — ^the arrangement of 
volcanoes in chains, — the circumscribed area of the circle iyf 
commotion in earthquakes,— the laws of magnetism,— the 
direction of the currents of the ocean,— and the gradations of 
aew forms of plants and animals,— it owes to a different and 
more peaceful class of travellers, and to a small number of 
distinguished men among municipal functionaries, ecclesias- 
ties, and physicians. These men dwelling in old Indiaai 
towns, some of which are upwards of twelve thousand feet 
above the level of the sea, could observe with their own eyes, 
and could test and combine that which others had seen, wil^ 
the superior advantage of long residence; and could collect, 
describe, and send to tiieir European friends, the natural 
fffoductions of the country* It is sufficient here to 


name Gomaray Oviedo, Aoosta and Hernandez. Colmnbus 
broaght home from his first vojage some natural prodac- 
tions^ — ^froits and skins of animals. In a letter written 
from Segovia (August 1494), Queen Isabella requests the 
Admiral to continue his collections, and particularly desires 
"all birds belonging to the shores and the woods d 
countries having a different climate and seasons.'' IVom the 
same west coast of Africa^ from which, almost 2000 yean 
earlier, Hanno brought '^tanned skins of wild women,'' (the 
skins of the great Gorilla ape), to be suspended in a temple,-- 
Martin Behaim's friend Cadamosto, brought to the Infante 
Henzy the Navigator, black elephant's hair a palm and a half 
long. Hernandez, the surgeon of Philip II., and sent by that 
monarch to Mexico, to have all the most remarkable objects 
of the vegetable and animal kingdoms in that country 
represented by fine drawings, was able to augment his 
collections by copies of several very carefully executed 
pictures of specimens of natural history, which had been 
painted by command of a king of Tezcuco, Nezahualcoyotl, 
(*28) half a century before the arrival of the Spaniards. 
Hernandez also availed himself of a collection of medicinal 
plants, which he found stiU growing in the ancient Mexican 
garden of Huaxtepec. Owing to its proximity to a newly 
established Spanish hospital, (^^^) this garden had not been 
laid waste by the Gonquistadores. Almost at the same time, 
the fossil bones of Mastodons found on the plateaus of 
Mexico, New Granada, and Peru, which afterwards became 
of so much importance in reference to the theory of the 
successive elevation of different chains of mountains, wore 
collected and described. The names of Giants' bones, 
and Giants' fields (Campos de Gigantes), shew how^ 



fEuaciM were the interpretations first attached to these 

During this active period, the enlargement of cosmical views 
was promoted by the immediate contact of numerous bodies 
of Europeans, not only with the &ee aspect and grand features 
of nature in the mountains and plains of America, but also 
(in consequence of the successful navigation of Yasco de 
Gfuna) with the eastern coast of AMca, and with India. As 
early as the commencement of the sixteenth century, a 
Portuguese physician, Garcia de Orta, to whom the Muse 
of Gamoens has paid a patriotic tribute of praise, estabhshed, 
on the present site of Bombay, and under the auspices of the 
noble Martin Alfonso de Sousa, a botanic garden in which he 
cultivated the medicinal plants of the vicinity. The impulse 
to direct and independent observation was now every where 
awakened, whilst the cosmographic writings of the middle 
ages were rather compilations, reproducing the opinions of 
classical antiquity, than the results of personal observation. 
Two of the greatest men of the sixteenth century, Conrad 
G^ner and Andreas Gsesalpinus, honourably opened a new 
path in zoology and botany. 

Li order to afford a more lively idea of .the early influence 
which the oceanic discoveries exercised on the enlargement 
of physical and astro-nautical knowledge, I will call attention 
at the dose of this description to some bright points of light 
which we see already gUm];nering in the writings of Columbus. 
Their first feeble ray is the more deserving of careful regard 
because they contained the germ of general cosmical views. 
I pass over the proofs of the results here presented to my 
readers, because I have already given them in detail in an 
earUer work, entitled ^^Critical examination of the historic de* 


vdopment of the geographical knowledge of thenew world^aad 
of nautical astronomy in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuiies.'' 
In order^ however^ to avoid its being supposed that I have 
Bnduly mingled modem physical views with the remarb 
ef Columbus^ I will commenoe with the Html translatioa 
of a portion of a letter written by the Admiral in October 
1498 from Hayti. 

''Each time that I saQ from Spain to the Indies^ I find 
as soon as I arrive a hundred nautical miles to the west of 
the Azores^ an extraordinary alteration in the movaneut of 
the heavenly bodies^ in the temperature of the air^ and m 
the character of the ocean. I have observed these alteratioQi 
with particular care, and have recognised that the needle of 
the mariner's compass (agujas de marear)^ the dechnadcm of 
which had been to the north-east^ now turned to the nortlh 
west; and when I had passed this Hue (raya), as if I hail 
passed the ridge of a hill (como quien traspone una cuesta); 
Z found the sea covered with such a mass of weed resembling 
small branches of pine trees with fruits like pistachio nuls. 
that we were led to expect there would not be suffieieait 
water^ and that the ships would run upon a shoal. Befon 
we had arrived at this line no trace of such sea-weed was to 
be seen. Also at this boundary line (a hundred miles west 
of the Azores) the sea becomes at once still and cahn^ scarcdy 
ever agitated by a breeze. As I came down from the GanaEf 
Islands to the parallel of Sierra Leone I had to snstam ft 
terrible heat^ but as soon as we had passed beyond the 
above-mentioned line (west of the meridiGm of the Azores) 
the climate altered, the air became temperate, and the 
freshness increased the farther we advanced.'' 

This passage^ which is elucidated by several others in 




the writings of Columbns^ contains views of physical geo- 
graphy^ remarks on the influence of geographical longitude^ 
on the declination of the magnetic needle^ on the inflection 
of the isothermal lines between the west coast of the old 
and the east coast of the new Continent^ on the situation o{ 
the great Sargasso bank in i^ basin of the Atlantic^ and oa 
the relations of this part of the ocean to the atmosphere 
above it. Erroneous observations {^) in the neighbourhood 
of the Aztnres on the position of the Pole star had misled 
Columbus as early as the period of his first voyage, &om the 
deficiency of his mathematical knowledge, to entertain the 
bdief of an inregnlwrity in the spherical form of the earth. 
According to hid view, the earth was protuberant in the 
western hemisphere, so that the ships gradually arrived 
nearer to the sky on approaching the line (raya) where the 
mimetic needle points to the true north; and thisdevation 
he supposed to be the cause oi the cooler temperature. The 
scdemn reception of the Admiial at Barcelona took place in 
April 1493, and bti the 4th of May of the same year Pope 
Alexander VI. signed the celebrated bull whidi '' establishes 
for ever'' the demarcation line (*^^) between the Spanish smd 
Portuguese possessions at'a hundred miles westward of the 
Azores. If we bear in mind that Cdumbus, immediately 
after his return from his first voyage of discovery, purposed 
to go himself to Borne, in order, as he said, ''to rq)ort to 
the Pope all that he had discovered,^^ and if we remember 
the importance which the cotemporaries of Cdiumbus attached 
to the line ot no variation, it may be admitted that there 
are grounds for a suggestion first put forward by myself, 
that at the moment of his highest court favour Columbus 


endeavoured to cause '^ a physical line of demarcation to be 
converted into a political one/' 

The influence which the discovery of America, and the 
great nautical enterprizes connected with it exercised so 
rapidly on all physical and astronomical knowledge, is most 
strikingly felt when we recal the first impressions of those 
who lived at the period, and the wide range of scientific 
endeavours of which the most important part belongs to the 
first half of the sixteenth century. Columbus has not only 
the incontestable merit of having first discovered a "line 
without magnetic variation," but also of having, by his 
considerations on the progressive increase of westerly dedina- 
tion in receding from that line, given the first impulse to 
the study of terrestrial magnetism in Europe. The circam' 
stance, that almost every where the ends of a freely suspended 
magnet do not point exactly to the north and south geo- 
graphical poles, might easily have been recognised, even with 
very imperfect instruments, in the Mediterranean, and in other 
places where the declination amounted in the twelfth centoiy 
to more than eight or ten degrees. But it is not improbabk 
that the Arabs, or the Crusaders who were in contact with 
Eastern nations from 1096 to 1270, in spreading the use of 
Chinese or Indian compasses, may also have called attention, 
even at that early period, to the circumstance of magn^ 
needles pointing in different parts of the world to the north- 
east or to the north-west, as to a long-known phenomenon. 
We know positively from the Chinese Penthsaoyan, whidi 
was written under the dynasty of the Song {^^) between 
1111 and 1117, that the manner of measuring the amount 
of westerly declination had been then long understood. 


That which belongs to Columbus is not the first observation 
of the existence of the variation (which, for example, is noted 
in the map of Andrea Bianco in 1436), but the remark 
which he made on the 13th of September, 1492, that *'2J^ 
east of the Island of Gorvo the magnetic variation changes, 
passing from N.E. to N.W/' 

This discovery of a "magnetic line without declination" 
marks a memorable era in nautical astronomy. It has been 
celebrated with just praise by Oviedo, Las Casas and Herrera. 
Those who with Livio Sanuto would attribute it to ihe 
famous navigator Sebastian Cabot, forget that the first 
voyage of the latter, made at the cost of some merchants of 
Bristol, and distinguished by its attaining the American 
continent, took place five years later than Columbus's first 
voyage of discovery. But not only has Columbus the merit 
of having discovered the part of the Atlantic in which at that 
period the geographic and magnetic meridians coincided; 
he also made at the same time the ingenious and thoughtfol 
remark, that the magnetic variation might serve to determine 
the ship's position in respect to longitude. In the journal 
of the second voyage (April 1496) we find him really in- 
ferring his position from the observed declination. The 
difficulties which oppose this method of determining the 
longitude, (more especially in a part of the globe where the 
magnetic lines of declination are so much curved that they 
do not follow the direction of the meridian, but correspond 
even with the parallels of latitude for considerable distances), 
were at that period still unknown. Magnetical and astrono- 
mical methods were anxiously sought after, in order to deter- 
mine, both on land and sea, the points intersected by the ideally 
constituted line of demarcation. Neither the state of science 


Dor that of the imperfect instruments employed at sea in 1493; 
whether for measoring angles or time^ were competeiit to the 
practical solution of so difficult a problem. Under thm 
circnmstances^ Pope Alexander YI., in presomptnouEfy 
dividing half the globe between two powerful stales, rendeied 
without knowing it an essential service to nautical asbronomj 
and to the physical science of terrestrial magnetism. The 
great maritime powers were from that time continuallj 
soUcited to entertain innumerable impraeticable proposals. 
Sebastian Gabot^ as we learn from his friend Bichard Eden, 
still boasted on his death bed that there had been " divioelf 
revealed to him an infallible method of finding the longitude/' 
This revelation was no other than his firm belief that the 
majgnetic declination changed rapidly and regulaijy with 
the meridian. The cosmogrs^er Alonso de Santa CroZi 
one of the instructors of Charles V., rnidertqok the drawioig 
up of the first general ''Variation Charf', {^^) although, 
indeed^ from very imperfect observations, as early as 1530, 
or a century and a half before Halley. 

The ''movement ' of the magnetic lines, the first recogoi* 
tion of which is usually ascribed to Gassendi, ' was not ev&k 
yet conjectured by William Gilbert ; but at an eadier period, 
Acosta, ''from the information of Portuguese navigators,'^ 
assumed four lines of no declination upon the surface of the 
globe. (*34) Hardly had the inclinometer, or dipping needle, 
been invented in England by Bobert Norman, in 1576, 
than Gilbert boasted that, by means of this instrument, he 
could determine the position of a ship in a dark and starless 
night (acre caliginoso). (^'^^j Erom my own observations 
in the Pacific, I shewed soon after my return to Europe 
that, in certain parts of the earth, and under particular local 




CiTcnmstanees, for example on the coasts of Peru in thr 
reason of constant fogs (garua)^ the latitude might be de- 
termined from the inclination of the magnetic needle with 
stifficient accnracj for the purposes of navigation. I have 
dwelt so long on these details^ with the view of shewing 
that all the points with which we are now occupied, in re- 
ference to an important cosmical subject (with the exception 
of the measurement of the intensity of the magnetic force, 
and of the horary variations of the dedination), were abeady 
spoken of in the 16th century. In the rt^narkable map of 
America appended to the Boman edition of the Geography 
of Ptolemy in 1508, we find to the north of Gruentlaut 
(Greenland) a part of Asia represented, and '^the magnetic 
pole^' marked as an insular mountain. Martin Gortez, in 
the Breve Compendio de la Sphera (1545), and Livio Sa- 
nuto, in the Geographia di Tolomeo (1588), place it more 
to the south. Sanuto entertained a prejudice which, strange 
to say, has existed even in later times, that a man who 
should be so fortunate as to reach the magnetic pole (il 
calamitico), would experience there ''alcun miracoloso stu- 
pendo effetto.'' 

Li the department of the distribution of temperature and 
meteorology, attention was akeady directed, at the end of the 
15th and beginning of the 16th centuries, to the decrease of 
temperature (**^) with increasing western longitude, (the in- 
flection of the isothermal Hues) ; to the law of rotation of the 
winds (**^) generalized by Francis Bacon ; to the diminution 
of atmospheric moisture and of the quantity of rain, caused 
by the destruction of forests ; (*38) g^d to the decrease of temi* 
perature with increasing elevation above the level of the sa% 
VOL. H. u 


and tile lover limit of perpetoal snow. That this limit is'' a 
limction of the geographical latitude'' was first recognised bj 
Petnis Martyr Anghiera in 1610. Alonso de Hojeda asd 
Amerigo Vespucci had seen the snowy mountains of Santa 
Marta (tierras nevadas de Citarma) as early as 1500 ; Sodiigo 
Bastidas and Juan de la Cosa examined them more closdj 
in 1501 j but it was not until the accounts of the expedi- 
tion of Colmenares, which the pilot Juan Vespucci, nephev 
of Amerigo, communicated to his patron and fiieod 
Anghiera, that the ''tropical snow region'' seen on tb 
mountainous shore of the Caribbean sea acquired a great, 
and it might be said a cosmical, signification. The lower 
limit of perpetual stiow was now brought into connediGn 
with the general relations of the decrease of temperatoie 
and the diversity of climates. Herodotus, in discussing tk 
causes of the rising of the Nile (ii. 22), had positively de- 
nied the existence of snowy motmtains south of the trc^ic 
of Cancer. Alexander's expeditions, indeed, conducted the 
Greeks to the Nevados of the Hindoo Coosh {opf^ ayayyc^] ; 
but these are situated between 84^ and 36^ of nortii latitude. 
The only notice with which £ am acquainted of '' snow in 
the equatorial zone," prior to the discovery of America and 
the year 1500, is one which has been vety little attended to 
by men of science, and which is contained in the odebr^ 
inscription of Adulis, which Niebuhr considers to be hki 
than Juba and than Augustus. The recognition of Uk 
dependence of the lower limit of perpetual snbw on ti» 
latitude of the place, {^^^) and the first insight into the law of 
the decrease of temperature in an asciending vertical lis^ 
and the consequent gradual ioweiing, from tiie equator 


towards the poles^ of a stratum of air of equal coolness, 
mark no tmimportant era in the history of our physical 

If this knowledge was fiayouied by observations which 
wexQ accidental and wholly unscientific in their origin, the 
age wfaidL we are describing lost on the other hand, by an 
unfortunate combination of circumstances, a great advantage 
which it might have received from a purely scientific im- 
pulse. The greatest physidst of the 15th century, who 
combined distinguished math^ooiatical knowledge with the 
most admirable and profound insight into nature, Leonardo 
da Yind, was the cotemjporary of Columbus, and died three 
jFears after him* This great artist had occupied himself in 
meteorology, as well as in hydraulics and optics. His in- 
fluence on the age in which he lived was exercised through 
the greas woiks of painting which he created, and by his elo- 
quent discourse^ but not by his writings. If the physical views 
of Leonardo da Yinci had not remained buried in his ma- 
nuscripts, the fidd of. observation which the new world 
offered would have been ahready cultivated scientificaUy in 
many of its parts before the great epoch of Galileo, Pascal, 
«id Huygens. Like Francis Bacon, and a full century 
before him, hd regarded induction as the only sure method 
in natural science ; " dobbiamo comminciare daU' esperienza, 
e per mezzo di questa scoprime la ragione.'' (**^) 

As, notwithstanding the wsnt of n^easuring mstruments, 
islimatie relations in the tropical mountainous regions, the 
distribution of temperature, the extremes of atmospheric 
dryness and humidity,, and the frequency of electric e^^plo 
sions, were often spoken of in the commentaries on the first 
land journeys; so., also^ the loarineia very early embraced 


just views in regard to the direction and n^idity of cor. 
rents^ wbich^ like rivers of variable breadth, traverse the 
Atlantic Ocean. The proper ** equatorial current/' the 
movement of the waters between the tropics, was first dfr* 
scribed by Columbus. ** The waters move oon los deles ((» 
like the vault of heaven) from east to west.'' Even tbs 
direction of separate floating masses of sea-weed confirmed 
this belief. (^^) A light pan of wrought iron, whic^ 
he found in the hands of the natives of the island of Gua- 
daloupe, led Columbus to conjecture that it might be of 
European origin, belonging to a shipwrecked vessd 
which the equatorial current might have brought from 
the Tberian to the American coasts. In his ge(^ostieal 
fancies he regarded the existence of the series of the 
smaller West India Islands, as well as the peculiar form 
of the larger islands, (the coincidence of the direc- 
tion of their coast with the parallels of latitude,) as caused 
by the long-continued action of the movement of the sea 
within the tropics £rom east to west. 

When on his fourth and last voyage the Admiral dis* 
covered the north and south direction of the coast of 
America, from Cape Oraciaa a Dios to the Lagmia do 
Chiriqui, he felt the action of the strong currait which sets 
to the N. and N.N. W., and results &om the impinging of the 
equatorial current against the opposing line of coast. Aj^« 
hiera survived Columbus long enough to be aware of the 
deflection of the waters of the Atlantic in its whole course, 
to recognise the rotation round the Gulf of Mexico, and 
the propagation of this movement to the Tierra de los 
Bacallaos (Newfoundland), and the mouth of the St. Law- 
rence. I have shewn circumstantially in another place, how 


nmcli the expedition of Ponoe de Leon^ in 1512, contri« 
bated to the formation of more accurate opimons, and have 
noticed that, iq a memoir written by Sir Humphry Gilbert 
between 1567 and 1576, the movement of the waters of the 
Atlantic, from the Gape of Good Hope to the Banks of 
^Newfoundland, was treated according to views which agree 
idmost entirely with those of my ^cellent deceased Mend, 
Major BennelL 

The knowledge of the oceanic currents was accompanied 
|>y that of the great banks of sea-weed (Fncus natans), the 
^' oceanic meadows'' which offer the remarkable spectacle of 
(he accumulation of a '^ social planf over a surface ahnost 
aeven times greater than that of France. The ** great Fucus 
)>ank,'' the proper '^ Mar de Sai^asso,'' extends between 19^ 
and 84^ of north latitude. Its principal axis is about 7^ 
^est of the Island of Corvo. The " lesser Fucus bank'' is 
idtuated in the space between the Bermudas and the 
Bahamas. Winds and partial currents affect in different 
years the position and extent of these AtlantiG sea-weed 
meadows, for the first description of which we are indebted to 
Columbus. No other sea in either hemisphere shews an as- 
pemblage of social plants, on a similar scale of magnitude. (^^) 

But the important epoch of the great geographical 
discoveries, besides suddenly laying open an unknown 
bemisphere of the terrestrial globe, also enlarged the view of 
the r^ons of space, or to speak more distinctly, of the 
visible celestial vault. As man, to quote a fine expression 
of Gardlaso de la Yega, '' in wandering to distant land% 
flees earth and stars change together, (^3)'' so the advance 
(o the equator, on both sides ol Africa, and in the western 
bemisphere beyond the aouthem exkemity of America, offered 


to the navigators and land travellers of the period of wUdi 
we are treating, the magoifio^t qpectade oi the soothem 
constellations, longer and more frequently than oonld haw 
been the case in the tune of Hiram or of the Ftdle- 
mies, or nnder the Boman Empire, or in the conrse of 
the commerce of the Arabians in the Red Sea, and in the 
Indian Ocean between the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb and 
the western peninsula of India. Amerigo Vespnod^ in bis 
letters, Yioente Yanez Pinzon, Figafetta who acoonqpaided 
Magellan and Elcano, as well as Andrea GarsaU in his 
voyage to Godun in Eastern India in the b^imnng of thd 
16th century, have given us a recwd of the vivid impresskms 
produced by the earliest ccmtemplation of the southoa 
heavens beyond the feet of the Centaur, and the fine 
constellation of the Ship. Amerigo, who had more literary aft 
quirement than the others, bat who was also more indinedtoa 
vain-glorious display, praises not unpleasingly the brightneto^ 
the picturesque beauty, and the novel aspect of the constdh- 
tions which circle round the southern pole, of which ik 
more immediate vidniiy is poor in stars. He affirms m his 
letter to Pierfirancesco de Medici, that on his third voysga 
he occupied himself carefully with observing the soutben 
constellations, measuring the polar distance ol the prinetpsi 
amongst them, and making diawinga of them. What hi 
communicates on the subject does not indeed lead us gmtif 
to regret the loss of his measurements, 

I find the first description of the enigmaticdl Uaek 
patches, (Coalbags) given by Anghiera in 1510. Th^ had 
been remarked as early as 1499 by the oompanions of 
Yicente Yanez Finzon, on the expedition which went bom 
Palos and took possession of the Staailiaa Cqpe St^ 

Angostiae. {^) The Caaopo foaeo (Oanopxia niger) of Ame- 
rigo^ is probably one of these '' ooal bags/' The acute AiCQst% 
compares it to the darkened p(Hrti0n of the moon's disk in 
partial eclipses^ aoad appears to ascribe it to a void in space^ or 
to t^e absence of stars. Bdgaad has shewn how the mention 
of tiie '^ coal bags/^ of which Acosta expressly says that they 
«8 risible in Pern but not in Eniope, and that they moYC 
like other stars round the South Pole^ lias been mistaken by 
a celebrated astronomer for the first notice of spots in thD 
sun. (^^) The knowledge of the two Magelianie clouds 
has been erroneously ascribed to Pigafetta; I find that 
Anghiera^ firom the observations of Portuguese naTigators, 
mentions these douds eight years before the completion of 
Magellan's circumnavigation of the gbbe: be compares 
their mild brightness with&at ctf theMilky Way. The larger 
of the two clouds, however, appears not to have escaped the 
dear sight of the Arabians. It was very probably the White 
Ox '^ el iBakar^' of their southern sky ; the *^ white patch/^ of 
which the astronomer Abdurrahman Sofi says that it cannot 
be seen in Bagdad, or in the North of Arabia, but is seen 
in the Tehama, and in the paralld of the Straits of Bab-eU 
Mandeb. Under the Lagidse and subsequenfly, Grieeks and 
Biomans had passed over those regions without noticing, or 
at least without mentioning in any writing which has come 
down to us, this luminous doud, which yet/ in the latitude 
of between 11^ and 12^ N., rose in the time of Ptolemy 3^ 
d)ove the horizon, and in that of Abdurrahmaftn (1000 a.d.), 
more than 4P, (^) The meridian altitude of the middle 
of the Nubecula Major may be noir about &^ at Aden. It 
usaaUy hxpgesa that marineacs firsi distmctl]^ recognise the 
MagfJlanic douds in laseh . more southerly latitudes, viz. 


near the equator, or even south of it; but the reason of tbii 
is to be ascribed to atmospheric differeucesj and to the 
presence of vapours near the horizon reflecting white M^ 
In the interior of southern Arabia^ the azure of the ce- 
lestial vault, and the great dryness of the atmosphere, mad 
have favoured the recognition of the Magellanie cloudi* 
The probabilitj that such was the case is shewn by exam* 
pies of the visibility of comets^ tails in dear daylight between 
the tropics, and even in more southern latitudes* 

The arrangement of the stars near the southern pole into 
new constellations belongs to the 1 7th century. What iU 
Butch navigators, Petrus Theodoii of Embdeu, and Ifs^ 
deric Houtman, who (1596 — 1500) was a prisoner to tin 
Idng of Bantam and Atschin^ in Java and Sumatra, had ol^ 
served with imperfect instruments, was kid down in tk 
celestial charts of Hondius Bleaw ( Jansonius Caesius) and 

The more unequal distribution of the masses of light 
gives to that zone of the southern heavens, between the pa* 
rallels of 50^ and 80^, which is so rich in crowded nebnls 
and clusters of stars, a peculiar, and one might almost says 
picturesque character; a charm arising £rom the groupii^ 
of the stars of the first and second magnitude, and firom ths 
intervention of regions which, to the naked eye, appear dark 
and desert. These singular contrasts, — the Milky Waj, 
which at several parts of its course shews a greatly increase! 
brilliancy,— the insulated, revolving^ rounded MageUaiue 
douds, — and the '' coal ■bags/' of which the largest is so 
near toa fine Gonstellation,-^increase the variety of this na* 
tural picture, and rivet the attention of susceptible spee* 
tators to particukr rc^ons in the southern celestial heaoh 


pbere. Beligions associations liaye given to one of these 

i^ons^ — ^that' of the Southern Gross^ — a peculiar interest 

to Christian navigators^ travelleis^ and misaionaries^ in the 

laropical and southern seas^ and in both the Indies. The four 

principal stars of which the Gross is composed were regarded 

m the Ahnagest^ and in the age of Hadrian and Antoninus 

KuB, as part of the constelktion of the Gentaur. (**^) The 

form of the Southern Gross is so striking^ and so remarkablj 

individualised and detached^ — as is the case of the Greater 

end Lesser Beax, the Scorpion^ Gassiopea^ the Eagle, and the 

Polphin^ — ^ihat it is almost surprising that those four stam 

skould not have been earlier separated £rom the large ancient 

eonstellation of the Gentaur ; it is, indeed^ the more surpris* 

iosg, because the Persian Kazwini and other Mahometan 

astronomers were at pains to make out crosses from stars in 

tibe Dolphin and Dragon. Whether the courtly flattery of 

tiie Alexandrian learned men, who transformed Ganopu^ 

mto a '^ Ptol^i^bn/' also applied the stars of our present 

Southern Gross to the glorification of Augustus, by forming 

them into a ''Cflesari&thronon'^ (^®) which was never visiUe 

hi Italy, mnains somewhat uncertain. In the time of 

Oaudius FtolemsBus, the fine star at the foot of the Southern 

Gross had stiU an altitude of 6^ 10' at its meridian passage 

at Alexandria; whilst, at the present day, it culi|jinate9 

jseveral degrees below the horizon of that place* At thi$ 

time (1847)> in order to see d Grucis at an altitude of 

6^ 10', and taking refraction into account, we must be 10* 

to the eouth of Alexandria, or in 21® 43' of N. lat. Tht 

Obristian anchorites in the Thebais may still have sren the 

pgoaa at an altitude of 10® in the fourth century, J doubt^ 


hovever^ whether it received its name from them; forDaat(^ 
ia the celebrated passage of the PargatQrio—- 

** lo mi vmlii a man dettn» e p<Mi moite 
All' aUvo poby e vidi quattro stelle 
Non viflte mai fiior ck* alia pzima gente :" 

and Amerigo Yespuoci,— who^ at the aspect of the sontbegi 
firmament in his third voyage^ first recalled tbese lines^ and 
enren boasted that ''he now beheld in his own person tk 
f onr stars never before seen save by the first human, pair/'-rr. 
were still unacquainted with the denominatton of '' Southea 
Cross/' Yespucci says simply^ that the four stars form a 
riiombffldal figure (una mandorla) ; and this remaik belongs 
to tilie year 1601. As sea voyages round the Gaps of 
Qo€4 Hope and in the Pacific Ocean, by the routes whkiL 
Gama and Magellan had opened, multiplied, and as Ghristsan 
missionaries pressed forward into the newly discovered tro- 
pical lands of Am^ca, the &me of this, constellatian in^ 
creased moce and more* I find it first mi»itioiLed as a 
'' wondrous cross (croce maravigHosa), more glorious tfaaa 
all the consteUations of the entire heavens/' by the Hoim- 
tine Andrea Corsali (1517), and afterwards, in 1520, bj 
Piga&tta. The Elorentine extols Dante's ''prophetie 
spirit," — as if the great poet had not possessed as much eru- 
dition as creative genius, — as if he had not seen Arahiaa 
celestial globes, and held communication with many oriental 
traveUers from Pisa {^^) . That in the Spanish settlements in 
tropical America, the first settlers were accustomed to in&i 
the hour of the night £rom the inclined or perpendicalar 
position of the Southern Cross, as is still done, was already 
remarked by Ajoosta in his ^' Bistoiia natmad y moral de bs 
Indias." (4W) 

TEE vmrmsB. — <x:»Amo msoovebies. 299 

By the precession of the equinoxes the aspect of thl^ 
staxry heavens from every point of the earth's sar&oe is 
constantly changing. The earlier inhahitantB of oar high 
northern latitudes might see magrufieent aontiiem oonateBa, 
tions rise to their view^ which^ now long imaeen^ will not 
reappear for thousands of years. In the time of Oolumbusv 
Ganopns was already folly 1^ 20' below the hcoizon at To-t 
ledo (kt. 39^ 54') ; it is now about the same qpiantity above; 
the horijson at Cadiz. For Berlin land the northem lati^. 
todes the stars of the Southern Cioss^ as well as « and jS Gen* 
taori^ are receding more and more; whilst the MagdObnic. 
clouds slowly approach our latitudes, Canopus has had it8> 
greatest northerly approximation during the thousand year», 
which have closed^ and is now moving (though^ on aecount, 
of its proximity to the south pole oi the ediptio^ with $(&•> 
treme slowness) progressively to the south. The Southemt 
Cross began to be invisible in 5^^° north latitude^ S900. 
yea;rs b^ore the Christian era. According to GaUe it might, 
previously have ireached> . in that latitude^ an altitude of: 
ncMOie than 10^; and when it vanishod from the hoirizon of: 
the countries adjoining thp Baltic^ the great Pyramid o£ 
Cheops had already been standing in Egypt for five centn<% 
lies. The pastoral, nation of the Hyksos made.thdr inva-; 
aion 700 years later. Former times seem to draw sensibly- 
nearer to ns, when we connect their measurement with md->. 
morable occurrences. 

The extension of a knowledge ^ of the celestial spaoes>rr^ 
knowledge^ however, limited to their outward aspec^,**^wa% 
aqcompenied by advances in nautici^ aslaronomy ; that is to 
say, in the improvement of . all Hxe methpds of determining 
a ship^s place, or its geographical latitude and lougitijL^, 


All that in tbe cotine of time has contributed to &yoQr 
these advances in the art of navigation; — ^the compass^ aad 
ihe mx«e conect knovledge of the magnetic dedinatiaiv-* 
the measniement of a ship's way by the more exact appanw 
tus of the logi — the nse of chronometers and of Innar clisr 
tances, — ^the bdter constmction of vesseLi, — the sabstitih 
tton of another propelling force for the force of the wind,— 
«nd in all respects, the skilful application of astronomy to a 
dip's reckoning, — mus^ be regarded as powerful means of 
throwing open all parts of the earth's snr&ce, of acceleratisg 
the animating intercoorse of nations with each other, and 
ixf advancing the investigation of cosmical relations. Taking 
this as onr point of view, we wonld here recal the &ct iM 
$s early as the middle of the 13th century ** nautical instra- 
jnents were in nse for determining time by the altitudes d 
jitars" in the vessek of the Catalans and of. the Islaiid cf 
Majorca; and that the astrolabe described by Saymond 
LuUy, in his Arte de Navegar, is almost two centuries older 
tiian that of Martin Behaim. The importance of astroDO- 
mical methods was so vividly recognised in Portugal, HxA 
nbout the year 1484 Behaim was named president of t 
Junta de Mathematicos, ''who were to c(»npnte tables of 
the sun's decUnation," and, as Barros says, (^^) to teadi 
pilots the ^'maneira de navegar per altura do sol/' Tb 
navigation ^'by the meridian altitudes \t the sun" wai 
already at that period clearly distinguished £rom the naviga- 
tion by determinations of lougitude, or ''por la altura dd 
ittrte-oeste." (*»») 

^ The desirability of fixing the locality of the Papal line d 
Aemarcation, for the sake of settling the bonndary be- 
tween the claims of the Spanish and Portuguese crowns i& 


the newly discovered Brazils and in the South Indian 
Islaads^ augmented the anxiety for the discovery of practi* 
cal methods for finding the longitude. It was felt how 
rarely the ancient imperfect Hipparchian method by lunar 
eclipses could be applied^ and the use of lunar distances was 
already recommended, in 1514i, by the Nuremberg astrono-: 
mer Johann Werner, and soon afterwards by Orontius 
FmsBus and Gemma Erisius. Unfortunately this method 
long continued impracticable, until, after many vain attempts 
with the instruments of Peter Apianus (Bienewitz) and 
Alonso de Santa Cruz, the mirror sextant was invented ill 
1700 by Newton, and brought into use among mariners by 
Hadley in 1731. 

The influence of the Arabian astronomers was also opera^- 
tive, in and through Spain, on the progress of nautical 
astronomy. Many modes were, indeed, tried for determining 
the longitude, which did not succeed ; but the failure was les9 
often attributed, at the time, to the imperfection of the 
observation, than to errors of the press in the astronomical 
ephemerides of B^giomontanus. The Portuguese even sus- 
pected the results of the astronomical data of the Spaniards, 
whose tables were supposed to have been falsified from poli-^ 
tical motives. {^^^) The suddenly awakened sense of the 
want of those means wliich nautical astronomy, theoretically 
«t least, promised, shews itself in a particularly vivid man* 
ner in the narratives of Columbus, Amerigo Vespucci, Piga- 
fetta, and Andres de San Martin the celebrated pilot of 
Magellan's expedition, who was in possession of Buy Palero's 
method of finding the longitude. Oppositions of planets, 
occultations of stars, diiferences of altitude between ihfi 
Moon and Jupiter, and changes of the Moon's declination^ 


Were all tried with more or less success. We have observa- 
tions of oonjimction by Columbus^ in the night of the 13th 
of Jmaaij, 1493, from Haiti. The necessity of giving to 
inich great expedition a well-instracted astronomer, in addi- 
tion to the naval officers, was so generally felt, that Queen 
Isabella wrote to Colnmbns on the 5th of September, 1498, 
that ''although he had shewn in his enterprises that he 
knew more than any other m(»rtal man (que ningano de los 
Hacidos), yet she advised him to take with him Fray Antonio 
de Marchena, as a learned and skilful man in the know- 
ledge of the stars/' Columbus.says, in the description of 
his fourth voyage, ''there is but one infaUible method of 
keeping a ship's reckoning, namely, the astronomical one. 
Those who understand it may be content. What it yields 
is like a ' vision profetica/ (*^) Our ignorant pilots, when 
they have lost sight of the coast for many days, know not 
where they are ; they would not be able to find agam the 
lands which I have discovered. To navigate requires * com- 
pas y arte,' the compass, and the knowledge Or art of Ihc 

I have given these characterii^c details, because thej 
»ring more sensibly before us the manner in which nautical 
astronomy, the powerful instrument of rendering navigation 
deeure and certain and thereby faeihtating access to all 
regions of the globe, received its first devebpment in the 
epoch of which we are treating ; and how, in the general 
movement of men's minds, there was an early reeognitioB 
i>i the possibility of methods, which had to await for their 
extensive practical application the improvement of time- 
keepers and of instruments for measuring angles, as well as 
correct solar and lunar tables. If. the character of an age 



be '' the manifestation of the hmnau toiiid in a definitt 
epoch of time/' the age of Columbus and of the great nau- 
tical discoYeries^ whilst augmenting in an Unexpected man* 
ner the objects of knowledge and oontetni^ation^ also opened 
to ^cceeding centuries a new and higher range of attain- 
ment. It is the peculiarity of great ^coveries at once to 
extend the Md of our conquests^ and our prospect into new 
regions which yet remain to be conquered. Weak spirits in 
bverj age believe complacently that mankind have reached 
the highest point of their intellectnal progress; forgetful 
that through the intimate mutual relation of all natural 
phaenomenay in proportion as we advance^ the field to be 
travelled over obtaisas a wider extension^ — ^that bounded 
by an horizon which recedes continually before the march 
of the explorer. 

Where^ in the history of nations^ can we point to an 
epoch similar to that in which events so fruitful in conse- 
quences^ as the discovery and first colomsation of America, 
the navigation to India by the Gape of Good Hope, and 
Magellan's first dtrcunmavigation of the globe. Coincided 
with the highest and most flourishing period of art, with 
the attainment of intellectual and religious liberty, and with 
the sudden enlargement of the knowledge of the heavens 
and of the earth? Such an epoch owes but a v^ ffluall 
portion of its grandeur to the distance from which we re- 
gard it, or to the circumstance that it comes before us only 
in historical remembrance, unobscured by the disturbing 
actuality of the present. But here too, as in all terrestrial 
things, the period .of greatest brilliancy is closely associated 
with events which call forth emotions of the deepest sorrow. 
The progress of cosmical knowledge was purchased by all 

298 EPOCHS nr the hisioet oe the oovraxpuaios oi 

Che violence and all the horrors which conquerors, the s(k 
called extenders of civilisation, spread over the earth. Yet 
it would be an indiscareet and rash boldness which, in the 
interrupted history of the development of humanity, should 
venture to decide dogmaticallj on the balance of good or 
iU. It is not for men to pronounce judgment on events 
which, slowly prepared in the womb of time, belong but 
partially to the age in which we place th^n. 

The first discovery of the middle and southern parts of 
the United States of America by the Scandinavians almost 
coincides in point of time with the appearance and myste- 
rious arrival of Manco Capac in the highlands of Peru; it 
preceded by almost 200 years the arrival of the Aztecs in 
the valley of Mexico. The foundation of the principal ciiji 
Tenochtitlan, dates fully S2S years later. If these colooiza' 
tions by Northmen had been more permanent in their 
results, — ^if they had been fostered and protected by a power- 
ful and pohtically united mother country, — ^the advancing 
Germanic race would have stOl found many wandering 
tribes of hunters, (***) where the Spanish conquerors found 
settled agriculturists. 

The period of the conquista, the end of the I5th and 
oeginning of the 16th centuries, is marked by a wonderful 
coincidence of great events in the political and moral life of 
the nations of Europe. In the same month in which 
Heman Cortes, after the battle of Otumba, advanced to be- 
siege Mexico, Martin Luther burnt the papal bull at Wit- 
tenberg, and laid the foundation of the Eeformation, which 
promised to the mind of man freedom and progress in almost 
untried paths. (**^) Somewhat earlier, those long buned 
glorious monuments of ancient Grecian art, the Laocooxit 

t)ie Torso^ thjB Belvedere Apollo^ and the Medicean Yenut 
]^ beeu disclosed. Michael AitgelOj Leonardo da Yin<^ 
l\tiaa, and Baphael flourished in Italj^ and Holbein ^and 
Albert Dncer in our German countiy. In the year in which 
Columbus died^ fourteen years after the discoveiy ^f th« 
new continent^ the orden of the unirerse was discovered^ 
though not publicly announced, by Copernicus. 

The consideration of the importance of the discovery of 
America, and of the first European settlements therein, 
touches on other fields of thought besides those to which these 
pages are especially devoted ; it would include all ihose intel- 
lectual and moral influences, which the sudden enlargement 
of the entire mass of ideas exercised on the improvement of 
the social state. We recal only by a passing allusion, how, 
since that great era, a new activity of thought and feeling, 
courageous wishes, and hopes hard to relinquish, have gra- 
dually pervaded all classes of civil society ; — ^how the scanti- 
ness of the population of one hemisphere of the globe, 
especially on the coasts opposite to Europe, favoured the 
settlement of colonies, which by their extent and position have 
been transformed into independent states, unrestricted in 
the choice of free forms of government, — and how, lastly, the 
religious Eeformation, the precursor of great political revo- 
lutions, passed through the different phases of its develop- 
ment in a region which became the refuge of all religious 
opinions, and of the most different views in Divine things. 
The boldness of the Genoese navigator is the first linV in 
the immeasurable chain of these fate-fraught events; and it 
was accident, and not fraud or strife, (**^) which deprived 
the continent of America of his name. The new worlds 



brought during the last lialf centoiy contmuallj nearar to 
Eoiope hj commercial interconise, and hj the improvement 
of navigation, has exercised an important influence on tb 
politfcal institutions, (^ and on the ideas and t^ndendes 
of those nations who dwell on the eastern shore of the oOf 
ilantlj nanowing vallej of the Atlantic Oceaiu 




Great Discoveries in Space by the application of the Telescope. — 
The great Epoch of Astronomy and Mathematics from Galileo 
and Kepler, to Newton and Leibnitz. — ^Laws of the Planetary 
Motions, and general Theory of Grayitation. 

In attempting to recount the most distinctly marked pe- 
riods and gradations of the development of cosmical con- 
templation^ we have in the last section endeavoured to 
depict the epochs in which one hemisphere of the globe first 
became known to the cultivated nations inhabiting the 
other. The epoch of the most extensive discoveries upon 
the surface of our planet was immediately succeeded by 
man's first taking possession of a considerable part of the 
celestial spaces by the telescope. The application of a 
newly Wd organ, of an insLient of spLpenetrating 
power^ called forth a new world of ideas. Now began a 
brilliant age of astronomy and mathematics; and in the 
latter the long series of profound investigators^ leading to 
the ''all-transforming'^ Leonard Euler^ the year of whose 
birth (1707) is so near the year of Jacob Bemouilli's death. 
A few names may suffice to recal the giant strides with 
which the human mind advanced in the 17th century^ less 
from any outward incitements than from its own indepen- 
dent energies, and especially in the development of mathe- 


matical thought. The laws that regulate the fall of bodies^ 
and the planetary motions^ were recognised ; the pressure of 
the atmosphere^ the propagation of hght^and its re&action and 
polarisatiouj were investigated. Mathematico-physical sdieiice 
was created^ and established on firm foundations. The in- 
vention of the infinitesimal calculus marks the close of the 
century; and^ reinforced by its aid^ the human intellect has 
been enabled^ in the succeeding hundred and fifty years, to 
attempt successfully the solution of problems presented by 
the perturbations of the heavenly bodies, by the polarisation 
and interference of the waves of light, by radiant heat, by 
the electro-magnetic re-entering currents, by vibrating chords 


and surfaces, by the capillary attraction of tubes of small 
diameter, and by so many other natural phsenomena. 

In this world of thought the work proceeds uninter- 
ruptedly, and its different portions lend to each other mu- 
tual support. No earlier fruitful germ is stifled. We see 
increase^ simultaneously, the abundance of materials, the 
strict accuracy of methods, and the perfection of instruments. 
J propose to limit myself principally to the consideration of 
the 17 th century, the age of Kepler, Galileo, and Bacon, of 
Tycho Brahe, Descartes, and Huygens, of Permat, Newton, 
and Leibnitz. What they have done is so generally known, 
that slight indications will suffice to point out through what 
part of their achievements they have more especially contri- 
buted to the enlargement of cosmical views. 

We have abeady shewn (*59) how, by the discovery of 
telescopic vision, there "was lent to the eye, — ^the organ of 
the sensuous contemplation of the visible universe, — a power 
of which we are yet far from having reached the Smit, but 
of which the first feeble commencement (magnifying hardly 


as mucli as 32 times in linear dimension) j (^^) sufficed to 
penetrate into cosmical depths before unknown. The exact 
knowledge of many heaTenly bodies belonging to ooi solar 
system^ the nnchanging laws according to which they re- 
volve in their orbits^ and the perfected insight into the true 
structure of the universe^ are the characteristics of the 
epoch which we here attempt to describe. The results 
which this age produced have defined the leading outlines of 
the picture of nature or sketch of the Cosmos^ and have added 
an intelligent recognition of the contents of the celestial 
spaces^ — at least in the well-understood arrangement of one 
planetary group^ — to the earlier explored contents of terres- 
trial space* Seeking to fix attention on general views^ I 
here name only the most important objects of the astronO- 
nucal labours of the 17 th century ; and would point to their 
infiuence in inciting at once to great and unexpected mathe- 
matical discoveries^ and to a more comprehensive and 
grander contemplation of the material universe. 

I have already remarked^ that the age of Columbus^ Gama, 
snd MagellaQ, the age of nautical discoveries^ coiacided with 
other great and deeply influential events^ with the awaken- 
ing of religious Hberiy of thought, with the development of 
^ artj and with the promulgation of the Copemican system of 
tiie universe. Nicholas Copernicus (in two still existing 
letters he calls himself Eopemik) had already attained his 
^Ist year^ and had observed with the astronomer Albert 
Brudzewski^ at Cracow^ when Columbus discovered America. 
Hardly a year after the death of the great discoverer^ Cop^- 
lucus having returned to Cracow firom^a six years^ residence 
at Padua^ Bologna^ and Bomci we find him occupied with an 
entire revolution in the astronomical view of the universe* 


By the faTour of his unde^ Lucas Waissebode von Allen^ (^') 
Bishop of Ermland^ he was named^ in 1510^ Canon at 
Frauenburg; where he was engaged for thirty-three years in 
the completion of his work ^'De Bevolationibns Orbiam 
GoBlestium/' The first printed copy was brought to him 
when in immediate {^reparation for deaths and when Hi 
strength of body and mind were fiiiling: he saw it aod 
touched it; but temporal things were no farther heeded, 
and he died^ not^ as Gassendi says^ a few bours^ (^^) but 
some days afterwards^ on the E4th of May^ 1543. Two 
years previously^ an important part of his doctrine had been 
made known in prints by a letter from one of his most 
zealous pupils and adherents^ Joachim Khseticus^ to JohanE 
Schoner^ Professor at Nuremberg. Yet it was not the pro- 
mulgation of the Cop^oican theory^ the renewed doctrind 
of the solar orb forming the centre of our system^ whi<^ 
led> somewhat more than half a century after its first ap- 
pearance, to the brilliant discoveries in space which mark 
the begimiing of the 17th century :— these discoveries were 
the result of an invention accidentally made, — that of the 
Telescope. Through them the doctrine of Copernicus was 
perfected and enlarged. His fundamental views, confirmed 
and extended by the results of physical astronomy (by ihd 
newly discovered system of the sateUites of Jupiter, and 
by the phases of Yenus), — ^pointed out to theoretical 
astronomy the paths which must conduct to the sure at- 
tainment of her aims^ and incited to the solution of pnK 
blems which required that the analytical calculus should be 
tarried to still higher degrees of perfection. As Georg^^ 
Peuorbaeh and Eegiomontanus (Johann Muller, of ^&i%s^ 
b^^ in Franconk), exerted a beneficial iofluenoe onGopo*^ 


mcQS and liis scholars^ SihB^cus^ Beinhold^ and Mdstiin^ so 
also did these (thoneh divided from them by a lomrer inter- 
«l of time) Lrt a sumkr Muence cm theS«« of 
Eej^er^ Galileo^ and Newton. This is the connecting link 
which^ in the enchaimnent of ideas^ unites the 16th and 
17th centuries^ and requires that^ in describing tiie ea* 
hrgei astronomical views of the later of these two periods^ 
we should allude to the incitements which descended to it 
fiom the former* 

An erroneous^ and uuhappilj still recently prevailing 
bpink)n^ (^^') regards Copernicus as havings through 
timidily and fear of priestly persecution^ represented the 
earth's planetary movement, and the sun's position in the 
centre of the whole , planetary system^ as a mere ''hypo* 
thesis/' whidh fulfilled the astronomical object of subjecting 
the orbits of the heavenly bodies to convenient calculation^ 
''but which need not be regarded as true, or even as 
probable/' These singular words (^ are indeed found 
in the anonymous preface placed at the commencement 
of Copemicus's work^ and entitled ''De Hypothesibus 
kujus opens;" but they do not belong to Copernicus^ 
snd are in direct contradiction to his dedication to the 
Pope, Paul nL The author of this preliminary notice 
was, as Gassendi says most distincUy in his life of Copemi-* 
eos^ a mathematician nanwd Andreas Osiander, then living 
at Noremberg, who, oofijomtly with Schoner, superintended' 
tlie prmting of the book ''De Bevdutionibus/' and whoy 
although he does not make express mention of any religious 
(Ksruples, would appear to have thought it advisable to term* 
Ae new views an hypothesis, and not, like- Copernicus, a 
demonstrated trutlu The founder of our present systtm ol' 



tbe uniyene (the most important parts of that qrstem^ die 
grandest traits in the picture of the muTerse^ nnqnestionaUy 
belong to him) was no less distinguished by the conrage 
fknd confidence with which he. prbpoonded it^ than by liii 
knowledge. He was in a high degree deserving of the &ie 
eulogiom of Kepler^ who^ speaking of him in the introdoc* 
0on to the Badolphine Tables^ sap, ^'vir fbit maximo in* 
genioj et quod in hoc exerdtio (in condiating prejndicef) 
magni momt^nti est^ animo liher" Gopemicos^ in his de< 
dication to the Fope^ does not hesitate to ienn. the genenllj 
received opinion of the inunobility and central position d 
the earth an '^ absurd aitaroama,^' and to expose the stupidily 
of those who adhere to so erroneous a belief. '^If/' said 
he^ '' any empty babbler (}MT€Mi><oyoi)y ignorant of math^ 
matical knowledge, should yet rashly pronounce senteaoe 
upon his work; by wresting for thait purpose some passagb 
from Holy Sgriptuze (poq^ ahqu^n locam. scriptiHSB nuJe 
ad sttum propositum detortam), he should despise so pie* 
sumptuous an assault. It was, indeed,. gimeraQy knoirai 
that the celebrated Lactantius {yAio could not, it is true, be 
reck(med am^ng matbemaidcians), had spoken very child* 
ishly (pueriliter) of the form of the earth, deriding thosi 
who hold it to ba spherical. On mathematical subjects one 
must write for mfithematidans only. In order to shewths^ 
deeply penetrated with the truth of his results, ho had no 
qause to fear any condemnation, he addressed himself, frorB 
ar remote comer of the world, to the supreme visible head of 
the Church, that he might protect him firom the tooth of 
^lander; adding, that the Church would, moreover, be 
f^yantaged by his investigations on the length txf the year 
a^d tbe movements of tha moon/' In regard to this U 


lemark it may be noticed^ that astrology^ and ataendm^nts 
in the Calendar, were long chiefly efficacious in obtaining for 
astronomy the protection of secular or ecclesiastical power j 
as chemistry and botany were long r^arded solely as suW 
i^ement to medicinal knowledge, 

. The free and powerful language employed by Copernicus, 
tiie evident outpouring of deep internal conviction, suffi*- 
deiitly refutes the assertion, that the system. which bears his 
izmnortal name was proposed as an hypothesis convenient 
tp calculating astronomers, but which might very well be 
without foundation* ''By no other arrangement,'^ he ex- 
dfiims, with inspired enthusiasm, ^'have I been able to dis^ 
ODver 80 admirable a symmetry of the universe, so harmc 
ixious a combination of orbits, than by placing the light of 
the world (lucemam mundi), the sun, as on a kingly throne, 
in the midst of the beautiful temple of nature, guiding 
&om thence the entire family of drcum-revolving planets^ 
(circiimagentem gubemaouB astrorum famiham) /' (^6^) Even 
the idea of universal gravitation or attraction (appetentia 
quffidam naturalis partibusr indita) towards the centre of the 
world (centrum mundi), the sun, inferred from the force of 
gravity in spherical bodies, appears to have floated bef(»6 
the mind of this great man, as is shewn, by a remarkable 
passage (^^^) in tiie 9th chapter of the Ist book of th^ 
" Bevolutions/' 

< In passing in review the different stages of the develop* 
ment of cbsmical contemplations, wd . discover from the 
earliest times more or less obscure anticipations of the 
attraction of masses, and of centrifugal forces. Jacobi, in his 
investigations on the mathematical knowledge of the Greeks, 
(which are imfortunately still in manuscript), dwells with 


justice on ''the deep consideration of Natme hj Anazagonv 
from whom we hear^ not without astonishment^ that ihfr 
moon (^7) if its force of rotation ceased would f aU to the earth 
asastouedischa^edfromasling/' I have already^ in my fiiit 
volume^ when treating of the fall of aerolites^ (^ noticed 
•koilar expressions of the Cilazomenian, and of Diogenes of 
ApoUoniaky respecting the " cessation or interruption of the 
force of rotation/' Of ike attracting force which the cenize 
of the earth exerts on all heavy masses r^noved from Up 
Plato had a clearer idea thim Aristotle ; who was, indeed, 
like Hipparchus, acquainted with the acceleration of bodies 
in fiBdlingy but who did not correctly apprehend its cause. 
Li PlatOy and according to T)emocritns, attraction is 
limited to bodies which have affinity with each other; or in 
other words, to the tending together of homogeneous de- 
memtaiy substances. (^) But at a later period, probably in 
the 6ih century, the Alexandrian John Iliilopcmus, a pupil of 
Ammonius Ilermese, ascribes the movements of cosmicid bo- 
dies to a primitive impulse, and c(»nbines with this idea that 
of the fall of bodies, or the t^dency of all substances, heaivj 
or light, to come to the ground. (^7®) But tiiie idea whkh 
Copernicus divined, and which Kepler enunciated mora 
dearly in his fine work '^ de Stella Martis,'' ev^ s^PF^J^ig 
it (^^^) to the ebb and flood of the Ocean, we find inTestoi 
with new life, and rendered more fruitful (1666 and 1674} 
by the si^aciiy of the ingenious Bobert Hooke. The 
Newtonian theory of gravitation came next, and presented 
the grand means of transforming the whole of physical 
astronomy into a system of celestial mechanics. (^7^) 

Copernicus, as we perceive not only from Ida dedication 
to the Pope, but also from several passages in the book 



HsBfM, was tolerably well accquainted with the representationsi 
which the ancients formed to themselves of the structure of 
the Universe. In the period before Hipparchus, he however 
only names Hioetas of Syracuse^ (whom he always calls 
Nicetas)^ Fhilolaus the Pythagorean^ the Tims^us of Plato^ 
I!cphantus^ HeracUdes of Fontus^ and the great geometer 
Apollonius of Perga. Of the two mathematicians who 
oame nearest to his system^ Aristarchus c^ Samos^ and 
Seleucus the Babylonian^ {^^^) he only names the first 
without farther notice^ and does not mention the second at 
an. It has often been said that Ck)pemicus was not 
accquainted with the opinion of Aristarchus of Samos^ 
relative to the central position of the Sun and the planetary 
character of the Earthy because the '' Arenarius/' and all 
the works of Archimedes^ were only published a year after 
his deaths a fall century after the invention of the art of 
prmting; but in saying this^ it is forgotten that^ in the 
dedication to Pope Paul m.^ Copernicus quotes a long 
passage on Philolaus^ Ecphaiitos^ and HeracUdes of Pontus, 
£pom Plutarch's work ''on the opinions of Philosophers'' 
(iii. 13)^ and that he might have read in the same work 
(ii. 24)j that Aristarchtis of Samos regarded the Sun as one 
of the fixed stars* Among all the opinions of the Ancients^ 
tlie greatest influence on the direction and gradual develop- 
„j^mi of the views of Copermcus, would appear^ from Gas- 
aendi's statements^ to have be^i exercised by a passage in the 
encydopffidic work of Martianus Mineus Capella of Madaura^ 
written in a semi-barbarous language^ and by the System of 
the World of Apollonius of Perga. According to the system 
described by Martianus Mineus^ which has been confidently 
ascribed (^74) soioetiines to the Egyptiaosj and somethnes 


to the Chaldeans^ the Earth rests immoyeablj in the centre^ 
ttnd the Son revolves round it as a planet^ while Mercmj 
and Yenus accompanj^ and revolve romid the Sun as his 
satellites. Such a view of the stractore of the Univene 
might tend to prepare the way for that of the Son's central 
force. There is nothing either in the Almagest^ or in the 
writings of the Ancients generally^ or in the work of 
Copernicus ^' de Eevolutionibus/' to justify Gassendi's 
decided assertion as to the perfect similarity of the System 
of Tycho Brahe with that of ApoUonius of Perga. After 
BocWs complete investigation^ nothing more need be saicl 
respecting the confusion of the System of Copernicus with 
that of the iy;hagorean Philolaus^ in which the non-rotatmg 
Earth (the Antichton or opposite earth is not itself a plane^ 
but only the opposite hemisphere of our planet,) moves^ as 
well as the sun, round the ^ hearth bt the world/' the central 
fire or flame of life of the entire planetary syst^n. 

The scientific revolution commenced by Copermcus had 
the rare good fortune (setting aside a brief retrograde 
movement in Tycho Brahe's hypothesis), of proceeding 
uninterruptedly forward to its object,— -the discovery of 
the true structure of the universe.' The rich supply of 
exact observations which were famished by Tycho Brahe 
himself, the zealous opponent of Copernicus, laid the 
foundation of the discovery of those unchanging laws of 
the planetary movements, which prepared for Kepler im- 
perishable *fame, and which, when interpreted by Newton, 
and shewn by him to be theoretically necessary, were 
transferred to the bright domain of thought, and became 
the ^'intelligent recognition of nature/' Ik has been 
mgeniously said^ (^75) though p^haps with too feeble an 


appreoiation of the free, great, and independent spirit 
which conceived the theory of gravitation, " Kepler wrote a 
book of laws, Newton the spirit of the laws/^ 

The figurative poetic myths of the Pythagorean and 
Platonic pictures of the universe, (*^^) variable as the 
imagination from which they had their birth, still found 
a partial reflex in Kepler; they warmed and cheered his 
often saddened spirits, but they did not divert him from 
the earnest path which he steadfastly pursued, and of which 
he reached the goal, (^^7) 12 years before his death, on the 
memorable night of the 15th of May, 1618. Copernicus 
had afforded a sufficient explanation of the apparent 
Tevolution of the heaven of the fixed stars, by the diurnal 
rotation of the Earth around her axis ; and by the annual 
movement round the sun, had given an equaUy perfect 
solution of the most striking movements of the planets 
(their reteogressioi^ and stationary appearances),-and had 
tiius found the true cause of what is called the '' second 
inequality of the planets.'' The first inequality, the ncai-. 
xmiform movement of the planets in their orbits, he left 
imexplained. True to the ancient Pythagorean principle of 
the inherent perfection of circular movements, Copernicus, in 
his structure of the universe, needed to add to the " excen- 
tric" circles having unoccupied centres, some of the epicycles 
of ApoUonius of Perga. Bold as was the path struck ont^ 
men could not free themselves at once from aQ earlier views. 

The equal distance at which the fixed stars continue from 
each other, whilst the whole heavenly vault moves from East 
to West, had led to the representation of a firmament^— ^ 
a solid crystal sphere, — ^in which Anaximenes, (who was . 
perhaps not much later than Pythagoras), imagined the stars 


to be fastened as if naOed. (^7^) Geminus the BJiodiaii, a 
ootemporary of Cicero's^ doabted the constelkiaoiis bang 
an in the same plane ; someii he thought^ were higher and 
some lower. This manner of representing the heaven of Ik 
fixed stars was transferred to the planets ; and thus aroae 
the theory of the exoentric intercalated spheres of Endoxos^ 
Menaechmos, and Aristotle who invented retrograding 
spheres. After a century^ the acnte mind of ApoUooios 
caused tiie theory of epicycles, — ^a constmction whicb 
adapted itself more easily to the representation and calcola- 
tioli of the motions of the planets, — ^to supersede the solid 
.q^theres. Whether, as Ideler believes, it was not until after 
the establishment of the Alexandrian Museum, that philoso* 
phers b^B to regard " a free movement of the planets ii 
space as possible,^' — ^whether previously to that period the 
intercalated transparent spheres, (27 according to Eudoxai^ 
55 according to Aristotle), as well as the epicycles whicli 
passed from Hipparchus and Ptolemy to the middle ages^ 
were g^erally regarded, not as actual solid substaaces 
having material thickness, but simply as ideal abstractions,-* 
I refrain here from any attempt to decide historically! 
greatly as I incline to the latter view. 

It is more certain, that in the middle of the 1 6th centoiy, 
when the theory of the 77 homocentric spheres of the learned 
Polyhistor, OirolamoFracastoro, was received with applana^ 
and when, subsequently, the opponents of Gopemicos sought 
for every means of supporting the system of Ptolemy, — ^the 
representation of the exist^u^ of solid spheres, ciidcs 
and epicycles, which had been particularly favoured by the 
fathers of the Church, was still extremdy prevalent, lydio 
Brahe expressly boasts, that by his considerations on tho 



,pathJ3 of comets, he first demonstratied the impossibility of 
•solid spheres^ and thus shattered the whole artificial fabric* 
He filled the free celestial spaces with air^ and even believed 
that the "resisting medimn^'' made to yibrate by therevolv* 
jng heayenlj bodies, might produce sounds. The unpoetip 
"RothmaTiTi thought it incumbent upon him to refute this jq* 
newal of the Pythagcnrean myth of the music of the spheres* 
The greal-- disooveij of Kepler, that all the planets move 
lound the son m elUpses, and that the sun is placed in one of 
the foci of these ellipses^ finally fi:eed the original Copemioaa 
system from the eccentric drdes/and from all epicycles. (^7^) 
The planetary tabiic of the universe now appearf^ objectively^ 
and as it were architecturally, in its simple grandeur; but the 
play and connection of indwelling, impeUing,and maintaining 
forces, were first unvdled by Isaac Newton. In the history of 
the gradual development of human knowledge, we have already 
often remarked the appearance, within short intervals of tim^ 
of important though seemmgly accidental discoveries, and 
of great minds clustered as it were together; and we see 
this phenomenon repeated in the most striking manner in 
the first ten years of the 17 th century. Tycho Brahe the 
founder of modem practical astronomy, Kepl», Galileo, 
and Erancis Bacon, were cotemporaries« All, except l^oho, 
were cotemporaneons in their maturer years with the labours 
of Descartes and Fermat. The fundamental traits of Bacon's 
Instauratio Magna appeared in the English language as 
.early as 1605, fifteen years before the Novum Organon* 
The invention of the telescope, and the greatest discoveries 
in physical astronomy, (Jupiter's satellites, the solar spots, 
the phases of Yenus, and the wonderful form of Saturn), 
faU. between the years 1609 and 1612. Kepler's specula- 


tions on the elliptic orbit of Mars (*w) ^ere b^n in 160|, 
and gave occasion to the ''Afitronomia nova sen PKyaa 
ccelestis*' completed eight years later. '^ By the study of tiie 
orbit of the planet Mars/' writes Kepler, *'we iritiSt ani?c 
at the knowledge of the mysteries of astronomy, or we ntUGit 
remain ever ignorant of them. By resolutely continued labour 
I have micceeded in subjecting the inequalities of thcJ mbtios 
of Ufars to a natural law/'- The gener^dization of tiie same 
thought conducted Kepler to the great truthfi and cosmdcal 
obnjectures whidi he presented ten yeat^ later in bis 
Harmonice* Mundi, Kbri qdnqtte. ** I bfeKeve/' be 
writes, in a letter to the Banish astrobonierlion^omoiitaaus; 
"-that astronomy and j^y^cs ' are so closely connected, tiiat 
neither can be perfected without the other/' Vhe restdts 
oif his investigations on the structure of ttie eye and the 
theoiy of vision appeared in the '' Paralipomena ad Vitd- 
lionem," in 1604^, and the '' Bioptrica,'' (^i) in 1611. Thus 
rapid, in regard both to the piost important objects in the 
pheehomena of the cdestiai spaces, and to the mbde of ap- 
prehending these t>bjects through the invention of Heir 
oi'gans, was the extension of knowledge in the short interval 
of the first ten or twelve years of the century, whibh opened 
with Galileo and Kepler, and closed with Newton aari 

The accidental discovery of the space-penetratii^ pow€^ 
of the telescope was first made in Holland, probably » 
early as the close of 1608. According to ther latest id- 
comentary investigations, (*®^) this great invention may be 
claimed by Hans Lippershey, a native of Wesd, and spcso- 
tacle-maker at Middelburg, — Jacob Adriansz, also caDeT 
Metius, who is said to have made burning-glasses of icc^-** 


fmd Za^harias . Jansea. The .first .named of these .4ihiee 
pMies is always called Laprej. in the import^t l^ter^rf.tiaie 
Dutch ambassador JBoi^l to the phjeioiaii SoUeUi, rfte 
author of the memoir " De vero tdescopii inFeatore/* (16SiS(.) 
If the priority were to be determined bytbe preefae.itanes 
when the ofiers were made to ihe States GeneiaJ^ , it riviOfdd 
belong to .Hans lippeirshey, who ofiered to th^ fiovvm- 
ment^ on the 2d of October^ 1608^ three iasbnimeiits ^^inth 
which oiie^can see to a distaace.^' The dSea^ pf 
4ated the 17th of October of the same year; bot^hesays 
expressly in his petition, that ^^ through maditatipu Mid in- 
dustry lie ^ad constructed auch instrojaauts. fioer. two^yeais*" 
Zacharias Jansen (whp^ like Lipp^:3hej> wae f^ .^foetadb- 
maker at Middelburg)^ together with hisiatibier HaiiSi Jmie- 
8e^^ inveuted the compound miorosc^p^ the iqrot^pieee of 
whidi is a i^ncave lens^ towards' the eibd of rtbe 16& eoD- 
tury (probably about 15.90), ,but discovered tl^ itelesoope 
only in 161Q^ as the ambassador Boreal teatiles.* JanffiBt 
and his £dends directed the telescope towards .remote ites- 
testrial, but not towards celestial olgects. >I3ie i&appittr 
ciable importance and magnitmda. of the itidS^ttmiae^ciiieifcS %j 
the microscope in commimieatiiig a jaore pie&iinid ikwir^ 
ledge of all organic objects in respect to the ooiiibrBkaiiMHi 
sgid movements of their pacts, the.telesoo^iniite 
sudden opening of z«gi<m£ of cosmical ^paoe . beforo jbssl* 
kaowDj .i;equired this detailed r^erence to the history lof 
their discovery. 

When the news of; the recent Dutch ii»reBtion, .or df .titt 
discovery of telescopic vision, reached Venice,' Gidileo^nvBS 

accidentally present; he at once • divined what m&e am 
voii. n. Y 


essential conditions of the construction^ and immediate^, 
completed a telescope at Padua for his ownuse.(*83) ge di- 
rected it first to the mountains of the moon, and shewed the 
method of measuring their heights ; attributing, like Leo- 
nardo da Yinci and Mostlin, the ashy coloured light of the 
moon to the light of the sun reflected back npon her hm 
the earth. He examined with smaU magnifying powers tk 
group of the Pleiades, the cluster of stars in Cancer, the \ 
Milky Way, and the group of stars in the head of Orion 
Then followed in quick succession the great discoveries of' 
the four satellites of Jupiter, — ^the two '' handles'' of Sa; 
turn, or his surrounding ring imperfectly seen so that h, 
true character was not at first recognised, — ^the solar spot^— . 
and i\e crescent form of Venus. 

The satellites or moons of Jupiter, (the first of all tb 
secondary planets of which the telescope disclosed the exist- 
ence), were discovered, as it would appear, almost simulta- 
neously, and quite independently, on the 29th of December, 
1609, by Simon Marius, at Ansbach; and on the 7th of 
January, 1610, by Galileo, at Padua. In the pnblicatioii 
of this discovery, Galileo, by the Nuncius Sidereus (1610), 
preceded the Mundus Jovialis of Simon Marius (1614). (*^) 
Simon Marius wished to call Jupiter's satellites Sidea 
Brandenburgica ; Galileo proposed Sidera Cosmica or Medi- 
cca, of which names the last was most approved at Florence. 
Th^ collective name was not, however, sufficient to meet lie 
love of flattery ; and the satellites, instead of being desig- , 
nated as they are by us,' by numbiers, havmg been called hj , 
Simon Marius, lo, Europa, Ganymede, and Callisto, — G>r 
lileo substituted for these mythological persona^^ Ab ^^ 



names of the members of the family of the Mediceau ruling 
house^ Catharina^ Maria^ Gosimo the elder^ and Cosimo the 

The knowledge of Jupiter^s satellites and of the phases 
of Yenus was most influential in confirming and extending 
the Copemican system. The little world composed of the 
planiet Jupiter and his satellites (Mundus Jovialis) offered 
to the intellectual eye a perfect image of the great solar and 
planetary system. It was recognised that the satellites of 
Jiipiter obeyed the laws discovered by Kepler, and, in the 
&st place, that the squares of their periods of revolution 
were in the ratio of the cubes of their mean distances from 
the* eentral planet. This led Kepler, in the Harmomces 
Mundi, to exclaim with the confidence and courage Tn^iic^ 
belongs to intellectual freedom, addressing himself to those 
whose voices bore sway beyond the AJps : — "Eighty years (*®®) 
have elapsed, during which the Cgpernican doctrine of the 
motion of the earth and tlie immobiKly of the sun has been 
taught unhindered, because it was held permissible to dispute 
concerning natural things, and to throw light upon the 
works of God; and now, when new documents have been 
discovered for the proof of this doctrine, documents which 
wefe unknown to the (ecclesiastical) judges, the. promulga- 
tion of the true system of the fabric of the universe is by 
you prohibited P^ This prohibition or ban, — a consequence 
of the ancient feud between ecclesiastical authorities aind 
natural science, — ^had been already experienced by Kepler 
even in Protestant Germany. (*86J 

The discovery of Jupiter's satellites marks a memprable 
epoch in the history of astronomy, and in the permanent 
establishment of the principles upon which it is founded* (^^') 


^e oceoltafions ot tbe satellites^ at tiwtr eninmoe into^ik 
ahadcnr of Jnpiter, led io the knowledge of the vebcii^ of 
light (1675), and througli this, in 1727, to the expbsufa 
of tte '' sberratnm-eliipse'' of the fised stars, in whidufte 
orbit of the earth, in her annual revolution roiutd tlie sm, 
is, as it were, reflected on the celestial Taoit. ISteaedian* 
varies of Bdmer's said Bradk/s hare justly been tamed ik 
'' key-stone of the Copemican syfiUmf^ the visible dnsfr 
Stration of the earth's movement of tra&sIatbB. 

The importaaee df the occoltatioiiB of Jnp^ot'^ mkffiAii 
for geographical detenninatiaixs <rf longitttdexm hsd w 
early perceived bj Galileo (Sept. 1612). Hie pr^posBd ^ 
method of determining longitudes, first to the Xkmkvi 
Spam (1616), and snbseqaently to the Siiflta GeoaiL^ 
Holland; he proposed it, indeed, as a melhail.avttikMe it 
sea, (^ apparently Uttle awtire tfif '^e inBtqoenbi&idiiBd- 
tiies whieh oppose its pcactioal applieatiim oiL.lheiuisdde 
ocean. He wished ei&er to go hiixtself, onto send Insjiin 
Yioenzio, to Bfain, wiAi a htrndnad ie fe sc o pcs viiiArbe 
riiould prepare; Teqniring !far reeompense ^'una iGniiBii 
8. Jago,*' and «n uintral pei^ion of 4060 crowns; «. sad 
aom, he says, as ^.t &st, in Gordinai ^9&rpsiiB hoxmt, h^ 
faeeti kd to ^xp^st 6600 daoato -a jear. 

^e discovesy of JupHier's tsateHites iwae nan mSetiif 
lowed by the obsertatbn of fiaton ^ a triple irtarj-^j^ 
lUBGa tergemiiatts.^ A^ taaiy as Novemlisr MkQ^ fitfbi 
irrote to Eeplo* that ^^Bstom consisiBi of iioee hnna^ 
bodies in contact with e^ch o&e^.'^ In:ttas uohsoiviiNi 
ihms wasllie genn of )3ie ^iiseovery of Satmai'ecDaguiiffie- 
vlrelios described, in 16i&6, tiie variatrons in >ifk&ifqibi ^ 
|!S«thilv Urn nncqud lopeniBg' of :4he ^^Ja^mdUi^'fidbifcflff 


jkeaa/mnsi wtixb ^fiffpeajranoe. . But. the msni .of haviBg 
^esqddiiied scieuii^allj «U tbe pbeemm!^ of the ring of 
^ flatamtakeai as oue^ hebajps taHujgeiifi (1635), who, accord- 
-iag to thfi. fiiuitinfitful manoer oi the time^ and like Galileo^ 
,lN»ftealed hi» discayafjr lE am .auagram;, eonsiating in this 
fOiae of 88 htiim^* It wa^ Dbminio Cassini who first saw 
^kI]A:bhttk stripes in the: ciiig (1684), siad recogmsed its 
ilmffoa.iiiia at least two coac^tric rings^ I have here 
bnou^t tog^thie^' the iiifi^i3Xi4ioiVgaiiiied in the course of a 
^fiaatuEjyrei^eoting the m^ wonderful and least anticipated 
40{allithefoiiEiftQ£.aale$tial bodies with, which we are jot 
«cqfiiiax4eQl ; a l(7rm which has led to ingeuious conjectures 
feasting' thei oidgpial laade of f€»*ination of the planets 

' Mid; SOtfeUitttLi 

'ISiei.tpoJb^^ the son' were first .obserred through tde^ 

msi^^ hg" Jofatfi P$ibiieifis of Dast ^Eriesland^ and fay 

QaUso, aitber at<Pa4ua. or. at Yenipe. In the publication 

T ^: ikt dkomxy, lEabricias (Jane» 1^11). ^^ certainly a 

' ymoLxa advanse of Galileo (Joist latter to the burgomaster 

> iUiMapiis iWelaevi May i> 1Q12.) The.first observiations of 

l!abviciii8#ai|qpeaa^ by Arago^s careful. researches, (^^) to have 

^ bocfei made iit Ma^h 16tll» or, according to Sir David 

Soewster, even at the^r close of the precediag.year; while 

Gkdatafbm SkSmaet dee& not bimself. refer his observa^ 

t&»! femi. ihaft ^riL 1611, and probably 

fiUnfltibeganitaoocnpy himself in eaisnest with the sdlas 

V 'WfciA untii^tlft nuaith. of October of. ih& same year. Bet* 

'I >:ipBotin|g Galfleo we hme only obscure and discordant 

- 'njnfiaKinftiaaiiiL. He ivaa ^oqaainted with the solar spots in 

^ ' iKpidl^lSll, Jor he shelved. theuL pofalLcly at Borne, in tho 

^^ ijgattka gfi thte Candhiri • ftindiBi . o^ iheL .Qi^irmal^ in^Apifl 


and May of that year, Harriot^ to whan Baron Zadi al;^ 
butes the discovety of the solar spots (16tii Jaa. 161A!) 
did indeed see three of them on the 8di of December^ 1^10« 
and marked their position in a register of obseitatioiis; kt 
he was not aware that they were solar spots^ as 'Ehsarimif 
on the 23d of Dec^nber^ 1690, and Tobias Msyer^ onUte 
25th of September, 1756, did not recognise TJranus as t 
planet when seen in their telescopes. Harriot &rst reeag*- 
nised them as solar spots Dec. 1, 1611, five months after 
Fabricius had published his disoovezy. Galibo lemstrkfll 
thus early, that the solar spots, '^of whidL msmy are kr]gtt 
than th^ Mediterraneaiij and even than AEoea and Asb/^ 
occupy a distinct zone in the sun's dkd^. He Boticed W 
the same spots sometimes returned, and was penmaded flut 
they belonged to the smi itself. The differeaiees in tluil 
dimensions at the centre ci the disk, and wheoi ne«r disG^ 
pearing at the margin, particularly arrested hii^ attentieD; 
but 1 do not find, in the remarkable second lett» to Mai«i0 
Welser (Aug. 14, 1612)^ anything that oouid be intei}>i«ttii 
to indicate that he had observed the inequality of the ishf 
coloured border at the two sides of the black nndeusi ^hflsi 
approaching the limb of the sun (Alexander Wilsom's fine 
remark in 1,7X3 1) The Canon Tarde, in 1620^ «tid Mala* 
pertus, in 1633, ascribed all obscnratioiis of the sun i» 
small revolving cosmical bodies which intercepted his li|^ 
and to which the names oi Borbonia and Austriaca Sidenr 
were given. (^^) !Fabxicius recognised, like Qalilfio^ tint ^ 
spots bdong to the sun itself; (^^^) he also saw that speCs 
which he had observed disappeared and returned again; and' 
these phsenomena taught him the rotation of theaun^ wluok 
Kepler had conjeotuned befove the. diacovety of the sp^ 


nra iimi\!S!tta.^-*MfiocmEitiE» IN TH^ celestial spaces. 321: 

i^he mosrt exact determinations of the period of rotation 

(wjere made by the cffligent Scheiner (1630). Since the 

, strongest light which man has yet been able to produce,. 

V Dricminond's incandescent lime, appears of an inky black 

f %beR projected upon the sun^s disk, we need not wonder that 

Galileo, whO' doabdess first described the great solar faculae,, 

.;8h0aki have considered the light of the nuclei of the solar 

ifpeis to be more intense thioi that of the fuU moon, or of 

tite at3aoq>here near the solar disk. {^9^) Fancies respect- 

feg tbe inaiiy ^irelopes of air, doud, and light surrounding 

tifte^Mack eaartifi-Hke nucleus of the ^on, may be found in 

13ie wiritiiigs of Cardinal Nicolaos of Cuss, in the middle of 

tti5 15th century. (*^) 

* The cyds^ oi admirable discoveries which scarcely occupied 
ifim years, aiid ni which the immortal name of tibe Morentilae 
stipneB foremost; was completed by l^e observation of the phases 
^f 'Yeims. As* early as 1610 Galileo saw the sickle or crescent- 
Ssam of the planet, and, aceordiDg to a phuntice already 
dUbaded to^ concealed the important discoveiy in an anagram, 
whidk Kepler recals in the prefEU^e to his Dioptrica. He 
says also, in a letter to Benedetto Castelli (Dec. 30, 1610), 
thai/ he thinks be has recognised changes in the enlightened 
disk of Mars, notwithstaaiding the small power of his tele- 
so<>pe- The discovery of the moon-like crescent shape of 
\(tmiB was the triumph of the Cbpemican system. The 
neeeesity of the existence of these phases could certainly not 
have escaped the founder of that systan; he discusses in 
de^; in the tenth chapter of his first book, &e doubts 
wludi the ktar adhemits of the Platonic opmions had 
rsMsed against the / Ptolemaic ^tem on account of the 
vWKn^s j^bsesw ^ Bui) HLJthe devel^jonent <£ hk own system 

he makes no pnticolai tetoark respeetnig ib» piuwea of 
Ytenus, as in ^omaa SsHtli's Optiosi he > li^ stated ti». lust 


These enlsirgements of cosmioai kn o irMge^ (tli» darnqp- 
tion of which cannot' be- kept entifdyfree from the imhqff 
oontests respecting datms of priority in dissov^), MkB-JL 
that belongs to physical askonom3r> exeited meeagsmnl 
interest than might otherwise hare been the ea9e> fcmnrthe 
invention of' the telesoope (I60d) havmg oooonvd <att& 
period when popular attention had been roused fagr tlu^e 
great' and surprising events in the regions of spaoe : I a]Me 
tO'the 'sudden appeamnce and extinction' <tf tiuee new>sl&]8; 
one in Cassiopea in 1572^ one in Cygnus in 1609, and Oiaejs 
1hefik)tiofOphiuch^inl644. AH these surpassed in biigbt- 


ness stars of the l&rst magnitude ; and th^ which Hsfifit 
obsenred^ in Gygnus continued to shine in the vmdb^ 
heaven for twenty-one yesw, through the whde p^eiodof 
QaETeo^sdiseoveries: Almost three centuries and- a hH 
have siitce e£apsed> and no new star of the^iilpst or'seooud zaag* 
nitudehas subsequen% appeared ^ foF'the- reifi&ikaUacos- 
mical event witnessed by Sir John Herschd in the so^bsm 
hemisphere in 1887, (*•*) was a* great inerease^of bumDoas 
intensity' in a long known star* of the seoerad magsitade 
{ti Argus), wMch had not until tlien been seen to be, rf 
variable brightness. TheTOtings o£ Kepler, aodlheaeB- 
sation produced at fhe preswittime^ by* the appearasos d 
comets visiijle to the naked eye, enaMe us to ceAi^fdieBi' 
how powerftdly ihe three new stars whicli appeared bet»»ipen 
1572 and 1804*aiTested eurioarty^--hbw'much theyiiKaeaBd 
the interest felf in aMaroftomical' dfecoveries, and wlwt * 
stimulus they atffdrded'to imaginalave" combinatiofisc 9^^ 

iBg tenei^triai natuzttl evimts, suoh as ^ac&qiiakes iu couiw 
tries wheve they are THrelyfelt^ tbe- outbreak of voloanoea 
after' long periods of repose^ the rushing sound oi aerolitesr 
itUich'travecBe our atmosphere and beeoms suddenly heated 
iK'it> awidcen fk' a time a Mvely interest in problemsi which 
app«r ev« mre my«teik«s to p«80i« ia gmeral tlm ta 
dogmatising phikuKvphos. 

lit ike foregcxng Temai^ on the iHfluence exerted by the 
cBveet visible contemplation' of particular heavenly bodies, I 
have named Kepler moie partfeukrly^ for the sake of re*- 
deffing how, in* this great, richly gifted, and extraordinary 
man, the lo^re f<^ imagin»eive oDmbinations was united with 
a Tematikable tat^t for observation, a grave and severe' 
i&dtiod of induetioD, a courageous and aknost 'unexampled 
p«sevcr«n<je in calculation, and a depth of mathematical' 
thought which, displayed in his Stereometria doliorum, exer- 
cned a happy influence on Fermat, aad through him on the 
indention of the infinitesimal calculus. (♦^*) The possessor 
of such a' mind (*^ was prQ*>eminentiy suited, by the richness 
atid mobiltty of his ideas, and even by the boldness of the 
oDsmoiogical speoolations which he hazarded, to promote 
iflid"animate *he movement whidi carried the 17th century 
unmtermptedly forward towards the attainment of its exalted 
ofiject, ifce enkrged contemplation of the universe. The 
nany comets visftte to* the* naked eye from 1577 to the 
a!ppearane& of'HaJIey'a comet in 1607 (eight in number), 
aod'the appantimi> almost within the same pmod, of the 
tfeiee new stars' alieady ^x)ken of, led to q)eculations in 
^^Bieh tiiese heavenly bodies were viewed as originating from, 
oi? beingfoBwed oni of,'8 cosmical vapourfllling the regions 
<^spacci Heplei; like lyoito ffirahe, beHievied the new etarr* 

to have been condensed from this vapour^ and redisaolvdl 
into it again. (^^7) li^ his /'new and strange disoonr^ 
on long-haired stars/' he i^qxresented comets also (to which^ 
before the actual investigation of the eUipiic orbits of thit 
planets, he attributed a rectilinear not a dosed or re-entenif 
path), as formed jGrom the '' ceitestial air/' He even addedy 
in accordance with the old fancies of spontaneous geum- 
tion, that comets were formed '^like the herbs whick grow 
without seed from the earth, and as fishes are prodneei 
from salt water by generatio spontanea/' 

More happ7 in his other cosmical anticipationa, Kqakr 
adyentnsed the following prc^Kmtions :«-Thaithe fixed siatt 
are all sons like ouz own, surrounded by pkasietary systems^- 
that our sun is enveloped in an atmosphere whsftfa shew» 
itself as a white corona in total solar eclipses; that the 
situation of our sun in the g^reat ialand of the imiverss 
to which it belongs is in the cmtre. of the crowded iring<if 
stars which forms the Milky Way; (*^s) that the sunio-: 
tates round its axis as do the planets and the fixed afaiia 
(this was before the discovery of the solar spots); that 
satellites, like those which Galileo had discovered revolnag.: 
round Jupiter, would be discovered round Saturn (and romid. 
Mars) ; and that in the much too large interval (^^) be<^ 
tween Mars and Jupiter, where we ate now acquainted with 
seven asteroids, (and also between Yenus and Mereuy), 
there moved planets, which their small size rendered invi^* 
sible to the naked eye. Antidpatoij annunciations of thiS' 
nature — felicitous coi^jectures, which have been for the moat 
part realised by subsequent discoveries — excited genera- 
interest; while none of Kepler's cotemporarie^^ not even^, 
Galjl^o, paid wj, juat tribijLte of pmise to tbe< dha^e^dj 


tin tbree laws which, since Newton and ther promulgation 
of the theoij of gravitation, have immortalised the name of 
Kepler. (•<^) Cosmical speculations, even such as are not 
founded on observation, but only on faint analogies, then, 
as IB still often the case, arrested attention more than the 
most important results of '* calculatmg astronomy.'^ 

Haviug thus described the important discoveries which, 
ia so small a eydt ct yeats, enlarged the knowledge of the 
i^oiui of space, I have still to recal the advances in physi- 
cal astronomy which mailed the second half of the great 
oeiitiiry of irfach we are treating. The improvement of 
tdksseopes ooeanoned the discovery of the satellites of 
patera. Huygens, with an object-glass polished by himself, 
first discovCTcd one of them (the sixth), on the 25th of 
March, 1655, forfy-five years after the discovery of Jupiter^s 
satellites. From a prejudice which Huygens shared with 
sdveral astronomers of the period, that the number of satel- 
lites or secondary planets could not exceed that of the 
laarger car primary planets, (wi) he did not seek to discover 
any more of Ihe satellites of Saturn. Four of them, Sidera 
Lodovicea, were discovered by Dominic Cassini : the seventh, 
or out^most, which has great alternations of brightness, in 
1671 ; the fifth in 1672 ; and the third and fourth in 1684, 
with an object-glass of Oampani's having a focal length of 
100 — 136 feet. The two innermost, or the first and second 
satellites, were discovered more than a century later (1788 
and 178y), by William Herschel with his colossal telescope. 
The second satellite offers the remarkable phsenomenon of 
performing its revobtion round the principal planet in less 
f hstn one of our days. , ' 

Sooa after Hnygens* diacovery of a mktelKte of Saturn, 


Childrey (1658—1661) diaeovered the Zodiacal laght, ^ 
which, however^ the true relotioiis iik q»ee wererfiist detei^ 
jnined by Dominic Gassioi in ld83; Gassini regarddd it 
not as a part of the solar atmoephere^ bat, l&e Sdiub^. 
Laplace, and Foisson, as a detached aejsandielj revoMi]g 
nebulous ring. (^^^) Next to tiie deBaonstiatbn of tib 
existence of secondary planets or satellites^ and of the de- 
tached and concentrically ditided. ring of Sstoni, the disco- 
Y^ of the probable existence of the nebfolous ring of tl» 
Zodiacal Light unquestionably constitutes one of the grand*) 
est enlargements in our view of the planetary g^stem, which, 
at first appeared so simjde. Lk onir own dap. the closely 
intecwoven orbits of the small planets between Mars and 
Jupiter, the comets of short period which remain within our 
i^stem (the first of which was shewn to be sxich by Encke), 
and the showers of shooting stars occurring on particnkr. 
days (if we may regard these bodies as smaU cosmical 
masses moving with planetary vehxaty), have enriched the 
view of our sakr system witk new and. wonderfully varied 
objects of contemplation. 

In the first part of the period of which we are treating, 
ia the age of Kepler and. Gblileo, great additions were also 
made to the view of the contents of space, or of the dk- 
t^bution of the material creation,, beyond the outermost 
j^aneiaiy orbit, and beyond the path of any comeL In the 
saiae period (1572 — 1604) in which three new stars of the 
'first magnitude appeared in Gassiopea^ Gygnus, and Ophin^ 
ohus, David Pabricins,. Protestant minister of Ostellin East, 
rriesland (the father of tib discoverer of the solar apott],. 
' in 1696, und Johann Bayer, at Augsbui^,, in 1603, ii^ 
mukai, in the neck of Gestus a star wliieh. disaggesM^ 


.a^dn, the yaryiiig bidglitiiess of which, howevei^ as Arago 
,has shewi in an important memoir on the Idstoij of Bstta^ 
nomical disooveiy, {^^^) was first recognised by Johannes 
Phocjlides Holwarda^ professor at Franeker, in 16S8 and 
1639. Other phenomena of the same class were obseiT:€4 
in the latter half of the 17 th century ; stars of periodically 
variable briUiancy were discovered in the head of Medus<^ 
in HydJT^^ and in Cygnus. In the memoir of Arago in 
J.842 above referred to, it is very ingenionsly shewn^ how 
ex;act,observatiotas of the change of light of Algol might lea4 
directly to. the determination of the veloeity of the lightxOf 
that sta:p» 

The use of the telescope now stimulated astronomers to 
the observation of another class of phaenomen^ some of 
which ooold not escape the notice even of the unassisted eye. 
ISimon Marius described the nebula in Andromeda in l&lSfp 
and in. 1656 Huygens drew a sketch of the nebula in the 
aword ci Onon. These two nebulae may serve as types «f 
different . states of condensation, more or less advanced, of 
the nebulous cosmical matter. Marius, in compadng tihe 
^bula of .Andromeda with the light of a taper seen through 
^ semi-traQspareut substance, indicates ve^r appropriate^ 
the difEejreui^ between it and the groups or clusters of stam 
es^wifled by .Galileo in the Pleiades and in Cancer. As 
early as the caauaemoement of the 16tlv century, Spanish 
3^4 Portuguese navigators, though without the advantage 
of telescopic ymot^, had observed and admired tiie two T^ 
gellanie luminoi^ douds which revolve rotmd the southern 
poli^ a<4 of whi<^ oa^ as we have already remark^^ wm 
known as the ''white patch,'' or ''white ox/' of the Pw- 
4£^'afitEQiioiner Abdur^ahs^aa SoSy in the middlp of tht 


10th century. Galileo^ in the Noncius Siderius^ employs the 
appellations " stdlae nebulosse/' and '^ nebulosse,'' to de- 
note clusters of stars^ which^ as he expresses it^ like '^ areola 
Bparsim per sethera subfulgent/' As he bestowed no parti- 
cular attention on the nebula of Andromeda^ which is visible 
to the naked eye but has not yet shewn any stars even 
under the highest magnifying powers^ he regarded all nebu- 
lous appearances^ all his nebulosse^ as being Uke the Milky 
Way, masses of light formed of closely crowded stars. He 
did not distinguish between nebula and star, as Huygens 
did in the case of the nebula of Orion. Such were the first 
commencements of the great works on nebulse, which have 
so honourably occupied the first astronomers of our age in 
both hemispheres. 

Although the 17th century owed its chief splendour, at 
its commencement, to the sudden enlargenient by Gralileo 
and Kepler of the knowledge of the celestial spaces, and, 
at its close, to Newton and Leibnitz^s advances in pure 
mathematical knowledge, yet it was not without a beneficial 
influence on the greater part of the physical problems in 
which we are engaged at the present day. In order not 
to depart from the character of this history of the contem- 
plation of the universe, I merely mention the works which 
exercised a direct and essential influence on general or cosmi- 
cal views of nature. In reference to Light, Heat, and Mag- 
netism, we must name first Huygens, Gralileo, and Gilbert. 
When Huygens was occupied with the double refraction of 
light in crystals of Iceland spar, i. e. with the separation oi 
the pencils of light into two parts, he also discovered, in . 
1678, that kind of polarisation of %ht which bears hi^ ' 
name. More than a century elapsed before the discovery or 


this insulated phsenomenon (which was not published until 
1690^ within five years of Huygens' death) was followed 
by the great discoveries of Mains, Arago, Fresnel,^ 
Brewster (^®*) and Biot. Mains, in 1808, discovered po- 
larisation by reflection from polished surfaces; and Arago,, 
in 1811, discovered coloured polarisation. A world of^ 
wonders— of variously modified waves of Ught gifted with 
new properties, was now opened. A ray of light which 
reaches our eyes from the regions of space, from a heavenly 
body many millions of miles distant, when received in Arago's 
polariscope, tells as it were. of itself whether it is reflected or 
refracted, whether it emanates from a solid, a fluid, or a 
gaseous body, (^o*) and even announces its degree of inten- 
sity. Advancing in this path, which takes us back through 
Huygens to the 17th century, we are instructed respecting 
the constitution of the ^solar orb and its envelopes, — the 
reflected or the proper light of the tails of comets and of the 
^diacal Light, — the optical properties of our atmosphere, 
and the position of the four neutral points of polarisation, {^^) 
which Arago, Babinet, and Brewster discovered. Thus man 
makes for himself, as it were, new organs, which, when 
skilfully used, open to him new views of nature. 

We should next name, by the side of the polarisation of 
light, the most striking of all the phsenomena of optics — ^the 
phsenomenou of ''^interferences,'' faint, indications of which 
were also observed in the 17th century, though without any* 
understanding of. their causal conditions, by Grimaldi;, isi 
1665, and by Hooke. (^®^) Our own time is indebted for the 
discovery of these conditions, and the clear re^gnition of 
the laws according to which rays of light, (unpolarised)^ 
when they proceed from one and the same source^ but with » 


different lengOi of potJi, ddstxoj each other and prodiw 
darkness^ to the acute and saccessful penetration of Thomas 
Young. The laws of the inteiference of polansed ligU 
were discoveored in 1816^ by Arago and Presnel, Tlv 
theory of undulatiaBs^ advaueed by Huygens and Hoabi* 
and defended by Euler, at last found a finn basis. 

But if the ktter half of the 17th century was dktiaft 
guished by an important enbrgemeai of optical knoviedg^ 
in the attainment of an insight into the nature of .double la^ 
fraction, it has been invested with a far higher splendour by 
Newton's experimental researches^ and by Olaizs Homer's dis- 
covery (in 1675) of the measurable velocity o£ light ; a ^. 
Govery which enabled Bradley, haU a century later (in 11 S&)^ 
to regard the varkition winch he found in .the »jip6iesii phtt 
of the stars as a eonsequenoe of the movement of the^adli 
in her orbit combined with the pro{^agatian of light, Newr, 
ton's Optics appeared in 1704, not being published w 
English for personal reasons xmtil two years after HoqWj 
death; but this magnificent work may be resided as b^ 
longing to the 17th century, for we are assured that, eves 
previou^to the years 1666 and 1667, its great author ws 
in possession {^^) 6t the essential points of his optical JKs- 
covmes, of his tiieory of gravitaidon, and of tfae lodiiod of 

Li order not to break the linl^ of iJie common bond 
Vhich mutes ihe genersd ^primitive phsenomcnaof matter^^ 
I place here, inunediately after the above brief noticed 
Huygens, Grimaldi, and Newton, considerations on* teeros- 
trial magnetism axtd atmospheric temperature,— so fa at 
least as the fbundaiions of these studies' were estaUisfaed ii 
the century whieh it is the object laf this section to 


The most ingenioTis and important work on electric and 
magnetic forces, William Gilbert^s Physiologia nova de Mag- 
nete, of which I liave abeady several times had occasion to 
speak, {^^) was pubKshed in 1600. Gilbert, whose saga- 
cious mind was so highly admired by Galileo, (*^**) antici- 
pated by his conjectures much of our present knowledge. 
He regarded magnetism and electricity as two emanations of 
one fandamental force pervading all matter, and there- 
fore treated of both at once. Such obscure anticipations^ 
founded oiuanalogies of the attracting power of the Heracleaa^ 
magnetic stone on iron, and of amber (when animated, as 
Pliny says, with a soul by warmth and friction) on dry straws, 
have been common iv all periods, and even to the most dif- 
ferent races ; for they were shared by the followers of the 
Ionic philosophy of nature, and by Chinese physicists. {^^^) 
"William Gilbert regarded tlie earth itself as a magnet, and 
the lines of equal declination and inclination as having their 
inflections determined by distribution of mass, or by the 
forih of continents and the extent of the deep intervening 
oceanic basins. It ia difficult to reconcile the periodic 
variation which characterises the three elementary forms of 
tlie magnetic phsenqmena (the isoclinal, isogenic, and iso- 
dynamic lines) with this rigid system of distribution of force 
and mass, unless we imagine the attractive force of the ma- 
terial particles modified by similarly periodical variations in 
th6 interior of the globe. 

In Gilberf s theory, as in gravitation, the quantity of 
material, particles only is estimated, without regard to the 
specific heterogeneity of substances. This circumstance 
^ve to his work, in the period of Galileo and Kepler, a 
dharacter of cosmical grandeur. By the unexpected disco- 

VOL. II. 2 

vay q£ ^ tiat^ihU'Vmgneiifm" hfAxagf) (X8e5}^4^ baabeea 
-pstttHMjf piovad) thai aUikindft.of lofttl^c are ausoeBJdhleat. 
Tn^giiffHtfffi wd; Siu»ida/»>]«test rasewohoaQiirdiwaq^etio. 
sulwiaiiaM 1i»vjq> under partiaulu' Qondition»: qf '^^ui^oc 
eqnabnial* diraolioii^^ mhA of sc^Ud^ fluid>i or. g^a^ous inr . 
aciim owditioiw^ o£ tbe bodi«9» cpofismadi tbis. imppitaai 
rowUk Qilbflrt had so ola&i an id^ of the uap^tiag, of 
th«>. (ttHuijp. DQflgiwtic fprooj thttt. he already, ascnbed tlie. 
imigMtio^aiBto of UDQ(b«rp in. th^ o^oaaeaion.cMcbarQti 
toimiBsOi^'atc^pliiB tO'tina-G^^ 

Initfae.lffitih cMrtujy:^. by ik» ixMsrea^qg actmigpof. n^ 
g^tiwfa tOithftf high^gi latitudes^, aad. b; thia uD£i»yein«Qt, of 
nuigiielie iastrumentA^ to wfaifih^, sim^ 1&Z6,, .th^ djgpk^ 
imii& oil iii<diiDaix>xiuiD». canstmpted bjr. Itoheit l^oiman of 
IUi(di£S^ httd-;bemadde4 ^ geiieml kaowledgp,-of . the gxof 
glMfiva jowtion. ol . a( part, oft tha{|nagp£itiG.€w:?€S^ri,,^ ot 
th0.4)lieft <of . ]]0;> v£gn0tionr--<wa&> first, obtained. Xhe^po^OD. 
ofitlbea»ag^etio,oqu«toc iot Una of no* in^linatian)^, wfaidk. 
\9iili:kK0g; htikfwA' to be idantical with tba g^MS^af^uksl 
ecyMttoi^. '^i9aM\ nofc exwoined. Obverv^tiinis of incdinatioa^. 
wwe.i}Mwb..onljF.i&.aKiamQ£ tha principal, cities of. we$tem. 
and^aopj^miSm^e r tbe>inten£% ^.^s.nuiggiustk 
fove^.ipijaih. mriD&balJi mtk plaoa aoft jvith tim^^.wsfsind^ 
attfip^aiL to b%n>eaainr^}l]9r Lpndon^, in. 172^1,^ 
b]ytbkfNQisia3hriioina>Qf.n ina^etic.n^ but^tecjQie£ailiaa- 
of Boida's endeavour on his last voyage to thjB; C^nanes ilK- 
VIJJ6^j itinw I^anonwi^^ inJ7<S5^ in the eme^on. ^f 
Im^esufum, &stia»omid^. in. oo^paijng^ tha ii\tensiii,ia 
diA«0iU>ii£gfQna}ol:the eajEt^ r 

liteBnd Hall^^j availing himself of > a, great sxmst ojC «^ 
iate^g^obaariaiaiMBia of de^nation,. of. verj. un^fial vs^^t^]^ 


Baffin^ .Hadson, James Hall^. and' Sehoaten)^ sketched^ in 
1A83>, bis ihto^ otioui magnetio poles <»« points of. at* 
traddon,. and of the p^odicd moTemfint of the magoetioM 
lines of .no yariaiti0!&*. In oird^ to test* thk tfi-eoty^ and to : 
rmder it m(a& perfect by; the »d of new and- more exa«t < 
observatians, he wai^ permitted by- the Ei^lish Govemmenir , 
toi&yce (1688^ — 170.2) three voyages in the Atlantic Ooean^r 
inraship of .which he was gzvea the oommand* On. (ma ol 
these voyage h& proeeeded as far as^5i£^ soiiib'latitiiitekK 
This undertaking forms aA epoeh in the hktorj'Of teHse»** 
tcial '.magnetisan. A general '' Vaiiatian chavt/' or a^ dbatt 
oiir'which the points at whieh the navigatori had Jcnmd^thft. 
3ame ajttomtt of dedination w^« coimeoted by ciflrveddinfis^) 
was its result. Never before^ I bdieire, didany Govem«i 
ment.equip a^naval expedition for a& object^ iphioh, whilst ^ 
its attainment promised considerable advantages £or. p]»c- 
tical navigation, yet so properly deserved, to be entitled^ 
siHentific or physico-mathematical. . 

As no phsenosienon can be examined by an attentive ia« 
veatigater withosi being^ considered in its rdation to othtr^^t 
HaUey^ as soon as he retnnxed from his voys^s^ hazarded^ 
the canjeotttie that the Aurora Borealis is . a. magnetio^ 
phenomenon. I have the^ pctoxe of.nati»fr. 
contained in* the first vdtuneof this work, ..that Eaxada/sr 
brilliant diseoveryof the evc^tion of light by joaigaetisBki 
has raised this hypottiesEa^ aoonnced ii 1714^ to thBisaopk of* 
aaexpieriiiiental certainty.. . 

But if the lawa 'of 'tersestiial magnetism ace taibe-tho^ 
ronghly. sought out,-^that is to -say, if they aseio fae>inv«fi4.< 
tigated in the. great cycle of the^ periodical. movenKsnl^ia 
geograp^al space of the three classes of mtgadic^csurvet^s**^' 


it is not si]fficien>t that the diurnal, regcQar, or disinrbel' 
inarch of the needle should be observed at the magiieti& 
stations, which, since 1828, have begun to cov«r a coneS- 

J derable portion of the earth's surface, both in nortii^ra a&# 

' southern latitudes ; (**') it would also be requisite to s^ 
four times in each century an expedition of three ships, 
which should have to examine, as nearly as possible at fte 
same time, the state of magnetism over all the aceessiU# 
parts of the globe which are covered by the ocean. Tint 
magnetic equator, or the line where the indinajtkm is 0, 
must not merely be inferred from the geographical posa^^m^ 
ctf its nodes (or intersections with the geographical equa- 
tor), but the course of the ship should be made to vaB^ 
contmuallv, in accordance with the observations of incliufl" 
tion, so as never to quit the line forming the magnetie 
equator at that time. Land expeditions should be ooni^ 
bined with the undertaking, in order, where masses of 
land cannot be entirely traversed, to determine exactly «t 
what points of the coast the magnetic lines (and espe- 
daily the lines of no variation) enter. The two isohM 
^'closed systems" or ovals, in eastern Asia, and in ft« 
iPiacific in the meridian of the Marquesas, (si*) may, in 

' their movements and gradual changes of form, be des«Vi 
ing of particular attention. Sfaice the memorable antarolie 
expedition of Sir James Clark Boss (1839 — ^1843), pros- 

' vided Tilth excellent instruments, has thrown a great 1^ 
over the high latitudes of the southern hemisphere, aTi9 
determined empirically the place of the magitetic soutfc 
pole, and since my honoured friend Priedrich Cfauss \m 
succeeded in establishing the first general theory of tot^ 
testrial magnetism, we need tiot abanflon 'the h*p6 till 



TEBJkVssnpni!Biga^^^m&cx>Y^^ in the cbtues^iul kpacis. 835 

iiie many wants of science and of navigation will some 
3^j be satisfied by the execution of this plan so often de* 
fii)^ by me. May the year 1860 desenre to be marked 
as the first normal epoch in which the materials of a ^^ mag^r 
Jistio map of the world" shall be assembled ; and may per* 
masent scientific institutions impose on themselves the 
dcrtyof reaainding, every quarter of a c^itury, a Govern- 
wimt favouxable to the prospmty and progress of naviga* 
ti<m^ of the importance of an undertaking the great cos- 
ijiical lvalue of whieh is attached to lQng-c(mtinued iepe«> 

. The invetntion of instruments for measuring temperafcuro 
(GaliWs ftermoscopea (^^5) of 1593 and 1608 were de* 
pendent <)onourcently on changes of temperature and on 
variations in the pressure of the external air) first gavn 
nae to the idea of investigating the modifications of the 
^Ifanosphere by a series of connected and successive obser* 
TUtions^ We learn from the Diario of the Academia dd 
Gmaento^ — ^which^ during the short continuance of its acti* 
fityy exercised so happy an influence on the disposition 
fe^ experiments and researches on a systematic plan, — that, 
as early as 1641> observations of temperature were made 
%e times a day at many stations, (^^^) with spirit ther- 
miCHneters ahnilar to our own ; at lE'lorence, at the Convent 
dfigli Angeli, in the plains of Lombar^^ in the mountams 
lifiarTistoia, and even in the elevated plain of Innspruck. 
^The Grand Duke Ferdinand 11. charged the monks of many 
convents ia his states with this task. (^*^) The tempe* 
latures of mineral springs were also determined, giving 
occasion to many questions respecting the temperature of 
Ale eartb. As sSl telluric natural phsenpmena.^ i* e all thd 

8S6 EPOCHS IN THE HiarDOBY OP ItlS CX)irFfflaL«ROItf 09 

tlteratioRs whic^ terrestrial matter tmsdei^ies^ ate 
aected -with modificatioiis of haai, I^H ^^^ fkctmeU^ 
cither in repoBC or soDOving in ci2neixkSi--a3!id asctiie pbiaeni^ 
mena of 'tonperature operating hj expansion «e mostvflcc«»- 
iibtle to vmhle perception and cogmsanee, it "foUoiRs A§i, 
«si>I have dsewhere obserred^ the inrmtion anil iimpeow- 
mest of thenttometricinstraments marks. animpoztantqioflb 
m the progress of tiie g^teral knowledge of nature. !E» 
field of application of the thermomet^^ and the .conclnsiQW 
fefonded on ijb indioation?^ are commenstusate .irith dl» 
domain of those forces or powers of nature \^hieh- exert* iBw 
ddimion alike in the aerial oeean^ on tiie dxy kod^ in 
tbe Baperimpoeed aqueoos stt^taot the sea^ and'in inoigaaie 
«iib^tetce9y«S'wdI as in &e t^mioal aad Tital prooei^ses^ 

fMore ^thaaa a centUry previosas to *Scbeele's 'iBxteime 

laboars^ the action of radjaat heat .'vpasraiso inresligated'iif 

Ifee Mor«itine membcfsof the Acadenria del \CSmeiito,rljf 

TQBiadsaMe experiments made with omeave mirrors^ :tQWMis 

which, n6n-lunrinous heated bodies, and masses of ice-rf 

JOOlbs. in wei^t, radiated a^^toaUy and apparent]^. (*^ 

Jfariotte/at'the dose of the 17t)i century, inrestigated tfe 

jektioBS of radiant'keat in its paasage through glassrplatifi. 

€ have 'here recalled these detached experiments, becaa^Sr 

.4»iK5erihat pdiod, the docWne-of the " radiationof beat'^Jus 

ttarown considerable light on the cooling .of ijie gtoana,.tiiB 

'«rigin of d^r, and many general climatic modifioati<»i^ vA 

tinoQgh 'Mellohl'a admirsAle sagacity, has ^ten condiieMi 

to the contfasted diathemrism of rock salt and altun. 

'With investigations on the vamtions of atmo^^boao 
^temperatjore, coiBcid^t witih ehao^of latitude, 9tgmnmA 

rd^vatian, ^eie soon osBociated othevs i^pecting tihe^min 

tions of pressure, smfl of the qmntity of 'vapour in ihe 

^atmoaphere ; ibus well as 'respecting the often obsetved 

.perioflidfel succession of the winSs, or the ''^hw of rotation'" 

;of the wind, Galileo's just views of atmospheric pressui^ 

conducted Toiricelii, a year after the death of his great 

teacher, to the construetion of the barometer. T!h«lt *fhte 

<e61unm of mercury in the TorriGellia& tube stood hi^'esr 

;at the loot of a tower or of a hill, than ooiitiB smmnit, 'wotadd 

fappiear to have been first remarked at Pisa, by dbudJo 

Secigaardi; {^^) taxi was observed £7^ years lAter in 

,!EWoe by Pernor, who,. «t the request df Iris hrothavinihwr, 

Pascal, ascended the Pny de D6me,'a mouirtain ^4^^ebdh 

leet highar than Yesuvias. The idea ctf ^eanplc^g 'fife 

baorometer for the measurefm^nt of heights now preseifited 

Jissi£ zBadSgr ;»'ii^may possibly Qiaveibeen finrt wvi^akoned % 

.final's .aauiBid % a letter from iDeseortes. (Wft) It- is 

\ifimnsi9e80ary ^to ;e&q)lsin at length all thstt the bwanvdter 

^oployed asm hypsometnc in^trnmeBit for'tbe determinctlaen 

lef diffidssBces a( elevation upon the 'smfface of the eai^h, aad 

, wBOk metarological .iBStroment lorinve^tigating the'inSucaiee 

<43f immentB ^ air, 'has 'eontribo^ to the extension of 

.phjeieal (get^rapky and nvsteorological knowledge. The 

Jdoj^otiQiis of :the'tiieory of the currents of the atmosphere 

. "WHBe Jaid brfoiK iihe close of the ITth centurv. 'Baecsi in 

. iSAA, m hist cdebrated " EEistom nsfturalis let experimentalis 

de Tod'iB,'^ ^^) had the mmt of ^n^dering tbe direction 

. «f winds tin ^eonnedian with temperature and aqueous 

ipiedipitaiioDB ; (but mnoatbeinatiosffly denying the ivuth of 

.ikeGafoa^cBn aystem, he reaBOnedoii.Jtht pod^dyu^^'^^hat 


OUT atmosphere may turn daOj ioubcL the £arth like Hm 
heavens, and may thus occasion the East wind/' 

Hookers comprehensive genius acted here also as thii 
• restorer of light and order. (*22) JJe recognised the influence 
of the Earth's rotation, as well as the existence of upper and^ 
lower currents of warm and cold air, passing frcan thfe. 
equator to the poles, and returning from the poles to the 
equator* Galileo, in his last Dialogo, had indeed also 
considered the trade winds as a result of the Earth's rotatioa^ . 
but he ascribed the remaining behind of the particles of as ^ 
within the tropics to a vapourless purity of the au: ia those 
regions. {^^) Hooke's juster view was not revived until • 
the 18th century, when it was again put forward by HaUepj . 
and explained more circumstantially and satisfactorily in 
regard to the operation of the velocity of rotation pr<^er to .. 
each p^allel of latitude. Halley had been previously led * 
by his long sojourn in the torrid zone to publii^ an exediesnt.:' 
work on the geographical extension of the trade winds and : 
monsoons. It is surprising that in his magnetiiC expediliQi^: 
he makes no mention of the '' law of the winyds" — 99 
important for the whole of meteorology, — ^as its genedi 
features had been recognised by Bacoi\, and by Jdbannc^ ^ 
Christian Sturm of Hippolst^in, who, according to Bfewster^i 
(524) was the true discoverer of the differential thenaoiB0ter« 1 
In the brilliant period of the foundation of '^matbeoooatical . 
natural philosophy," attempts to investigate the moisture i)f .. 
the atmosphere in its connection with variations of t^npfiei^ 
tore, and with the direction of the wind, were^ot wantisog*. 
The Academia del Cimento conceived the hqpy i^ea of 1 
determining the quantity of vapour by eva{M)ra(ion aoii < 


pifecipitation. The oldest Horehtine hygrometer was accord 
ingly a condensation hygrometer, an apparatas in which the 
quantity of precipitated water which ran off was determined 
by its weight. (•^) To this condensation hygrometer, which^ 
aided by the ideas of Le Boy, has gradually led in our owh 
day d to the exact psyehrometric methods of Dalton, DanieU, 
find Angttste, there were added, according to the example 
previously set by Leonardo da Vinci, {^^) the absorption 
hygrometers made of animal or vegetable substances, of 
Saiituri (1625), Torricelli (1626), and Molinenx. Catgut, 
find the beards of a wild oat, were used almost at tht^ same 
time. I][istruments of this kind, founded on the absorption 
of i^e aqueous vapour contained in the atmosphere by organic 
sabi^tances, were provided with indexes and counterpoises, 
find were very similar in construction to Saassuie^s and 
Deluc^s hair and whalebone hygrometers; but the instru- 
ments at' the 17th century were deficient in the determina- 
tion of fixed dry and wet points^ so necessary for the 
c(»npanson and understanding of the results. This desi- 
d^atum was at last supplied by Begnault, but without 
xeierence to the variation which might be occasioned by time 
in the susceptibility of the hygrometric substances employed^ 
Pictet^ (^^) however, found that the hair of a Guanche 
mummy from Teneriffie, which might be a thousand years 
old;, employed in a Sailssare's hygrometer^ still possessed a 
satisfactory degree of sensibility. 

Electric action was recognised by William Gilbert as 
the operation of a natural force or power allied to magnetism* 
The book in whkh this view was first enounced, and even 
jn which the terms ''electric force/' ''dectrio emanations,^' 

smO iJBfdOBS xif'ixBB jurioiui { wxBB '.fmnMuiBitfaeDDii m 

ami '^dbetnc jattiwtiaii^' .(^) nrate ifiirt lempkgrsd^ sBike 

.iroik to vhieh I ilwve ftlm% so often atkaad, ^pvbUW. 

iin 16D0,>aiid esiitlsd ^iBhysmhgf iif iWiigiMte^taariljrf tfte 

.fiailh w A {(voat Htf^'^ (de Jiagno«Bi|giitte ^ielhi^. 

'' The faniHy of nMnotiog, wb«n<3riibfaftd,:li^Ui i<afaet«M!, 

mhitaret w»g lie ihoir .naime^ does Bxt/^ mw^ fiiUt, 

'^bekmg esclnsivelj to »ttmb8r> wUok k^Aicooianed eaift- 

joioe thxowB<i]p'b]rtbe«W8yeBof theaao^adclin whuiki^^ 

iinsecte, antorand wdnm^ aote indowdias on '^per|Mtenlftanfa0, 

^(ostetfois s^puli^sis) . .TkaaMsadtiiig poitcdbdoiiBB taaiiidiiiB 

dsm of veiy<diffiBrcBit ?sabsfam]ieB;^Biick jb -^bn^ anliikii; 

f sealing waK.aad all (ramj^^ sackimjML, raodaUiikindA d 

pxeciaias jstone^^dum andTaek aakt^' flthe akrsasttiaaf & 

«leot»^t J ABcitcd iras nmasiifed bjrtOilbartlagr'iQflns xi£jn 

Lilian nag^ . (aot weay taioatt)^ aaowing^fnaRly ui'a pasofc ^• 

soriom dedoicum)-. rnxj^eimiksc io the' apparataa eaofA^il 

•bj.HBfL7iaiid% BniMter^ on '^tryiag A& i&Bokmaif asdtal 

on diSbnaakiXaktatdk bf ?iraniitk«adi£BietiDau 

Siibett sajEsifietflier (ob^ ibafc ' '^t&ieliDiuas Emrid cto^yndDae 

;jnDe vefifast imdigriluBain dKalp^air^ «iiB fiiatajdblng'nrilL 

. fiSk Bs *]iiiiit laabrflfltofitaiu. ^Ihe t^eanatriai i^beija irii 

logaUNDaB faf iQivdeeliiedEaneei(P) '((9JkilMia4dbaHsiptfae 

decteiQe t^ongn^ur tct ^edksoie^^; Jar site ^ eltdMic 'aoiui 

iteads.toypraduoediie'OAhfiBiaa dt wMst /(mafeixs. dwiiM s 

<e0t motw uMacei:««tio2iia tmatarias);^^ la iilhete idbseore 

axioms is expressed the viw ^ ii .teBam jdoetBiattjEr*^ 

juamfiastatioxi of. afoine like a»fgnefanL hBlwigiTi|piDgaato 

.SB asLoh. JTotiiiBg iwm ^est >aaad cof 'i^nbaoaij ^ar (of 'ifte 

i^difbsease.bataEBtQtiiwaktoaB and'candaatHB* 

She ingmiaaB ^discomMr uaf 4bsd mpaaaf^ fitted « 

^^G^iffnke, ^pss^the^first irho dbserv^ mapethan'mare j^heno- 

"iDeBa df <Attfnectim. In his esperiiiente^ made viA «« 

^^bbed €^ et salphar; lie recogmsed ^plienomena ^^f 

^yepUlsiM^ <vyc}i ^dftemrai^s led 4o « knowledge of tiie-laws 

'€f^tbe'Spha^t5f'«isiioii tntl df 'the dtttribation ^f ^eetiieity. 

'^He^heaid the "fefi^^^Grand and sv^tkefifst'lig^ in acrtsficidHj 

^eKctted diectri^rfty. Li «hi experiment made by ?fewteii'in 

1675, the 'fifsttraeesof 'fee'^*«lectric'charge'' in-aTiiBbed 

pkte"6f glass *W€»e «een. (*») -We^have ^here awight oat 

only tte fi«st 'germs of -the scieneeof dect^ty, #bicli, 'in 

' 4t6 gpefft-^aad ^i^galany T#tai3«fl 'deviilopnieid;^ haB nott0!fiy 

'beeoms' ose of ^the most imfortsaA parts of metecvrolvgr^ 

'^bkt^l^o, iinoe'we have leaarnedthftt^magn^smis one dPflie 

'^mai^firid 'hrms in ^^Hdh ^ e c^i ii s y diseldses itseiff, has 

'leafed up^to ns^so sftmch belo^i% tiorthe ii^t^nal opertttron 

*IJf tefTestrial piSwers' or forces. 

' - ^AMough W^l in 1708, Sto^ien 'Gmy 'in -1734^, a^ 
NoUet, conjeetrured the iddiit% 6f ^^fri^krn^^ectmilyBitS'of 
-<«glltoing,-y«t.^he experimentiil ttrtamty was first altained 
-«bdat the middle of < the IBih emimy by 'Ike ^aaeoesiSfiil 
--"^^sbovofmBS ^^ the'SUustrions Bmtjamki Trasifeyn. V^tma. 
'4tdB' ^^»the dectricprocsss ^passed iiom (the ^ Aetiaein ''of 
'.^peoiiktive'plrfsies to that t)f 'tke -^esmieal iso&templation-^f 
'^aitcse-^-^KMn the ehamber of "Ga^ stud^xt to' the open^fi^ffl. 
^•Hfee doelme^ef dectricity^iibe that rf- turtles ^aflfl'^f^iHttg- 
^ii«ti»CD/has4ad long periods of exeeedisgly'slow devdepmesit, 
r^CEfi^'in^ihese^ree'bmn^bes^the kbours of Fmnkim ^a»d 
-T<^a, TkooMs '¥ocmg ^and MAoBy ^Oenrted anffl ^lani%> 
'^ttrocised ihm i^ecfMnperaries -to an ^muaUe aetm^. 'QHie 
^pfOgTCBS'^ttaiaan knewled^is^iiffinfiy c0mro0ted'wllbs«tii 
'Jid^av&tftioa»»<ofH»lTjmaJ^'and df gqfldwfly . wiS l Lwrofl ' a^tt^ty* 


842 BPOCHS ISf THE WOnOWt OF THX cxHffiraa&AamN os 

But if^ as we have already remaxked, by the iBTeakioii ai 
appropriate although aiill very impeiibot physical inslni^ 
ments^ and by the sagacity ot Galileo, ToiriceiU, and tiid 
members of the Acoademia del Gimento, the zdaiaons ai 
temperature, the vaiiatioiis of the atmospheric presmre^ uai 
the qnaatity of vapour in the air, beeaioe ob}ects of imme* 
diate research; on the other hand^ all ikah regards tiie 
ehemical cooqposilion of the atoosphese remained wrapped 
in ohBCurity. The fDondaiions of '' pneumatic chemistry^ 
were indeed kdd by Johann Baptist van Helnumt and Jiaa 
Bey, in ikt first half|**^«ad by Hooke^ Mayow^ Boyle^ odi 
the dogmatizing Bedier in the latter half of the 17& 
eentary; bat however striking was the comet apt>reheQsia]l 
of particmlar loid important phenomena^ yet tiie insight mfca 
their connection was wanting. The old belief in lie 
elementary simplicity of the air wfaioh aetsin combosticffly 
in the oxydatixm of metals, and in respiration, formed aa 
obstacle diftcalt to be ov^eome. 

^e inflammable or light-e&tingaishing kinds of gsB oe- 
emring in caves and mmes (the '' spiritos letales'^ of tUsfJi 
mA the escape of these gases in the shape of bubbles in masshtt 
and mineral springs^ had already arrested the attention oi ^ 
Erfurt Benedictine monk Basilios Valentinuis, who probafai^ 
hebi^ed to the dose of the I5th caitury, and of Libavios, 
tfn admirer of Paracelsus, in 161^. Comparisons ware diawn 
between what was aeetdeotaliy remarked in aloheuustic kbo> 
latoiieg^ and what was seen to have been prepared in the gteat 
laboratoades of nature^ espedalfy in the intmor of the eartk. 
Mining cqpeialicms in beds rich m ore^ (paittioiilarly such tf 
(Bont«lned pyrites whidiL beeome'hen^d by oa^datjon aai 
Qotttaflfc elBet|w%), iM to Antiqipatioiiis ol. ihe eheaiiQil 



xalations between metals^ addsj and the air 'which gamed 
aeoess fiom without. Paraodsns^ whose &acies beloi^ ia 
the epoch of the first conquesis in America^ already remarked 
the dissngag^ment of gsus when iron wna dissolved in sol* 
Jihiiric add. Tan Hehnont^ who first made use of &0 
word '^ gas/' distingiiishes gases from atmospheric air^ and 
dBo, on aceonnt of their non^eondensability^ firauL vie^oars* 
He regards the donds an Taponrs^ wliieh^ wljiea the sky ii 
Teay dear^ are changed into gas ^bjr cold and l^ tha 
xnftiieneB of iha heavenly bodbs/'^ Gt^, he satjrs^ can only 
beooise wiater when it has previiausly been i^etysoisibmied 
into vapour. 13iese views of meleonddgieal preoeaees be^ 
lonaed to. the first half of the 17th eentoz^v* Yan HJdbnonit 
J^t ,.*.»,»»« «U.fc «,^^ ,l,»»™, 
^nd separating his '^ Gas sylvestre/' (under which name he 
jnoluded all uninflammable gases different from pureatnu^, 
q^hem air^ and incapable of supporting flacaie and respira^- 
tion) ; yet he made alight bum ia a v«Bel ImiBg its moaih 
Hi.water> and remarked that as the flame w^t oul^ the water 
entered^ and the ^' vxdume of air'' diminished. Van £^ 
anont also soughitor demonstrate by determinatioQa of wei^btij^ 
(which we find already in Cardaous), that all the solid parts 
<rf pka<^ «e fonoed from water. 

The medi»^ alchemistio oi»nJons «C tiie compoation of 
'inetals^ and of theiv combustion in air whereby their hsi* 
hssktj was destroyed, incited to the exaaninationiof what took 
place during the process, and ol the dianges undergone by 
ibe metals themsdves^ and by tibe air isi cmitaid; with them^ 
;C!airdanus had abeady become arwafee inJSftS ^ the moTeaals 
jgi.»weight:that takes place dnrisg the oxidat»Mi of lead, andj 
jTlfnitieinthQ^piiiicf tbepblc^a^ aaiaifaed 

Siib i!90fin.mniSBinaBY<»iTBDtaHiii»H«<i« 

it^tiieeica|iaof a^'eelestiaUkijrsafarti^ oBoamagiim^^ 
bBtitwnii«^uixtilei|^7m»ttEfcermrd^ Begrf^K 

esoaedhq^ sloUul. eKpauQcntor at Bttgemo^^who/lMid'cift- 
aaoned with' great aoouaojibeiiwRnKof im^ dnagitliei 
c&kaiaiioBoi lead, tinaiidaiiiinuniy^ainuaaad the impoviBst* 
mnlt that the incEeasd'of weight was to4»rjHttritnited to1te> 
BOOOBaian of. air to the laetaUic oah^. aaying^/^ JaiicBjpontti 
dki sQBsticsis gl.erictiManent.qiie.ce. svnmftt dA p»ide» vie^A 
cb rairqai'dai» le vase a €si^ eofesti/f (•*•) . 

Men had Tiov. entered oatbe path* itiaA vtt ie oootet. 
t^.tiie Ghemistiy^of ourdagfie^ and throqghaiiq the hno ehdyfi ' 
of* a {^Bat^aosmieal^pheiioBwnoBi the oonmctiDiihetireeR tiM . 
QKjrgen. of the atiBGqphere.aQd the lifesef jlkmlm^i .Bukifai::! 
oombuiiiioii^of idcas'udiich ii€&t pieaoitedatsdf.. tD^diatavri 
gmshdlmeaTnasorasingnkrljoomidieatediDBtii]^^ Homutk^ 
tiw- e&d o£ the 17th omtuxy^theee Btosa^r-obBGiarAjimiitt 
Hoebe in hss Mierographia (1665)>.Biidmom)dktui0il]r«Mi> 
M^w (lB69;).and.WiUis (1671),-^bd[kl m 
oliidAm^aeridLpBaiiJelee^ (0|8iitu»iiitoo-aeix«s>{)ahiii^^ 
8iao)« — identical . with those* wfaidi.are fixed in sattpjotiev-^ 
coartaanediin the anr aadicomtituthig th»>nBce8sasy eonditioi 
ofioombuatioR. '^ li irasrsiajtod that the]ffBfciTirtioi»jof >flai» 
in a close space does not take pieee Jnxiii<the air hmg ovet^ 
sHtuiiat^. iifithiVBpaiHB^pKDceeding. £bqhi iho.biitiiixig bodfi 
faat^that thiari extinetioii is aooneqpMfiee of the entire hIn 
seipitiaii of the nikcKaficial partidlie (^^qnnkm-iiutro^aeteHi^)! 
\dbdGhs the "air at fix&t' contained/' The anddeiDijr incfeesMd^ 
g(ew whfiia mdltiiig sal^tire (emittiiDg. osgrgeii) ia«lmral:> 
nfien.the ooab) aaod the exudaiicst.ol sattpBte amobaftwiito 
in oontad; iiith the atmoa^berc, appear taUise4X>ndi||^ t#''' 
this oji^ob; Acpoiding to Magroir^ tfaer* jespiratieaiiHi^''^'' 

aiupafl^ (i\ Tdudt. titfis prndiuthm^ofr BmiridL hoeit^ md' the* 
cttwremoR . o£' Uaek into^ radi hkiai! Bon^ the result^ thev 
pnneaaie of] nomliiigHon^ afncbtba wldintioniortDet&l^ aa»; 
aUidblW«kmtl(HLthfflftiiitK)<rgttidpn^^ ' 

ittv tbgr wrtiphl^wtioi diBnniito)r> fhef "ph^'neady iiie'part afi' 
oxjtgeiL ISifi. OiutibiidjFdonbtmgilldMtrSojieore^^ 
thiii'>tiiA;pioatiiQe of Bawuii$in:,ciaialliAm[ii^ 
isbsao0a9«q^ta<ih§ prMM8'<^ ccmduattivf but imtiXBMinedl 
tmoartaui MNto)]t&«mtroiLS«iis(ii]re. 

Oxjgenwasto Hooke and Mi^ofifv con ideal:: objeot or*»i 
fiflti»ftto£ thatTmagJTiiitioiit . Tbsiafiate'clieimistraiQdir 
pkjvioWgist Hdoi^ hulfl&S^&ntusam' oxygen; emape* as'gw^ 
iuiiatg&v^a&ti&ft'&Qia the lead: whieh> Ue^ caloaned/ undea^'* 
aoa ^istfiOBi&iiesiki; He mm * tba^ gM* eMa;)e> . hub mthout: esu^ > 
aminnig ita nature otr reiBatkii^ the vividneas ofi tfae> ffioherv 
o«aw<niad Iqr ii». HaleB did mA. dime the importanee. o£:: 
ther^snbrtanna whioh he. had prodttcedi/ Hb ^fid'evolotioh: 
cL.hgjxb in.h0die&.bimdnginot)^»i audits propartfes^v 
vKSfo. djieoovejeed^.as laa^r) belief e quite iad)qie9daiitl^.(^^)* 
—hy Enestle]! ia 177&.1774»,,hy.Saheeldiu U74.17,7S^;ttid^ 
by? I^Toisier aDdiTradaine mll^&t 

Xhe^QornxBeaoBiDeiri^iaft pnemn^c eheinis^ havt faeeft. 
tottcbednpoii^iB^ these, ]^^^ iaitbdr hifitoiic roonneelio^y j 
becau8e9,liIi£.theifeeUa.beg^aaing^ of. eleotrie setenee^.theyi' 
prq[)fU3ed<thfi wagf, £Qarihe.eiilai^^.vi6W8^ vhiob the aueeeed^ 
iiigrceiLtui]r.baabeea.abk.toicnm of tiia.oomtitiitieitfof ther 
atnvowphece^ ajd of. its;iQ£teoxQl(^oalri^ations. The' idfiar> 
ol ^^ficaUj-distiiusttgpsea. was iierer. pacfBetlj;^ dear, ta^' 
thofifj^ sereateeiKthtc^toxyrpcadaced tbesa^ gases*. 
Men. b^^. ag^-^ to attnbste, tbtf diffeieaoe. heiwG&a 
atmoapherio su>.a&d.the ineapicabiey li^^t^extingushiiig^ ,ovv 


iBflammable gaseis^ exclusively to the admixture of certem 
yaponrs. Black and Cavendisli first shewed in 1766 tkt 
<»rbonic acid (fixed air) and hydrogen (combnstible air) tn 
specifically distinct aeriform fluids. So long had the ancient 
b^ef in the elementary simplicity of the atmoisph^e impeded 
the progress of knowledge. The final investigation of the 
chemical composition of the atmoisphere, by a most accurate 
determination of the quantitative relations of its constitooit 
parts by Boussingault and DumaSj is one of the bnlHsrit 
points of modem meteorology. 

The extension of physical and chemical knowledge^ whicli 
has been here described in a fragmentary manner^ oonld not 
lemain without influence on the early progress of Geolc^* 
A great part of the geological questions with the solution of 
which our age is occupied^ were stirred by a man of tli^ 
most comprehensive knowledge, the great Danish anatomist 
Nicolaus Steno (Stenson) in the service of the Grand Diie 
of Tuscany, by an English physician Martin Idsier, and by 
*' Newton's worthy rival,'' {^^) Bobert Hooke. Steno's 
Merits in reject to the superposition of rocks have been de- 
veloped by me more fully in another work. {^^) Previously 
to this period, and towards the end of the fifteenth centuiy, 
Leonardo da Yinci, probably in laying out the canals in 
Lombardy which cut through alluvium and tertiary strata,— 
Ibracastoro in 1517, on the occasion of seeing rockv strata 
eontaining fossil fish accidentally uncovered at Monte Bolca 
near Verona,— and Bernard Palissy in his investigations 
Fespecting fountains,— had recognised the traces of a foraoer 
oceanic world of animal life. Jjconardo, as if with the pre- 
sentiment of a more philosophical division of animal forms, 
terms the shells '' animali che hanno rosea di f?ion'/' Steno, 


in his work on the sobstaiices caatamed in rocks, (de 
Solido intra Solidum natHraliter contento) (1669)^ distin^ 
goishes ''rocky strata (primitive f), hardened before the 
existence of plants and animals^ and, therefore, never con- 
taining organic remains, from sedimentaiy strata (turbidi 
maris sedimenta sibi invicem imposita), which alternate with 
each other and cover those other strata first spoken of. All 
deposited strata containing fossils were originally horizontal. 
Their inclination has arisen partly from the outbreak of sub- 
terranean vapours which the central heat (ignis in medio 
terr^) produces, and partly by the giving way of lower sup* 
porting strata. (*^) The valleys are the result of the falling 
in, consequent on the removal of support/' 

Steno's theory of the formation of valleys is that of Deluc^ 
whereas Leonardo da Vinci, {^^^) like Cuvier, considers the 
valleys as formed by the action of running water. In. the 
geological character of the ground in Tuscany, Steno thought 
he recognised revolutions which must be attributed to six 
great natural epochs, (sex sunt distinctse Etrurise facies, ex 
pnesenti fiide Etruri® collect®) : at" six recurring periods 
the sea had broken in, and after continuing for a long time 
to cover the interior of the country, had withdrawn again 
within its ancient limits. Steno did not, however, regard 
all petrifactions as belonging to the sea; he distinguishes 
between pelagic and ]5resh-water petrifactions. SciQa, in 
1670, gave drawings of the petrifactions or fossils of 
Galabria and Malta : our great zoologist and anatomist 
Johannes Mtiller has recognised among the latter the oldest 
drawing of the teeth of the gigantic Hydrarchus of Alabama 

(the Zeuglodon Cetoides # Owen), a maminal of the great 
VOL. n. 2 a 


or^er of the Cetaceee: (*^) the crown of these, ieetbia,. 
formed like those of seals. , 

Lister, as early as 1678, made, th^ important .atatemett^n 

that each kind of rock is chara^terjise^ by itS',own fossils>..^ 

and that "the species pf Muirej;, 3?ellina.and Trochus^v which v 

are found in the quarries of Nortbamptonahire, do^ indeed,. -r 

resemble those of the present, sea> but when clQ^ely ^xammed-^ 

are found to differ from ..themo . "They ,a^e/^.he.8aid^>^ 

" specifically different." (*^^) In the. then imperfect, state, d n 

descriptive morphplggy, strict proc^ of the jos^nesa of these.- i 

grand anticipations or conje.ctu];ea QQuld,not indeed be giveiL.< 

We here pomt.ont an early dawning, and sooa extinguished. - 

light, anterior to the great paleontojlQgicsd.labomra of Cuviar^^ 

and Ale^an^der Brongniart which have ^v^ a, new farm t» 

the geology of the sedimentary. . forma^on^, r^?^®) JJistec,-^ 

attentive to the regular succes^on of strajta. in England, ^was . 

the first who felt the want ;oC geological. maps.. ...Althou^-^ 

these phenomena in their. co^ucKion with ancient inundations, f 

(single or repeated) attracted interest and attention,. and,-- 

mingling together .belief and knowledge, produced in > 

England the '^ systems" ^f Jlay,.Woodward,.'Burnet; .ajadt 

Whiston^ yet, from the entire. Tifant,of mineralogieaL dis- ^ 

tinetion of the constituent parts. of compound. rocks, all that * 

relates to the crystalline and massive eruptive rocks and : . 

their transformations remained unstudied* • JSTotwithstanding > 

the assumption jof, a central heat in the. globe, earthquakea^' r 

th^mal springs, and volcanic eruption^, were not regarded \ 

a^^ the resiilts of the reaction of the planet against, its • 

external crust, but were ascribed to such small local r causes^ '^ 

as, for example^ the spontaneon^ ^mbnstion of bedsvol . 

-.'1 • /_ . f • > . . > 


. ■ :" .-.-; .:'.'. . ' /••> •'):.-. • - ' ' >'>-■• ' = 
pyrites. Even ^^cpfBnmeQts madeia. sport by Lemery in the 
year .1700 ex^^rted :a.jk)iig-(y>l|tmaed Muence^ (^ volcaoie 
th^rief^ although th^pe spjlght have beezi raised to 'more 
general views by the imaginatiye Protogsea of Leibnitz 
(1680). . . ; o ... 

ThePtotogs^jWj^jcVissometixnesmo^ poetic tiian the 
many .metrical attempts of theifame philosopher which have 
recenl^ly been brought to. li^t^ (^^) , teaches the scori&- 
cation of the cayemotis^ . glowing^ and onee self4mninons 
cacust.ot the earth j-^tbe gradual cooling of the heat- 
radiating surface pn¥.eloped> in vapours ;t-Hthe condensa- 
tioQ,and precipitation into, water,. of the gradually cooled 
atn^^sphereof vapour >— the lowering of: the /sea by the 
sinlfing of its waters into internal hollows. in Itfae earthf<-^ 
and finally tij^e falling in of, these caves or hollows causing 
the inclination of the strati^. The physical part of these 
wild fancies offers some traito which^ to the adh^ents of our 
modem ^and eveiy way more advanced geological science, 
wiU. not appear dtpg^ther deserving of lejediion. Such are, 
the transference of heat in the intericH: of the globe/ and 
the cooling by radiation from the surface; the existence of 
an atmosphere of vapour; the pressure exerted by these 
vapours upon the strata during their, consolidation ; and the 
double origin of the masses as either fused and solidified or 
precipitated from. the waters. The typical character and 
mineral differences of rocks, i, e. the associations of cer-> 
tain subataoces, chiefly ^stalline, xecurring in the most 
distant regions of the earth, are as little spoken of in the 
Protogeea as in Hookers gelgnostical views. In the last 
named writer, also, physical speculations on the operation 
of subterranean forces in earthquakes, in the sudden eleva- 


tion of the bottom of the sea and of coast districts^ oad in 
the fonnation of monntains and islands^ predominate. The 
nature of the organic remains of the ancient world even led 
Hooke to form a conjecture that the Temperate 2k)ne most 
once have enjoyed the temperature of a tropical climate. 

We have still to speak of the greatest of all geognostical 
phenomena^ the Mathematical Figure of the Earthy in 
which we recognise as in a mirror the primitive condition of 
fluidity of the rotating mass^ and its solidification into the 
present form of the terrestrial spheroid. The figure of the 
earth was sketched theoretically in its general outlines 
at the end of the seventeenth century^ although the 
numerical ratio of the polar and equatorial diameters was 
not assigned with accuracy. Ficard's measurement of a 
degree^ executed with measuring instruments which he had 
himself improved (1670), is the more deserving of regard, 
because it first induced Newton to resume with renewed zeal 
the theory of gravitation, which he had already discovered 
in 1666 and had subsequently neglected : it ofiered to that 
profound and successful investigator, the means of demon- 
strating the manner in which the attraction of the earth 
maintained in her orbit the moon impelled onw.ard by the 
centrifagal force. The much earlier recognised fact of the 
flattening of the poles of Jupiter (**®) had, it is supposed, 
led Newton to reflect on the cause of such a departure from 
sphericity. The experiments on the length of the seconds' 
pendulum made at Cayenne by Richer in 1673, and on the 
west coast of Africa by Varin, had been preceded by others 
less decisive (***) made in London, Lyons, and Bolognat, 
including a difierence of 7° of latitude* The decrease of 
gravity from the pole to the equator, which had long been 


denied even by Picard, was now generally admitted. Newton 
recognised the compression of the earth at the poles as a 
result of its rotation : he even ventured^ upon the assump- 
tion of homogeneity of mass^ to assign the amount of the 
compression. It remained for the comparison of degrees 
measured in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries under 
the equator^ near the North Pole^ and in the temperate zones 
of both hemispheres, to furnish a more correct deduction of 
the mean compression, or the true figure of the earth. As 
has already been remarked in the Picture of Nature in the 
jBrst volume of the present work, {^^) the existence of the 
compression announces of itself what may be termed the 
most ancient geognostical event, viz. the state of general 
fluidity of the planet, and its progressive solidification. 

We commenced the description of the great epoch of 
Galileo and Kepler, Newton and Leibnitz, with the dis- 
coveries made in the celestial spaces by the aid of the newly 
invented tel6scope ; we terminate it with the figure of the 
earth as then recognised from theoretical considerations. 
*' Newton attained to the explanation of the system of the 
Universe, because he succeeded in discovering the force {^^) 
of whose operation the Keplerian laws are the necessary 
consequences, and which could not but correspond to the 
phenomena, sruce those laws corresponded to and foretold 
them.'' The discovery of such a force, the existence of 
which Newton has developed in his immortal work, the 
Principia, (which may be regarded as a general theory of 
Nature), was almost simultaneous with that of the In- 
finitesimal Calculus, wliich opened the way to new mathe- 
matical discoveries. The work of the intellect shews itself 
in its most exalted grandeur, where, instead of requiring 


• • r - •• •• 

the aid of outward material means^ it receives its li^t 
exdnsiv-dy from the pore dbdt^:^t{ou of thie matUematxcal 
developmmt of ilhoQght.> Th^e dwdls ii ^pdwerfol chscfm, 
deeply Idt and acknowledged in'^- femtiqtilly, in the don- 
templatioii of mathemtitioal timlSiB;^ in the .eternal telUitfos 
of time and space, as thiey dlsdloi^ the^ilelyesr in hannodis, 
numbers, and lines. i^\' Th^ improvement 'of an In- 
tellectual instrument of reseatteh-^-^^'aiialyisisf^'has powerfdlf 
* .promoted and advanced HbAt *lnutttd fruelSficatioxi 'of' ide^ 
. which is no less> importanft thlia- th^ir aibimdaait^ produdiaiL 
It has opened te us ne^ regiohfe of ihtttettiieless 'iexteilt m 
. the )^i5nsic8a -contemplatidii 'fel fee'UtiiveWe^bbtli' in h 
terrestrial and edestial is^here^, id the tidSl fltictuationd i)f 
the Ocean, as well as in the periodic perturbatidiis of tb 

L 4 ' A • ' « 




"^Refcrospectiye ^ View" W'^tlie Epochs ot^ Periods ' wliich have been 
' siioeessk6lj'e<ttdidered:^*^]Mtiettce^of Eitcirnal' Eveiits on' *3Le 
De^dbprnfent of the ReMgnitibn of >1ih^ Unrrefb^ a^ alffhok:-^ 
Wide and varied Sooj^ land dlose nJdtual Connexion of the 
Scientific Endeavours of modem times.—The Histoiy of the 
Physical Sciences gradually becomes coincident with that of the 

»I APPEQACH ihetemuoatioH of a coQipeheofiive and hasdrdous 
.undertaking. JAore than two thousand. years hate been 
, /passed in review, . from .the earliest state of intellectual eolti- 
.yation amo|\g the nations who dwelt round the basin of the 
.Mediterranean and in tho fertile river distriets of Western 
,Asia,.to^ period the viewa and fedings of whidi pass by 
..almost imperc^ptiblo shades into tihose of our own age. I 
/kaye sought to present the histojy of < the gradually developed 
.knowledge and< recognition of the Universe as a whole/in 
r^even. distinctly maflced sections, oraait>were in a series of 
.AS many distinotipictuses. Whether any measure of success 
^has attended this att^fit io maintam in thdr due stlbor* 
:dination fthe /mass ofaeetmttiktdd makeriials, to seize the 
idiaracter of therleadiQg'QpoGhs, and to 'mark th<B paths in 
whidiideas and < civilisatioia }biiye b^to conducted '<»r(fardiB, 


cannot be determined by him who, with a just mistrost of 
his remaining powers^ knows only that the type of so great 
an undertaking has floated in dear, though general, ontlineB 
before his mental eye* 

In the early part of the section occupied by the epoch of 
the Arabians, in beginning to describe the powerful influence 
exerted by the blending of a foreign element with European 
civilisation, I detenmned the period firom which the history of 
the Cosmos becomes coincident with that of the physical sci- 
ences. According to my conception, an historical view of tbe 
gradual extension of natural knowledge, both in its terreslzial 
and celestial sphere8,is connected with definite epochs, or with 
certain events which have exerted a powerful intellectuaL influ- 
ence within definite geographical limits, and which impart to 
those epochs their peculiar character and colouring. Such wen 
the enterprises which conducted the Greeks into the Euxise, 
and led them to anticipate the existence of another sea shore 
beyond the Phasis, — ^the expeditions to the tropical lands 
which famished gold and incense ; — ^the passage throng 
the Western Straits into the Atlantic Ocean, and the opening 
of that great maritime, highway of nations on which wefe 
discovered at widely separated intervals of time, Ceme and 
the Hesperides, the Northern Tin and Amber Islands, the 
Yolcanic Azores, and the New Continent of Columbus south 
of the ancient Scandinavian settlements. The movements 
which proceeded from the basin of the Mediterranean, and 
from the northern extremity of the neighbouring Arabim 
Gulf, and the voyages to the Euxine and to Ophir, are 
followed in my historic description by the military expedi- 
tions of the Macedonian conqueror,. and his attempt to fnse 
together the nations of the West and of the East^ — ^by the 


operation of the Indian maritime commerce^ and of the 
Alexandrian Institute nnder ihe Lagidse; — ^by the Boman 
Universal ij^pure nnder the Caesars; — and by the epoch of 
the Arabians^ iiom whose attachment to the study of nature 
and of her powers, and especially to astronomical and 
mothemiatical knowledge, and to practical chemistry, great 
benefits were derived. The series of external events which 
suddenly enlarged the intellectual horizon, stimulating men 
to the research of physical laws, and animating them to the 
endeavoiur to rise to the ultimate apprehension of the 
Universe as a Whole, closed, according to my view, with 
those geographical discoveries, — ^the greatest ever achieved,— 
which placed the nations of the Old Continent in possession 
of ah entire terrestrial hemisphere till then concealed. Prom 
thenceforward, as we have already remarked, the human 
Meet prodices great resolte, no longer from the indte- 
ment of external events, but through the operation of its 
own internal power ; and this simultaneously in all directions^ 
Nevertheless, amongst the instruments which men formed 
for themselves, constituting as it were new organs augment- 
ing their powers of sensuous perception, there was one 
which acted like a great and sudden event. By the space- 
p^etrating power of the telescope, a considerable portion of 
the heavens was explored as it were at once ; the number of 
known celestial bodies was increased, and their form and 
orbits began to be determined. Mankind now first entered 
on the possession of the "celestial sphere*' of the Cosmos. 
It appeared possible to found a seventh section of the history 
^of the physical contemplation of the Universe, on the 
-importance of these occurrences, and on the unity of the 


. ead^vonrs whic];! the enp[plopientjof jibe (;e)^90Qpe ealkd 

^ forth. If we . isompare^ "with the jdisc^v^ :of J^ithj^^ti^ 

jn^trument, jmotbet, great :4ia(fly«B7, b(Blppigipg :tth » -yery 

. recent period^-T-that> ol,jJbe.ypitfdq^^,TT-:«#delie^jpiAa^(« 

irjtuch it })aA exei;c^sed,.9^ .the ji^geoi^^ d&^ifp-^etfiffi 

theoi7A-~K>n the.prodbctiDi;! of .the. iq^^lg of |]iQi|S9if^f9iid 

.alkalies,p-;«nd on. ihe, long^ aoqght |4i^fei7:.of ,jd«fit»- 

.j3aagn^ti$anj-TFe aifiive aij a.^fs of ^phenoiJieiis^ c^ 

^ forth at will,, which. fDj.fla^iyi^wctipps^,^ d^X i^to 

the l^Qwle^ otl^e dcai^fn of ;^%pQi!reprspf mJpret^ 

J whick inay,, rather ,^fj^. to jfopa. a f&f^r^ ,i% tfee im^M 

the f l^yri^,.Sfci^Qp,.tl^p^.tQ, j>eto^^ 

^x^tions..whi(^^ m 

J»PffS^' .7^^OT,,th59ggh,$|ie.ffle^ 

jpt^ec)fcual .pro^ ^t f 1^ js^ jB(ipeflm% 

^ Jor ,.oj^e [jsegfibki of hiiowp %i)k|9i jj^^,v^ i^^t^tNOK *o 
^ja:pUQijjipe.op(thei^^ l^lieeN»))kii9KiB 

j^Qfjih^e,8p . 

[^ th^ ;fiiBtoxi<»^ .^Q^^fi^oDs, |df9Gri3^ §til|e lindiir 
^^p^jK^i 9f pipr jytfca^ I :h%Ye^[j|i.#lm<|^iilll(«M^ 

JDfli^irt*^ the ][^^t «^egf^,<)f 4qy#1q99^ ^jbo -iirfiiA 'thflf 



designed to famish towards the ebiddatioii of the seaeral ' 

picture of ndture. contaaned in the first volume, those 
reisults of observation oil which the present state of our 
Scientific opinions is ^ ^riiicipilly fourid^. ' ^^ubh,. which 


according to ofher tiews than mine of the compontion of 

book of nattire' may have appeared wanting^ will there 

find its place. Excited by the brilliancy of new discoveries^ 

' and fed with hopes of which the delusiveness is pften not 

discovered t01'kt6^ every age dreams that it has approached 

hear to th^ culminaling point of ikt knowledge cmd compre- 

hensioii of hatui^'. I doubt wheiher npon serious reflection 

such a belief will really appear to enhance the enjoyment pf 

^the present. A more aniinatiii£r conviction, and one more 

'suitable to the idea of^tinies of bur race. is. that the 

'possesfsionS yet achieved are but a very inconsiderable 

•^portion' Of thos6 which, in the advance of activity and of 

' general cultivatioh, mankind m .their' freedom will attain m 

'succeeding ages. ' In the unfading connection and course 9f 

events, every successful investigation becomes a step, to the 

•attainment of something beyond. •' ••" ' ' 

That which has especiaUy promote^ the grogrjBss of 

vour, Hot to limit bui: regards to that which has been jusft 

"achieved, but to te&t rigidly by weight and measure all earlifar 

-as well to inore receni acquisitions ; to distmguish between 

Inere inferences from analogies,' and certain knowledge,; 



'telluric powers or forces of nature, geology, iemd the study qf 

858 XETBOSPXCfr of ths pbincipal epochs 

antiquity. The generalitj of this method of criticism has 
especially contributed to shew on each occasion the boim- 
daries of the several sciences^ and to discover the weaikness 
of certain systems, in which unfounded opinions or con- 
jectures assume the place of facts, and symbolising myths 
present themselves as grave theories. Vagueness of lan< 
guage, and the transference of the nomenclature of one 
science to another, have conducted to erroneous views and 
delusive analogies. The progress of zoology was long 
endangered by its being believed that, in the lower classes 
of animals, all the vital actions must be attached to organs 
similar in form to those of the highest classes; and tbe 
knowledge of the development of vegetation in what have 
been called the Giyptc^mic Cormophytes (mosses, liver- 
worts, ferns and lycopodiums), or in the still lower Thallo- 
phytes (sea weeds, liclifins and fungi) has been still moze 
obscured, by the expectation of finding everywhere analo- 
gies to the sexual propagation of the animal kingdom. (^^) 
If art and poetry, dwelling within the magic circle of the 
imagination, belong rather to the inner powers of the mind^— 
the extension of knowledge, on the other hand, rests bj 
preference on contact with the external world; and this 
contact becomes closer and more varied as the iuterconrse 
between different nations increases. The creation of new 
organs or nstruments of observation augments the intel- 
lectual, and often also the physical powers of man. More 
rapid than light, the closed electric current now carries 
thought and will to the remotest distance. Forces, whose 
silent operation in elementary nature, as well as in the 
delicate cells of organic tissues, still escapes the cognizance 



of our senses^ will one day become known to ns; and called 
into the service of mam, and awakened by him to a b'gher 
degree of activity, will be induded in a series of ircieSmte 
extent, through the medimn of which, the subjection of the 
different domains of nature, and the more vivid understanding 
of the Universe as a Whole, are brpxight continTzally nearer. 




(f) p. 4.«<-Koimds, BcL i. S. 50 (EngHdi eSA&m^ ToL i p. 43). 

(^ p. 5.«-^ee mj Beklaon loBtorique da Voyage anz BAgioiiB ^gnm. T* L 
p. 208. 

^ p. B.^J)ttBA»^ Porg. i 85—28 1 

" €k>d0r parevft il ckl di lor fiuiimeiQ«f 
settentrional vedofo atto^ 
Poi che priyato se' di mirar qaene* 

(*) p. e.-^-SduQer'B Bammtiiche'WerkB, 1826, Bd. xfiii. S. 281, 478, 480, 
and 486 ; Gerviniis, nenere Gesch. der po«t National-Iittentiir der Benl* 
aehea, 1840, Bd. i. S. 185; Adolph Becker im GhazikkB, Th. i. S. 219. 
Compare therevnih Edward MoUer uber Sophokleiaehe NatnraiiaoliBniiiig, 
vnd die tiefe Natorempfindimg der Griechen, 1842, S. 10 imd 20. 

(*) p. 7.— Sohxuiase, Geschiohte der bfldenden Knoute bei den Alfteii, Bd. 
u. 1843, S. 128—188. 

(^ p. 8. — VhA. da £1. apod Belplioa, c. 0. Compare on: a passage of 
ApoQonins Dyseolna of Alexandria (Mirab. Hist e. 40), Otfidecl MiiUar^ 
last work, Geseli. dor griedi. littentnr, Bd. i 1845, S. 81. 

(7) p. 8.— Hesiodi C^ra el Bias, t. 602, 561 ; GkHtHng, in Hea. Carm. 
1831, p. zix. ; miid, Gesch. der hellenischen Dichtknnst, Th. L 1885, S. 387 ; 
Beni}tardy> Grondiiss der grieoh. litterahir, Th. ii. S. 176 ; Gottfiied Has 
inann (Opuscnla, VoL vL p. 289) remarics, that Hesiod's pietoresqae dweri^ 
lion of ivinter has all the indieationB of gieat antiquity. 

(^ p. 8.— Hes. Theog. t. 238-— 264. Hay not the name of the Nereid 
Jlata (Od. li 326; XL xfiii. 48) express the phosj^uoio flashing of the evr 

VOL. n. 2 b 

^ I 

{i K0TE8. 

face of (lie Mft, as the lanie name, Matpa, eipniaea Ha ^ericlbg dog-ris 

(*) p. 8.-*Caoipare JaoolM» Lsben nnd Kimst der Alten, i AMIi. iS.nL 

n P- 9.-»-Iliaa> tuL 555*559; ir. 453-*465; li 115--199. Gobi. 
pare alao the aocomiilated but animated deacriptioiia taken from tibe amiiil 
world which precede the review of the army, ii. 458-— 475. 

C^) p. 10.— Od. ziz. 431—445; vi 290; ix. U5— 199. Compan fhe 
Myerdant oTcmihadowing grove" near Calypso's cave, ''fdifreaaimisartd 
mi^ liogor with admiration, and gaze with cordial ddight," ▼• 55— -78 ; tb 
breakers at the Pheaeian Islands, t. 400—442 ; and the gardens of Alcmoua^ 
Tii. 118 — 180. On the Teroal dithyrsmbus of Pindar, see Bockh, Piadan 
Opera. T. ii. P. ii. p. 675—579. 

(^ p. 11. — (Ed. Kolon, T. 668—719. Amongst descriptions of sceociy 
disclosing, a deep feeling for nature, I would instance those of Gtlueron, 
Jaihe BacohiBB of Emipides, y. 1045, when the messenger emerges from the 
vaUey of Asopos (see Leake, Northern Greece, VoL ii^ p. 370) ; of thesnmise 
in the Ddphic valley, in the Ion of Emipides. t. 82 ; and the ptctuie, m 
gloomy colours, of the aspect of the sacred Delos, '^soiroimded by hoveriag 
sea-galls, and scourged by the stormy waves" in Callimachns^ in the Hynui 
on Delos. t. 11. 

C^ p. 11.— rAccording to Strabo (Lib. vili. p. 866, Casanb.), vAen he 
accuses the tragedian of giving to Elis a boundary geograpMcally incorreei 
.This fine passage of Euripides is from the Oresphontes. The description of 
.the exodknce of the country of Messenia is closely connected with the expo- 
ntion of political circumstances <tiie division of the terxitfffy among ths 
^eradidesy. Here, therefore, as Bockh has well remained, the description d 
nature is connected with human a&irs. 

(^) p. 18.— Meleagri Beliqeis, ed. Hanso, p. 6. Compare Jacobs, Lebea 
mid Kunst der Alten, Bd. i. Ahth. i. S. xr. ; Abth. ii. S. 150 — 190. Zeno- 
betti, in the middle Of the eighteenth century, supposed himself the first 
jfisoovem of Meleager*fi poem on the Spang (MeL Gadareni in Ver Idylfioa, 
;X759« p. 5). See Bnmckii A»al T. iii p. 105. There are two fine lyhva 
.poems by Maiiauos.Sn Hie Anthol. Grseca, ii. 511 and 512. Meieago's 
•poetry is strongly contrasted with the praises of spring in tiie Eclogues of 
fiimerius, a sophist and teadier of rhetoric in Athens under Julian. TUtt 
dyle of Himsrius is generally ornate, and cold, but in particular peris, and 
-especially in his form of description, he sometimes comes very near the modern 
manner of contemplating the umverse. Himerii Sophistae £cl<^ ti Dedt- 


KOTES; in 

iiiati<mes, cd. Wemsdor^ 17dO (Ontio lii. 8—6, and xzL 5). iThe magmfi- 
oent situation of Constantinople could not inspire the soplnsts (Oral. vii. 6— 7» 
md xvi. 3 — 8). The passages oi Nonnus refened to in the text are found in 
ma^p. ed. Petri Cunsel, 1610, lib. ii. p. 70; vi. p. 109; zriii. p. 16 and^ 
610 ; xx«i* p. 694. Compare also Oawarofl^ Nonnos von Panqpofis^ der 
Kckter, 1817, S. %, 16 und 21. 

(») p. 13.~iE3iam Vae. Hist, et f!ragm. lib. iii. eap. i. p. 180, Knhn. 
Compare A, Bnttmann^ QosBst de Dicsearcho, Namnb. 1882, p. 82, and 
Geogr. gr. min. ed. Gail. Vol. ii. p. 140 — ^145. We find in the tragie poet 
Cheeremon, a remarkable love of nature, and espeeiaDy a fondness for flowers, 
whieh Sir William Jones- has noticed as resembling that of the Indian poets: 
lee Welcker, griechische Tragodien, AbtL iii. S. 1088. 

0^ p. 14.--Longi Bistoralia (Daphnis et C^iloe, ed. Seikr, 1843), Lib. i. 
0; iii. 12; and iv. 1—8; p. 92, 125, and 187. See. Yillemain ear les 
romans grecs, in hiA Melanges de lattkaturei, T. ]i« p, 435—448, where 
Longns is compared with Bemardin de St-Pierre. 

f^ p. 14.— Psendo-Aristot. de Mundo, e. 8, 14—20, p. 892, Bekker. 
(») p. 14.— See Stahr's Aristoteles bei den Bomon, 1834, S. 173—177; 
and Osami, Beitrage zur griech. irad rom. litteratnigesc^ichte, Bd. i. 1835, 
S, 165 — 192. Stahr coijeetures (S. 172), as does Heumann, that the pre- 
sent Greek is an altered version of the Latin text of Appuleius. The latter 
says distinctly (De Mundo, p. 250, Bip.), *' that in the oomposition of hit 
w(H*k he has kept in view Aristotle and Theophrastus.'^ 

(^ p. 14. — Osann, Beitrage sur grieeh, und roitt. Litterstorgesdbichtab 
Bd. i. S. 194—266. 

(^ p. 14.-^Cicero de Natura Deomm, ii. 87 ; a passage, in which Sextoa 
Empiricus (Adversus Physicos, lib. ix. 22, p. 554, Fabr,) adduces an expre^ 
fpon of Aristoiie'a ta the same effect, deserves the more attention, because he 
has aUnded a short time before (ix. 20) to another lost work, on divination 
and dreams. 

P) p. 15.— "Aristotdes flomen oratiouB aturenm fimdens" (Cic. Acad. 
Qosest. ii. cap. 38.) (Compare Stahr, in Aristotelia. Th. ii. S. 161; and in 
Ajristotdes bei den Bomem, S. 53.) 

(^ p. 16.«-M6nandri Bhetoris Comment, de Encomiis, ex rec. Heeren, 
1785, $ i- cap. 5, p. 38 and 39. The severe critic terms the didactic poem 
on Nature a "frigid" (^^vxp^frc/wy) composition, in which the forces of nature 
•re brought forward divested of their personality ; Apollo is light, Hera the- 
whole of the pheenomeoa of the atmospliere^ and Joye is heat. Plutarch als^ 


ndiailM ibe io-cdkd po«M «f nature, wliieK bavt 00)7 Uie mere extenal 
form o£ poetrj (De And. Pott p. 87, Stcph.) The Stagirite (De Fbet. e. 1) 
aonnden finpedodei ntlier a physiologirt than a poet, having noOung ii 
eommcmwiih Honer» axoept tha oeatore in whtdi his Tenes are written. 

(^ p. 16.-^" It masj aeem itnnge to endeavour to connect poctfy, nWi 
r^oicee alwaya in variety, form, and ooilonr, with those ideaa vrhich are moit 
limple and abstmae; Iruft it ia not the less coneet Poetiy, aaenoa^ ^bSjo- 
aophy, and historf , sie not in themidvea, and essentially, divided from eaA 
oQur i they sm nnited, either wban raan'a pariacolar stage of p ro greas |)aeei 
him in a state of unity, or where tiie true poetic mood lestotea faim to sadi a 
atate (Wilhehn Ton Hmnboldt, gesammette Werke, Bd. i 8. 9a--108. 
Compare also Bemhar^, rim. latterate, S. 215—918, and Priediiel 
Schlegel'a sammOiBhe Werke, Bd. i. 8. 108—110. CSoero (ad Qoai 
fratren, ii 11) indeed aaeiibesto Lneretins^ who Virgil, Ovid, and QnintBiai^ 
have praised so highly, mere art than creative talent (ingenimi^* 
(^) p. 17.— Lncrct. lib. ▼. V. 980—1456. 

(») p. 17.— Bato, Fhttdp. p. 830; Cicero de Jjtg, i. 5, 15, ii. 8^ 1-3. 
m. 8, 6 (compare Wagner, Comment Ferp. in Cle. de Ii%. 1804, p. 6); 
Cic. de Qratore, i. 7, 28 ^. 15 Ellendt). 

C^ p. 17* — See the exodkat work of Bndolph Abeken, Bectmr of the 
OymnawHrn at Osnafarudi, pnUishcd in 1835, nnder the title of Cicero in 
sonea Briefen, S. 481—434. The valnable hddition relative to Ciooo'i 
birthplace is by H. Abeken, the learned nepbew of the antbor, wbo wu 
formeily chaplun to the Fnusian embassy at Borne, and is now taking pait 
in the important Egyptian expedition of Lepsina. Bespecting. the place of 
Oieero'a birUi, see also Valeiy, Voy. hist, en Italic, T. iii. p. 421. 
(^ p. 18.— Cic. Ep. ad Atticnm, xii 9 and 15. 
(") p. 19.— The passages from Virgil adduced by Malte-Bnm (Annates to 
Voyages, T. iii. 1808, p. 235—266) as bdng actoal local descripti<mai rnody 
ahew that the poet was acquainted with the productiona cf different conntiia: 
HtBt he knew the saffiron of MonnlrTmohis, the incense of the Sabeans, tte 
trae names of several smdl rivers, and even the mephitic ▼aponie which n» 
from a cav€B» in the Apennines near Amsanctns. 

• f») p. 19,— Virg.fltog.i.856— 392,iu. 349^380; Jin. iii. 191—211, 
it. 246—251, iT. 522*^528, xii. 684—689. 

(») p. 20.— Kosmos, Bd. i S. 252 and 453 (En^ish edit. Vol 1 p.280i 
Note 280). As separate pictures of natnral scenes, compare Ovid, Met. l 
808—576, m. 155—164, iii 407—412, vii. 180—188, xv. 296—306; 

«tift lib. i. EL I, 60, iib. IH. M. 4, 49, EL 10, 15. £x Ponto, Iib.a 
Ep. 7 — 9. Kos8 has remarked, as being one of the rardy occurring instance* 
ttf individual pidnres rdaling to ft determinate locality, tiie pleasing descrip* 
lion of a fbnntain on Monnt Hymettns, beginning, ^'Estpropeporpnreob 
eolles florentis Hymrtti" {Orid de Arto Am. iii 687). The poet is describing 
Che fountain of KaUia, celebrated in antiquity, and consecrated to Aphrodite, 
Irhich issnes fofrth on the western side of Hymettns, which is otherwise very 
deficient in waters (see Boss, Letter to Professor Vnros, in the griechl 
medicin. Zeitschrift, June 1887.) 

(»»5 p. gO.-^TrbnHns, ed. Toss, 1811, Bleg. lib. i 6, 21—84; lib. iL \ 

(■*) p. !iO.— Incan, Phars. iii. 400—452 (VoL i p. 874—384, Weber.) 

(») p. 20.— Kosmos, Bd. 1. S. 298 (English edit. Vol i. p. 273). 

(>■) p, 21,— Idem. S. 455 (English edit. p. 436). The poem of LncOina, 
entitled .£tna, is very probably part of a longer poem on the remarkabk 
natond objects of the island of Sicily, and is ascribed by Wemsdorf U 
Comeilins Sevems. I would refer to some passages deserving of particnlat 
flttetttion : to the praises of general knowledge of nature considered as ''the 
fruits of the mind," ▼. 270^280; the kva currents, v. 360—370 and 
474—515 ; the eruptions of water at the foot of the volcano (P) v. 395 ; the 
Ibrmadon of pumice, v. 425 (p. xvl. — ^xx. 32, 42, 46, 50, and 55, ed. Jacob. 

^) p. 21.— Dedi Magni Aufeonii Mosella, v. 189—199 (p. 15 and 44, 
BScking.) Consult also v. 85 — 150 (p. 9-^12), the notice of the fish of the 
Mosdle, which is not unimportant as regards natural history, and has been 
niade use of by Valenciennes i and a pendant to Oppian (Bemhardy, griech. 
tatt. Th. ii. S. 1049). Tbid Orthinogonia and Theriaca of .Slmilius Macer of 
Verona, which were imitated from the works of the Colophonian Nicander, 
Imd which have not come down to us, a]so belonged to the same dry didactic 
dass of poems treating of natural productions. A natural description ot the 
tenth coast of Gaul, contained in a poem by Gandins Kntilius Numatianus, a 
statesman nndor Honorius, is more attractive than the Mosella of Ausonius 
Rutilius, driven from Bome by the irruption' of the Barbarians, is returning to 
his estates in GauL Unfortunately we possess only a fragment of the second 
book of the poem which gives a narrative of his travels ; and this leaves off 
tt the quarries of Carrara. Vide Rntilii Clandii Numatiani de Reditu suo (• 
Boma in Oalliam Narbonensem) libri duQ, rec. A. W. Zumpt, 1840. p. xv. 81, 

yi NOTES. 

and 219 (with a fine nwp Ij Kiepert) ; Wenudoif, Poete U. Min. T. ▼. fi 
I £. 125. 

C^ p. 22.^Tu. Amu. iL 2S, 24 ; Hist. ▼. 9. Tlw ovilj fragment wlucli 
we possess of the heroic poem in which Pedo AlfainofanaB, the friend of Ovid» 
sung the exploits of Oermanicin, which was presenred hy the riiefcor Seneca 
(Snasor. L p. 11, Bipont.)» also describes the mifortonate navigation on tiia 
Amisia (Ped. AlbinoT. El^^iie, Amst. 1703, p. 172). Seneca considers tins 
description of the stormy sea more picturesque than any thing which the 
Roman poets had produced; remarking, however, "LatinidecIaHiatoiesiA 
ooeani descriptionfi non ninus vigaerunt; nam ant tomide ecripsemnt aot 
euriose." • 

C") p. 22. — Curt, in Alex. Magno, vi 16 (see Broysen, Gesch. Alexanden 
des Grossen, 1833, S. 265). In Lucius Annseus Seneca (duiest. Natur. UlUi 
iii. c. 27—30, p. 677 — 686, ed. Lips. 1741), we find a remarkable descrip. 
tion of the destruction of mankind, once pure, but subsequently defiled by sin, 

by an almost universal deluge. " Cum fatalis dies dilnvii v^^erit, bis 

peracto ezitio generis humana exstinctisque paiiter fens in qnamm homines 
ingenia transierant." Compare the description of chaotic terrestrial ievoln» 
lions in the Bhagavata-Purana, Book iii. e. 17 (Bumouf, T. i. p. 441). 

p8) p. 23.— Plin. Epist. ii. 17, v. 6, ix. 7; Plin. Hist. Nat. xii. 6; HH 
Gesch. der Baukunst bei den Alten, Bd. ii S. 241, 291, and 376. The viDa 
Laurentina of the younger Pliny was situated near the present Tone di 
Patemo, in the coast valley of La Palombara, east of Ostia (see Viaggio di 
Ostia a la YiOa di PHnio, 1802, p. 9 ; and Le Lanrentin, par Haadelconrt» 
1838, p. 62.) A deep feeling for nature brea]cs forth in the few lines written 
by Pliny from Laurentinum to Minutius Fondanus : " Mecum tantum et com 
libellis loquor. Bectam sinceramque vitam! dulce otium honestumque! 
mare, o littus, verum secretumque (iravo'ccoy) ! quam multa invenitis, quam 
multa dictatisT' (i. 9.) Hirtwas persuaded that the beginning in Italy, 
in the 15th and 16th centuries, of the artificial style of gardening, which has 
long been termed the French style, and contrasted with the free? jftudscsp^ 
gardening of the English, is to be attributed to the desire of imitatf&g what 
the younger Pliny had described in his letters (Geschichte der "RAJiln^i^i^ bei 
den Alten, Th. ii. S. 366). 

ff) p. 24.— Plin. Epist. iii. 19 ; viu. 16. 

(*^ p. 24. — Suet, in Julio Csesare, cap. 66. The lost poem of Casaf 
(Iter.) described the journey to Spain, when he led his army to his hist mifr 
tary exploit firom Home to Cordova, by land, in twenty-four days, aooor£i^ 


to Saeiomiis> or in tweaty-feven days acoordfaig to Stnbo und Affptin. ; tlit 
xemams of Fompey's party, defeated in Africa^ having assembled in Spain. 

{^) p. 24.— Sil IteL Fanica, lib. iii. V. 477. 

(^ p. 24.- Idem. Lib. iv. V. 848 ; lab. viii. Y, 899. 

(^ p. 25.— See, on degiae poetry, Niool. Bach, In the aOg. Sdml-Zdtimg, 
1829, Abth. ii. No. 134, S. 1097. 

If*) p. 26.'— Minneii Felieis Oetavins, ex ne. Gfon. Roterod. 1748» oap^ 2 
and 3 (p. 12—28), cap. 16—18 (p. 151—171). 

(^) p. 26.— On the Death of Nancratins, about the year 857, see Baalii 
Mi^ 0pp. omnia, ed. Far. 1730, T. iii. p. xlr. The Jewish Essenes, two 
centuries before the Christian era^ led an anchoritic life on the western shores 
of the Dead Sea, "in interconrse with nature." Fliuy says of them (▼. 15), 
*'mira gens, soeia pabnarmni" The Therapentes dwelt originally more in 
conventual communities, in a pleasant district near Lake Moeris (Neander, 
allg< Geschichte der christL Beiigion nnd Kirche, Bd. i. Abth. i. 1842, S. 
73 and 103.) 

(^) p. 28.— Basilii M. Epst. zir. p. 93, Ep. eexziil p. 339. On the 
beautiM letter to Gr^ry of Narianzum, and on the poetic tone of mind of 
Saint Basil, see Yillemain de TMoquence chretienne dans le qnatrieme Si^e, 
in his Melanges historiquea et litt^raiies, T. iii. p. 320 — 325. The Iris, on 
the banks of whiah the fiimi|y of the great Basil had ancient possessions in 
land, rises in Armenia, flows through Fontus, and, after mingling with the 
waters of the Lycos, pours itself into the Bhiek Sea. 

(*0 p. 28. — Gregorius of Nazianzum was not, however, so much charmed 
with the description of the hermitage on the banks of the Iris, but that he 
preferred Arianzu8,in the Tiberina Begio, though termed, witiidissatiafiietion, 
by his Mend an impure fiapaBpor, See Basilii Ep. ii p. 70 ; and the Vita 
Sancti Bas., p. zlvi., and lix. in the edition of 1730. 

(^ p. 28. — ^Basilii Homil. in Heziem. vi., and iv. 6 (Bas. 0pp. omnia, ed. 
GuL Gamier, 1839, T. i. p. 64 and 70). Con^are thoewiih the expression 
of profound melancholy in the beautiM poem of Gregory of Naaianznm, enti- 
tled, " On the Nature of Man.'* (Gregor. Naz. 0pp. omnia» ed. Far. 1611, 
T. ii Garm. xiii p. 85). 

(*) p. 29.— The quotation from Gregory of Njwa given in the text, con* 
gists of separate fragments closely transkted. They wiU be found in S. Gn^^ 
goriiNysseni 0pp.ed.Far. 1615, T.i. p. 49 G, p. 589D, p. 210 G, p. 780 C; 
T. ii. p. 860 B, p. 619 B, p. 619 D, p. 324 D. **Be thou gentle towards 
the emotions of melancholy," says Thalaasius, in aphoristic si^gSy whleh 

wtn idtt&nd v^iiit wnBUfOtKnt^ fJBBoBML rtAnw, cA. Pur. ISMyT^fli 
p. 1180 €.) 

f^ p. S9.-*See Xottmis dnyioitoiiii 0pp. cnuii^ Bur. 18SS (8vo») T.o. 
p. 687 A, T. u. p. 8S1 A, and 6ftl I, T. i. p. 79. Comftn dM J<mm 
JhSkvgniUt i& €^ i. ttciiMooi ds cfBMli<ni6 Muidi, fibii feptem, Yittintt Auiti. 
1630, p. 192, 886, and 272 ; sad alw 6«orgii Pisidtt Mmdi optfidimi, ed. 
1596, T. 867—876, 560, 988, and 1M8. TIm irarica at B«a «id of 
Gregory of Naxisnsimi eari j ancrted my rtleiittkm after I begsn to aolkct 
deacriptkmB of nfltares Irat I am indeMpd fiir «& tiw cxedlent ^Germtti) 
tnaalatiotta from Qtegoty of KyMi» Chiyaoatom, and Tbalaariiia^ to my old 
and alivsys kind aoBeagne and (Uend, M. Hase, Member of tlie lutitati^ 
«&d Conservajtor of the Kfafioth^ne dn Roi, at Fnia. 

(*^) p. 80. — On tiie 0>Malrom TOffooeBfie, mder Pope Alennder 111^ am 
ZiegeHMner, fikt Bel Ute». erdims 8. Benedieti, T. ii. p.248, ed. 1754; mi 
the CouieiletFani «f 1209, and theBoB of Gregoiy IK; of the year 1281, m 
Jonrdain, Recherehea crit. anr lea tradactioiiB d'Aristote, 1819, p. 2 0i " M , 
Heavy penaneea wepa attaehad to tiie readiag of the physicel hooks of Aib* 
totle. In the GoncOhmi Lateranenae of 1189 (Saeror. ConeS. novs oolhedio^ 
ed. Yea. 1776, T. txL p. 528), moaka were forbidden ^ exereise the ait of 
medictne. Oonsott also the learned and intereatittg writing of tfw ymag 
Woli^g von O^^ entitled, ''der MenflehunddiedemetttariadeNalar,* 
1844, S. 10. 

C^ p. 32.— Fried. Sehlegel, ther nordnche Biehtjkimst, in hia asmmlSehn 
Werkeo, Bd. z. S. 71 «ad 90. I may eite frither, from the voy cari^ tiiae 
of Charlemagne, the poetie deacaiption of Hie Thicargaiten at Aiz, cfltdomig 
bo& woods and meadowa, whi^ k giTca in Ihe life <tf the gieai emperar, 
written by Angahertiis, Abbot <rf St. Riquea. (Sea Feitt, Monam. Toll 
p. 393—403). 

(») p. 83.--43ei^ in Gervuras's Geachiehte der dealaeben IML, Bd. i. S. 
854—^81, the eompariaon of the two epioa, the poem<of tte Nkibahiagca, 
(describing the vengeance of (%zien)hi]d, the wife of Siegfried), and Ihat of 
Gudmn, the danghter of King HeteL 

(f*) p. 84.— On the romantie description of the grotto of the Iov«e% la thi 
Tristan of Gottfriedof Stiaabaig, aee Gervimu, in the work above nteedto^ 
B4. i. S. 450. 

^y p. 85.— Yridankea Beaeheideidieit, by 'Walhdm Grimm, 1884, S. 50, 
Slid 128. AQ that refera to the German ToiOra-epoa and the Mnrnttdngera 
(from p. 88 to p. 86) ia takan from a letter (tf Wilhebn Giimm to myadi 

(OeL 1845)* Bi •'Mvy M Ang^o-Stton.poela.oti fhe iMdkes cf thft Rimci^ 
which WW tint puUidied by HiolGM, there k tiie foOowing pletsvig deacrip- 
tioA of the IttAh taeeet-^'^BMn ie beawtifiil in its hnnchei: ite leafy top 
neOef nrM^, aoved to ad fioo I7 the ar." The greeting of the hfjki of 
dBf it «nf)le end ]»Dblex-«-'*The meMeoger of the hotd, dear to man, the 
^orioiu ]ight of Godf bringing gladneee and eonfidenee to ridi and poor, 
beneficent to lAr See die WiUidin (iriaajw iOer dBiitache Banen, 1821, 
8. H 2S5, and 084. 

n P- 86.*^acob Grimnv in ftahihart foeha, 1884, S. caeiT. (Cgmpare 
alao Ghriatian Laaeen. in Mi indiachar ,A]tBithnnia]auidei Bd. i 1848. 
a. 996.) 

^ p. 87.— On '<iiwnOB^gewiinaneaB4iftbaOB8iaiiieaongaiandof Mae- 
phenon'a Osaian in partienlar/' aee a memoir by the ingenioos tranalatraaa of 
tiN» V^ik^eesie of Servia <die Uaiehthait der laedv Oaaiau'e und dee Mae- 
phefBon 'adien Oaaiai's inabesondere^ fnn Tahg, 1840). The firat publication 
cf OMian by Maepheraon waa in 1780. The Eingalian aonga are^ indeed, 
heard in the Seottiah Highlands, aa well aa in Ireland, but they have been 
narried to Scotland from Ireland, aoeovding to O'Reilly and Dnunmond. 

(n p. 87.*'4«aaen, ind. Alterthmnakonde, Bd. i S. 412—415. 

n P* 88.— Respecting the Indian forest-hermits, Vanaprestise (Sylncohe} 
and Sramfini (a name which has been altered into Sarmani and Garmani), aee 
Lassen, "denominibaa qubaa veteribns ifpeDantur Tndomm philosophi," 
in the Bhein. Museun fiir Fhilokgici, 1838, S. 178—180. Wilhehn Grimm 
thinks he reoogniaea aomething of Indian coloiiring in the description of the 
magic foreet in the " S(»g of Alexander," composed more than 1200 yeaip 
9ff> by a priest; named Inmbiecht, in immediate imitation of a French oiigi- 
naL The hero cornea to a woo4, where maidens, adorned with snpenatural 
ciiBmu» quiring from large llowera, and he remains with them ao long that 
both iloweiB and maidena fade away. (Compare Gervinns, Bd. i S. 282, and 
Masamami's Deakmaler, Bd. i. S. 16.) These are the same as the maidens of 
Edriai's oriental magic Island of YaoTac, called, in the Latin version of 
Masndi, Chothbeddin poeUaa vasvakieDsea. (Humboldt, Examen crit. de la 
G^Qgraphie, T. i. p. 53^ 

C) p. 89«— -Kalidaaa liyed at the court of Vikramaditya, abont 56 yeara 
before oor era. It ia highly probable that the age of the two great heroic 
poema, Ramayana and Mahabharata, is much earlier than that of the appear- 
ance of Bnddha, or much earlier than the middle of the sixth century befom 
our era. (Bumon^ Bhagavata-Puranak T. i p. cxl and cxviii.; Lasaen, 

iaL AUttdmifauide, M. I 8. 856 tnd 492.) George FonUr, \j 6n 
tnnMlrtioB of Sienrtab, «. #. 1»y Ids taitefid p rewnt i Uoii in a GennaD gub 
of an Eagliih tmmm by Sir WiliMm JoMi <1791)» eonttilHited gnit^ to 
the Mflierieam for Indian poetij, wMeh then trrt diewed itsdf in Gemuaiy. 
I tiloB fleaaine in leaaUing two tne diitieha of Gdtke'a^ whidi appeared in 
1799 V- 

" WiUsk do die Bliktite dea frOlien, die ft9M& dee apateien Jaliiea, 

WiUit da ivaa reist and eatzuekt, wilht dn, ivaa aattigt and nahi^ 

WiDat da den Himmel, die Side mit einem Namen begrei&n; 

Nenn' idi Sakontala, Didi, and so irt aBea geaagt." 

The moat recent Germen tranalation of this Indian dramn is that of Otto 

B^^ling^ (Benn, 1848), fam tin in^ortant original teit foond by Btodc* 

(^) p. 40.«*Hambddt, on ateppes and deserto (neber Steppen and WastenX 
in Hie Anaichten der Nator, 8te Ansgabe, 1826, Bd. i. S. 83—87. 

^ p« 40. — ^In order to lendor more complete the small portion (^ the teit 
which belongs to Indian litemtare, and to enable me to point ont^ as ia 
Greek and Soman literstore, the several worka referred to, I will here intro- 
doee some mannscript notices, kindly communicated to me by a distingoiahed 
and philosophieal aeholar thoroughly versed in Indian poetry, Herr Theodor 

** Among an the influenoea which have affeeted the intenectoal development 
of the Indian nation, the first and most important appears to me to have been 
that exercised by the ridi aspect of natore in the country inhabited by them. 
A profound love of nature baa been at all timea a fimdamental character of 
the Indian mind. In reference to llie manner in which this feeling has mani- 
fested itself, three successive epochs may be pointed out, each of which has a 
determinate character, of which the foundations were deeply laid in the mode 
of ]]& and tendencies of the people. A few examples may thus be suf&deiit 
to indicate the activity of the Indian imagination. The Vedas mark the first 
epoch of the expression of a vivid feeling for nature: we would refer in tha 
Bigvedft to the sublime and simple descriptions of the dawn of day (Bigved^ 
Sanhitft» ed. Rosen, 1888/ Hymn. x]vi.p. 88; Hymn. xlviiL p. 92; Hymn, 
xcii. p. 184; Hymn, cxiii. p. 288: see also Hof^, Ind. Gediehte, 1841, 
Lese i 8. 8,) and of the " golden-handed son," (Rigveda-Sanhitft, Hymn. 
xxiL p. 81 ; Hymn. xxxv. p. 65). Hie veneration of nature, eonneetad 
here, aa in other nations, with an early stage of their religioas beliei^ haa ia 
theVedaiapeciffiariydtteBnintftedireetiaii, being ahanya cooeaved in Hi 


JDOftt intimate eoonectioA ivith the ezteroal and intemal Uk of tbtOL Th« 
Becond epoch is very different : in it a popnlar myihoLogf was lisniie^ lismg 
for its object to mould the eontenta of the Vedfts into aahape mora eaaAf 
comprehensible by an age abeady &r removed in charaofcer £rani (Jut wlueh 
had given them birth, and to intoweave them with historijBal events to which 
a mythical character is given. To this seetrnd ^oeh belottg the two great 
heroic poems, the Bamayana and the Mahahharata; the latter had alio tfatt 
additional object of rendering the &Kihmi|ia the miost influential of the foot 
ancient Indian castes. The Bamayana is the older and move beautibd poem 
of the two: it is more rich in natozal feeling, and has; kept more strictly on 
poetic gronnB, not having been eonstrained to take up elements aUen-and 
almost hostile to poetry. In both poems, nature no longer oonstitvtea^ pt in 
the Yedas, the entire pictore, bnt only a portion of it. There see tw» points 
which essentially distingmsh the conception of natore at the period of the 
hermc poems from that which the Yedas present, inde poni i ft tly of the wide 
dilEerence between the langoage of adoration and that of naiiative. One of 
these points is the localismg of .the descariptkm. According to Willielm von 
Schlegel, the first book of th^ Bamayana, or Balakanda, and the second bode, 
mr Ayodhyakanda, are exampleBi see also Lassen, Ind. Alterthnmdamde, 
Bd. L S. 482, on the differences between these two epics. Narrative, whe* 
ther historical, legendary, or fiabolons. leads to the specification of portienlar 
localities, rather than to general deso^tbns. These early epio poets, whether 
Valmiki, wlio sings the exploits of Bama, or the anthars of the Mahabhamtay 
named collectively, by tradition, Yyasa, all show themselveB transported, and 
8S it were overpowered, by emotions connected with extonaL nature, Bama't 
jonmey from Ayodhya to Dschanaka's capital ; his life in the forest ; his ex*' 
pedition to< Lanka (Ceylon), where dwelt the savage Bavana, the robber of 
his bride, Sita; and the hermit life of the Pandnides; all famish to the poet 
the opportunity of following the bent of the Indian mind, and of blending^ 
with the relation of heroic deeds, the rich imagery of tropical natore. (Bama-' 
yana, ed. Schlegel, lib. i. cap. 26, v. IS— 15 : lib. ii cap. 66, v. 6->ll : com* 
pare Nalus, ed. Bopp, 1832, Ges. xii. Y. 1 — 10.) The othor point in which 
tlie second epoch differs from that of the Yedas in regard to external nature^ 
is closely connected with the first, and consists in the greater riehnees of ma* 
terials employed, ccmiprehending the whole of nature, — ^the heavens and the 
eartli, with the world of plants and of animals in idl their luxurianee and variety* 
iin4 viewed in their influence on the mind and feelings of men. In the thii<d 
epofh of poetic literatuic (if we except the Puranas, which have a pactieolat 


ML nonk 

•ljMt») «A«m1 wlilv nveiiH w iisfifiM MTCf^^ 
fotliBB II bntd «■ antt w iwi Ufl o and mote lodil obaerratiim. Among tin 
gM* po«M Woi#Bg to tUi q^ Ib «Im ]Marf;tt4&f7tt (w Bhsttt'ft pon), 
fildA, iOn te TTiBMjm, lu» Ibr.iti MAjesllkt Ofloite nd adiv&taieior 
Bmm^ ■adiB iiUeli ftw tooriptfam* «r ft fbi««l Ulb ^nri^ 
m lod of its kwnlafta ihom» and of the taeddflg «f tlio dkjrti Clgibii 
(bnk^, OQoar «ieee«i«B]f« (BkiMi-Uty^ «& Ode. P. i. canto vii. > 432; 
ODiito SL p^ 71ft; caato iL p. 814. Compare abo fidiola, Pkof. in Bidi- 
ftU, foBf CkMiga d«a Bliitti.Ubi7a» 1«S7» S. 1--18.) I would abo icfertD 
m agmeabk dMcri^tkn of tha difoeat periods Of tin digr in Mi^^ 
ffi«yaJabdha> and to the Naiwlada twoharita tf Sri Haracha. Li Hn Wt- 
named poem, howe7er» in tfce itotj of Ndtn and Damayanti, the ezpnanon 
ol tiie lading fnr axtenial natore paran into a Tagoe ezaggentioQ, iriuek 
eoufcrfeBts with the noUa aaplioity of tie Raawyana> where Yisvamitia ledb 
hia papa to the thana off tiie Sona. (Sin^ahdha, ed. Cahs. p. 298 and S78; 
oompaDB Schjita, lanf Ge8.di8 Bhatti.kftvy% 8, 85«^-«8; fftMtadii^U^ba^k, 
ed. Gate. P. 1, ▼. 77--129; Baniajan% ad. €dikgtl» lih. 1, o^. 85, t. 
1$->18.) KaHdaaa, the oeUbrated anOior 4it Saoontala, tepnata^ wiOii 
maitar*! hand, the iidhaBnoe which the aipeet of natan ea m ia ta ontiie nnnfc 
and feeUngi of kven. The forcit ■oeneponrtMyedhy himlnthe dnnaacf 
VHctaina and VtwA ia ona of the iaait poatii oraaiHons of any poM. 
(Vantnomai»ed.GalB.1880,p. 71; aea tin Sa§^ tnnddion in IVIboBTs 
Saket Speeitteai of the Thaaboof the Hindtt, Gde. 1827, VQLfLp.68.) 
iithapeanof*'nteSea8aM»'' I wodd paHiaakriy Kfer to ^e ndny aeaHB 
and to that of spring <Biinaaah«a» ed. BoUen, 1840, p. 11*^18, ad 
87^-46, a 8&--88, and S. 107<-114, of B<ddeii'9 translation). In Ob 
** CkMid Mawcpgor," also hy KaUdasa, the infloenee of ettecnal nslna oa 
hnman feding ia also the leiding snl^jeOt of the eomposilMm. ^na pom 
^ Mc|ghadai% or doad Ifiessenger, whldi has Veen edited hy Oildemditff 
and ttandatod hoth by WiIboh and by Ch&j) describes i^ grief of an ede 
m. the moimtain Bamagiii, longhig for' Oa presence of his bdoved from 
vhomhaissepanted: he eatraats a passing eknid to oonvey to her tidiiigi 
of his sQRows) hedBBerib«stothedimdthepflltiiwhichitmn8tpiiisiie,anl 
paints <he hindscape as refleeted in a mind agitated with deep eoiotioBL 
ijnong the treasures which the Indian poetry of the third period owes to thi 
iaflnenee of natore on the national mind, the QitBgavinda of Dsdtayadsrs 
deser^ea the highest praise. <B&ckert, in the Zeitsduift fQr die Cnndedei 
lliargsnhpidM* Bd. i. 1887, 8. 189^178; Gitagomda Jayadeva posM 

KOOS. Ali 

inaSri toamilyp«iin» e4. Chr. I m mm, 1M6.) Wis poeseu • nnrterfy xnetei- 
etd tnuulation by Backert of this poem, whidirii one of tiie most pleaamg 
wdafcikeanBetitaeeiMolthdMOifcdiffiMltmlln vrhsAt of Indua fiten- 
.toie. Tho tmiiUitioii mden tlie qpiiii of the orighnl with adattraUe idb- 
.tfly, and pnsesto noonocptioa of natwo te mtiBUiAe truth of iriikh OTimidte^ 
«fery p«rt of tbis grest eofiDfontioii* 

C) p. Al.-'-^ooniil of tiw Bo|al Qeo^. Soe. of IiODdon, YoL x. IMl, 
y. 9*-8; RSekeii Utktsam Umn'B, 8. S«l. 

(M) p, 41.^-^<^G6&o im OmmuaAtr warn wert-ostliAen Hbna : BcL vL 
182g, S. 78, 78, asd 111, of ki»ivoifa. 

(«) p. 42.— YiiUle Lraw dit BeH> piiUie par JbIm MoU, T. i 1888, 

p. 487. 

C^ p. 42.— Joi. von HamnNr, Geseh. dor sohiHieii Redfekmute PenieiiB, 
1818, S. 98 (Bwhadfiddm lawon, iriiolivod m tbe ISth eentmry, bt wBoie 
foeni on tho SchedMihai lonte liafo dttoovend a zemarkaiUe aUfuiost to ti» 
vntaal attvaetton of tke beareidy bodies j S. 186 (Daehckleddin Rami, tlie 
M3Fiiti4; & 859 (Dsdadaladdm AlMbd); S. 408 (Beiri, who came forward 
at the eoart^of Akbar. as adefender of the xdigioii of Bnlmi% and in whom 
Ghamla there hreains n Isdiaii ttodsmeBS of fisetbif^. 

(*0 p* 42.?***Mfi^ oonwB on wheft tiie iiik4Mfttie of hmrn is over- 
^uned," is the tastetesa expression of Chodschah AMidlah Wasso^ a poet, 
^ho has, however, the merit of hsEfing been the first to deseiibe the grest 
aataKmomical observatory of Mera^ia, with its lefiky gDomon. Hflali, of Astei^ 
sind, makes the disk of the moon g^ wUh heat, and eA tiie evening dew 
*the sweat of the moon." (Jos. vob. Hammer, 8. 247 and 8f 1.) 

(^ p. 48.— Tniija or Turan are names of which the derivation is still 
undiscovered. Bnmonf (Yaena, T. i. p. 427--480) has acutely odled attend 
U«m in referenee to them to the Baetriaa Satrapy cf Tmina or Turiva men- 
tioned in Straho (xi. 11, 8, peg. 517, hit.): Bn 13ieil and Chroakard, however, 
Xh. ii. SL 410) propose to read Tapyria. 

(^ p. 42.-«Uebcr ein fanisobes l^s^ Jaoob Chrimm, 1845, S. 5. 

C^ p. 46.*-"I have followed in ^ FiNdms the exeeBent tranEAatien of 
Hoses Mendelsohn (see his Gesammelte Sdbriften, Bd; tl S. 220, 288, and 
280). Noble after-echoes of the andent Hebrew poetry are found in Ihe 
11th century in the hymns '<rf the Spomdi synagogoe poet, Salomo ben Jdn- 
dah Gabntd: they also contain a poetie paraphrase of the pseodo-Aristotetkat 
book, De Mundo. Vide die religifise Poesie der Joden in Spamen^ hy 
Michael Sachs, 1845, S. 7» W, and 229. Ostdies drnmi from nature, and 


iUn (tf Tigonr aad gnnftenr, «• fonod in the writiagt of Xotebea Jakob \m 
Em (S. 69. 77, and 285). 

n p. 47.— I haw tak0D fhc pHHSa m tbs book of Job fimmthetav. 
ktioa and expoaitioa of Umbrdt (1824)» S. izix.— ifiL ml 990-ail 
(Coofliilt genenUj Gcaeoios, Gcschichte der hebr. Spnebo.iud Schrilt, S. 8S; 
and Jobi aiitiqiiiflaimi camiinis behr. Baton atque ▼irtntes, ad. ilgen, p. 28.) 
Tbe longest and moat ehanetariatie daaaiiptioa of an animal whick we sMet 
witb in the book of Job, ia that of the croeodiJe (xl. 25 — xli. 26), and yet it 
eontainaoaaoftheevideneeaof thewiiter having been himaelf a natin U 
Palestine, Umbreit, S. xli. & 808. As the river-hone of tha Nile and tbe 
erooodile weie foimerij foond throoghoot the whole Delta of tlM Nile, it it 
not aniprising that the knowledge of animals of such strange and pecoliaK 
farm should have spread into the neighbouring country of Palestine. 

C^ p. 48.— Gothe im Commentar sum weat-ostlichen IHvan, S. 8. 

P) p. 48.— Antar, a Bedouin lomaneai transUted from the Arabic bjr 
Terrick Hamilton, Vol. i p. xxvi. ^ Hammer, in the Wiener Jahrbiichem der 
litteratur, Bd. vl 1819, S. 229 , Roaenmuller, in tl|e Charakteien der vo^ 
oehmsten Dicbter aUer Nationoa, Bd. v. (1798) S. 251. 

(^*) p. 49.^Antan. cum sdiol. Sonaenii, ed. MenO. 1816, t. IS. 
. iP) p. 49.— Amrulkeisi MoaUakat, ed. £. G. Henitenbeig, 1883; Ha- 
maaa, ed. Fieytag, P. i. 1828, lib. vii. p. 785. Sea dso in the pleauis 
work, entitled, '* Amrilkais, the Poet and King," translated by Pr. fiuckert^ 
1848, pp. 29 and 62, where southern showers are twiise described with ex- 
eeeding truth to nature. The royal poet visited the court of the Emperor 
Juatinian several years before the birth of Mahommed, for the purpose of 
obtaining fiwiffM>»ir«^ against his enemies. See Le Biwan d*Amn> 'Ikau^ as 
^nry p ^ cn*^ d'une traduction par le Baron MacGuckin de Slane, 1837, p. HI. 

C^ p. 49.— 'Nabeghah Dhobyani, m Silvestre de Sacy*s Chrestom. arab^ 
1806, T. lii. p. 47. On the early Arabian hterature generally, see Weil's 
Poet. Litteratur der Araber vor Mohammed, 1837, S. 15 and 90, as well ss 
Freytag^ Darstellung der arabischeu Verskunst, 1830, S. 872—392. We 
may soon expect a truly fine and complete version of the Arabian poetry coo- 
nected with imtuie m the writings ol Hamasa Irom our great poet Fnednch 

P) p. 49.— HamasBB Carmina, ed. Preytag. P. i. 1828, p. 788. "• Hoa 
tuishes," it is said in page 796, ** the chapter oa travel and aieepinesa." 

fP) p. 51.— Dante, Purgatorio^ canto i. v. 115; 
** V alba nnceva T qi» nattutioa 



Che ftigia nmanzi, A cihe di lontano 

Gonobbi il iremolar de la marina*'..,*** 
^ p. 51.«-Porg. canto v., ▼. 109— 127 1 

** Ben sai come nell' aer a raoec^giie 

Qaell' nmido vapor, che in acqaa riedib 

Tosto che sale, dove 1 freddo il eoglio''.....^ 
(^ p. 51.— Poig. canto zxriii ▼. l<-~84. 
^) p. 51.— FSttad. ento zxx. v. 61—69 

** S vidi Inme in foima di riviera 

Folvido di ficdgore intra duo rive 

Bipinte di mirabil primavera. 

Di tal fiumana nsdan fiiviUe viv^ 

S d' ogni parte si mettean ne* fior^ " ' 

Qnasi robin, che oro circonscriv^ 

r u. 
Bn come, inebriate dagli odori, 

Baprofondavan se nel miro gurge^ 

S 8* una entrava, im* altia n' naeia fttori." 

rdo not refer to the Orazomes of the Vita Noova, becBDae the eamiftuhmm 

and images which they contain do not belong to the purely natural raai^e o£ 

ttarestxial phsenomena. 

. C^ P* ^^* — I would recal Boiardo's sonnet commencing^ 

** Ombrosa selva, che il mio dnolo ascolti,** 
and the fine stanzas of Vittoria Colonna, which begin, ^ 

" Qnaado miro la terra omata e beOi^ 
Bi mille vaghi ed odorati fiori." 
A beautiful and very characteristic natural description of the country seat of 
Fracastoro on the hill of Incassi (Mons Caphius), near Verona, is given by 
that distinguished doctor in medicine, mathematician, and poet, in his "Nan 
gqins de poetica dialogns" (Hieron. Fracastorii 0pp. 1591, P. i. p. 831-« 
826). See also in a didactic poem, Ub. ii. v. 208 — 219 (0pp. p. 636), the 
pleasing passage on the culture of the lemon in Italy. I miss with astonish* 
ment any expression of feeling connected with the aspect of nature in tht 
letters of Petrarch, either when, in 1345, (three years, therefore, before tha 
dfeath of Laura), he attempted the ascent of Mont Ventour from Yauduse, 
hoping and longing to behold irom its summit a part of his native land ; or, 
when he visited the gulf of Baise, or the banks of the Bhiue to Cologne. 
Uis mind was occupied by the classical remembrauces of Cicero and tha 


Boman pocti, or bj fht twtfoM tf Us aaeetie ilelindldlj, rsther tha&lif 
Rurronndiiig natare. (Vid. Fetnidkn Epitt. de nibw ftiaffiaribas, lib. ir. I ; 
T. 8 and 4: pag. 110, 156, and 161, ed. LagSm, 1601). Ifin^ 1i0w«i«i; 
an exceedingly pictoresqna daKriptkm of a greal tannpeat ivMch Petrardi 
observed near Naples k 1848 (lib. ▼. 5, p. 166) : b«fc it is a solilaiy instaaoe. 

n p. 54.— 'Hnmboldt, Szamen critifQe da Fbialoire de h G^ogn^iie da 
nooYeatt Ck>ntinent, T. m. p. 227«-S48. 

(M) p. 55.— Kofinos» Bd. i 8. 206 and 460 (IB^^traiialalioiu vdLi 
pp. 272 Note 820). 

n p. 56.— Joumal of Colnmbns onbji first vejago (Oet. 20, 1492; Nor. 
25—20; Dec. 7—16; Dec. 21); also bi« letter to Dofin Maria deGnsnan, ama 
del Principe D. Jnan, Dec 1500. in Navarrete, ColeQeion delos Yiages tp^ 
Udiron por mar los Espafioles, T. i p. 48, 65, 72, 82, 92, 100, and 266. 

f) p. 56.— Navarrete, Coleocion de los Yiages, T. i p. 308—804 (Caiti 
del Ahnirante a los Reyes escrita en Jamaica a 7 de Jnlio^ 1508); Hmnbdldt^ 
Sxamen crit. T. iii p. 231—286. 

P) p. 56. — ^Tasso, canto zvi stanze 9—16. 

n p. 57.— See Friedricb Scbl^;efs sammfl. "WeAe, Bd. 3. S. 96; anl 
on the disturbing mythological dualism, and the mixture of antiqne fiUe wJA 
Christian contemplations, see Bd. z. S. 84. Camoens has tried, in ftanns 
which have not been sufficiently attended to (82 — 84), to justify Una mythth 
logical dualism. Tethys avows, in a somewhat nmve muaa, M in vcfsei , 
which are a noble flight of poetry, ** that she hasd^ Saturn, Jupiter, and all 
the host * gods, are vain f&blea, bom to mortals by tiind ddiatoa, aftl 
serving only to embel^ the poet*8 song—*" A Sanata Ihrovidenda que em 
Jupiter aqni se representa." 

n p. 57.— Os Lusiadas de Gamoes, canto i est. 10 ; eanto vi eat. 71*"-*^ 
See also tiie comparison in the fine description ci a tempest laging in »lDral» 
canto i. est. 85. 

(^ p, 58.-— The fire of St. Efano : "o hone vivo que a maritima gentetm 
por santo, em tempo de tormentai'* (Canto ▼. est. 18). One flame, the HelflBS 
of the Greek marines, brings misfortune (Plin. ii. 37) ; two flames, OMlor 
and Pollux, appearing with a rustling sound, ''like the fluttering wings of 
birds," are good pmens (Stob. £clog. Phys. i. p. 514 ; Seneca, Nat Qasst 
L 1). On the eminently graphical character of Camoens* deseriptioiBe ef 
nature, and the peculiar manner in which their subjects are brought as it wot 
visibly before the mind's eye, see the great Paris edition of 1818» in tfteTiii 
iaCamoes, by pom Joze Maria de Souza. p. eS. 

iroT£s, xvii 

(") p, 68.-^<3ompaie tlie waterspout in Canto v. est. 19 — 22,witlitheal80 
highly poetic and fiuthful description of Lacretius, vi. 423^442. On the 
fresh water, wliich, towards the close of the phsenomenon, fidls apparently fix>Bi 
the upper part of the column of water, see Ogden on Waterspouts (from Ob- 
servations made in 1820, during a voyage from Havannah to Norfolk), in 
Silhman's American Journal of Science^ Vol. xdx. 1886, p. 254 — 260. 

C^ p. 68.-^Canto iii. est. 7-*21, of the text of Oamoens in the editio 
prinoeps of 1572, which has been given afresh in the excdlent and splendid 
edition of Dom Joze Maria de Souza-Botelho (Paris, 1818). In the German 
quotations I have usuaUy followed the translation of Dbnner (1883). The 
principsd aim of the Lusiad of Gamoens is the honour and glory of his nation* 
Would it not be a monument, well worthy of his fame, if a hall were constructed 
in lisbonk after the noble examples of the halls of Schiller and Gothe in the 
Grand Bucal palace of Weimar, and if the twelve grand compositions of my 
deceased friend Gerard, which adorn the Souza edition, were executed in 
large dimensions, in fresco, on weU lit walls ? The dream of the king Dom 
Manoel, in which tiie rivers Indus and Ganges appear to him, the Giant 
Adamastor hove^g over the Cape of Good Hope (" Eu son aquelle occulto e 
grande Cabo, Aquem chamais vos ontros Tormentorio")> the murder of Ifies 
de Castro, and the lovely Ilha de Venus, would i^ have the finest effect. 

(®) p. 58. — Canto x. est. 79—90. Camoens, like Vespucci, terms the 
part of the heayens nearest to the southern pole, poor in stars (Canto v. est. 14). 
He is also acquainted with the ice of the southern seas (Canto v. est. 27). 

(»*) p. 69.— Canto x. est. 91—141. 

(K) p. 59.— Canto ix. est. 51—63. (Consult Ludwig Kriegk, Schriften 
zur allgemeinen Erdkunde, 1840, S. 338.) The whole Ilha de Venus is an 
allegorical fable, as is clearly indicated in Est. 89 ; but the beginning of the 
relation of Dom Manoel's dream depicts an Indian mountain and forest dis- 
trict (Canto iv. est. 70). 

(••) p. 60. — Pondness for the old literature of Spain, and for the enchanting 
region in which the Araucana of Alonso de ErciUa y Zufiiga was composed, 
has led me to read conscientiously through the whole of this poem of 22000 
lines on two occasions, once in Peru, and again very recently in Paris, when» 
hf the kindness of a learned traveller, M. Temaux Compans, I recdyed a very 
acarce book, printed in 1596, at Lima, and containing the nineteen cantos of 
the Araueo domado compuesto por el Licenciado Pedro de Ona natural de lot 
Infantes de Engol en Chile. Of the epic poem of Ercilla, in which Voltaire 
sees an Iliad, and Sismondi a newspaper in rhyme, the first fifteen cantos were 

vol., XI, 8 c 

ccD^posed IwAween 1555 and 1563, and were pnblidied in 1569; fhelito 
cantos were first printed in 1590, only six years before the misefaUe poem d 
Pedro de Ofia> which bears the same title as one of the master works of Lope 
de Vega> in which the Cadque Caupoiicaa is the piindipaL peraonage. finib 
is naive and tme-hearted ; espeeially in tiioee parts of his oompositiQm wluck 
he wrote in the field, mostly on bark of trees and skins of beasts fi>r waat of 
piper. The description oif his pov4srty, and -of the ingratitodfi which he eipe- 
lienced at the coort of King f hilip« is extremely touduiig, paiticuhu^ it tin 
dose of the 37th canto: 

*'Climas pass^ mnd^ ooQgUia0ioiie% 

Golfos inavegables navegando, 

Estendiendo Senor, Yaestra corauft 

Hasta k anstral frigida sona." 
"The flower of my life is past; late instrocted, I will nnoimeeeartiily thhi^i^ 
weep, and no longer sing." The natural desdiptions of the garden of the 
aoroerer, of the tempest raised by Eponaraon, «nd of the ooean (P. i. p. 80, 
135, and 173 ; F. ii. p. 130 and 161, in the edition of 17d3), are cold inl 
lifeless: geographical raters of words are aocumnlated in sneh maoiia; 
that, in Canto zzvii., twenty-seven proper names foUow each other in iBUQe&te 
sncoession in a single stanza of eight lines. Fart II. of the Aiaucana is not 
by Ercilla, but is a eontinuation, in twenty cantos, by Diego de SantLstenn 
Osorio, appended to the thirty-seven cantos of Erdlla. 

(^ p. 60. — In the Bomancero de Romances cabaUeresoo 6 historioos ordB* 
nado, por D. Angnstin Duran, P. L p. 189, and P. iL p. 237* see the fine 
strophes commencing " Yba dedinando el dia"— *' Sn ooiao y ligeros horas"— 
and on the flight of King Boderick, beginning 

" Qoando las pintadas aves 

Mudas estan y la tiem 

Atenta esucha los rios." 
(^ p. 60. — ^Fray Luis de Leon, Obras propriaa y tradncdcmes, dedicadas s 
Don Pedro Portocarero, 1681, p. 120 : Noche serena. A deep feeling of 
nature also reveals itself at times in the ancient mystic poetry of the Spaniards 
(Fray Luis de Granada, Santa Teresa de Jesus, Melon de Ghaide) ; but the 
natural pictures are usually only the external veil, symbolising ideal contem- 

(«0 p. 61.— Calderon, in the " Steadfast Prince :'* on the approach of the 
Spanish fleet, Act i. scene 1 ; and on the sovereignty of the wild beasts ia 
the forest, Act iii. scene 2, 

-KOTEtS. 3aX 

a^ p. 62.*<-13ie passages in the text relating to Galderon and Shakspeare, 
wbicli are distingDislied by marks of quotation, are taken from tmpublished 
letters, addressed 40 myself, by Ladwig Tieck. 

(y^) p. 66.-— The works referred to were published in the following order 
of time : — Jean Jacques Rousseau, NoaveUe H^oise, 1759 ; Buffon, Epoqnei 
de la Nature, 1778, but his Hiatoire naturelle, 1749—1767 ; Bemardin da 
St.-Fienre, Etudes de la Nature, 1784, Paul et Yirginie, 1788, Chanmi^re 
Indieime, 1791; George Forster, Beise nadi der Sudsee, 1777, Eleii^ 
Schriilen, 1794. More than half a century before the publication of th« 
Nouvelle H^ise, Madame de Seyigne had already manifested, in her diaiming 
Letters, a vivid sense of natural beauty, such as can rarely be laraced in Uie age 
of Louis XIV. See the fine natural descriptions in the letters of April 20, 
May 31, August 15, September 16, and November 6, 1671, and October 28 
and December 28, 1689 (Aubenas, Gist. 4e Madame de Sevigne, 1842, p. 
201 and 427). I have refiorred in the text to the old German poet, Paul 
Hemming, who, from 1683 to 1689, accompanied Adam Olearius on his 
journeys to Muscovy and to Persia, because, according to the autiiority of my 
mend Yamhagen von Ense (Biographische Denkw. Bd. iv. S. 4, 75, and 129), 
" Flemining's oompoeltions are 'Characterised by a fresh and healthful vigour," 
aud because his images drawn from external nature are tender and frdl of 

C«i) p. 68,— Letter of the Admiral from Jamaica, July 7, 1603 : •♦El 
mundo es poco ; digo que el mundo uo es tan grande oomo dice el vulgo" 
(Navarrete, Coleodon de Yiages esp. T. i. p. 300). 

0®) p. 70.— See Journal and Remarks, by Charles Darwin, 1882—1886, 
in the Narrative of the Yoyages of the Adventure and Beagle, Yol. iii. p. 
479^90, where an exceedingly beautiful description of Tahiti is given. 

C^) p. 70. — On George Eorster's merit as a man and a writer, see Ger- 
vinus, Gesch. der poet. National-Litteratur derDeutschen, Th. t. S. 390 — 392. 

0<^) p. 71.— Ireytag's Darstellnng der arabisehen Yerskunst, 1830, S. 402. 

m p. 76,— Herod, iv. 88. 

0^ p. 75.-^A portion of the works of Polygnotns and Mikon (the paint- 
ing of the battle of Marathon in the Pokile at Athens) might still be seen, 
according to the testimony of Himerius, at the end of the fourth century (of 
our era), or 850 years after their execution (Letronne, Lettres sur la Peintust 
historique murale, 1835, p. 202 and 453). 

(^^ p. 76.— Philostratomm Imagines, ed.. Jacobs et Welcker, 1825, p. 79 
H^d 485. Both the learned editors defend, against former suspicions, th« 

authenticHj of the deicriptifm of the ptiiitingt in the amaent KeapoBtiB 
Finacothek (Jaoobs^ p. xvii. and xln. ; Wdcker, p. ly. and zlvi). (Hbid 
Muller sappoaes that Fhiloatratiu's picture of the ialanda (li. 17)« aa wdi ai 
that of the nunrah district (L 9), of the Boaphoma, and of the fiaharmen G- IS 
and 1 3), had much resemblance in their manner of representation to the mosak 
of Fdestrina. Flato, in the introdnctory part of Critias (p. 107)» mentiooi 
landscape painting aa representing moontains, riyers, and fbocesta. 

0**) p. 76. — ^Partioolariy through Agaiharcoa, or at least according to the 
rules laid down by him. Aristot. Poet. iy. 16 ; Yitmy. lib. y. o^^ 7> lib. 
vii. in Pnef. (ed. Alois Maxinius, 1836, T. i. p. 292, T. iL p. 56) ; compaie 
Letronne's work, before cited, p. 271 — 280. 

C^^ p. 76.--On "Objecto of IUiopographia»" yide Wdcker ad Phikstr. 
Imag. p. 397. 

("^) p. 76.--Titmy. lab. Yii. eap. 5 fT. n. p. 91). 

(ii>) p. 76.— Hirt, Gesch. der bildenden Kiinste bei den Alten, 1833, & 
332 \ Letronne, p. 262 and 468. 

P^") p. 76.— Lndius qoi prImnsC?) inatituit amiwiiBiiimam parieborm pieto* 
i^mi (Plin. zxzy. 10). The topiaiia opera of Fliny, and yarietatea topionm 
of Yitmvins, wore small landscs^ deooratiye paintinga. The passage of 
Kalidasa is in the 6th act of Sacontala. 

("^) p. 77.— Ot&ied Miiller, ArcluU>logie der Kunst, 1880, S. 609. Having 
before spoken in the text of the paintings found in Pompeii and HerenlaneDm 
as being but little allied to nature in her freedom, I must here notice some 
exceptions, which may be considered strictly aa landsci^es in the modem 
sense of the word. See Pitture d' Eroolano, VoL ii. tab. 45, YoL iii. tah 
53 ; and, as backgrounds in charming historical eompositions, tab. 61, 62, sod 
63, Yd. iy. I do not refer to the remarkable representation in the Monumeoti 
deli' Institute di CoirispondeDza Archeolpgica, YoL iii. tab. 9, because its 
genuine antiquity is considered doubtful by an archseologist of much acumen, 
Baoul Bochetta. 

C'^) P* 77.~'Against the supposition maintained by Du Thefl (Voyage oi 
Italic, par TAbbe Barth^emy, p. 284) of Pompeii haying still existed is 
splendour under Adrian, and not haying been completely destroyed until thB 
end of the fifth century, see Adolph yon Hoff, Geschichte der Yeifandenmge& 
der Erdoberflaohe, Th. ii. 1824, S. 195—199. 

0*0 p. 78.— See Waagen, Kunstwerlce und Kunstler in England und Piaiis» 
Th. iii. 1839, S. 195—201; and particularly S. 217—224, where he descsibai 
the celebrated Psalter of the Paris Biblioth^ue (of the tenth century), which 


■liewft liow long the " antiqite mode of eompositioii" nudutniiied iUelf in Con* 
otantmople. I was indebted, at the time of my pablic lectures iu 1828, to 
the kind and Tahiable eommnnications of this prafoond oonnoiflsear of art 
Q^ofeflsor Waagen, Diiector of the Galleiy of PaintingB of my . native ei^), 
tat interesting notices on. the history of art after the time of the Boman 
empire. What I afterwards wrote on the gradial deTdopment at landacapa 
painting, I commnnicated in the winter of 1885, in Dresden, to the d^rtm* 
goished and lamented anthor of the Italieniichen Eorsehnngen, Baron von 
Bnmohr; and I received from him a great nnmber of historical iHastrations, 
which he gsve me permission to publish entire in case tiie form ol my work 
should pennit. 

(^?) P* 78.--Waagen, in the work above leferred to, Th. i. 1837, S. 59 ; 
Th. iu. 1839, S. 352—359. 

0^ P* 79.— "Already Pintoriochio. painted rich and well-composed knd* 
•capes in the Belvidere ot the Vatican as ind^endent decorations. He 
influenced Baphad, in whose paintings many lawkcape peemUaritiet cannot be 
traced to Peragino. In Pinturiechio and his friends we also akeady find those 
lingular pointed forms of mountains which, in your lectures, yon were inclined 
to derive firom the lyralese dolomitie oonea, which Leopold von Bueh has 
rendered so celebrated, and by wUdi travelling artists might have become 
impressed in the transit between Italy and Germany. I rather beUeve that 
these conical forms in the eariiest Italian landscapes must be r^;arded either 
■B very old conventional mountain forms, in antique bas-relieft and moeaio 
works, or as unsldUully foreshortened views of Soracte and -similarly isolated 
mountains in the Campagna of Home" (from a letter addressed to me by Carl 
Priedrich von Rranohr, in October 1882). To indicate more precisely the 
conical and pointed mountains which are here in question, I recal the foncifiil 
landscape which forms the background in Leonardo da Vinci's nnivoraally 
admired picture of Mona Lisa (the wife of Francesco del Giooondo). Among 
llie artists of the Flemiah school, who more particohirly fiormed landseape 
Into a separate branch, we should name further Patenier's successor, Herry de 
Bles, named Civetta from his animal monogram, and subsequently the 
brothers Matthew and Paul Bril, who, during their sqjoum in Bome, produced 
A strong impression in fovour of this particular branch of art. In Germany, 
Albrecht Altdorfer, Durer's scholar, practised landscape painting even some- 
what earlier and more sucoessfiiUy than Patenier. 

Q^ p. 80. — ^Painted for the church of San Giovanni e Paolo at V^ce. 

a^ p. 81.— Wilhelm voa Humboldt, gesammdte Werke, Bd. iv. S. 87. 


Goniptre abo, on the different gndttiont of th6 fifb of naitizK, and on tiie toM 
of mind and feeUng awakened by landaeape, Oanis, in Ids ittteiesting kttos 
•n landaeape pointing (Briefta iLber die Landadnftnalerei, 18SI, S. 4S). 

C") p. 81.— We find eoneentrafted in the seventeenth eentoiy t&e woifa d 
Xohmin Brengliel, 1569 — 1625 ; Rabens, 1977-*^1640 ; BomeiiiddBO, 
1581^1641 ; Flimppe do Champoigne, 1602^1^74 ; Kieolaa Pefon^ 
15MH-It(B5 ; Gaspar Fonaaln (Poghet), 1613^1675 ; Chnde Lamme 
I0e0--1682; AlbertOuyp, 1606—1672; JanBMh, 1610—1650; Salvatnr 
Baea» 161»— 1678; Evodingen, 1621—1676; Mkolans Bo^em, 162^— 
1688 : Simnovelt, 1620—1690 ; Bnjadael, 1685—1681 ; Mmdeilioot 
Hobbeina» Jan Wynanta, Adriaen van de Ye]de» 1689 — 1672 ; GbttDujai^ 


0^ p. 81. — ^An old pictnreof Ginta da Con^^Iiaiio, of the sdi^ool of Bdlaw 
(Dresdncr Oaflerie, 1885, No. 40), has aome extnunrdinanly fimciM nspiescn- 
taition» of date pafana with a biob in the midfle of the kafy erown« 

C^ p. 82.— Dresdner Gallerie, No. 917. 

C*) p. 88.— Trau Poet» or Poost» was bom at Hailem, in 1620, fitd 9ki 
tiiere in 1680. Hia brotiier Bkewise aecompanied Coont Manrice of Nassaa 
la architect. Of the peintinga, aome representing lite bania of tiie Amaioin 
are to be seen in the pieture gaUery at Sdhkisheiia, and otliera at Bering 
Hanover, and Fragae: Tlie engravings ^ Bariios, Heise d^ Frin^en Monts 
von Naasan, and in Uie royal etHAtd&fm of 6opperpkte prints at Berlkk) e^ 
disnce a fine sense of natural ehaiacter in Hie form of llie coast, thi^ shape and 
tatore of the ground, asid the aspect of vegetation, as di^hiyed in musaes^ 
eaetoaes, palms, diHerent species of ficos with boaid-like ezcieacences aft fha 
foot of the stcotn, rhiao^ooras, and arborescent grasses. The pictareaqfad 
feazyian series of views tenninates singularly enough m&. a German icuntof 
pineaatos sunonnding the casfje of DiBenbnrg (Plate Iv.) The remark in tiiaf 
text (p. 82>, on the infinence which the estaliliBhment of botanic gardens in 
ITj^ser Ital^, towards the middle of the SEzteenUi century, may have eienisef 
<ni tba ihowleiD^ of the physiognoniy ti tropical forms of vegetation, indnafes 
me to reeal in tins note thst^ in the tldiieentb eentory, Albeftna Minnas, who 
'^as equally setive and infinentnl in promoting natoral knowledge sod tha 
atody of the AjisCoteBan phflosi^hy, poaseased a ho&onse is the eonvQit of 
tile Dominicans at Cologne. This celebrated man, who had already £dlfiS 
under the suspicion of sorcery on account of his speaking machine^ entertained 
the King of the Romans, Wilhehn of Holhind, on the 6ih of Jannaiy, 1249/in 
a large ^nce in the convent-garden, where he kept np an agreeable warmth, and 

freserred fruit trees md plants in flower tbrangliont the wmtear. We find tlie 
aoeoiuit of this baaqmet exaggerated into a tale of wonder in the Chroniea 
Joannis de Beha, written in the middle of the 14th century (Baka et Heda de 
jBpiseopas lJltrijeetenis> zecogn. ab^ Am. Bnebelie, 1648, p» 79; Jourdain, 
Becherches oritiqiies sor TAga des Traductiona d'Axistote^ 1819, p. 8dl t 
Buble» Geseh. der Phihwophie^ Th, y. S. 206). Althoi^ aome laoaina dia* 
eorered in the exeayati^na at Yosapm shew thttt the aneieiita made aaa of 
^paai^ «f glain» yet nothing haa yet heeu loond to indicate tfce use of ghiss or 
tovBg honaea in aneiemt hoitioQUarB. The oofoduetioii of hieat by the eaii« 
dada in hatha nj^thave kd te an aaaa^e&ieBt of artificially warmed ^hcea 
far grsowiag or forattg itots^. bivt the Aoitneaa of the Gre^ and Itatioi 
winiera no doubt rendered aecik aiamigemQaita leaa neaeaaaiy. The Adonia 
gai:dena (w^woi AMk'et), ao indtcaUve of the mitfimy of the festival ol 
Adonis, consisted, according to B6chh» of plants in small pots, whidi w«ie 
lto. thiubt inteoded to tepxeseot the gaidm whar& Aphrodite and Adonn met. 
Adonis was the symbol of the qnicldy fkidmg flower of youfk^-of all that 
floniishes Uizmnantly and perishes rapidly; aed the ftstkala whkih bore ha 
naaM, tiie cekbiation of which waa accempamed by the lammtationa ol 
women, were amongst those in which the ancients had reference to the decaa^ 
of nature. I have spoken in the text of hothouse plents aa eontrasted with 
those which grow naturally; the ancienta used the term "Adoms-gardena" 
jnoverbiaUy^ to express something whklk hnd sprung vig ta$idly> but gaye no 
promise ol liall matoxity or aobstaiiitial duration. 13ie plant^^ which were not 
maoiy cdoqrcii flowers, b«t lettnoa, feimel^ bfldey, and whea^ were not ibxeed 
in winter, bnt in summer, being made to grow 1^ artifleiat meana in an nn^ 
lunaUy short space ai im% vis. ia eight da^e. Cieozet (Symbolik und 
Hytholegie. 1841, Th. a. S. 427, 480, 479, and 481) siqiposes that the 
gEOwUi of the plentft of the Adonia gardeil was accetenitei by the applicatioDi 
boIlL of itrtHig natural and astral beat in thff foom in whick they were 
]daced^ The gardetf of the DoniniOBil conmitf at Celagiia recall Ihe Green* 
1kb4 9) tcamtaat ol Si Thamai^ where the garden waa kift fi»e from anonr 
during the winter, bebig eonatantiiy wsailed by^ natual hot ipidngB, as is told 
by the brethera Zeni, in ,tbe aoeomit of their tnwels <1888«-»<1404), thfi 
geogrqphical loealify of which is, however, very preblemaAacal. (Compaite 
2urla> Viaggiatori VeueziaBi, T. ii p. 68-^69; and Hntebddt^ Examea 
fiituiue de THist. de la Geogtaphie^ T. ii. p. 137.) Begukv hothouses seem 
|o have been of very late introdtfitioB in our botanic gardens. Bqte pine- 
apples were first obtained at the Qid of the seventeenth century (Bec]ananB» 

Ctoidiiehto dor Erfindimgeii, Bd. iv. S. 387) ; md Ltnnaeiis even ttseits, f« 
tlie Mum GattartixDm tann» Haitecampi that fhe fint banana wMchflowcrd 
ift Europe was at Vienna^ m the garden of ]Moee Bogene, in 1781. 

(^) p. 88.-«Theae viewa of trepieaL vegetation, iUiutnitive of the "phy- 
aiognomyof plaDtB»'^ lorm, in the Royal Mnaenm at Berlin (in the d^artment 
«f miniatarea, drawings, and engravings), n treaanze of ait whidi, ibr ifci 
peenliaiiij and pietoreaqne variety, is a» yet without a parallel in uy other 
coDeetion. The sheets edited by the Baron von KittUti are entitle^ *Ve{^ 
tationa Anaiditen der KastenMmder nnd Insdn dee stfllen Oceans, a«%eBOiii* 
flua 1837^1889 aof der Sntdeeknngs-reiBe der kais. mss. Corvette Se^jawn^ 
(Siegeo, 1844). Iliere is also great troth to nature in the drawinga of Cad 
Bodmer, which are engraved in a mastedy nanner, and Olnstrate the great 
work of the taaveis of Prinee Maiimilian m Wied in ii» interior of NcKh 

. f^ p. SS.^HnmhoUft, Ansiehtcn der Natnr, 2te Ansgabe, 1826, Bd. k 
8. 7, 16, 21, 86, and 42. Compare also two very instmctive meraoirsii Friediiek 
von Martins, Fhysionomie des Pflanzenraches in Brasilien, 1824, and M. von 
Olfers, allgemwne Uebersieht von Biasilien, in Eddners Beisen, 1828, Bd. i 
S. 18--23. 

(^ p. 94.— Wilhelm von Humboldt, in his Bru^veohsel mit SdliBa^ 
1830, S. 470. 

(^ p. 95.— Diodor. ii IS. He however gives to the odebmted gaidens 
of Semiramis a eiieumference- of only twelve stadia. . The district near fhi 
pass of Bagistanos is stQl eaQed the "bow. or eircnit of the garden*'-*1>nk4- 
bostan (Droysen, Geseh. Aleianden des Giossen, 18S8, S. 558). 

(^ p. 95.— In the Sduhnameh of Firdnsi it is addi "a slender cypRfl^ 
sprung from Paradiie^ did Zerduaht plant before the gate of the tempk of fire" 
(at Ki^imeer in Khorasan). " He had written on the tidl cypress tree, Aat 
Gushtasp had embiaeed the true fidth, that the dcnder tree waa a testkaony 
thereof, and that thus did God extend righteousness. "When many years had 
passed over, the tall cypress became so large that the hunter's covd oould-not 
go rouid its drcumliBrenoe. When its top was farmshed with many branehes^ 
he euoompaased it with a palace of pure gold... ...and caused it to be sail 

abroad in the world, 'Where is Uiere on the earth a cypress like that d 
Kishmeer ? God sent it me from Paradise, and said. Bow thyself from theoee 
to Paradise." (When the Caliph Motewekldl had the sacred cypresses cf 
the M agiaus cut down, this one was said to be 1450 years eld.) Compara 
Yulkr's Eraginente iiber die Beligiou des Zoroaster^ 1881, S. 71 and I'U^ 

•ad Bitter, Erdkande, Tit vi., 1. S. 242. The cypwBB (m Arabic aiar iroo^ 
in Persiaa aerw kohi) appears to be origmally a. native of the monntains of 
Bosih, west of Herat (vide G^graphie d'Edrisi, traduit per Jaubert, 1839i 
T. i. p. 464). 

Q^ p. 96.— Achm. Tat. i. 25; Longiu» Past. ir. p. 108, Seller. 
** Gesenius (Thes. lingiUB Hebr. T. iu p. 1124) suggests, veiy justly, the view 
that the word Paradise bdonged origiiuUy to the andent Persian langoago^ 
but that its nse has been lost in the modem Peisian* fSrdosi, although his 
own name was taken from it, usually employs only the wovd behischt ; ths 
tiHsient Persian origin of the word is, however, expressly witnessed by Po]lnx» 
in the Onomast. iz. 8, Xenophon, (ESoon. 4, 13, and 21 ; Anab. i. 2, 
■7, and i 4, 10; Gyrop. i4,5. In the sense of 'pleasure-garden* or 
'garden,' the word. was probata transferred from the Persian into the 
Hebrew {jpardes, Cant. iv. 13 ; Nehem. ii. 8 ; and Ecd. ii. 5), into the Arabie 
ifirdoM, plnr. faradint, oompare Alcoran, zxiii. 11, and Lno. 28, 48), into 
the Syrian and Armenian {paties, vide Giakciak, Dizionaiio Armeno, 1887b 
p. 1194 ; and Schroder, Thes. Xing. Aimrai. 1711, preef. p. 56). The derivi^ 
tion of the Persian word from the Sansorit {preuiSsa qt paradiMf drcoit, or 
district, or foreign la^d), noticed by Benfey (Griech.Wiirzellexikon, Bd. i. 1889, 
S. 188), and previously by Bohlen and Gesenins, suits perfectly well in fo^I^ 
but only indifferently in sense." — ^Buschmann. 

Q^) ijf. 96.— Herod, vii. 81 (between Kallatebus and Sordes). 

(*«) p. 96.- Bitter, Srdkunde, Th. iy. 2. S. 287, 261, and 681; Ibssqd. 
indische Alterthumsknnde, Bd. i. S. 260. 

(133) p. 96.— rPausanins, i. 21, 9. Compare also Arboretum Sacrum, in 
Meursii Opp. ez recensione Joann. Lami, Yol. x. ilorent. 1758, p. 777—844. 

(^) p. 97. — Notice historiqne sur les Jardins des Chinois, in the M^oiies 
eoncemant les Chinois, T. viii p. 809. 

(»») p. 97.— Idem, p. 818—320. 

0?) p. 97.— Sir GeoxKl^yStaunton, Aeoonnt of th^s Embassy of the Earl of 
Macartney to China, Vol. iLp. 246. 

(137) p. 97._Itot v. PafOder-Mnskau, Andeutnngen uber Landsehafts- 
gSrtnerd, 1884. See also bia Picturesque Descriptions of the Old and New 
EngUsh Parks, ar weU as that of the Egyptian Garden of &hubia. 

(t^ p. 98.— Eloge de la Yillede Moukden, Podme compost par TEmpe- 
pm Kien-long, traduit nar le P. Amiot, 1770, p. 18, 22—26, 87, 63—68, 
SfS— 87, 104, and 120. 
I C^ p. 99.— M^moir^ eoneaBuuit ka Chinois, T. ii. p. 648-^650. 

0^ p. 99, — Fh. Fr. yon Siebold, Knadkandige Naandijst vaa japanBcbe en 
AineeMhe Flnteii, 1844, p. 4. How great a dUfeienoa between the Tariety 
cf Tegetaible fonna cnltifnied for so many ceatmies past in Eastern Asia, and 
Qie comparative poverty of the list given by Ck>lnmeUa,in his poem de ColCa 
Hortomm (v. 95—105^ 174^176, 255—271, 296-^06), and to which the 
•debrated gariand-weairin of Athena were eonimed t It was not until tiie 
tame of the Pto]eiaiM» thai in ISgypt* and partienlarly in Alexandria, so]n0> 
What greater ptina were liken by the more ekflfiil gardeners to obtaEm variety, 
pttticahily for winter eoltifitiea, (Gompale Athen. v. p. 190.) 

(^) p. 101.— Kosmoa, Bd. i S. 50—57 (Eng^ edit. VoL i. p. 43—49}. 

(MS) p. 107.— Niebohr, rem. GesehieUe, Xh. i. S. 6»; BrayaeB, Gts^ 
dor BiUnng das hdltinislisehen Staatensyateihsy lt4&, S. 811-^4, 567- 
578 ; Fried. Cramer de studiia qvM vnteras ad dianum gaatinak ccmtaterisi 
liognas, 1844, p. 2-^18. 

O P- 109. — ^In Saoserit^ rioe ii friAi, ootton ketrpdta, sugar *sarian, 
nd nard nanartAa; vide Lassen, indische Altetthnmskonde, Bd. i. 1843, S. 
245, 250, 270, 289, and 538. On *aarkara and kanda (whence onr sogar. 
candy), see my Prolegomena de £stribntione geographica plantamm, 1817i 
p. 211 : — ' *' Confadisse videntnr veteres saodwnmi vemm cum Tebasdure 
BambnsaB, torn quia ntraqne in anmdinibus inveninntnr, torn etiam qnia vcbe 
sanscradana tcharkara, qus ho^e (nt pen. tehakttt el Mndost. 9chukm) pio 
iaccharo nostro adhibetar, ^observante Boppio, ex anetoritate Amarasiiihs^ 
proprie nil delce (madn) si^iiiScat^ sed qnieqnid lapidosmn et arenaeieam est, 
ac vel calcnlmn vesicae. Verisimile igitnr, irooem scharicira initio domtant 
tebaschimm (saecar mombn) mdieasse^ poaterins in saoeharom nostrum hnmi- 
lions amndinis (ihschn, kaadiksohn, kanda) ex simiiitwIiQd aspectos traosfah 
tarn esse. Vox BMBbnsfls ex maniba derivator ; ex kaaida nostratinm voeei 
candis zuckerkand. In tebaschiro agnosdtur Persamm achir, h. e. lae^ 
sanscr. kschiram." The Sanscrit name for tabaschir (see Lassen, Bd. L S. 
271—^74) is ttfoikKMrs^ bvk a^ $ milk trom the bark: {taat^ek). Com- 
pare also Pott, Kordiache Studien in der Zettsohrift fOr die Eunde des HiX^ 
gea]andes» Bd. viL S. 163— 160> and tins able discoSsioii by Carl Rltter, is 
his Eidknoae von Asian, Bd. vi 2, S. 282—237. 

0^) p. 112.--£Hald, Geschiehte des Yolkes Israel, Bd. i. 1848, S. SSSh* 

834; Lassen, ind. Alterthnmshnnde, Bd. i. S. 528. Cbnqtiire Bodiger, in 

th£ ZeitsGhiift fur die Kimde dea Morgenlandes, B. iii S. 4, on Ghfl^eeai 

and Kurds, which latter Strabo terms KyrU, 

Q^) p. 112-.--B«r4j, the watershed of Onnnzd^ nearly where the chili 


«f tiie Tbian-schan (or IieaTen moimtaiiis); at its western terftiiiiaiSoii, abuts 
against the Bolor (Belur-ta^), or rather intersects it, under the name of thi 
Asferah chain, north of the highland of Famer (Upa-Mdm, or ooiBitry above 
Mem). Compare Bumou^ Ck)mmentaire sor le Taemi, T. i. p. 289, and 
Addit. p. clzxz7. with Hnmboldt^ Asie ceatialeb T. i. p. 169^ T. ii pp. 1(^ 
877> and 890. 

O P* 112.— Chronological data lor Egypt:— ^' Menes^ 8900 b. 0. al 
least, and probably tolerably exact}— oommeiiieement of the 4th dynasty 
(comprising the Pyramid bnilders, C3iephxe&-Scha&a, Cheop6>-Chiifo, aad 
Mykennos or Memkera), 3480 ;«— invasioiL of the Hyksos under the 12th 
dynasty, to which belongs Amenemha III. the bisilder of the original Laby- 
rinth, 2200. A thousand yean at least before Menes, and pr(^biil»ly still 
more, must be allowed for the gradual growl^ <rif a dvilisatien which had 
reached its completiox^, and had in part become fixed, at least 8480 years be^ 
fore our era." — (Lepsius, in several letters to xnyselt in March 1846, after 
his return from his memorable expedition.) Compare also Buiisen's consi* 
derations on the commencement of Universal History, (which, strictly speak- 
ing, does not include the earliest hist(»y of ntaakind), in his ingemous and 
learned work, ^gyptens Stelle in- Aer Weltgeschichte, 1845, 1st book, 9; 
11 — 13. The histoiy and r^gidar chronology of the Chinese go back td 
2400, and even to 2700, before our era, much beyond Ju to Hoa&g-ty. 
There are noany literary monuments ai the 18th eentury b. c. ; and in the 
12th, Thschen-li records the measurement of the length of the solstitial sha* 
dow by Tscheu-kung, in the town of Lo-yax^, south of the Yellow Biter, 
which is so exact that Laplace found it ^ate aeeordant with the tiiieory'of th* 
alteration of the obhquity of the ecliptie, which was only propounded at the 
dose of the last century ; so that there' eau be no suspicion of a fictitiona 
measurement obtained by calculatxug back. See Edouard Biot sur la Const!- 
tution politique de la Chine an 12^me si^e avant notre hn (1845), pp. 8 
and 9. The building of Tyre and of the original temple of Melkarth, the 
Tyrian Hercales» would reach back to 2760 yeals before 6ur era^ according 
to the account which Herodotus received finnatjbe priests (II. 44). Compare 
also Heeren, Ideen uber PoHtik und Yerkelff det Ydlker, Th. i; 2, 1824^ 
S. 12. Simplicias> from a notiee transmitted by Porphyry, estimates ^ 
antiquity of Babybnian astronomical obseirvatiiDna which were known to Aris- 
totle at 1 903 years before Alexander the Great ; and the profound and (Ssntiotii 
chronologist Ideler considers this datum by no sieans improbable. Compare 

jxnn irones. 

lut Hmdhneh dor CSmmologie, Bd. i S. £07 ; the Abhaadhmgen der B«- 
liner Akid. tof dai J. 1814, S. 217; and BdeUi, mtixoL UntemidiniigaB 
fiber die Mane das Atterthumi, 1888, S. 86. It is a qaeadoii atill wrapped 
in obaeoritj, wlieUMr then ia biitorie ground in India eariier tiian 1200 
B. c.» aoecnding to flie CSuranideB of Kaahmeer (Bajjatarangini, tiad. pff 
Trojer), while MegafUwnea (Indica, ed. Sdiwanbeck; 1845, p. 60) ndam 
from 60 to 64 eentoiies from Mann to Ghandngi^ta, far 158 kings d tlis 
dynaitj of Magadha; and the astronomer Aiyahhatta places the beginmng of 
bis Chionologj 8102 b. o. (Laesen, ind. Atterthnmsk. Bd. L S. 478, SOi, 
507» and 610). For the purpose of lendering the nnmbers contained ia tUi 
note mora stgnificant in respect to Ihe histoij of civilixation, it maj not te 
MqpoiliioDs to reeal, that Ihe destruction of IVogr is placed 1184 — ^Hobbs 
1000 or 950 — and Cadmns the Milesian, the first historical writer among tb 
GreelcB, 524 years hefora our era. lliis compaiiaontxf epochs shews how 
nneqnaUy the desin for an exact record of events and enterprises made itidf 
felt among the nations most highly snaoeptible of cnltiire : it reminds ns ia- 
volmitarilj of the sentence which Fkto, in the Tunaeas, places in the mouft 
of the priests oi Sais: "O Solon, Solon! yon Oreeks still remain ever chil- 
dren ; nowhere in Hellas is there an aged man. Your souls are ever yoofh- 
fill; yon have in them no knowledge of antiquity, no ancient faith, no wiadom 
grown hoar hy age." 

C^ p. 112.— Compare Kosmos, Bd. i S. 92 and 160 (EngL ed. YoLL 
p. 79 and 144). 

Q^ p. I12.--Wilhe]m von Hmnholdt fiber dne Episode des Maha-Bha- 
rata, in his Gesammelten Werken, Bd. L S. 73. 

C^ p. 116.— Kosmos, Bd. i S. 309 and 851 (Eng. ed. YdL i. p. 283 asd 
822) ; Asie centrahs, T. iii. p. 24 and 148. 

(^ p. 117.—Flato, Fhsdo, pag. 109, B. (compare Herod. iL 21). Cko- 
medes also depressed the macbct of the earth in the middle to receive thB 
Mediterranean (Yoss, krit. Blatter, Bd. ii. 1828, S. 144 and 150). 

(^^) p. 117.— I first developed this idea in my BeL hist, da voyage mx 
r^ons ^inniriales, T. liL p. 286; and in the Ezamen crit. de lliist. doll 
gtegr. an 15^me siksle, T. i p. 86—88. Compare also Otfiried Miiller, ia 
the GottingiBchen gelehrten Anzeigeii, 1888, Bd. i S. 875. The western- 
most basin, to which I apply the general name of Tynbenian, indndes, ao* 
cording to Strabo, the Iberian, ligorian, and Sardinian seas. The Syiiie 
basin, east of Sicily, indndes the Ansonian or Sicdisn, the Lybian, and tbs 
Ionian seas. The southern and sonth-westem part of the JEgean sea mi 


celled Cretae, Saronic, and Myrtoic. The renurbible passage in Aristot. de 
Mundo, cap. iii. (pag. 898, Bekk.) relates merely to the smnoiis form of the 
coasts of the MediterraDean, and its effect on the inflowing ocean. 

O P- 118.— Kosmoe» Bd. i. S. 253 and 464 (Engl. ed. Yol. i. p. 281, 
Note 288). 

("^ p. 119. — ^Humboldt, Asie centnJe, T. i. p. 67. The two remarkable 
passages of Strabo are the following : — " Eratosthenes names three, and Poly* 
.bins fiye points of projecting land in which Emnpe terminates. The penin- 
•qLis named by Eratosthenes are, firsts the one which extends to the pillan 
of Hercules, to which Iberia belongs ; next, that which terminates at the 
Sicilian straits, on which is Italy ; and thirdly, that which extends to Malea, 
and contains all the nations between the Adriatic, the Eoxine, and the 
Tanais.'* — (lib. ii. p. 109.) " We begin with Europe because it is of irregtt- 
lar form, and is the part of the world most favonrable to the ennoblement 
gf men and of citizens. It is every where habitable, except some lands near 
the Tanais, which are desert on account of the cold.*' — (Lib. ii. pag. 126.) 

(^) p. 119.— Ukert, Geogr. der Griechen mid Romer, Th. i. Abth. 2, 
S. 345-^348, and Th. ii. Abth. 1, S. 194; Johannes v. Miiller, Werke, Bd. 
i. S. 88 ; Humboldt, Examen critique, T. i. pp. 112 and 171 ; Otfried MiiUer, 
Minyer, S. 64 ; and the same in a critical notice (only too kind) of my me- 
moir on the Mythic Geography of the Greeks (Gott. gdehrte Anzeigen, 1888, 
Bd. i. S. 872 and 888). I expressed myself generally thus : — ''Eu soulevant 
des questions qui ofQriraient deja de Timportance dans Tinter^ des etudes 
philologiques, je n'ai pu gagner sur mol de passer enti^rement sous silence ce 
qui appartient moins h, la description du monde Teel qu'au cycle de la g^gra* 
phie mythique. II en est de Tespace comme du tems ; on ne sauroit traiter 
rhistoire sous un point de vue philosophique, en ensevelissant dans tm oubli 
absolu les tems heroiques. Les mythes des penples, meles h Thistoire et a la 
geographie, ne sont pas en entier du domaine du monde ideal. Si le vague 
est un de leurs traits distinct, si le symbole y couvre la realite d'un voile 
pins on moins epais, lea mythes intimeinent li^s entr*eux, n'en rev^ent pas 
moins la souche antique des premiers aper9us de cosmographie et de phy- 
sique. Les faits de lldstoire et dela geographie primitives ne sont pas senle- 
ment d'ingenieuses fictions, les opinions qu'on s'est formees sur le monde 
red s'y refletent." The great investigator of antiquity, whom I have named, 
whose early death on the soil of Greece, to which he devoted such profound 
and varied research, has been universally lamented, thought, on the contrary, 
hat^ *f in the poetic idea of th« earthy such as it appears in Greek poetry, the 


diiflf part isby no meaiu to be maoMi to the ^eenlts of aetaal eipeneDee, 
invested bj crednljty and the lore of the marrdLoBB, with a fBibuIoos appew • 
anoe, (aa is supposed to have been particolarly the eaae in the msrilimelq;eiids 
of the PhGBDician sailors) ; we should, on the oontnrj, seek the bases of the 
imaginary pictnie rather in certain ideal presuppositions and requirements ci 
the feelings, on which a trqa geogr^hical knowledge has <Mily gradnally 
began to work. From this there has often resulted the interesting phenome- 
non, that purely subjective creations of a &ncy working under the gnidanst 
of certain ideas, pass almost imperoeptiUiy into real countgnea, and wdl' 
known objects (rf scientific geography. We may infer from these oonsidaa- 
tions, that all pictures of the imagination, either mythical or arrayed ia 
mythical forms, belong; in their pn^er groundwork, to an ideal world, and 
have no original connexion with the actual extension of the knowledge of the 
earth, or of navigation beyond the pillars of Hercules." The opinion ex- 
pressed by me in the French work was more aceordant witb the eariier viewi 
of Otfried Muller, for in the Prol^menon zu einer wissenaehaftUchen My- 
thologie, S. 68 and 109, he said very distinctly, that, "in mythical narrs- 
tives, what is done and what is imagined, the real and the ideal, are moii 
often closely combined with each other." Compare also, on the Atlantis sod 
Lyktonia, Martin, Etudes sur le Tim^ de Fhston,' T. i. p. 293—326.) 

(^) p. I20.«-Naxos by Ernst Curtius, 1846, S. 11 ; Droysen, GeschiditB 
der Bildang des hellenistischen Staatensystems, 1843, S. 4 — 9. 

0^) p. 121. — Leopold von Bach iiber die geognostischen Systems von 
Deutschland, S. xi. ; Humboldt, Asie centnde, T. i. p. 284—286. 

0*0 p. 121.— Kosmos, Bd. i. S. 479 (Engl. edit. Vol. i. Note 389). 

(^ p. 122. — All relating to Egyptian dironoLogy and history (from ^ 
122 to p. 125), which is distinguished by marks of quotation, rests on maon- 
script communications received from my friend Professor Lepsius, in Matdi 

(^ p. 122.— With Otfried Miiller, I place the Bono immigration into 
the Peloponnesus 828 years before the fizat Olympiad (Dorier, Abth. il S. 

0^ p. 123.— Tac. Annal. ii. 59. In the Papyrus of Saflier (Campagnei 
de Sesostris), Cbampollion found the names of the Javani' or Jouni and the 
Luki (lonians and Lycians ?). Compare Bunseu, iBgypten, Buch L S. 60. 

(Wi) p. 124.— Herod, ii. 102 and 103; Diod. Sic. i. 56 and 66. Of ths 
memorial pillars (stelse) or tokens of victory which Bamses Miamonn set up 
in the conntries which he traversed, three are expressly named by Herodotm 



(ii. 106) — " one in Palestinian Sjrn, and two in Ionia— on tb^ passage from 
the Epheaian territory to Fhocsea, and from that of Sardis to Smyrna.** A 
cock inscription, in which the name of Bamses presents itself several tisMi^ 
has been found in Syria, near the Lycos, not far from Beirut (Beiytos), af 
well as another ruder one in the valley of Karahel, near Nymj^o, and* 
according to Lepsios, on the way from the Ephesian territory to PhocisB%. 
Lepsius, in the Ann. dell' Institnt archeol. Vol. z. 1838, p. 12; and in hi* 
letter from Smyrna, Dec. 1845, published in the archaologischen Zeitm^g, 
Mai 1846, No. 41, S. 271—280. Kiepert, in idem, 1843, No. 8, S. 35. 
The now rapidly advancing discoveries in archseol(^ and phonetic languages 
will hereafter decide whether, as Heeren believes (Greschichte der Staaten des 
Alterthums, 1828, S. 76), the great conqueror penetrated ^ far as Persia and 
^indostan, "as Western Asia did not then as yet contain any great empire" 
(the building of Assyrian Nineveh is placed only in 1230 B.C.). Strabo (lib. 
jKvi. p. 760) speaks of a memorial piUar of Sesostris B«ar the Strait of Dei^e, 
now called Bab-el-Mandeb. It is, however, also very probable, that in ^ the 
old kingdom," above 900 years before Bamses l^^iamonn, Egyptian kin^ 
may have made similar military expeditions into Asia. It was under the 
Pharaoh Setos II. the second successor of the great BaBoaes Miamoun, and 
belonging to the 19th dynasty, that Moses went out of Egypt, according to 
Lepsius about 1300 years before our era. 

Q^ p. 125. — ^According to Aristotle, Strahoi, and Pliny ; but not accords 
' ing to Herodotus. See Letronne, in the Bevue des deo^c Mondes, 1841, T« 
xxvii. p. 219 ; and Droysen, Bildung des heUenist. Staatensystem^ S. 735. 

0^ p. 125. — To the important opinions of Bennell, Heeren, and Sprengel^ 
which are favourable to the reality of the circumnavigation of Lybia, we must 
now add that of a profound philologist, Etienne Quatremere (M^oires de 
TAcad. des Inscriptions, T. xr. P. 2, 1845, p. 380--388). The most con- 
vincing argument for the truth of the account given by Herodotus (iv. 42) 
appears to me to be the observation which seems to him so incredible, viz. 
" that those who sailed round Lybia, in sailing from east to west, had had the 
sun on their riffht hand" In the Mediterranean, in sailing from east to 
west, the sun at noon was always seen to the lefk only. It w^ould seem as if 
a more accurate knowledge of the possibility of such a navigation had existed 
in Egypt previous to the time of Neku II. (Nechos), as Herodotus makes him 
distinctly command the Phoenicians " to make their return to Egypt by the 
Pillars of Hercules." It is singular that Strabo, who (lib. ii. p. 98), discnssea 
at such length the attempted circumnavigation of Eadoxus of Cyzicus under 


CSeopatra, and mentioni fragments of a ship from Oadein fonnd on tin 
£thiopian (eastern) coast, declares the accounts given of earlier circnnmaTiga* 
tions actually accomplished to be BergaU f ablet (lib. ii. p. 100) ; but he I7 
fio means denies the possibility of the circamnayigation itself (lib. i. p. 38), 
and aifirms that from the east to the west there is but little remaining wantmg 
to its completion (lib. L p. 5). Strabo did not at all concur in the extraordt^ 
nary isthmus-hypothesis of Hipparchus and Marinus uf Tyre, according ts 
which Eastern Africa joined on to the south-east end of Asia, making ilk 
Indian Ocean a Mediterranean Sea (Humboldt, Examen crit. de THist. de 
la G^gniphie, T. i. p. 139—142, 145, 161, and 229 ; T. ii. p. 370—873). 
Strabo quotes Herodotus, but does not name Nechos, whose expedition he 
altogether confounds with one directed by Darios round Southern Persia and 
Arabia (Herod, iv. 44). Gosselin has even proposed, with too great boldness 
to change the reading from Darius to Nechos. A counterpart for the horses' 
hisad of the ship of Gadeira, which Eudoxus is said to hare exhibited in s 
market-place in Egypt, may be found in the remains of a ship of the Red Se^ 
brought to the coast of Crete by westerly currents, accoruing to the account 
of a very trustworthy Arabian historian (Masudi, in the Morudj-al-dzehe1i^ 
Quatrem^re, p. 380, and Beinaud, Relation des Voyages dans Tlnde, 1845, 
T. i. p. xvi. and T. ii. p. 46). 

C") p. 125.— Diod. Ub. i. cap. 67, 10; Herodotus, ii. 154, 178, and 18i 
On the probability of intercourse between Egypt and Greece before the tims 
of Psammetichus, see the ingenious observations of Ludwig Ross, in Helle- 
nika, Bd. i. 1846, S. y. and x. " In the times immediately preceding Psam- 
metichus," says the last named writer, "there was in both countries a period 
of internal disorder, which could not but entail a diminution and paitisl 
interruption of intercourse. 

(*") p. 126. — Bockh, metrologischo Untersuchungen tLber Gewichtei 
Munzfosse und Masse des Alterthums in ihrem Zusammenhang, 1838, S. 19 
nnd 278. 

0*) p. 126. — See the passages collected in Otfried MfiUer's Minycr, 8. 
115, and in his Dorier, Abth. i. S. 129; Franz, Elementa Epigraphica 
GrffiCSB, 1840, p. 13, 32, and 34. 

(**0 P* 127. — Lepsius, in his important memoir, fiber die Anordnung raid 
Yerwandtschaft des semitischen, indischen, alt-persischen, alt-segyptischen 
nnd ffithiopischen Alphabets, 1836, S. 23, 28 und 57 \ Gesenius, Scriptonv 
Phoenicia Mouumenta, 1837, p. 17. 

(»«) I?. 128.— Strabo, lib. xvi. p. 757, 


9<yrEs* xxxui 

C") p. 128. — ^It is easier to determine the locaKty of the " land of lin* 
(Britain and the Scillj Islands) than that of the "amber coast';" for it 
seems'to me very improbable that tbe old Greek denomination Kaffffirtgot, 
which was in nse eren in the Homeric times, is to be derived from a stauni* 
ferous mountain in the sonth-west of Spain, called Mount Cassins, and which 
Avieuns, who was well acquainted with the ooontry, placed between Gaddir 
tnd the mouth of a small southern Ibems (Ukert, Geogr. der Griechen und 
Bomer, Theil ii. -Abth. i. S. 479). Kassiteros is the ancient Indian Sanscrit 
word kastSra. Zinn in German, den in Icelandic, tin in English, and tenn in 
Swedish, is in the Malay and Javanese language, timah ; a simOariiy of sound 
whidi reminds us of that of the old German word glessum (the name given 
to transparent amber) to the modem " glas," glass. The names of articles of 
commerce pass from nation to nation, and become adopted into the most 
different languages (see above, p. 109, and Note 143.) Through the inter- 
course which the Phienicians, by means of their factories in the Persian Gulf, 
maintained with the east coast of India, the Sanscrit work kastira, expressing 
a most useful product of further India,' and still existing among the old 
Aramaic idioms in the Arabian word kasdir, becsnne known to the Greeks 
even before Albion and the British Cassiterides had been visited (Aug. Wilh. 
V. Schlegel, in the indischen Bibliothek, Bd. ii, S. E93 ; Benfiey, Indica, S. 
307 ; Pott, etymol. Forschungen, Th. ii. S. 414 ; Lassen, indische Alter- 
thumskunde, Bd. i. S. 239). A name often becomes an historical monument, 
and the etymological analysis of languages, which is sometimes ignorantlj 
derided, is not without its fruit. The ancients were also acquainted with the 
existence of tin (one of the rarest metals on the globe) in the country of the 
Artabri and the Callaici, in the north-west part of the Iberian continent 
(Strabo, lib. iii. p. 147 ; Plin. xxxiv. c. 16) ; nearer of access, therefore, for 
navigators frx>m the Mediterranean than the Cassiterides ((Estrymnides of 
Avienus). When I was in Galicia, in 1799, before embarking for the 
Canaries, nuning operations were still carried on, on a very poor scale, in the 
granitic mountains (see my Bel. hist. T. i. p. 51 and 53). The occurrenee of 
tin in this locality is of some geological importance, on account of the former 
eonsection of Galicia, the peninsula of Brittany, and Cornwall. 

(^^ p. 128.— Etienne Quatremere, M^m. de TAcad. des Inscript. T. xr« 
P. u. 1845, p. 363^--870. 

0^) p. 128.— Hie early expressed opinion (Heinzen's neses KieUschei 
Magazin, Th. ii. 1787, S. 839 ; Siprengel, Gesch. der geogr. Entdeckungen^ 
1792 ; S. 51 ; Yosi^ krit. Blatter, Bd. ii. S. 392—403) is now gaining 
VOL. II. 2 D 

-U I 


gnrand, tliat tiie ambor was btooght 3y m«» aik fint only from ^wttt Cfak 
liriaii coast, and thafc it leachad tiie HeditemniaiL chieflj l^ land, boog 
liroD^t acrosa the i]iter?emog conntriea hj means of inland traffic and baitv. 
The moat thorongh and acute investigation of this subject is contained ia 
ITkert's memoir iiber daa Eleetnim, in dor Zeitsehzift fur AlterthnmswisBoi- 
8chaft» Jahr. 1838, No. 52-*56. (Compare with it the same author's Geo* 
graphie der Grieohen nnd Bomer, TL ii Abth. iL 1832, S. 26—36, TL E 
i. 1843, S. 86, 175, 182, 320, and 340.) The Massilians, who, according is 
Heeren, penetrated, after the PheBnicians, as &r as the Baltic, under Pjrthea^ 
hardly went beyond the mouths of the Weser and the Elbe. The amber 
islands (Glessaria, also called Anstrania) are placed by Pliny (ir. 16) de» 
cidedly west of the CSmbriaa pnaumtory in the German Sea; and the con* 
nection with the eipedition of Gecmanicus sufBciently shews that an island ia 
the Baltic is not meant Moreover, the effocts of the ebb and flood tides in 
the estuaries which throw up amber, where, according to the expressiou of 
Servins, *'marevicissim turn aocedit, turn reoedit," suits the coasts between 
the Helder and the Cimbrian peninsula, but does not suit the Baltic, in which 
Timsns places the island of Baltia (Pfin. xxxviL 2)^ Abalus, a day's joaraey 
from an sestuarium, eaanot, therefore, be the Kuzische Nehmng. On the 
voyage of I^rtheas to the west shores of Jutland, and on the amber trade 
along the whole coast of Skagen, as £» as the Netherlands, see also 
Werlauff, Yidrag til den nordiscke Bavhandels Historic (Ciopenh. 1835). 
Tacitus, not Pliny, is the first writer acquainted with the glessum of the 
shores of the Baltic, in the land of the .^styaos (iBstuonun gentium) and the 
Venedi, concerning whom the great ethnologist Schaffiurik (slawische Alter- 
thiimer, Th. i. S. 151—165), is uncertain whether' they were Slavonians or 
Germans. The more active direct connection with the Samland coast of the 
Baltic, and with the ,^&8tyans by means of the overland route throoj^ 
Pannonia, by Gamuntum, which was opened by a Boman knight under Nen^ 
appears to me to have belonged to the later times of the Roman Ciesan 
(Voigt, Gesch. Prensaen's, Bd. L S. 85.) The relations between the Pmssiaa 
eoasts and the Greek colonies on the Black Sea are evidenced by fine ooini^ 
struck probably before the 85th Olympiad, whidi have been recently fiouid it 
the Nets district (Lewezow, in den AbhandL der BerL Akad. der Yfvss, ans 
dem Jahr 1833, S. 181—224). No doubt the amber stranded or buried on 
coasts (Plin. zxzvii cap. 2),~the electron, the wn 4tone of the very ancient 
mythns of the Eridanus,— came to the south, both by land and by sea, from 
xVeiy difGsrent districts. The " amber duff tip at tw9 places in Scythia wis 


li part very dark eoloixred," Amber is still eollected near KaltschedaxiBk, 
npi^ &r from KamenBTc, on the Ural; fingments imbedded in lignite wen 
g^ven to na in Katbarinenbnig. See G. Bo8e> Reiae nack den^ Ural, Bd. U 
8. 481; and Sir Boderick Mnrchison, in the Geology of Bossia^ Vol. i. p. 
306. The fossil wood wbidi often saironnda tke amber had early attracted 
the attention of the ancienta. This resin, which was at that time so highly 
▼alned, was ascribed to the black pojdar (according to the Chian Seymnns, y, 
896, p. 867, Letronne), or to a tree of the cedar or piae kind (according to 
Mithridates, in Flin. zzzvii. cap. 2 and 3). The recent exceUeot inyestiga* 
tions of Prof. Goppert^ at Breskn, have shewn that the ooiyecture of the 
Roman collector was the more correct. Respecting the fossil amber tree 
(Finitea sucdnifer) bdongiog to an earlier vegetation, compare Kosmos, Bd. i. 
8. 298 (EngL edit. YoL I p. 273) andBerendt, oiganische Reste im Bern- 
stein, Bd. i. Abth . i 184.5, S. 89. 

(^ p. 129. — ^Respecting the Chremetes^ see Aiistot. Meteor. liK i. p. 350, 
Bekk. ; and respecting the southern stars, <^ which Hanno makes mention in 
his ship's journal^ see my Rel. Hist. t. i p. 172 ; and Examen Grit, de la 
Geogr. t. i. p. 39, 180, and 288 ; t. iii. p. 135. (Grosselin Recheiches snr 
la Geogr. System, des Ajidens, t. U p. 94 wd 98 ; Ukert, Th. L S. 61-66.) 

Q^ p. 129. — Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 826. The destmction of PIuBniciaa 
eolonies by Nigritians (lib. ii. p. 131) appears to indicate a very southern 
locality ; more so, perhaps, than the crocodiles and dephants mentioned by 
Hanno, as both these were certainly found north of the desert of Sahara, in 
Maurusia, and in the whole western country near the chain of Mount Atlas* 
as is plain from Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 827 ; Mian de Nat. Anim. vii. 2 ; Plin,. 
T. 1, and from many occurrences in the wars between Rome and Carthage.. 
On this important subject, as respects the geography of animals, see Cuvier, 
Ossemens fossiles, 2 ^. t i* p. 7^ ; and Quatrem^re's work, already dted 
(Mem. de TAcad. des Inscriptions, t. xv. p. 2, 1845), p. 891—894.) 

(i») p. 130.— Herod, iii 106. 

P) p. 181.— In another work (Examen Crit. t. i. p. 130—139; t. ii 
p. 158 and 169 ; t. iii. p. 187—140) I have treated in detail this often con- 
tested subject, as well as the passages of Diodorus (y. 19 and 20), and of the 
l^seudo-Aristot. (Mirab. Auscnlt. cap. Ixxxv. p. 172, Bekk.) The compila- 
tion of the Mirab. Auscnlt. appears to be older than the end of the first Punie 
war, as in cap. cv. p. 211, it describes Sardinia as under the dominion of the 
Carthaginians. It is also remarkable, that the wood^dothed island men* 
tioned in this work is said t© be uninhabited, not therefore peopled with 


Gtmncliefl. Gnuichfli inhabited the whole group of the Canary IsIanA^ hut 
aot the iahmd of Madeura^ in which no inhabitants were found either by Jolui 
CKHizalfes and Tristan Yaz in 1619, or at an earlier period bj Robert Madmm 
and Anna Dorset (supposing tiieir romantic story to be historically true.) 
Heeren applies the description of Diodonis to Madeira only, yet he thinb 
that in tiie account of Festus Afienus (v. 164), so conYcrsant with Pome 
writings, he can recognise the frequent volcanic earthquakes of the Peak of 
Tenerifi^ (Vide his Ideen fiber PoUtik nnd Huidel, Th. 11. Abth. 1, 1826, 
8. 106.) From the geographical connection, the description of AYienus ap- 
pears to me to refer to a more northern locality, perhaps eren to the Eronie 
sea. (Ezamen Grit. t. iii. p. 1S8.) Ammianus MaroellinuB (xxiL 15), also 
notices the Punic sources which Juba used. Bespecting the probability of 
the Semitic origin of the name of the Canary Islands (the dog islands of 
Pliny's Latin etymology !), see Credner's biblische Yorstdlong-yom Paradieae^ 
indgen'sZeitschr. fiir die historische Theologie, Bd. vi. 1836, S. 166—186. 
All that has been written from the most ancient times to the middle ago^ 
respecting the Canaiy Ishmds, has been recently brought together in the 
fullest manner by Joaquim Jose da Costa de Macedo, in a work entitled, 
Memoria em que se pretende provar que os Arabes nfto conhecerfto as Can^ 
rias antes d<^ Portuguezes, 1844. Where history, so far as it is founded oa 
certain and distinctly expressed testimony is silent, there remain only diffis* 
rent degrees of probability; but an absolute denial of every £Bct in the 
world's history of which the evidence is not perfectly distinct, appears to me 
no happy application of phiblogic and historic criticism. The many indict- 
tions which have come down to us from antiquity, and careful consideratioDS 
cf the geographical relations of proximity to andent undoubted settlements on 
the African coast, lead me to believe that the Ganaiy group was known to the 
Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Greeks and Romans, and perhaps even to the 

Q"^ p. J 31. — Compare the calculations in my Bd. Hist. t. i. p. 140 and 
287. The Peak of Teneriffe is distant 2"^ 49' of arc from the nearest point d 
the African coast. Assuming a mean refraction of 0'08, the summit of tfaa 
Peak may therefore be seen from a height of 202 toises, and thus from the 
Montafias Negras, not far from Cape Bojador. In this calculation the eleva 
tion of the Peak above the level of the sea has been taken at 1904 toises. It 
has been recently determined trigonometrically by Captain Yidal at 1940 
toises, and barometrically by Messrs. Coupvent and Bumonlin (DTTrviUflb 
V6yage an Pole Sod, Hist. t. i. 1842, p. 31 and 82) at 1900 toiate. But 

.KOTES. xxxvii 

Inmcapote, mth a volcano, la GoroxLa* of. 800 toises deration (Loop. ▼. Bach, 
Canariflche Insdn, S. 104), and FortaYentora, are mnch nearer to the mam* 
land than Teneriffe : the distance of the first-named ishind bebg 1** 15'. and 
that of the aeoond r 2'. 

O'O P' 132- — ^Ross only mentions this assertion as a report. (Hellenika, 
Bd. i. S.. 11.) May thcsnpposed observation have rested on a mere iUnnonf 
If we take the eleyation of Etna above the sea at 1704 toises (lat. 87^ 46'» 
long, from Paris 12*^ 410, ^^'^ tiiat of the place of observation, on the 
Taygetos.(the Elias Hoontain), at 1236 toises Qat, 36'' 57', long, from Farit 
20^ 10> and the distance between the two at 852 geographical miles, we have 
for the point above Etna, receiving light from it, and being visible on 
Taygetos (jr. lor the doud perpendicularly above the luminous column of 
smoke, and reflecting its light), an elevation of 7612 toises, or 4i times 
greater than that of Etna. But if, as my friend Professor Endce has re- 
marked, we might assume the reflecting surfiice to be thai of a doud placed 
nearly intermediately between Etoa and Taygetos» then its height above the 
sea would only require to be 286 toises. 

P) p. 188.— Strabo, lib. zvi. p. 767, Casaub. According to Polybius^ 
both the Euxine and the Adriatic could be seen tnm. the Aimon mountains ; 

, Strabo was already aware of tiie inadmissibility of sodi a supposition (lib. vii. 
p. 313.) Compare S^mnu8,.p. 93. 

(^ p. 138. — On the synonymes.of Ophir, see my Examen Grit, de THist. 
do la Geographie, t.u. p. 42. Ptolemy, in lib. vi. cap. 7> p* 156, speaks of a 
Sapphara, metropolis of Arabia ; and in lib. vii. cap. 1, p. 168, of Supara, in 
the Gulf of Camboya (Barigazenns sinus, according to Hesychius), " a country 
rich in gokL" 1 Supara signifies in Indian, &ir shore (Schonufer.) (Lassei). 
'Diss, de Ttepobrane, p. 18, indische Altersthumkunde, Bd. i. S. 107; Keil, 

•Pjrofessor in Dorpat, liber die Hiram-Salomomsche. SchifiGeduinach Ophir 
imd Tarsis, S. 40—45.) 

' P^ p. 138. — Whether ships of Tarshish mean ocean ships, or whether, 
as MichadiB contends, .they have their name from the Phoenician Tarsus, in 

.CiHda?. see. Keil, S. 7, 15—22, and 71—84. 

O p. 188. — Oesenins, Thjesanrus Lbguss Hebr. t.i. p. 141; and the 

•same in the Encyd. of Ersch.aod Gruber, Sect. m. Th. iv. S. 401 ; Lassen, 
ind. Altorthumskunde, Bd. L S..588 ; Reinand, ReUtion des Voyages fiiits par 

te Arabes dans I'lnde et en Chine, t. i 1845, pi ;txviii. The learned Quatre- 

'whe, who^.ina very recentiy published treatise (Mem. de TAcad. des la- 

lacriptions, t; xv. pt. 2, .1845 «*.349— 402), again considers,, with Heoreii, 


OpUrtD be the CMt eottt «r AfriM, «zpbiiii tiM «lnkkiim (thiikkiyybB) ti ' 
mean not peaooda. Vat perroU, or Gdnea-fowli (p. 875.) Bespecting Sooo* 
ton, eompaie Bohkn, dai ilte Indien, Tk. n. S. 139, trith Ben&y, Indieo, 
S. 80—82. SoCeda it deteribed as a eonntry rich in gold by Ediisi Cm 
Amed^ Jaabat*8 trandatioa, t. L p*. 67), and nibseqnently bj the Portpgoese^ 
after Gema's voyage of disooverf (Barroe, Dee. I. Ut, z. tmp, i; P. ii. p. 37S; 
Kulfa,G«echiehteder£ntdeefaing8vd8en,Th.i.l841, S. 286.) IbaveeaDfii 
attention ekevHiere to the ciscamstance that Sdriai, in the middle of the 13& 
eentnry, q^eaka of the empies^enl of qniekail?er in the goldwaahingt madt 
by the negroes in this eovntry, as a long known practiee. Rememboxng tilt 
great freqnencf of the interdiange of r and I, we find the name of the evk 
African Sofida fcrfiBotly efmvalent to thai of Sophata, which i» used in tltf 
Septnagint, with aoreral other ftrma, for theOphir of Solomon'a and Hicna*! 
fleet. Ptolemy abe, as has been notieed above (Note 179), ^eaks of n Sflf> 
phara, in Arabia (Bitter, Asien, Bd. viiL 1846, S. 252), and a Supara ialn^fc 
The aignificant Sanaerit names of the mother oenntiy had been repeated, or, 
as it were, reflected on ndghbowing «r opposite coasts: we find similar ifr 
lations in the present day in the SpaniAh and En^ish Americas. The range 
ei the trade to Ophir might thos, aeooiding to my view, be ertended over a 
jpride spaoe, jnst aa a Phmaiciao voyage to Taxtesscis might indnde tondiisg 
at Cyrene and Carthage, Gadeira and Geme ; and >one to the Cassitendei 
might embrace the Artabrian^ ]Mtish, and East Cimbrian coasts. ItiB^ 
however, remarkable, that we do not find inoense, s]^oes, and silk and eottoi 
eloth, named among the wwes from Ophir, together with ivory, iqpes, adl 
peaoods* GQie latter are ezdusively Indian, althoagh, from their gradad 
esteBsion to the westward, they were often called, by the Greeks ''Mediaa 
and Persian birda:" the Samians even siqpposed them to have been originallf 
belonging to Samoa, onaooonnt of the peacocks kept by the priests in the 
sanctoary of Hera. Prom a passage in Enstathins (Comm. in Biad. t ir. 
p^ 225, ed. lips. 1827), on the sacredness of peaoo^ in Idbya» it has heea 
unduly inferred that the rams also belonged to Africa. 

O P* 999. — See Ckdoipibus on Ophir* and el Monte Sopora, "wldck 
Solamon'-s fleet could only reach in three >year8^" in Navarrete, viages y deMO- 
brimientos que hideron los Espafldes, t. i. p. 108. The great discovoer 
81^8 elsewhere, still in the hope of reacdiing Ophir, "the ezeeQence aad 
power of the gold of Ophir are indcsGribable;. he who possesses it does whit 
he wills in this world; nay, ii esen amla him to draw sonls from pugatoiy 
to paradise*' ("Uega k qneeeha bs animaa alparaiao.")— Carta del Ahminibi 


fierita en la Jamaica, 1503 ; Navanrete, t. i. p. 809. Compare my Ezamn 
Critiqiie, t. i. p. 70, and 109 ; t. ii p. 38^44, and on the proper duration 
of the Tarshish voyage, KeO, S. 106. 

(^ p. 133.— CtesisB Cnidii Opemm ReUqme, ed. Felix Baehr, 1824^ 
cap. 17; and xii. p. 248; 271* and 300. But the aocoonts collected hj the 
physician at the Persian court finmi native sources, and therefore not altoge- 
ther to be rejected, relate to districts In the north of India, and from thesis 
the gold of the Daradas most have otane to Abhira, the month of the Indus^ 
and the coast of Malabar, by many ^nronitous roates. (Compare my Asie 
Centrale, t. i. p. 157, and Lassen, ind. Alterthnmsknnde, Bd. i. S. 5.) Is il 
not probable that the wonderM story repeated by Ctesias, of an Indian springs 
at the bottom of whidh malleable iron was found when the fluid gold had run 
of^ was based on a misunderstood account of a foundry P The molten iron 
was taken for gold from its colour; and when the yellow cobur had disap- 
feared in cooling, the black mass of iron was found underneath. 

(»<) p. 184.— Aristot. Mirab. Aosenlt. cap. 86 and 111, p. 175 and 225, 

O p. 185.— Die Etmsker, by Otfried Muller, Abth. ii. S. 350 ; Niebuhr, 
Bomiscbe Geschichte, Th. ii. S. 880. 

(^ p. 135.— A story was f(»merly repeated in Germany after Either 
Angelo Cortenovis, that the tomb of the hero of Cluaium, Lars Porseni^ 
described by Yarro, ornamented with a bronze hot and bronze pendent chaini^ 
was an apparatus for atmospherical electricity, or for conducting lightning ; 
(as were, according to MichaeliB, the metal points on Solomon's temple;) 
but the tale obtained currency at a time when men were much inclined to 
attribute to ancient nations the remains of a supematuraUy revealed primitive 
ksQwledge which was soon after obscured. The most important ancient notice 
of the reUtions between lightning and conducting metals (a £ict not difSiOnlt 
of discovery), stiU appears to me to be that of CtesiaB (Indies, cap. 4, p. 169| 
ed. lion; p. 248, ed. Baehr). He had possessed two iron swords, presents 
from the king Artaxerxes Mnemon, and from his mother Farysatifl, which^ 
when phmted in the earth, averted clouds, haO, and strokes of lightning. He 
had himself seen the operation, for the king had twice made the experiment 
before his eyes." The exact att^tion paid by the Etruscans to the meteoro* 
logical processes of the atmosphere in all that deviated from the ordinary 
course of phenomena, makes it certainly to be lamented that nothing has coma 
down to us from their Fulgural books. The epochs of the appearance of great 
eomets, of the &11 of meteoric stones, and of showers of foiling stars, would 

■o doubt ham been ftHuid recorded in them, ai in the more ancient Ghinese 
•nnak, of which Bdoaard Biot has made lae. Cieoaer (Sjmbolik nnd Mj- 
thologie der alten Volker, Th. iii 1842, S. 669) has attempted to show, that 
the natural features of Etmria may have inflaeneed the peculiar torn of mind 
of its inhabitants. A " calling forth" of the lightning, which is ascribed is 
Pirometheos, reminds as af the pretended "drawing down" of lightning bj the 
Palguratons. Thia operation consisted in a mere coiynration, andmajwefl 
have been of no more eiBcacj than the skinned ass's head, which, in the £tn» 
can rites, was considered a preservatiTe from danger in timnder storms. 

a^ p. ISS.^Otfr. Miillfir, Etrosker, Abth. ii. S. 162 to 178, In ths 
ferjr complicated Etroscan angoral theoij, a distinetion was made between 
the " soft reminding lightnings sent by Jnpiter from his own perfect power, 
and the violent electrical explosions or chastening timnderbolts which he mi^ 
only send oonstitntionallj after consoltatian with the other twdre godk" 
(Seneca, Nat. Qnast. ii. p. 41.) 

(^ p. 186.— Job. Lydns de Ostentis, ed. Hase, p. 18 in prafied. 

(^ p. 186.— Strabo, lib. iiL p. 189, Casanb. Compare Wilhehn tqb 
Humboldt, fiber die Urbewohner Hiapaniens, 1821, S. 123 and 181—136. 
M. de Sanlcy has been recently engaged, with success, in deciphering the 
Iberian alphabet ; the ingenioos discoyerer of cuneiform writing, Grotefond, 
the Phrygian; and Sir Charles Fellowes, the Lydan alphabet. (Compirs 
Boss, Hellenika, Bd. i. S. 16.) 

P») p. 187.— Herod, iv. 42 (Schweighauser ad Herod. T. t. p. 2M). 
Compare Humboldt, Asie Centrale, T. i p. 64 and 677. 

C") p. 188. — On the most probable etymology of Kaspapyrus of Hecatans 
(Fragm. ed. Klansen, No. 179, ▼. 94), and Easpatyms of Herodotus ^. 102; 
•nd iy. 44), see my Asie centrale, T. i p. 101—104. 

0") p. 188.— Psemetek and Aohmea. See aboy^ Eoamos, Bd. it S. 159 
(EngL ed. VoL ii p. 126). 

(^ p. 188. — ^Droysen, Gesehichte der Bildung des LellenistisdMi 
Staatensystems, 1848, S. 28. 

(»*) p. 188.— See aboye, Kosmoa, Bd. ii. S. 10 (Engl. ed. Vol ii. p. 10). 

0**) p. 189.- Volker, Mythische Geographie der Griechen und Bomer, 
Th. i. 1882, S. 1 — 10; Klausen, iiber die Wandenmgen der lo und des 
Herakles, in Niebnhr und Brandis rheinischen Museen fur FhQolc^^ 
Gesehichte undgriech. Philosophic, Jahrg. iii. 1829, S. 293—328. 

0^ p. 189.— In the mythus of Abaris (Herodr iy. 36), the man does not 
traytl tk-nugh the air on an arrow, but carries the arrow "which F^thaguM 



.pm him (Ismbi. de Vita^Fythag. nix. p«.194, KieMUng), in order that il 
might be nsefiil to him in all difficulties doling long wanderings." Creazer, 
Symbolik, TL ii. 1841, S. 660 — 664. On* the repeatedlj disappearing and 
reappearing Arimaspian bard, Aristeas of Proconnesos, vide Herod, iy. 13 — 15. 
. (U7) p. 189.— Strabo, lib. i. p. 38, Casmb. 

(^ p. 140.-*Fh>bably the yall^ of the Don or of the Enban; compare 
my Asie Centrale, T. ii. p. 164. Fherecydes says expressly (fragm. 37 ex 
Schol. ApoUon. ii. 1214), that the Cancasos burned, and therefore Typhon 
Hed to Italy; from which Kknsen, in the work above referred to (S. 298), 
explains the ideal relalion of the "fire kindler" (irvpxacvs), Prometheus, to 
the burning mountain. Although the geological constitution of the Caucasus, 
which has been very recently well examined by Abich, and its connection with 
the volcanic chain of the Thian-schan, in the interior of Asia (which connection 
has, I think, been shown by me in my Asie Centrale, T. ii. p. 55 — 59), render 
it by no means improbable that very early traditions may have preserved 
reminiscences of great volcanic eruptions ; yet it is rather to be assumed, that 
the Greeks may have been led to the hypothesis of the "burning^* by etymo- 
logical dicnmstanoes. On the Sanscrit etymologies of Graucasns (Glansberg P) 
(6r shining moantain), aee Bohkn's and Bumouf's statements, in my Asie 
Centrales T. i. p. 109. 

(^ p. 140.— OtMed Mitller, Minyer, S. 247, 254, and 274. Homer was 
not acquainted with the Fhasis, or with Colchis, or with the pillars of Hercules ; 
but Hesiod names the Phasis. The mythical narrations concerning the return 
of the Argonauts by the Phasis into the Eastern Ocean, and the " double" 
Triton lake, formed dther by the pretended bifurcation of the Ister,, or by 
Tolcanio earthquakes (Asie Centrale, T. i. p. 179, T. iii. p. 135 — 137 ; Otfr. 
Muller, Minyer, S. 857), are particukrly important towards a knowledge of 
thB earliest views fptertained regarding the form of the continents. The 
geographical fancies of Peisandros, Timagetus, and Apollonius of Rhodes, 
were propagated until late in the middle ages, operating sometimes aai 
bewildering and deterring obstacles, and sometimes as stimulating incitements 
to actual discoveries. This reaction of antiquity upon later times, when men 
frere almost more led by opinions than by actual observations, has not been 
hitherto sufficiently regarded in the history of geography. The object of the 
notes to Cosmos is not merely to present bibliographical sources from the 
literature of different nations, for the elucidation or illustration of statements 
eontained in the text, but I have also desired to deposit in these notes, 
which permit greater freedom, sooh abundant matoiflk for reflection as I 

xlii nom. 

kave ben able to gaUur horn, my ewn gqwriance^ and ftom long-eQilmni 
literuy ftndiee. 

^ p. 141.— Hecatoi fragm. ed. Klaaaen, p. 89, 02. 98, and 119. Sn 
alao my mTeatigatioiia on the biatoiy of the geogn^j of the GaifianSei^ 
from Herodotaa down to the Aiabian El-Istachxi, Edzid, and Ibn-d-Vsiii, 
on the sea of Aral, and on the biforoation of the Ozob and the AnoDBs^ ma| 
Asie Centnle» T. ii. p. 168— JS97. 

("^) p. 141.— Oramer de Stodiii qua Tetorea ad alianun gentinm eontolairf 
lingnaa, 1844, p.8andl7. The ancient Colehiana appear to hare been identU 
with the tribe of Laii (liaa, gentes Colchomm, Elin.¥i4 ; thoAoi'Mof^fai- 
tine writers) ; see Yater (Professor in Kasan), der Azgonanteosng ans te 
Onellen dargesteUt, 1845, HeftiS.84; Heft iL S. 46, 67, and 103. Ii . 
the Cancasos, the names Alani (Alaoethi for the land of the AlauQ, Obb, a 
ass, may still be heard. Aeoording to the investigationa eomme&oed ifiil 
philosophic and lipgnisfcic acamea in the valleys of the Gaocaaoa by Geoge 
Soae, the langoage spoken by the Lasi wooUL appear to eontainremaniaQf tti 
ancient Colchian idi<Nn. The Iberian and Gmsie gronp of langnagesindnia 
Lacian, Georgian, Soanian, and Mingrelian, aU belonging to the fiouily of Ik 
Indo-Gemumic hmgoages. The language of the Oasetea ia nearer to tia 
Gothic than to the lithnanian. 

(^ p. 141.— On the relationship of the Scythiaaa (Soolotea or Saea), 
Alani, Goths, Massa-GeUe, and the Yneti of the Chinese historians^ aee Bip 
rotbi, in the oommentary to the Voyage da Comte Potodd, T. L p. 129, » 
-well as my Asie Centrals, T. I p. 400; T. u. p. 252. Ftocopiiia hiaMtf 
says y^ distinctly (De Bello Gothioo,ir. Sed. Bonn, 1888, YoL iL p.47V 
that the Goths ^n«re formerly called Scythians. The identity of the Gets ai 
the Goths has been shewn by Jacob Grimm in his reoeatiy-puUiAel 
work, uber Jomandes, 1846, S. 21. Niebnhr believed ^ hiaUntenndiia* 
gen uber die Geten and Saimaten, in his Ueinen histor. nnd philolo^^adiB 
Schriften, Ite Sammlnng, 1828, S. 862, 864, and 895,) that the Scythaai 
of Herodotns belong to the fiunily of the Mongolian tribes ; bnt this i^isioi 
has the less probability, since these tribes, partly nnder the yoke of the CSSi 
nesei, and partiy under that of the Hakas or Eiighis (Xc^is of Menaiide^ 
still lived £» in the east of Asia ronnd Lake Baikal in the begimung of tti 
I3th century. Herodotus distinguishes, moreover, the bald-headed Aigqp- 
paeans Qv. 23) from the Scythians; and if the first-named are said to la 
« flat-nosed," they have at the same time '* a long chin," which, aeewrd i Bgtt 
my experience^ is by no means a physiognomic chaEaeteristm of the Gah»Mb 


m otliflr Mongoluii nets^ bat rather duffactarises the Uonde (GfmumuiiigP) 
Ouaun and Tmgling, to whom the Ghinese hiatoriaas atfcribate "long hone 

(^ p. 141.--'0n the dweDing-pkce of the Azimaapea and the gold tnicte 
of north'weatem Asia in the time of Herodotna, aee my Asie Centrale, T. i. 
p. 389--407. 

(^) p. l^L—^^'Lea Hyperhoi^na aoot va mythe m^t^cnologique. Le 
Tent dea montagnea (KQzeaa) aort dea Monta Bhipeens. Andelk de eea 
monta, doit legner mi air calme, mi dimat heurenz, comme amr lea sommeta 
fllpins dana 1ft partie qm d^paaae lea Buagee. Ce aoni la lea premiers aper^ 
d'ime phyaiqne qui e]qpliqiie la diatribntum de la ehaleor et la difference dea 
cHmata par dea canaea loeales, par la direetion dea Tenta qni dominent, par la 
proximity da solei], par Taction d*mi prindpe hnmide oa salin. Xa cons^ 
qoenoe de cea id^ syatematiqaes ^tait ime oertaine independence qa'on sap- 
posait cntre lea dimata et la ktitnde-dea lieox : ansai le mythe dea Hyper* 
iior^ena li^ par aon origine an colte doiien et primitiTement bor^ d'ApQUon, 
a pa ae d^plaoer da mod Yen Tooeat, en amTiiit Hercole dans ses ooorses asx 
aooroes de Tlster, k l*ile d'Brythia et aoz Jardina des Hesp^des. Les Khipeii^ 
^ Monta Rhiptea, aont ansai vn. nom aignificatif m^t^Qrologiqae: ee sont 
Ifitmontagnes de "rimpolsion," ou da souffle glace ipani) cellea d'oil se d> 
diainent les templtes bor^ea" (Asie Centr. T. L p. 892 and 408). 

(^ p. 142.— In Hindoatanee, aa Wilfoird haa already remarked, there an 
two worda which night easily be confoonded ; one of which, tschiibtft» a large 
black kind of ant (wbence the dimmntite tsohimiti, tschinti, the small com- 
mon ant) ; the other tschitft» a spotted tklnd of panther, the little banting 
leopard (cheetah; theFelis jabata, gchreb). The latter word (tschitA) is the 
Sanscrit word tschitra, signi^ring variegated or spotted, aa is shewn by Hbe 
Bengalee name for the animal (tachitftbAgh andischitibftgh, firom bdgh, Sanseiit 
wydghra^ tiger.) — ^Baadimaan. A passage haa been recently disooTered in 
the Mahahharatft ^, 1860) in which there is question of the ant-gold. 
" Wilso inv^t (Joam of the Asiat. See. vii. 1848, p. 148,) mentionem fieri 
etiam in Indicia litteris bestianun aorom effodientiam, qoas, quam terxam 
«ffi>£ant, eodem nomine (pipUica) atqae foxmicas In^ noncapant.'* Compare 
Schwanbeek, in Megasth; Indieis, 1846, p. 78. I hsTe been strack by 
fleeing that in the basaltio districts, of the Hczioaa highlands the ante 
eanry to their heaps ahining graina of hyalite, which I ooold collect oat of 
the ant-hills, 

^p.l45.— Stnbo,lib]ii.p.l72(Bdkh»Fi]uUFragm.y.l56). Theyiiyage 

«f Colffoi of Samoa is placed in OL 81, aoeording to Otfir. MBller (Pfenhga- 
mena sa einer wiasenachaftUdien Mytliologie) ; aod in OL S6, I, or tiie yetf 
640, aooording to Letronne's ioTestigation (Easai aor lea ideea eoamo- 
gnqphiqaca qni ae rattachent an nom d'Atlaa, p. 9). Tko epoch 1% however, 
dependent on the foondation.of Cjrrene, which Otfir. MiiUer pkoea be- 
tween OL 85 and 87 (Minyer, S. 844, Prolegomena, S. 63); forinths 
time of Cobena (Herod. It. 152), the way firom Thera to Xybia waa atill mi- 
known. Zompt plaoea the foundation of Carthage in 87S, and that of Gadei 
In 1100 B.C. 

(^ p. 146. — ^Aoeoiding to thn manner of the aneienti (SMbo, Ub. il p. 
I26j I reckon (as indeed phjaieal and gecdogical views require) the wkb 
£nzine, together with the Maotis, as forming part of tha common baaia cf 
the great " Interior Sea." 

C^ p. 146.~Herod. ir, 152. 
• C'*) p. 146.-~Herod. . 163, where even the diaooveiy of Tarteaans is attri- 
toted to the PhoeaMma ; but aooordiDg to Ukert (Geogr. d£ar Griecben aai 
Bomer, Th.1. LS. 40), the eommerdal enterprise of tha nmcaeana waa wen^ 
jears later tban Cobena of Samoa. 

(^ p. 146. — ^According to a firagment of Phayoriniis, tiie words (mc««i«^ 
•and therefore myifw also) are not Greek, but are bonowed from the baiin> 
lians (Spohn de Nicephor. Blemm. dnobus opnseolia, 1818, p. 28). Xj 
.brother thought that they were connected with the Sanscrit roota ogba nd 
0£^ (see mj Examen critique de rhist. de la Geogr. T. L p. 88 and 182). 

(8U) p, U7.— Aristot. de Codo, li. 14 (p. 298, b, Bekk.) ; Meteor. iLS 
(p. 862, Bekk.) Compare mj Szamen critiqne^ T. i. p. 125— -180. Ssbm 
▼entores to saj (Nat. Qnnst. in praefat. 11), oontemnet eoiiosas spedaftor 
domicilii (terrse) angnstiaa. Quantum enim. eat qnod ab ultimis littorilni 
TTiapaniaB uaquc ad ludoa jaoet? Paodsaimorum dieram apatiom, ai oavii 
anua Tentua implevit (Examen critique, T. L p. 158). 

(^ p. 147.-~Strabo, fib. L p. 65 and 118, Casanb. (Examen critiqiu^ Zl 
p. 152.) 

(OS) p, 147 _in the Biaphragma (the dividing line of the Earth) i 
-Btoearchus, the elevation passes through the Taurus, the chains of Bemsvail 
and Hindoo-koosh, the Kuen-liin of Northern Thibet, and the perpetoilllf 
anow-dad doud mountains of the Chinese provinces, Sse-tschuan and Kuang-iL 
See mj orographic researchea on these lines of election in mj Asie CeatnH 
T. L p. 104—114, 118—164; T. ii. p. 413 and 488. 
f^ p. 148.— Strabo, Ub. iiL p. 178 (Examen. crit. T. iii. p. 9^. 

KOTB». xhr 

(^ p. ISO.-^-'Broyien, Gesoh. Akiotiden des Groasen, S. 544; the same 
in his Gesch. der Bilduog des heUeoistisclienL StaatensyBtems, S. 23-^84, 
688—592, 748—755. 

(^^ p. 150.— Aristot. Polit. Vn. vii. p. 1827, Bokker. (Compare also 
in. xvi., and the remarkaUe peatage of Eratosthenes in Str&bo, lib. 1. p. 66 
and 97, Gasanb.) 

C«) p. 151.— Stahr, AristoteUa, Th. ii S. 114. 

(^^ p. 151. — Ste. Croix, Examen eritiqae des hietonetts d^Aleiandre, 
p. 731. (Schlegd, Ind. Bibliothek, Bd. i. S. 150.) 

(^') p. 153. — ^Compare Schwanbedc *' de fide Megaathenis et pretio," in 
his edition of that writer, p. 59 — 77. Megasthenes often fisited Palibothra, 
the oonrt of the King of Magadha. He was fiiUy initiated in the system of 
Indian chronology, and relates "how, in the past, the All had three times 
come to freedom ; how three ages of the world had ran their conrae, and in 
hii own time the fourth had begun." (Lassen, indische Alterthnmsknnde^ 
Bd. i. S. 510.) The Hedodie doctrine of four ages of the world, connected 
with four great elementary destructions; which together occupy a period of 
18028 years, existed also among the Mexicans* (Humboldt, Vues desCor- 
dilleves et Monumens des peuples indigenes de TAmerique, T. ii. p. 119— -129.) 
In modem times a remarkable proof of the aecuraey of Megasthenes has been 
afforded by the study of the Bigveda and the Mahabharata. Consult what 
Megasthenes says respecting " the land of the long-MTing happy persons" in 
the extoeme north of India, — ^the land of tJttara-knru (probably north of 
Kaahmeer, towards Bduitagh), which, according to his Grecian views, he con- 
nects with the supposed " thousand years of life of the Hyperboreans." (Las- 
sen, in the Zeitschrift fiir dieSmde des Mprgenlandes, Bd. ii. S. 6^.) We 
may notice, in connection with this, a tradition mentioned in Ctesias, of a 
sacred plaoe in the Northern Desert. (Ind. cap. Tiii. ed. Badir, p. 249 and 
285.) Ctesias has been long too -little esteemed : the martichpras mentioned^ 
by Aristotle (Hist, de Animal. II. iii. 5 10 ; T. i. p. 51, Schneider), the grif^ 
fin, half eagle half lion, the kartazonon spoken of by iSlian, and a one-horned 
wild ass, are indeed referred to by him as real animals ; but this was not an 
invention of his own, bat arose, as Heeren and Cuvier have remarked, firom 
his taking pctured forms of symbolical animals, seen on Persian monuments, 
for the representation of strange beasts still Uving in India. The acute 
Goignant has, however, noticed that there ia much difficulty in identi^ng tbt 
martichoras with Persepolitan symbols, (Creozer, Beligions de TAntiquite; 
notes et eclairclBsements^ p. 720*> 

^ p. 154.-1 Intfe iDnflfented thflie intrfflnto ongnplileal iditioiii k 
«j Am OentnlB, T. iL p. 48»— 484. 
P) pa54.--lMWB,i]|tiiftIeitMliriftftrdMKii]idedMMargei^^ 
f*^ p. 156.— Tlie dntrirt betwMnBttiuaii and GUunl See Carl Zbiiacr- 
BMDiii's eKodkBt flfognphieal tabular new of A%liaiiJafani, 1843. (Gompn 
8tnbo» fib. XT. p. 785 ; Diod. SkiiL zriL 88; Memi, MdeteBL hist ISSfl^ 
p. 85 and 81 ; Bitter iiber Akomdors Eeldnig am Tndiaehen KanLkaaoa^ iatb 
AUndL dv Bed. Akad. of tlia XBarl889, 8.150; Dnyaeii, BOdnngda 
IttDeout. StaateDSTBtenu, 8. 614.) I wiite Piwopaiiiaaa, fike all the gool 
aodicea of PtdflBBf , and ii0t FMnpaBuaoa. Ihave gifea the resBons iBBf 
Ana CeatnJe, T. i p. 114—118. (See also Immb snr Geadu dor Gmb- 
kdiai und laduakythudmi KBnige^ S. 188.) 
P) p. 155.— Strabo» lih. xf. p. 717, CSttanlb. 

P^ p. 155.— Tda, at tin Mme of the palm Botaania flabdttformis (ray 
dianetcrifltieaUy tetmed hj Amanwmha "a kmg «f &e graasea^ ; Ania, 
Ind.nL 8. 

P) p. 155.— ThewordtabaadlriarefcRed to the Sanscrit tn^-beUn 
(bark miQ[); see above, Note 148. In 1817, m the hirt<»ieal addenda tony 
work Be Distribatioiie Geographiea Flantanm^ aeeimdnm Goefi, Temperiei 
et Altitodinem Montinm, p. 815, 1 eiBed attention to the ihct, that tte eoo- 
panionB of Alexander beeame aeqoaintad with the true sngar of the sopr 
cane of the IndiaDB, aa weD ai with the tahaeehir of the bamboo. (Stnbo^ 
lib. XT. p. 698 ; PeripL maiia Srythi. p» 9.) Moses of Chorene, who find 
in the middle of the 5th oentury, was the first who described eirenmstantiiBf 
the preparation of sugar from the jmee of the Saocharom offidnaron, in tb 
promce of Khorasan. (Geogr. ed. Whiakon* 1786, p. 864.) 
^ p. 155.— Strabo, Ub. xr. p. 694. 

^ p. 155.— Bitter, EMknnde too Asien, Bd.iy.tS. 487; 'Bd. Vli. 
S. 698 ; Lassen, ind. Alterthmnakande^ Bd. I. 8. 817—828. The pasaige 
in Aristotle's Hist, de AmmaL y. 17 (T. i p. 209, ed. Schneider), respectiog 
the web of a great homed spider, rdates to the island of Cos. 

("^ p. 156. — So Xkxkos xpMfw^'fVf, in the FieripL maris Erythr. p. S 
(Lassen, S. 816.) 

P) p. 155.— Pfin. Hist. Kat xri. 82. (On Hie introdnction of nn 
plants from Asia into Egypt bj the Lagidn ; see Fliny, xii. 14 and 17.) 
P) p. 156.— Hnmboldt, Be Distrib. Geogr. Plantarom, p. 178. 
^) p. 156. — Since the year 1847, 1 have often cotrespondecl with lasa 
an the remarkable passage in Pliny, xii. 6 .— '* Migor alia (arbor) fans ^ 

iroi»9. xhii 

toavxtate pneoeHentior, qao ispienteft Tudonmi yinmt PoHom alas aTiiim 

imitator, longltiidine trinitL eabitonun, latitndme danm. Enictnm «ortie« 

mittit, admirabileia sued dnlcedine ufe quo qnaternos satiet. Aihon nomen 

pala pomo arimaj* The fbllowing is the lesolt of the examination of mj 

learned Mend; — " Amaramnha plaeee the haoana (mnsa) at the head of all 

nntritive plants. Among the many SanMcii names whieh he mentions, are, 

Taranaba8di% hhannphala (sun firuit), and mokoi, ivhence the Arabie manaar 

Thala (pala) is finiit in general; and it ia therefore only by a misnnderstand- 

ing that it has been taken for the name of the plant. In Sanscrit varana 

without bnscha is not the name oi the banana, although the abbreriation may 

have belonged to the popular langnage. Vaiana wonld be in Greek ovof^oro, 

which is certainly not very ht removed from ariena.'* (Compare Lassen, 

ind. Alterthnmakonde, Bd. i. S. 262 ; my Sssai politique snr la Nouy. Eapagne, 

T. ii. 1827, p. 382 ; Behtion hist. T. i. p. 491.) The chemical connection 

of the nourishing amylnm with saoeharin was difined alike by Prosper Alpinns 

and Abd-Afiatif, since they sooght to explain the origin of the banana by the 

insertion of the sugar cane, or the sweet date frnit, into the root of the colo- 

casia. (Abd-AUati^ fixation de Tilgypte, tradoit par Sikestre de Sacy, p. 2& 

and 106.) 

(^ p. 1&6. — Bespecting this epodi» eonsnii Wilhehn von Humboldt in 
his work, iiber die Kawi-Spraehe nnd diie Verschiedenheit des menschlidien 
SprachbaneS) Bd. i S. cd. and cdiv. ; Droysen, Geseh. Alexanders des 6r« 
S. 547 ; and Hellenist. Staatensystem* S. 24. 
p. 157.— Bante, Int if. ISO. 

p. 157. — Compare Cnvier's assertions in the Kographie universelh^ 
T. il 1811, p. 458 (and unfortunatdy again repeated in the edition of 1848, 
T. ii. p. 219), with Stahfs Aristotelia, Th. i S. 15 and 108. 

f^) p. 157. — Cnvier, when eogaged on the life of Aristotle, believed ihA 
the philosopher had aeccmipanied Alexander to Egypt, "whence," he says^ 
"the Stagyrite must have brought bade to Athens (01. 112, 2) all the matei» 
rials for the Historia Animalinm." Subsequently, in 1880, Cuvier aban* 
doned this opinion ; for after more examination he remarked, " that the de* 
scriptions of i^Igyptian animals were not taken from the life, but from notieea 
by Herodotus." (See also Cuvier, Histoire des sdenoes natureiles, public 
par Magddeine de Saint Agy, T. i. 1841, p. 186.) 

(^ p. 157. — ^Among these intenial indications may be enmnerated,*-the 
statement of the perfect insulation ef the Caspian ; the notice of the greai 
^met which appeared when Niponadros was Axdio% OL 109, 4 (according 

llviii NOTES. 

to Gonim), and wbidi n not to be oonfoanded with that whidi Heir m 
Bognslawiki fan named the comet ci Ariatotle (seen when Asteoa wat Aidmi, 
OL 101, 4; Ariitot. Meteor, fib. i eap. 6, 10 ; toI. i. p. 896, Idder; and 
•uppoeed to be identical with the oometi of 1695 and 1843?) ; and ibo tiis 
mention of the deitmetion ci the temple at Spheans, as well aa of a Inmr 
rainbow, seen on two oocasbns in the oonrse of fifty jears. (Compare Sefanader 
ad Aristot Hist, de Animalibii8» ToL L p. xl. xlii. dii. and exx. ; Idoier ai 
Aristot. Meteor. VoL I. p. x. ; and HnmboLdt, Asia Gent. T. ii. p. 168.) We 
know that the *' Histoixof Animal^" was written hter thantiie ** MeteorolO' 
gica," since the last-named wwfc aUndes to the fanner aa aoon to foUov. 
(Meteor, i. 1, 8; and iy. 18, IS.) 

(^ p. 158. — ^The fife animals named in the text, and espedaDy tha 

hippelaphns (horso-stag with a long mane), tiie hippardion, the Bactrias 

camel, and the bnfUo* are addoeed by Cnvier as proofis of the Histom 

Auimafinm having been written by Aristotle at a later period. (Hist, da 

Sciences Nat. T. i p. 154.) Gnvier, in the fourth volnme of the BecherdM 

snr lea Oasemens fossiles, 1828, p. 40-48 and p. 502, distingniahea betweea 

two Asiatic stags with manes» which he calls C^rvns hippdaphus and Cema 

ariatotelis. At first he regarded the C!eryu8 hippelaphns, of which he had aeoi 

a living example, and of whidi Diard had sent him skins and antlers fnm 

Sumatra, as Aristotle's hippelaphns from Arachosia, (Hist, de Animal., il % 

^ 3, and 4, T. L p. 43-44, Sdmeider) : subsequently he jndged that a stag's head 

sent to him from Bengal by Dnyancel, and the drawing of the entire laige 

animal, agreed still better with the Stagirite's description of the hippdaphm; 

and this stag, which is indigenous in the mountains of Sylhetin Bengal, ii 

Nepanl, and in the country east of the Indus, then received the name d 

Cervus aristotelis. If, in the same chapter in whidi Aristotle traita 

generally of animals with manes, he names together with the horse-stag 

(Equicervus), the Indian Guepard or hunting tifi^er (Felisjnbata). Sehneidff 

(T. iii. p. 66) considers the reading wttpitow t« be preferaUe to that of n 

tiinnp9io¥. The Ufter reading, as Pallas also thiuks, (SpieOeg. Zool. fiise. L 

p. 4), would be best interpreted to mean the giraffe. If Aristotle had himseif 

seen the Guepard, and not merdy heard it described, how can we suppose 

that he would have fiiiled to notice non-retractile daws in a feHne aninul? 

It is equally surprising how Aristotle, who is always so accurate, i^ aa 

Ai^cuat Wilhehn you Schlegd maintains, he had a menagerie near Bis 

residence at Athens, and had himself dissected an elephant which had bees 

taken at Arbda» could have failed to describe a small opening near the templsi 

KOTE&. Xlix 

of the elephant, which, at certain seasons particularly; secretes a strong 

toielling flnid, often allnded to by the Jndian poets. (Schlegel*s Indische 

iBibliothek, Bd. i. S. 163-166.) I notice this apparently trifling circomstancd 

thas particularly, becanse this small aperture was made known by accounts 

^ven by Megasthenes, to whom, nevertheless, no one would be led to 

attribute anatomical knowledge. (Strabo, lib. X7. p. 704 and 706, Casaub.) 

I do not find in the different zoological works of Aristotle which have co)ne 

down to us anything which necessarily implies his having had the opportunity 

of observing living elephants, or of his having dissected a dead one. Although 

it is most probable that the Historia Animalinm was completed before 

Alexander's campaigns in Asia Minor, yet it is undoubtedly possible that the 

work may, as Stahr supposes (Aristotelia, Th. il S. 98), have continued to 

receive additions until the end of the Author's life, 01. 114, 3, three years 

after the death of Alexander ; but direct evidence of such being the case is 

wanting. The correspondence of Aristotle which we possess is not genuine, 

(Stahr, Th. i. S. 194—208, Th. ii. S. 169-284), and Schneider says very 

eonfidentl^, (Hist, de Animal. T. i. p. 40), "hoc enim tanquam certissimum 

snraere mihi licebit scriptas comitum Alexandri notitias post mortem demum 

regis fiiisse vulgatas." 

(238) p. 158.— I have shewn elsewhere that although the decomposition of 
suiphuret of mercury by distillation is described in Biosoorides, (Mat. Med. 
V. 110, p. 667, Saracen) ; yet the first description of the distillation of a fluid, 
(the distillation of firesh water firom sea water), is to be found in the Ck)m- 
mentary of Alexander of Aphrodisias to Aristotle de MeteoroL ; see my 
Examen critique de Thistoire de la Geographic, T. ii. p. 308-316, and Joannia 
(Philoponi) Grammatici in libro de Generat. et Alexandri Aphrod. in Me- 
teoroL Comm. Venet. 1527, p. 97. b. Alexander of Aphrodisias in Caria, 
the learned commentator of the Meteorologica of Aristotle, lived, under the 
reigns of Septimius Severus and Caracalla ; and although "In his writings 
chemical apparatuses are called xwiico o^cofo, yet a passage in Plutarch (de 
Iside et Osir, c. 33), proves that the word Chemie, applied by the Greeks to 
the Egyptian art, is not to be derived from x««» (Hoefer, Histoire de la 
Chimie, T. i. p. 91, 195 and 219, T. ii. p. 109). 

(239) p. 158.— Compare Sainte-Croix, Examen des historiens d'Alexandre^ 
1810, p 207, and Cuvier, Histoire des Sciences naturelles, T. i. p. 187, with 
Schneider ad Aristot. de Historift Animalium, T. i. p. 42-46, and Stahr, 
Aristotelia, Th. i. S. 116-118. If the transmission of specimens from Egypt 
and the interior of Asia appears according to these authorities to be veiy 

vol.. II. 2 E 


improbable, yet tbe latest writings of onr greai anatomist Johannes Milller 
shew with what wonderful acateness and delicacy Aristotle dissected the fishes 
of the Greek seas. See the learned treatise of Johannes Miiller on the ad- 
herence of the egg to the uterus in one of the two species of the genus Mus- 
telus living in the Mediterranean, which in its fcetal state possesses a plaeenta 
of the vitelline vesicle which is connected with the uterine placenta of the mo- 
ther ; and his researches on the yti\€os Xccos of Aristotle in the AbhaodL 
der Berliner Akad. aus d. j. 1840, S. 192-197. (Compare Aristot. Hist. 
Anim. vi. 10, and de Gener. Anim. iii. 3.) The fineness of Aristotle's own ana* 
tomical examinations is testified by the distinction and detailed analysis of the 
species of cuttle-fish, the description of the teeth of snails, and the organs of 
other Gasteropodes. Compare Hist. Anim. iv. 1 and 4, with Lebert ia 
Mtdler's Archiv der Physiologic, 1846, S. 463 and 467. I have myself in 
1797 called the attention of modem naturalists to the form of snails* teeth. 
See my Versuche iiber die gereizte Muskel und Nervenfaser, Bd. 1. S. 261. 

(^ p. 159. — Yaler. Maxim, vii. 2; " ut cum regeautrarissime aut qoam 
jocnndissinie loqueretur.'* 

(2*0 p. leO.—Aristot. Polit. i. 8, and Eth. ad Eudemum, viL 14. 

(^ p. 160.— Strabo, lib. xv. p. 690 and 695. Herod, iii. 101. 

(^ p. 160.— Thus says Theodectes of Phaselis ; see Kosmos, Bd. L S. 380 
and 491, (£ngl. trans. Vol. i. .352 and note 437). Northern countries were 
placed to the West, and southern countries to the East. Consult Volojcer iiber 
Homerische Geographic und Weltkunde, S. 43 and 87. The indefinitenesa^ 
even at that period, of the word Indies, as connected with geographical position, 
with the complexion of the inhabitants, and with precious natural productions* 
contributed to the extension of these meteorological hypotheses, for it wai 
given at once to Western Arabia, to the countries between Ceylon and the 
mouth of the Indus, to Troglodytic Ethiopia, and to the African myrrh and 
cinnamon lands ^outh of Cape Aromata, (Humboldt, Examen crit. T. ii. p. 35)< 

(»*) p. 161.— Lassen ind. Alterthumskunde, Bd. L S. 369, 372-375, S7« 
and 389 ; Bitter, Asien, Bd. iv. 1, S. 446. 

(^) p. 161. — The geographical distribution of numkind is not men ^ 
terminable in entire continents by degrees of latitude than that of plants and 
animals. The axiom propounded by Ptolemy, (Geogr. lib. cap. 9), tbst 
north of the parallel of Agisymba neither elephants, rhinoceroses, nor negroes 
are to be met with, is entirely unfounded. (Examen critiq[ue, T. i. p. 39.) 
The doctrine of the universal influence of soil and climate on the inteUectnal 
capacities and dispositions, and on the civilisation of mankind, was pecoliar ts 

KOTBS« li 

Jie Alexandrian school of Ammonina Salckas, and especially to Longinns* 
See Produs, Comment, in Tin^. p. 50. 

(^) p. 161, — See Georg. Cnrtiiis, die Sprachrergleiclmng in ilirem Ver- 
haltnisszur classichen Philologie, 1845, S. 5-7, and the same author's Bildung 
der Tempora nnd Modi, 1846, S. 8-9< (Compare also Pott's Article entitled 
Indogermanischer Sprachstamm in the AUgem. Encyklopadie of Ersch and 
Grob^, Seet ii. Th. xviii S. 1-112.) Investigations on language in general, 
as touching upon the fundamental relations of thought, are, however, to be 
found in Aristotle, where he develops the connection of categories with 
grammatical relations. See the luminous statement of this comparison in* 
Adolf Trendelenburg's histor. Beitragen zur Philosophie, 1846, Th. i. S. 

(^ p. 162. — ^The schools of the Orchenes and Vorsipenes (Strabo, lib. 
xvi. p. 739). In this passage, in conjunction with the Chaldean astronomers, 
four Chaldean mathematicians are cited by name. This circumstance is 
of the greats historical impoiiance, because Ptolemy always designates th^ 
observers of the heavenly bodies by the eoUective name of XoXSaioi, as if the 
Babylonish observations were only made " collegiately" (Ideler, Handbuch der 
Chronologic, Bd. 1. 1825, S. 198), 

p«) p. 162.— Ideler, Handbuch der Chronologie, Bd. i. S. 202, 206, and 
218. When doubts are raised respecting the fact of Callisthenes having sent 
astronomical observations from Babylon to Greece, on the ground of " no 
trace of these observations of a Chaldean priestly caste being found in the 
writings of Aristotle," (Ddambre, pist. de TAstron. anc. T. i. p. 308), it is 
forgotten that Aristotle, where he speaks (De Ccelo, lib. ii. cap. 12), of an occul- 
tationof Marshy the moon observed by himself, expressly adds, that ''similar 
observations had been made for many years on the other planets by the Egyp- 
tians and the Babylonians, many of which have come to our knowledge." On 
the probable use of astronomical tables by the Chaldeans, see Chasles, in the 
Comptes rendus de 1' Academic des Sciences, T. zxiii. 1846, p. 852—854. 

(2«) p. 163. — Seneca, Nat. Qrueest. vii. 17. 
"(^ p. 163. — Compare Strabo, lib. xvi. p. 739, with lib. iii. p. 174. 

(^) p. 163. — These investigations belong to the year 1824 (see Guignaut, 
Religions de TAntiquit^ ouvrage traduit de TAUemand de F. Creuzer, T. i. 
P. 2, p. 928). See farther, Letronne, in the Journal des Savans, 1839, p. 
338 and 492 ; as well as the Analyse critique des fiepresentatious zodiacales 
en Egypte, 1846, p. 15 and 84. (Compare with these Ideler uber den Ur- 

!ii NOTES. 

aprong des ThierkraBes, ia den Abluuidliiiigea der Akademie det Wiaen* 
■eliBfteii la Bertin aus dem Jahr 1838» S. 21.) 

(^ p. 168.~The mignifieent Cedrus deodvan (Kocmos, Bd. I 8.48; 
Engl, trans. Vol. i. p. 868, note 4), whieh is moat abundant at an detatiog rf 
firom eig^t to eleven thousand fset aa the npper Hydaspea (Belint), which ton 
throogh the lake of the Alpine Tallej of Kaahmeer, aupplied the inateriab fif 
the fleet of Nearchus (Bnrnes* Travels, Vol i. p. 69). The tranh of tin 
cedar has often a drcomferenoe of forty feet» according to Dr. Hoffineister, of 
whom scienoe has unhappily been deprived, by his death on a field ol bittle, 
«rhen aooompaoying Prince Waldemar of Prussia. 

(^ p. 168. — Lassen, in his Pentapotamia indica, p. 25, 29, 57 — 62, nd 
77 ; and also in his indischen Alterthumakonde, Bd. i. S. 91. Between the 
Sarasvati, to the north-west of Delhi, and the rocky Drisehadvati, there ii 
situated, according to Menu's code of laws, Brahmavarta, a priestly distiiet 
of Brahma, estaUished by the gods themselves ; on the other hand, in tk 
more extensive sense of the word, Aryavarta, the land of the worthy, signiiies 
in the ancient Indian geography, the whole country east of the Indus, 
between the Himalaya and the Yindhya chain ; to the south of which tlie 
ancient non-Arian aboriginal population commences. Madhya-Desa, the ceo* 
tral land referred to in Kosmos, Bd. 1. S. 16 (English trans. Vol. L p. 14), 
was only a portion of Aryavarta. Compare my Asie centrale, T. i. p. 204, 
and Lassen, ind. Alterthumsk. Bd. i. S. 6, 10, and 98. The ancient IndiiB 
free states, the countries of the kingless, (condemned by the orthodox easton 
poets), were situated between the Hydraotes and the Hyphasis, i. e, the jn- 
sent Ravi and the Beas. 

(2**) p. 164. — ^Megasthenes, Indica, ed. Schwanbeck, 1846, p. 17. 

(^) p. 167.-~See above, Kosmos, Bd. ii. S. 155 (English trans. Vdii. 
p. 121). 

(^) p. 167. — Compare my geographical researches, Asie centrale, T. i 
p. 145, and 151—157; T. ii. p. 179. 

PO p. 168.— Plin. vi. 26 (?). 

(^ p. 168. — Droysen, Gesch. des heHenistischen Staatensystems, S. 749. 

^ p. 169. — Compare Lassen, indischa Alterthumakonde, Bd. i. S. 107, 
)58, and 158. 

(^ p. 169.— "Mutikted from Tftmbapanni. This Pali form sounds in 
Sanscrit Tfilmrapami. The Greek Taprobane gives half the Sanscrit (Tftmbnb 
Tapro), and half the Pali*' (Lassen, indische Alterthomskonde, S. 201 ; cooi 

K0TE8. liil 

pare Lassen, Diss. d« Taprobane insula, p. 19). The Laccadives (lakke for 
lakscba, and dive for dwipa, one hundred thoasand islands), as well as the 
>f .ildives (Malayudiba, t. «. islands of Malabar), were known to Alexandrian 

(^') p. 170. — Hippalus is supposed to have lived no earlier than the reign 
O^ the Emperor Claudius ; but this is improbable, even though under the 
first Lagidas great part of the Indian products were only purchased in Arabian 
markets. The south-west moosoon was itself called Hippalus, and a portion 
of the Eryihrean or Indian Ocean is also called the Sea of Hippalus. Letronne, 
in the Journal des Savans, 1818, p. 405 ; Beinand, Relation des Voyages dana 
rindc, T. i. p. xzx. 

(^ p. 171. — See the researches of Letronne, on the constmotion of the 
canal between the Nile and the Bed Sea from Nekn to the Caliph Omar, or 
an interval of more than 1300 years, in the Bevne des deux Mondes, T. xxvii. 
1841, p. 215 — 235. Compare aUo Letronne, de la Civilisation ^gyptienna 
depuis Psammitichus jusqu'lL la eonqudte d' Alexandre, 1845, p. 16 — 19. 

(^ p. 171* — Meteorological speculations on the distant causes of the 
swelling of the Nile gave occasion to some of these joumies ; Philadelphns, aa 
Strabo expresses it (lib. rvii. p. 789 and 790), " continually seeking new 
diversions and interests out of ciuriosity and bodily weakness." 

(^) p. 171. — Two hunting inscriptions, one of which "principally reoordi 
the elephant hunts of Ptolemy Philaddphus," were discovered and copied by 
Lepsius from the colossi of Abusimbel (Ipsambnl). (Compare, on this subject, 
Strabo, lib. xvi. p. 769 and 770 ; iElian, De Nat. Anim. iii. 34, and xvii. 3 ; 
Athenseus, y. p. 196.) Although, according to the " Periplus maris Ery- 
thi'si," Indian ivory was an article of export from Baiygaza, yet, according 
to the notices of Cosmas, ivory was also exported from Ethiopia to the 
western peninsula of India. Since ancient times, elephants have withdrawn 
more to the south in eastern Africa also. According to the testimony of 
Polybius (v. 84), when African and Indian elephants enconntered each other 
on fields of battle^ the sight, the smeQ, and the cries of the larger and 
stronger Indian elephants drove the African ones to flight. The latter were 
never employed as war elephants in soch large nnmbers as were used in 
Asiatic expeditions, where Chandragupta had assembled 9000, the powerful 
king of the Prasii 6000, and Akbar as many (Lassen, ind. Alterthumskunde, 
Bd. i. S. 305—307). 

(») p. 171.— Atheu. xiv. p. 654; compare Parthey, das alexsadrinisehe 
Museum, eine Preisschrift> S. 55, and 171. 

P") p. 172. — Tlie library in the Bruchinm was the more ancient; it wii 
destroyed in the burning of the fleet under Jnlios Caesar. The Hbraiy at 
Bhakotis made part of the " Serapenm/' where it was combined with the 
mnsenm. By the liberality of Antoninus, the collection of books at Pefgamos 
was inoorporated with the library of Bhakotis. 

<^ p. 173.~yacherot, Histoiie critique de I'Ecole d'Alexandrie, 1846, 
T. i. p. Y. and 108. We find much evidence in antiquity, that the institute 
of Alexandria, like all academical coiporations, together with much good 
arising from the concurrence of many workers, and from the power of obtain- 
ing material aids, had also some disadvantageous narrowing and restraining 
influence. Hadrian made his tutor, Vestiuus, High Priest of Alexandria, and 
at the same time Head of the Museum (or President of the Academj) 
(Letionue, Becherches pour servir k THistoire de PEgypte pendant la domi* 
nation des Grecs et des Bonuiins, 1828, p. 251). 

(«) p. 173.— Fries, Geschichte der Philosophic, Bd. ii. S. 5. ; and the 
same anthor's Lehrbuch der Naturlehre, Th. i. 8.^42. Compare also Consi- 
derations on the Influence which Plato exercised on the Foundation of the 
Experimental Sciences by the application of Mathematics, in Brandis, Ge- 
schichte der griechisch-iomischen Philosophic, Th. ii. Abth. I. S. 276. 

(^ p. 174. — On the physical and geognostical opinions of Eratostheaes, 
•ee Strabo, lib. i. p. 49 — 56, lib. ii. p. 108. 

fO p. 174. — Strabo, lib. xi. p. 519 ; Agathem. in Hudson, Geogr. Giw. 
Min'. Vol. ii. p. 4. On the correctness of the grand orographic views of 
Eratosthenes, see my Asie centrale, T. i. p. 104 — 150, 198, 208''227, 
418—415, T. ii. p. 367, and 414^485 ; and Examen critique de THist de 
la Geogr. T. i. p. 152 — 154. 1 have purposely called Eratosthenes' messon- 
ment of a degree the first HeUemo one, as a very ancient Chaldean determi- 
nation of the magnitude of a degree in camels' paces is not improbable. See 
Chasles, Becherches sur I'Astronomie indienne et chaldeenne, in the Conipteg 
rendus de I'Acad. des Sciences, T. xxiii. 1846, p. 851. 

(^*) p. 175. — The latter appellation appears to me the more correct, as 
Strabo, lib. xri. p. 789, cites *' Seleucos of Seleucia, among several very 
honourable men, as a Chaldean well acquainted with the heavenly bodies." 
Probably Seleucia on the Tigris, a flourishing commercial city, is here meaat. 
It is indeed singular, that the same Strabo speaks of a Seleucus as an ezaet 
observer of the ebb and flood, calling him alsp a Babylonian (lib. i. p. 6), and 
subsequently (lib. iii. p. 174), perhaps from carelessness, an Eiythreau. 
(Compare Stobaus, Ed. phys. p. 440.) 


pS) p. 175. — ^Tdder, Handbtujli der Chronologie, Bd. i. S. 212 and S29. 
P') p. 176. — Delambre, Histoire de rAstronomie ancienne, T. i. p. 290. 
(^*) p. 176. — Bokh has examined in his Philolaos, S. 118, whether the 
Pythagoreans we^re early acquainted, through Egyptian sources, with the pre- 
cession, under the name of the motion of the heaven of the tixed stars. Letronne 
(Obserrations sur les Representations zodiacales qui nous restent de I'Anti- 
quite, 1824, p. 62) and Ideler (Handbuch der Chronol. Bd. i. S. 192) vindi- 
cate Hipparchus's exclusive claim to this discovery. 
(27«) p. 177.— Ideler on Eudoxus, S. 23. 
(^) p. 177. — The planet discovered by Le Verrier. 
C^7) p. 178.— Compare Kosmos, Bd. u. S. 141, 146, 149 and 170 (Engl, 
trans. Vol. ii. p. 106, 111, 114, and 136). 

C^ p. 179.— Wilhdm von Humboldt iiber die Kawi-Sprache, Bd. i. S. 

(*^ p. 180. — The superficial extent of the Roman Empire under Augustus 
(according to the boundaries assumed by Heeren, in his Geschichte der Staateu 
des Alterthoms, S. 408—470) has been calculated by Professor Berghaus, the 
author of the excellent Physical Atlas, at rather more than 100000 (German) 
geographical square miles. This is about a quarter greater than the extent of 
1600000 square miles assigned by Gibbon, in his History of the Depline and 
;IViIl of the Roman Empire, Vol. i. Chap. i. p. 39, but which he indeed says 
must be taken as a very uncertain estimate. 
(») p. 181.— Veget. de Re Mil. iii. 6. 

(28») p. 181. — Act. ii. V. 371, in the celebrated prophecy which, from the 
time of Columbus' son, was interpreted to relate to the discovery of America. 
(282) p. 182.— Cuvier, Hist, des Sciences naturelles, T. i. p. 312—328. 
(^ p. 182.— Liber Ptholemei de Opticis sive Aspectibus ; the rare manu- 
script of the Royal Library at Paris (No. 7310), was examined by me on the 
occasion of discovering a remarkable passage on the re&action of rays in 
Sextus Empiricus (adversus Astrologos, lib. v. p. 351, Pabr.) The extracts 
which I made from the Parisian manuscript in 1811 (therefore before 
Delambre and Venturi) are given in the introduefcion to my Recueil d'Obser- , 
vations astronomiqnes, T. L p. Ixv. — ]xx, Tht Ghreek original has not come 
down to US; we have only a Latin translation of two Arabic manuscripts of 
Ptolemy's Optics. The Latin translator gives his name as Amiracus Enge- 
nius, Siculus. Compare Venturi, Comment, sopra la Storia e le Teorie 
deir Ottica, Bologna, 1814, p. 227 ; Del&mbre, Hist, de TAstronomie an- 
cieune, 1817, T. i. p. 51. and T. il p. 410—432. 

lyi NOTES. 

(^ p. ISS.^Lflfcrauie thews, from the fanatical minder of the daa^ita 
jf Theon of Alexandria, that the much contested period of Diopihantiu caimQt 
fall later than the year 389 (Sur TOrigine greoqna det Zodiaques jneteMhi 
^tiens, 1837, p. 26). 

(^) p. 184. — ^This beneficial influence of the extension of a kngnage nu 
finely noticed in Pliny's praise of Italy : " omninm terramm alumna eaden 
et parens, nnmine Defim electa, qose sparsa congregarei imperia, ritoaqoe 
moUiret, et tot popolomm discordes fierasqae lingnas sermonis oomracfeio 
contraheret, colloqaia, et humanitafem homini daret, breviterqne mia euoe- 
taram gentiom in toto orbe patria fieret" (Plin. Hist. nat. iii. 5). 

P) p. 186.—K]aproth, Tableaox historiqne de TAsie, 1826, p. 65—67. 

(^ p. 186. — To this fikir-haired, blue-eyed, Indo-germanic, Gothic, or 
Arian race of eastern Asia, bdoDg the Usiin, Tingling, Hatis, and great Toeti. 
The last are called by the Chinese writers a Thibetian Nomade race;, wlu^ 
800 years before our era, migrated between the upper course of the Hoang-ho 
and the snowy mountains of Nanschan. I here recal this descend as the Sera 
are also described as " rutilis comis et ceernleis oculis" (compare Ukert, Gepgr. 
der Griech. und Bomer, Th. ii i. Abth. ii. 1845, S. 275). We owe to tiic 
researches of Abel Remusat and Elaproth, which are among tlie brilliant hit- 
torical discoveries of our age, the knowledge of these fair-haired races, wbie^ 
in* the most eastern part of Asia, gave the first impulse to what has bees 
called " the great migration of nations.*' 

(^ p. 187. — Letroune, in the Observations crit. et areh^oL sor ki 
Representations zodiacales de TAntiquite, 1824, p. 99, as well as in his later 
work, Sur TOrigine grecque des Zodiaques pretendus ^gyptiens, 1837, p. 27. 

(^ p. 187. — The sound investigator, Colebrooke, places Warahamihin in 
the fifth, Brahmagupta at the end of the sixth century, and Aryabhatta rather 
undecidedly between 200 and 400 of our era. (Compare Holtzmann uber 
deu griechischen Ursprung des iudischen Thierkreises, 1841, S. 23.) 

(^ p. 187. — On the reasons on which the assertion in the text of the ex- 
ceedingly late commeucement of Strabo's work rests, see Groskurd's (knium 
translation, 1831, Th. i. S. xvii. 

(2«i) p. 188.— Strabo, lib. i. p. 14; Kb. ii. p. 118 ; lib. xvi. p. 781; lib. 
xvii. p. 798 and 815. 

(^ p. 188. — Compare the two passages of Strabo, lib. i. p. 65, and lib. 
a, p. 118 (Humboldt, Examen critique de I'Hist. de la Greographie, T. i. p. 
152 — 154). In the important new edition of Strabo published by Gostsv 
Kramer, 1844, Th. i. p. 100, " the parallel of Athena ia read instead of tht 

y&TBS. Ivii 

t parallel of Thins, as if Thinft had first been named in the Psendo-Arrian, in 
I the Periplas Maris Rabri." Dodwell places the writing of the Periplus under 
, Marcns Aurelins and Lncins Vems, but according to Letronue it was written 
under Septimins Sevems and Garacalla. Although in five passages in Strabo 
, all our manuscripts read ThinsB, yet lib. ii. p. 79, 86, 87, and above all 82, 
, in which Eratosthenes himself is named, are decisive in &vour of the parallel 
, of Athens and Rhodes. Athens and Rhodes were thus confounded, as old 
geographers made the peninsula of Attica extend too fiir towards the south. 
It would also appear surprising, supposing the usual reading Birvv kvk\o$ 
to be the correct one, that a particular parallel, the Diaphragm of Dicearchus^ 
should be called aft» a place so little known as Sinee (Tsin). HowereTt 
Cosmas Indicopleustea connects his Tadnitza (ThinsB) with the chain of moun- 
tains which divides Persia and the Romanic lands and the whole habitable 
world into two parts, adding the remarkable observation, that this is accord* 
ing to the "belief of the Indian philosophers and Brahmins/' Compart 
CkMmas, in Mont&ucon, Collect, nova Patrum, T. ii. p. 137 ; and my Asie 
oentrale, T. i. p. xxiii. 120—129, and 194—203, T. ii. p. 413. The Pseudo* 
Arrian, Agathemeros, according to the learned investigations of Professor 
Franz, and Cosmas, decidedly ascribe to the metropolis of the Sinse a very 
northern latitude, nearly in the parallel of Rhodes and Athens; whereas 
Ptolemy, misled by the accounts of mariners, speaks solely of a Thinse three 
degrees south of the equator (Geogr. i. 17). I suspect that Thiua: merely 
meant, generally, a Chinese emporium, a harbour in the land of Tsin ; and 
that therefore one ThiniB (Tzinitza) may have been intended north of the 
equator, and another south of the equator. 

(2W) p. 188.— Strabo, Ub. i. p. 49—60, Ub. ii. p. 95 and 97. lib. vi. p 
277 ; lib. zvii. p. 830. On the elevation of islands, and of the continent, sea 
particularly lib. i. p. 51, 54^ and 59. The old Meat Xenophanes was led, by 
the numerous fossil marine productions found at a distance from the sea, ta 
conclude that "the present dry ground had been raised from the bottom of tha 
sea" (Origeu, Philosophumena, cap. 4). Appuleius, in the time of Antoninus^ 
collected fossils from the Gietulian (Mauritauian) mountains, and ascribed 
them to the flood of Deucalion, considering it to have been universal. Pro- 
fessor Franz, by means of very careful investigation, has refuted Beckmann'i 
and Cuvier's belief, that Appuleius possessed a collection of specimens of 
natural history (Beckmann's Gescfa. der Erfindnnger» Bd. ii. S*870; and 
Cuvier's Hist, des Sciences naturelles). 
(»*) p. 189.— Strabo, lik »vii. p. 810. 

njii Kons. 

(^ p. 190.— Owl Hitter, Asien, Th. t, S. 560. 
' ("*) P- 190. — See a ooUeetion of the most strikiiig iostsnees of Gifdai 
Boman errors, in respect to the directions ci different diudns of mooBtn 
in the introdnction to mj Asie eentrale, T. i. p. zxxvii. — ^zl. Hott ti^ 
tory iuTestigations, respecting the nnoertaintj of the nnmericsl lum ^ 
Ptolemy's positions, are to he found in a treatise of Ukert, in the Bheiniab 
Mosenm Inr Phiblogie, Jahrg. vi. 1838, S. 314— S24. 
. (^ p. 191.--For examples of Zend and Sanserit words whidi ktie \o 
preserred to ns in Ptolemy's Geography, see Lassen, Diss, de Tqin^ 
insola, p. 6, 9, and 17 ; Bamouf*s Comment, snr le Ya^na, T. i. p. mi.-fB- 
and dzxxi. — dzxcv. ; and my Examen crit. de I'Hist. de U Geogr. T.if 
45—49. In few cases Ptolemy gives hoth the Sanscrit names and their # 
Bifications, as for the island of Java V barley island," la/So&ov. • fV" 
mpibiis pnvosy Ptol. vii. 2 (Wilhelm ▼. Hnmboldt uber die Kawi-Spnebc ^ 
L S. 60—63). The two^stalked barley (Hoidenm distichon) is, aceordiig ^ 
Biischmann, still termed in the principal Indian languages (HiDdBBta<4 
Bengalee and Nepaolese, Mahratta, Cingalese, and the language of Gnxo"). 
as well as in Persian and Malay, yava, djav, or ^wbl, and in the IsDgatft « 
Orissa, yaa. (Compare the Indian versions of the Bible in the passage Job 
▼i. 9 and 13 ; and Ainslie, Materia Medica of Hindostan, Madras, ISUf 

(») p. 191.— See my Examen ciit. de I'Hist de la Geogr8plue,T.iLF 

(2») p. 192.— Strabo, Hb. xi, p. 606. 

(^ p. 192.^Menander de Legationibas Barbaromm ad BontfM ^ 
Bomanorum ad Gentes, e ree. Bdckeri et Niebohr, 1829, p. 300, 619, 62^ 
and 628. 

(»») p. 192.— Plutarch de I^ide in Orbe Lunas, p. 921, 19 {«m^^ 
Examen crit. T. i. p. 145 — 191), I have met, among highly-info™*^ 
sians, with a repetition of the hypothesis of Agesianaz, according to whick, 
marks on the lunar surface, in which Plutarch (p. 935, 4) thoogM ^ '" 
*'a peculiar kind of shining mountains" (P volcanoes), were wxs^ 
eflected images of terrestrial lands, seas, and isthmuses. My Persian friesw 
said, " what they shew us through telescopes on the snr&oe of the moo" 
only the reflected images of our own countries." 
. («») p. 192.— Ptolcm. Ub. iv. eap. 9 ; lib. vii. oi^ 8 and 5. C^ 
Letroune, in the Jom-nal des Savans, 1831, p. 476—480, and 545-^^^' 
Humboldt, Examen crit. T. i. p. 144, 161, and 829 ; T. iL p. S70--^^* 

^ p. 193. — ^Delambre, Hist, de rAstronomie ancienne, T. i. p. lir.; T. ii. 
p. 561. Theon never makes -any mention of Ptolemy's Optics, although Jub 
lived ftiUy two centuries after him. 

(**) p. 193.— In reading ancient works on physics, it is often dilBcult to 
decide whether a particular result followed from a phenomenon purposely 
caQed forth, or accidentally observed. When Aristotle (De Coslo, iv. 4) treats 
of the weight of the atmosphere, which, however, Ideler appears to deny his 
having done (Meteorologia Veterum Grsoorum et Romanonim, p. 23), he 
says distinctly that a " bladder when blown out is heavier than an empty 
bladder." The experiment, if actually tried, must have been made with con- 
densed air. 

(^^) p. 193. — Aristot. de Anim. ii. 7 ; Biese, die Philosophic des Aristot. 
Bd. ii. S. 147. 

(**) p. 194. — Joannis (Philoponi) Grammatici in Libr. de Grenerat. and 
Alexandri Aphrodis. in Meteorol. Comment. (Venet. 1527,) p. 97, b. Com* 
pare my Examen critique, T. ii. p. 306 — 312. 

(^) p. 194. — ^The Numidian Metellas had 142 elephants kiUed in the 
drcus. In the games given by Pompey, 600 lions and 406 panthers were 
shewn. Augustus sacrificed 3500 wild beasts in the festivities which he gave 
to the people ; and a tender hu-^hnnd laments that he could not celebrate the 
day of his wife's death by a sanguinary gladiatorial fight at Verona, "because 
contrary winds detained in port the panthers which had been bought in 
Africa" I (Plin. Epist. vi. 34.) 

(*8) p. 195. — Compare Note 293. Yet Appuleins, as Cuvier recals (Hist. 
des Sciences naturelles, T. i. p. 237), was the first to describe accurately the 
bony hook in the second and third stomach of the Aplysis. 

(^) p. 198. — "Est enim animorum ingeniorumque naturale quoddam 
quasi pabulum consideratio contempladoque naturee. Erigimur, elatiores 
fieri videmur, humana despicimus, cogitantesqne snpera atque ccelestia hsDC 
nostra, ut exigua et minima, oontemnimus" (Cic. Acad. ii. 41). 

(»W) p. 198.— Pun. xxxvii. 13 (ed. Siflig. T. v. 1836, p. 320). All ear- 
lier editions terminated with the words *' Hispaniam qviennque ambitu man.** 
The conclusion of the work was discovered in 1831 in a Bamberg Codex, by 
Herr Ludwig v. Jan, Professor at Schweinfurt. 
C'*) p. 199. — Ckudian in secundum consulatnm Stilichonis, v. 150 — 155. 
(3^) p. 200.— Kosmos, Bd. i. S. 385 and 492, Bd. ii. S. 25 (Eng. trans. 
Vol. i. p. 356, and note 443, Vol. ii. p. 26). Compare also Wilhelm von 
Humboldt iiber die Kawi-Spraohe, Bd. 1 S. xxxviii. 

Ixii KOTBS. 

Maornnanft Cahahttanto of MAoritania) "Indians who had come with Her* 

m P- 209.— Died. Sic. Ub. u. cap. 2 and 8. 

C*) p. 209. — CtesiiB Cnidii Operum reliquisB, ed. Baehr., FngmeDti 
Aasyriaca, p. 421 ; .and Carl Miiller, in Dindorf's edition of Herodotus, Par. 
1844, p. 13—15. 

(™) p. 210. — Gibbon, Hist, of the Dedine and Fall of the Roman EmpiR^ 
Vol. ix. chap. i. p. 200, Leips. 1829. 

^ p. 210.— Humboldt, Asie centr. T. ii. p. 128. 

(^ p. 211. — Jourdain, Recherches critiqaes sor I'Age des Tradoctioos 
d'Aristote, 1819, p. 81 and 87. 

(^ p. 214. — ^Respecting the knowledge which the Arabiana derived firom 
the Hindoos, in the stndyof the materia medica,8ee Wilson's important iiiFetiti- 
gations, in the Oriental Hsgazine of Calcutta, 1823, Feb. and March; and 
those of Boyle, in his Essay on the Antiquity of Hindoo Medicine, 1837, p. 
56 — 59, 64 — 66, 73, and 92. Compare an account of Arabic pharmseeotie 
writings, translated firom Hindoetanee, in Ainslie (Madras edition), p. 289. 

O p. 215.— Gibbon, VoL ix. chap. li. p. 892 ; Heeren, GescL des 
Stadiums der dassischen litteratur, Bd. i. 1797, S. 44 and 72 ; Sacy, Abd- 
Allatif, p. 240; Parthey, das alexandrinische Musenm, 1838, S. 106. 

(^ p. 216. — ^Heinrich Bitter, Gesch. der christlichen Philoeophie^ TL iiL 
1844, S. 669—676. 

C°) p. 217. — The learned Orientslist, Beinand, in three late wiitingi, 
which shew how mnch may still be derived from Arabic and f ersian, as well 
as Chinese sources ; Fragments arabes et persans inedits relatifs a Tlnde aa- 
t^rieurement an Heme Siecle de TEre chretienne, 1845, p. xx. — ^xxxiiL; 
Belation des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans Tlnde et a Is 
Chine dans le 9eme Siecle' de notre Ere, 1845, T. i. p. xl?L ; Memoire geog. 
et hist, sur Tlnde d'apres les Ecrivains arabes, persans et chinois, anterieuie- 
ment an milieu du onzieme Siecle de TEre chretienne, 1846, p. 6. The 
second of these memoirs is based on the &r less complete treatise of tb» Abbe 
Benandot, entitled " Andennes Belations des Indes, et de la Chine, de deox 
Yoyageurs mahometans," 1718. The Arabic manuscript contains only one 
notice of a Toyage, viz. that of the merchant Soleiman, who embarked on tk 
Persian Gulf in the year 851 ; to which is added, what Abu-Zeyd-Hassan, of 
Syraf in Farsistan, who had never travelled to India or China, could 
from other weU-informed merchants. 

NOTES. Iyi'ii 

(^ p. 217.— Reinaud et Favl du Fea gregeois, 1845, p. 200. 

P®) p. 217. — ^Ukert, iiber Marinas Tyrius aud Ptolemans, die Geographen, 
in the Rheinischen Museum fur Philologie, 1839, S. 329—332; Gilde- 
meister de rebus Indicis, Pars 1, 1838, p. 120 ; Asie centrale, T. ii. p. 191. 

(33*) p. 217.— The "Oriental Geography of Ebn-Haukal," which Sir 
William Ouseley published in London in 1800, is that of Abu-Ishak el- 
Istachri, and, as Frahn has shewn (Ibn Fozlan, p. ix. xxii. and 256 — 263), 
is half a century older than Ebn-Haukal. The maps which accompany the 
" Book of Climates" of the year 920, aud of which there is a fine manuscript 
copy in the library of Gotha, have been very useful to me in what I have 
written on the Caspian Sea and the Sea of Aral (Asie centrale, T. ii. p. 
192 — 196). We now possess an edition of Istachri, and a German transla- 
tion ; (liber Climatum, ad similitudinem codicis Grothani delineandum, cur. 
J. H. Moeller, Goth. 1839; Das Buch der Lander, translated from the 
Arabic by A. D. Mordtnumn, Hamb. 1845). 

(^) p. 217. — Compare Joaquim Jose da Costa de Macedo, Memoria em 
que se pretende provar que os Arabes nfto conhecerfto as Canarias antes doa 
Portuguezes, Lisboa, 1844, p. 86—99, 205—227, with Humboldt, Examen 
crit. de THist. de la Geographie, T. ii. p. 137 — 141. 

C^) p. 218. — Leopold von Ledebur, iiber die in den baltischen Landem 
gefimdenen Zeugnisse eines Handels-Verkehis mit dem Orient zur Zeit der 
arabischen Wdtherrschaft, 1840, S. 8 and 75. 

(^ p. 218. — The determinations of longitude which Abul-Hassan All of 
Morocco, an astronomer of the 13th century, has incorporated ^ith his work 
on the astronomical instruments of the Arabs, are all computed from the 
first meridian of Arin. M. SediUot fils first directed the attention of geo* 
graphers to this meridian ; it has also been an object of careful research to 
myself, becaase Columbus, bemg as always guided by Cardinal d'Ailly's 
Imago Mwidi, in his phantasies respecting the difference of form whiqh he 
supposes between the eastern and western hemisphere, speaks of an Isla de 
Arin : centro de el hemispherio del qual habla Tolom^ y ques debazo la 
linea equinoiial entre el Sino Arabico y aquel de Persia. (Compare J. J. 
SediUot, Tndte des Instrumens astronomiques des Arabes, publ. par L. Am. 
Sedillot, T. i. 1834, p. 812—318, T. ii. 1835, prefece, with Humboldt's 
Examen crit. de THist. de k G^gr. T. iii. p. 64, and Asie centrale, T. iii. p. 
693 — 596, where will be found the data which I derived from the Mappa 
Mundi of Alliacus of 1410, in the " Alphonsine Tables," 1483, and in 
Madrignano's Itinerorium Portugallensium, 1508. It is singular that Edrisi 


a].<I>i ars to know nothing of Khobbet Vrin (Ganoadon^ more properly Kaak« 
der). S«dillot lilt (in the Memoire sui: lea Syst^mes geographiqaes da Ones 
KL des Arabes, 1842, p. 20 — 25) places the meridian of Ann in the group d 
the Azores ; whereas the leamed commentator of Abulfeda, Beinand (Me- 
moire sor rinde anterienrement an Heme Siede de r£re chr^tienne, d'apitt 
les Ecrivains arabes et persans, p. 20 — 24), assomes "Ann to ha?e beesi 
name originating by confusion with Azyn, O/ein, and Odjein, an oU 
scat of cultivation: according to Bnmoo^ Ucyijayani in Malwa 0{vn 
of Ptolemy ; and that this Ozena is in the meridian of Lanka, and tint ii 
later times Arin was beUeved to be an island on the coast of Zangnebar, per- 
haps Eo-tfivor of Ptolemy." Compare also Am. Sedillot, Mem. snr les lastr. 
astron. des Arabes, 1841, p. 75. 

(*^ p. 218. — The Caliph Al-Mamnn caused many Talnable Greek masa- 
scripts to be pwrchased in Constantinople, Armenia, Syria, and Egypt, and to 
be translated direct firom Greek into Arabic, the earlier Arabic vcrsioDS 
having long been founded on Syrian transbtions (Jonrdain, Recherches cnt. 
sur I'Age et sur TOrigine des Traductions latines d*Aristote, 1819, p. 85, S^ 
aod*226). Al-Mamun's exertions have resened much which, without the 
Arabians, would have been lost to us. A similar service has been rendered by 
Armenian translations, as Neumann of Munich has first shewn. UnhappOi 
a notice by the historian Genri of Bagdad, preserved to ns by the celebrated 
geographer Leo Africanus, in a memoir entitled. " De Viris inter Araba 
illustribus," gives reason to believe, that at Bagdad itself many Greek 
originals, supposed to be useless, were burnt ; but no doubt this passage does 
not relate to important manuscripts already translated. It is capable of more 
interpretations than one, as has been shewn by Bemhardy (Grnndriss der 
^iechen Litteratur, Th. i. S. 489), in opposition to Heeren's Geschichte der 
elassisehen Litteratur, Bd. i. S. 135. The Arabic translations of Aristotle 
have often been made useful in executing Latin ones {e. g. the eight books A 
Physics, and the History of Animals) ; but the larger and better part of tLe 
Latin translations have been made direct from the Greek (Jourdain, Bedb 
crit. sur TAge des Traductions d'Aristote, p. 230 — 236). We may recognue 
an allusion to the same twofold source in the memorable letter which the 
Emperor Frederick II. of Hohenslaafen sent with translations of Aristotle 
to his universities, and especially to that of Bolognain 1232. This letter containi 
the expression of noble sentiments, and shews that it was not only the lore 
of natural history which taught Frederick II. to appreciate the philosophical 
value of the " Compilationes varies quee ab Aristotde aliisque philosopbii 

2T0TES. Ixt 

'«a¥ Gneeb Anbidsqiie Vbcabulis Antiquitiis editn simt.** He writes : " Wf 
.We from our earliest youth desiied a closer Acquaintance with science^ 
although the cares of govemment have withdrawn ns therefrom. As &r as 
we could, we delighted in spending our time in the careful reading of excellent 
works, to the end that the mind might be enlightened and strengthened bj 
exercises, withont which the life of man is wonting both in mle and in free* 
dom (ut animsB darins vigeat instrumentum in aoquisitione scientise, sine qua 
mortalium vita non regitur liberaliter). libros ipsos tamquam pneminm 
amici Caisaris gratulantur acciinte, et ipsos antiqms philosophorum operibud, 
qui vods ve8tr8& ministerio reviviscnnt, aggregantes in auditorio vestro," .... 
(Compare Jourdain, p. 169 — 17S, and Fricdrich von Raumer*s excellent 
Geschichte der Hohenstaufen, Bd. iii. 1841, S. 4)13.) The Arabs formed a 
uniting Unk between ancient and modern science: without their love of 
translation, succeeding ages would have lost great part of that which the 
Greeks had either formed themselveii, or derived from other nations. It is in 
this point of view that the subjects which have been touched upon, though 
seemingly purely linguistic, have a general cosmical interest. 

(^) p. 218. — Michael Scot's translation of Aristotle's Historia Anima- 
lium, and a similar work by Avicenna (Manuscript No. 6493 in the Paris 
Library), are spoken of by Jourdain, Traductions d'Aristote, p. 135 — 138, 
and by Schneider, Adnot. ad Aristotells de Animalibus Hist. lib. ii. cap. 15. 

{^ p. 218. — On Ibn-Baithar, see Sprengd, Gesch. der Arzneykunde, Th. 
ii. 1823, S. 468 ; and Boyle on the Antiquity of Hindoo Medicine, p. 28. 
We possess, since 1840, a German translation of Ibn-Baithar, under the title 
Grosse Zusammenstellung iiber die Krafte der bekannten einfachen Heil- und 
Kahrungs-mittel, translated from the Arabic by J. v. Sontheimer, 2 vols. 

(**') p. 219. — Royle, p, 35 — 66. Susruta, son of Visvamitra, is consi- 
dered by "Wilson to have been a cotemporary of Rama. We have a Sanscrit 
edition of his works (The Sus'mta, or System of Medicine taught by Dhan 
wantari, and composed by his disciple Sus'ruta, ed. by Sri Madhusudana 
Gupta, Vol. i, ii. Calcutta, 1835, 1836), and a Latin translation (Sus'rutas 
Ayurvedas, id est Medicince Systema a venerabili D'havantare demonstratmn, 
a Susruta discipulo compositum. Kunc pr. ex S nskrita in Latinum sermonem 
vertit Franc. Hessler. 2 vols. Eriangee, 1844, 1847. 

(**^ p. 219, — Avicenna says, " Deiudar (Deodar), of the genus 'abhd 
(juniperus) ; also an Indian pine which yields a peculiar milk, syr deiudar 
(fluid turpentine)." 

(^ p. 219. — Spanish Jews from Cordova carried the lessons of Avicennt 
VOL. II. 2 F 

Ixvi Honss. 

to Montpellier, tnd eoatributed in a prindpal degree to tbe establttkme&t of 
its celebrated medical achool, belonging to tbe 12th centnij, wbiob ma 
■odeUed according to Arabian patterns (Cnner, Hist, des Scienoes natmclla, 
T. i. p. 887). 

(^) p. 819.— ]<e«pocting the gardens of the palaoe of Bisaofali, which ms 
built by Abdnrrahman Ibn-Moaw^'efa, see History of tiie Mohammedin 
Dynasties in Spain, extraoted from Ahmed Ibn Mohammed Al-Makkari, hf 
^ascnal de Gayangos, Vol. i. I84k0, p. 209—211. En an Hnerta ]dant6 d 
Rey Abdarrahman una palma qne era entonces (756) nnica, y de eUa proee- 
di^ron todas las qne hay en Espafla. La vista del arbol acreoentaba mas qoe 
templaba sn melancolia" (Antonio Ooude, Hist, de la Dominacion de ki 
Arabes en Espana, T. i. p. 169). 

(^) p. 220. — ^The preparation of nitric acid and aqna r^a by I)jaber 
(whose proper name was Abn-Mnssah-Dschafar) is more than 500 yean 
anterior to Albertas Magnns and Raymond Lolly, and almost 700 years an- 
terior to the Erfiirt Monk, Basilins Yalentinos. Nevertheless, the disoovoy 
of these decomposing (dissolving) acids, which constitntes an epoch is 
chemical knowledge, was long ascribed to the three last named Europeans. 

(^ p. 220. — Respecting the rules given by Razes for the vinona fernKD* 
tation of amylum and sngar, and for the distillation of alcohol, see Hofer, 
Hist, de la Chimie, T. i. p. 825. Although Alexander of Aphrodiaa 
(Joannis Philoponi^Grammatid in Libr. de Generatione et Interitn Comm. 
Tenet. 1527, p. 97), properly speaking, only describes circumstantially distil- 
lation from sea-water, yet he also indicates that wine may also be distilled. 
This is the more remarkable, because Aristotle had put forward (Meteorol. ii- 
3, p. 858, Bekker) the erroneoiis opinion, that in natural evaporation fresh 
water only rose from wiue, as from the salt water of the sea. 

(^ p. 220. — ^The chemistry of the Indians, comprising alchemistic arts, 
is called ras&yana (rasa, juice or fluid, also quicksilver; and &yana, march of 
proceeding), and forms, according to Wilson, the seventh division of the Ayur- 
veda, the " sdence of life, or of the prolongation of Kfe" (Royle, Hindoo 
Medicine, p. 39^-48). The Indians have been acquainted from the earliest tima 
(Royle, p. 131) with the application of mordants in calico or eotton printing 
an Egyptian art which we find most clearly described in Pliny, lib. xxxv.cap. 11) 
No. 150. The name ** chemistry" indicates literally " Egyptian art," the art 
of the black land ; for Plutarch (de Iside et Osir, cap. 33) knew that the Egyp- 
tians called their country Xi}/ita, from the black earth. The inscription oa 
4he Roaetta stone has Chmi. I find the word ohemie, aa applied to the de- 

3roTES. Ixyii 

eompofflng arty first in tlie deerees of Diodetian agamst ** the old writings of 
the Egyptians which treat of the 'chemie' of gold and sUrer (irtpc xtt*^^ 
ofiyv^v KM XS^^^^)'* Compare my Examen erit. de THist. de la O^ogra* 
phie et de rAstronomie nantiqne, T. ii. p. 314, 

(^ p. 221. — Reinand et Eave da Eea gregeois, des Eenx de Guerre, ek 
des Origines de la Poadre ^ Canon, in their Histoire de rArtillerie, T. i. 
1845, p. 89—97, 201, and 211 ; Piohert, Traits d'Artillerie, 1886, p. 25; 
Beckmann, Technologie, S. 342. 

(^) p. 221.— Laplaoe, Precis de I'Hist. de i'Astronomie, 1821, p. 60; 
and Sedillot, Memoire sar les Instmmens aatr. des Arahes, 1841, p. 44. Also 
Thomas Yonng (Lectures on Natural Philosophy and the Mechanical Arts, 
1807, VoL i. p. 191) does not donbt that Ebn-Junis, at the end of the tenCh 
century, applied the pendnlnm to the measurement of time, but he ascribes 
the first combination of the pendulum with wheel-work to Sanctorins, in 
1612 (44 years before Huyghens). Respecting the very skilfully made time- 
piece which was among the presents which Haroun Al-Baschid, or rather the 
Caliph Abdallah, sent, two centuries before, firom Persia to Charlemagne at 
Aix-la-Chapelle, E^nhaid says distinctly, that it was moved by water (horo- 
loginm ex aurichalco arte mechanica mirifice compositum, in quo duodeeim 
horarmn cursns ad Clepsidram vertebatur); Einhardt Annales, in Pertz's 
Monnmenta Germaniai Historica Scriptomm, T. i. 1826, p. 195. Compare 
H. Mutius, de G^rmanorum Origine, Gestis, &c. Chronic, lib. Tiii. p. 57, in 
Pistorii Germanicorum Scriptomm, T. ii. Francof. 1584; Bouquet, Recueil 
des Historiens des Gaules, T. y. p. 333 and 354. The hours w6re marked 
by the sound of the fall of small balls, as well as by the coming forth of small 
horsemen firom as many opening doors. The manner in which the water 
acted in such timepieces may indeed have been very different among the 
Chaldeans, who " weighed time" (determined it by the weight of fli^s), and 
among the Greeks and the Indians in Clepsydras ; for the bydraulic clock- 
work of Ctesibius, under Ptolemy Euergetes II. which gave the civil hours 
throughout the year at Alexandria, according to Ideler was never known 
under the common denomination of ic\cT^u8pa (Idder's Handbuch der Chro- 
nologic, J 825, Bd. i. S. 231). According to Vitruvius's description (lib. ix. 
cap. 4), it was a real astronomical clock, a " horologium ex aqua," a very 
complicated "machina hydraulica," working by means of toothed wheels 
(versatilis tympani denticuli sequales aliiis alium impellentes). It is thus not 
improbable, thai the Arabians, acquainted with the accounts of improved me- 
chanical constructions under the Boman Empire, succeeded in making an 

Ixviii KOW. 

hydnnfie oloek with wheel-work (tympana qnie noTmnUi rotas aiipdliiit) 
Grseci aatem w^fivrpoxa, Yitravios, x. 4). Leibnitz (Annales Imperii Oed- 
dentin Bmnftvioensis, ed. Perts, T. i. 1843, p. 247) expresses his admiratioB 
of the construction of the clock of Haroun Al-Baschid (Abd-Allatif, trad, pir 
Silvestre de Sacy, p. 578). A mach more remarkable piece of skilful work 
was that which the Saltan sent from Egypt, in 1232, to the Emperor 
Frederic IT. It was a large tent, in which the sun and moon were made to 
move by mechanism, so as to nse and set, and to shew the hours of the dsy 
and of the night at correet intervals of time. In the Annales Godefridi 
Monachi S. Pantaleonis apud Coloniam Agrippinam, it is described as *' ten- 
torinm, in ^o imagines solis et Innie artificialiter motse cursum snom certis 
ct debitis spaciis peragrant, et horas diei et nootis infallibiliter indicant 
(Freheri Remm Crermanicarum Scriptores, T. i. Argentor. 1717, p. 39S). 
The monk Godefridus, or whoever else may have treated of those years in the 
•chronicle which was, perhaps, written by many different authors for the con- 
vent of St. Pantaloon at Cologne (see Bohmer, Pontes Rerum Germanicamm, 
Bd. u. 1845, S. xxxiv.-^xxxvii.), lived in the time of the great Emperor 
Frederic II. himself. The emperor had this curious work, the value of whidi 
was estimated at 20000 marks, preserved at Venusium, with other treasures 
(Fried, von Raumer, Gesch. der Hohenstaufen, Bd. iii. S. 430). That the 
whole tent was given a movement like that of the vault of heaven, as has 
often been asserted, appears to me very improbable. The Chronica Monas- 
terii Hirsaugiensis, edited by Trithemius, contains scarcely any thing more 
tJian a mere repetition of the passage in the Annales Godefridi, without giving 
any information about the mechanical construction (Job. Trithemii Open 
Historica, P. ii. Francof. 1601, p. 180). Beinaud says that the movement 
•was effected "par des ressorts caches" (Extraits des Historiens Arabesrdatift 
aux Guerres des Croisades, 1829, p. 435). 

(^ p. 223. — On the Indian tables which Alphazari and Alkoresmi translated 
into Arabic, see Chasles, Recherehes snr TAstronomie indieune, in the Comptes 
rendus des Seances de TAcad. des Sciences, T. xxiii. 1846, p. 846 — 850. 
The substitution of the sine for the arc, which is usually ascribed to ^Ibi^- 
nius, in the beginning of the tenth century, also belongs originally to the 
Indians : tables of sines are to be found in the Snrya-Siddhanta. 

(*»*) p. 223. — Reinaud, IVagments Arabes rehttifs k Tlnde, p. xii.^xvii. 
96 — 126, and especially 135 — 160. Albiruni's proper name was Abul-Ryhan. 
He was a native of Byrun in the valley of the Indus, was a friend of 
AviceBaa, and lived with him at the Arabian academy which had been formed 

NOTES. bdx 

m Chsracm. His sojourn in India, and the writing of his history of Indii 
frarikhi'Hind), the most remarkable fragments of which have been made 
known by Reinaud, belong to the years 1030 — 1032. 

(^ p. 224.— SedUlot, Materianx pour servir a THistoire eomparee det 
Sciences mathematiques chez les Grecs at les Orientanx, T. L p. 50 — 89 ; the 
same, in the Comptes rendns de TAcad. des Sciences, T. ii. 1836, p. 202, T. 
xvii. 1843, p. 163—173, T. xx. 1845, p. 1308. M. Biot maintains, in 
opposition to this opinion, that the fine discovery of T^cho Brahe by no 
means belongs to Abul- Wefa ; that the latter was ucqnainted, not with the 
'* variation," bnt only witii the second part of the " evection" (Journal des 
Savans, 1843, p. 513—682, 609—626,719—737; 1845, p. 146—166; 
and Comptes rendns, T. xx. 1845, p. 1319—1328). 

(^ p. 224. — Laplace, Expos, du Syst^me dn Monde, Note 5, p. 407. 

(^*) p. 225. — On the observatory of Meragha, see Delambre, Histoire de 
r Astronomic dn Moyen Age, p. 198 — 203 ; and Am. Sedillot, Mem. snr les In- 
strumens arabes, 1841, p. 201 — 205, where the gnomon is described with a 
circular opening. On the peculiarities of the star catalogue of Ulugh Beig, 
see J. J. Sedillot, Tralto des Instruments astronomiques des Aiabes, 1834, 
p. 4. 

^) p. 225.— Colebrooke, Algebra, with Arithmetic and Mensuration from 
the Sanscrit of Brahmegupta and Bhascara, Lond. 1817. Chasles, Aper9a 
historique sur I'Origine et le Devdoppement des M^odes en Geometrie,- 
1837, p. 416—502; Nessehnann, Versuch einer kritischen Geschichte der 
Algebra, Th. i. S. 30—61, 273— 276, '302— 306. 

Q^) p. 225. — Algebra of Mohammed Ben-Musa, edited and translated by 
F. Rosen, 1831, p. 8, 72, and 196—199. The mathematical knowledge of 
India was extended to China about the year 720 ; but this was at a period 
when many Arabians were abready settled in Canton and other Chinese cities. 
Reinaud, Relation des Voyages faits per les Arabes dans Tlnde et ii la Chine, 
T. i. p. 109 ; T. ii. p. 36. 

(*^ p. 226. — Chasles, Histoire de TAlgfebre, in the Comptes rendus, 
T. xiii. 1841, p.' 497—524, 601—626 ; compare also Xibri, in the same, 
p. 559—563. 

(^ p. 226. — Chasles, Aper9U historique det M^hodes en Geometric^ 
1837, p. 464 — 472. The same, in the Comptes rendus de FAcad. des 
Sciences, T. viii. 1839, p. 78; T. ix. 1839, p. 449; T. xvi. 1843, p. 156-- 
173, and 218—246 ; T. xvii. 1848, p. 148—154. 
' ^) p. 227.— Humboldt, iiber die . bei verschiedenen Volkem ublieheii 


Syateme tod Zalilieicliai vnd iiber den Unpnmg des Stellenweiihes in da 
indiMhen Zahloiy in Crelle's Jonrnal for die reine ond angewandte Mathematak, 
Bd. iv. (1829), S. 205->281 ; oomptre also mj Examen crit. de THist. de b 
G«ognphie, T. iv. p. 275. The limple rdation of tlie different methods 
which nations, to whom the Indian arithmetic by position was nnkoown, em- 
pkyed for expressing the multiplier of the ftmdamental giovp, oontaiiu^ I 
believi^ the explanation of the gradual rise or origin of the Indian system. 
If we expcQss the number 3&68, either perpendicularly or horizontally, by mesni 
of ''indicators," which correspond to the different diTiaions of the Abaeo!^ 
(thus, M c X I^' ^^ '^^ easily perceive that the groiqi-signs (M C X 1) 
eonld be kft out. But our Indian numbers are no other than these indicaton ; 
they are the multipliers of the different groups. We are also reminded of tiiis 
designation (aoleily by means of indicators) by the ancient Indian Suanpan (the 
reckoning Tnachine which the Moguls introduced into Bussia), which \m 
smccessiTe rows or wires representing the thousands, bundreds, tens, and imitL 
These rows would present^ in the numerical example just cited, 8, 5, 6, and 8 
balls. In the Suanpan, no gnmp-sign ia risible: the group-eigns are the 
positions themselves; and these positions (rows or wires) are oocnpied bf 
units (3, 5, 6, and 8) as multipliers or indicators. In both ways, whether 
by the written or by the palpable arithmetic, we arrive at position-value, and 
at the simple use of nine numbers. If a row is empty, the place will be un- 
filled in writing. If a group (a member of the progression) is wanting, the 
vacuity is graphically filled by the symbol of vacuity (siinya^ sifron, tzophn). 
In the " Method of Eutodus," I find, in the group of the myriads, Che fizsk 
trace of the exponential system of the Greeks so important for the East: 
It, M^ M\ designate 10000, 20000» 80000. That which is here applied 
only to the myriads extends among the Chinese and Japanese, wbo derived 
their instruction from the Chinese 200 yean before the Christian Era, to ell 
the mnltiplien of the groups. In the Gobar, the Arabian " dust writing,*' (die* 
covered by my deceased friend and teacher, Silvestre de Sacy, in a manuscript 
in the Hbraiy of the oild Abbey of St. Germain des Ptes,) the grou3>-signs an 
points — therefore, noughts or ciphers; for in India, Thibet, and Pcfsii^ 
noughts and points are identical. In the Gobar, 3* is 30 ; 4*' ia 400; and 
6'.' is 6000. The Indian numbera^ and the knowledge of the value of pootioi^ 
must be more modem than the separation of the Indians and the Arians ; for 
tJie Zend nation only used the far less eonvenient Pehlvi numbers. The 
opinion that the Indian notation has undergone successive improvemcBti 
appears to me to derive particular support from the Tamul system, whick ex- 


Timts by nine clianicten, and all otKer values hy gronp-signs for 10, 
100, and 1000, having mnltipliers added to the left. I draw the same infer* 
enoe from the sihgolar aptOfun ci^moi in a achoHnm of the monk Neophytos» 
discovered by Prof. Brandis in the library of Paris, and kindly conmiunicated 
lo me for publication; The nine characters of Neophytos ate, with the ex» 
eeption of the 4, quite similar (6 the present Persian ; but these nine Units are 
raised to 10, 100, 1000 times their value by writing one, two, or three 

O Q , 00 

telphers (o) above them; as 2 for twenty, 2 4 for twenty-four, & for five hun* 

• o 

dred, and 8 6 for three hundred and six. If we suppose points to be used 
instead of ciphers, we have the Arabic dust writing, Gobar: As my brothet 
Wilhdm von Humboldt has often remarked of the Sanscrit, that it is very in 
a^projffiately designated by the terms "Indian" and ** ancient Indian" 
language, since there are in the Indian peninscda several very ancient lan- 
guages not at all derived firom the Sanscrit, — so the expression Indian, ot 
ancient Indian, system of notation is abo vague, both in respect to the form 
of the characters and also to the spirit of the method, which latter sometimes 
consists in simple juxta-position, sometimes in the use of Coefficients and 
Indicators, and sometimes in proper " position-value." Even the existence 
of the cipher, at character for 0, is not a necessary condition of the simple 
position-value in Indian notation, as the scholium of Neophytos shews. The 
Indians who speak the Tamul language have numerical characters which 
appear to differ from thar alphabetic characters. The 2 and the 8 have a 
feint resemblance to the 2 and the 5 of the Bevanagari figures, (Rob. Anderson, 
Rudiments of Tamul Gnunmar, 1821, p. 135) ; and yet an accurate com!- 
parison shews that the Tamul numerical characters are derived from the 
Tamul alphabetical writing. Still more different from the Devanagari figures 
are, according to Carey, the Cingalese. In the latter, and in the Tamul, we 
find neither position-value nor zero sign, but symbols for tens, hundreds, and 
thousands. The Cingalese work, like the Romans, by juxta-position ; the 
Tamuls by coefficients. Ptolemy, in his Almagest and in his Geography, 
uses the present zero sign to represent the descending or negative scale in 
degrees and minutes. The zero sign is, consequently, of more ancient use in 
the West than the epoch of the invasion of the Arabs. (See my work above 
dted, and the memoir printed in CreUe's Mathematical Journal, S. 215, 219^ 

223, and 227.) 

(W^ p. 228.— Wilhehn von Humboldt, liber die Kawi-Sprache, Bd. i. 
8. ocLdi. Compare also the excellent description of the Arabians, in Herder's 
Ideen znr Gesch. der Menscheit, Book lix. 4 and 6. 

Indi VOTES. 

(">) p. 881. — Compare HumlMldtt Bxamen erit ii FHitU de1« Gvognp 
phie, T. i p. Tiii. and xii. 

(*") p. SSS.-^ParU of Amerieft were aeen, but not landed on, 14 yeiia 
before Leif Eureksaon, in the voyage which Bjanie Heijnl6on undertook from 
Greenland to the aonthward in 986. He iint nw the iaod at the ialaod of 
Kantockek, a degree aonth of Boaton ; then in Nova Scotia; and, katly, ia 
Newfoandlaiid, whidi waa aobaeqiienlly ealled " litla HeQnlaiid," bat neier 
•< Vinlaad." The golf which dividea Newfonndland ftom the month of t]i| 
great river St. Lawrence waa called by the northmen aettled in Icdand u2 
Greenland, HarUand Golf. See CaroU Chriataani Bafia, Antiqnitatea Aju^ 
ricanie, 1845, p. 4, 421, 423, and 463. 

(^ p. 238. — Gmmbjom waa wrecked, in 876 or 877> on the roeks flob- 
aeqaently called by his name^ which were lately rediscovered by Captais 
Graah. It was Gonnbjdm who first saw the east coast of Greenland, bit 
without landing upon it. (Bafn, Ajitiqnit. Amer. p. 11, 03, and 304.) 

(^) p. 284.— Kosmoe, Bd. ii S. 163 (Engl, trans. Vol. ii. p. 129). 

(^) p. 234. — ^These mean annual temperatures of the east coast of America, 
between the parallels of 42° 25' and 41° 15', correspond in Europe to the 
latitudes of Berlin and Paris, places situated 8° or 10° more to the nortl:. 
Moreover, on this coast the decrease of mean annual temperature from loirer 
to higher latitudes is so rapid that, in the interval of latitude between BostoB 
and Philadelphia, which is 2° 4V, an increase of a degree of latitude cat' 
responds to a decrease in the mean annual temperature of almost 2° of tk 
Centigrade thermometer; whereas, in the European system of isotherntil 
.lines, the same difference of latitude, according to my researches, barely eor* 
responds to a decrease of half a degree of temperature^ (Asie centrale, T. ii^ 

p. 227). 

(^ p. 234.— See Carmen Fsroicum in quo Vinlandise mentio fit, (Stab^ 
Antiquit. Amer. p. 320 and 33j^). 

(^ p. 235. — The Runic stone was placed on the highest point of tlie 
Island of Kingiktorsoak " on the Saturday before thie day of victory," i. i. 
before the 21 st of April, a great Heathen festival of the ancient ScandinaviaBSi 
which, at their reception of Christianity, was converted into a Christian 
festival. Bafii, Antiquit. Amer. p. 347 — 355. On the doubts which Biyo* 
julfsen, Mohnike, and Klaproth have expressed respecting the Runic number^ 
see my Examen crit. T. ii. p. 97 — 101 ; yet, from other indications, Biya- 
julfseu and Graah regard the important monnment on the Women's lalinds 
(as well as the Rnnic macriptuma found al Igalikko and Eg^t» lat. 6(f Sr 

' ^ 



and 60"" O', and the mins of buildings at Upemaviok, lat. TB"" 50^ as belonging 
decidedly to the lltb and 12th oentniies. 

(») p. 235.— Bafh, Antiqnit. Amer. p. 20, 274, and 415— 418 (Wilhehni 
ftber Island, Hvitramannaland, Greenland, and Vinhmd, S. 117 — 121). Ao- 
oording to a very ancient Saga, the most northern part of the east coast of 
Greenland was also visited in 1194, under the name of Svalbard, at a part 
which corresponds to Sooresby's land, near the point where my friend, 
then Captain Sabine, made his pendolnm observations, and where I possess a 
very dreary cape, in 73° 16' (Rain, Antiqnit. Amer. p. 808, and Aperju de 
Tancienne Q<^graphie des Regions arctiques de TAmenqne, 1847> p. 6.) 

(^ p. 236.— Wilhehni, work above quoted, S. 226 ; Rafu, Antiqnit. Amer. 
p. 264 and 463. The settltements on the west coast of Oreenland, which, 
nntil the middle of the 14th centory, were in a very floniishing condition^ 
underwent a gradual decay, from the ruinous operation of commercial mono- 
poly, from the attacks of Esquinmuz (Skralinger), the black death which, 
according to Hecker, desolated the North during the years 1847 to 1351, and 
the invasion of a hostile fleet from some unknown quarter. At the present 
time, credit is no longer given to the meteorological myth of a sudden altera- 
tion of climate, and of the formation of an icy barrier, which had for its imme< 
diate consequence the entire separation of the colonies established in Green- 
land from their mother country. Ab these colonies were only on the more 
temperate district of the west coast of Greenland, it cannot be true that a 
bishop of Skalholt, in 1540, saw, on the east coast of Greenland, beyond the 
icy barrier, ** shepherds feeding their flocks." The aocumuktion of masses 
of ice on the east coast opposite to Iceland depends on the configuration oi 
the land, the neighbourhood of a chain of mountains having glaciers and 
running parallel to the line of coast, and on the direction of marine currents. 
This state of things did not take its origin from the dose of . the 14th or the 
beginning of the 16th centuries. As Sir John Barrow has very justly shewn» 
it has been subject to many accidental alterations, particularly in the years 
1815^-'1817. (See Barrow, Voyages of Discoyery within the Arctic Regions^ 
1846, p. 2-— 6). Pope Nicholas Y. named a bishop for Greenland as late as 

' (^) P* 286. — The principal sources of information are the «istorie narra- 
tions of Eric the Red, Thorfinn Karbefhe, and Snonre Thorbrandsson, pror 
bably committed to writing as early as the 12th century in Greenland itself 
and partly by descendants of settlers bom in Vinland (Rafii, Antiqnit. Amer. 
p. vii. xiv. and xvi.) The care with which genealogical tables were kept wad 


Ixxiv NOTES. 

80 great, that that of Thorfinn Karlsefae, whose aon Snorre ThorbnmdsaQB 
was born in America, has been brought down from 1007 to 1811. 

(^0 p. 237. — Hvitramannaland, the land of tlie white men. Compire 
the original sources of information, in Rafn, Antiquit. Amer. p. 208 — 206, 211, 
446 — 461 ; and Wilhelmi iiber Island, HvitramannaUM, &c. S. 75 — 81. 

(^ p. 238. — Letronne, Recherches g>^ogr. et orit. sor le livre de "Mea- 
sura Orbis Terra:," composed en Irlande, par Dicoil, 1814, p. 129 — 146 
Compare my Examen crit. de THist. de la Geogr. T. ii. p. 87 — 91. 

(^ p. 238. — 1 have impended to the ninth book of mj travels (BelatioB 
historique, T. iii. 1825, p. 159) a collection of the stories which have beeo 
told fi'om the time of Raleigh, of natives of Virginia speaking pure Celtic; of 
the Gaelic salutation, hao, hni, iach, having been heard there ; of Owen Cha* 
pdain, in 1669, saving himself flx)m the hands of the Tuscaroras, who wen 
about to scalp him, " by addressing them in his native Gaelic." These Tos- 
caroras of North Carolina are now, however, distinctly recognised by lingoistie 
investigations, as an Iroquois tribe. See Albert Gallatin on Indian Tribes, 
in the Aichssdlogica Americana, Vol. ii. 1886, p. 28 and 57. A consideraUe 
collection of Tuscarora words is given by Catlin, one of the moat exceQeot 
observers of manners who at any time sojourned amongst the aborigines of 
America. He, however, is often indined to regard the rather fair and ofiea 
blue-eyed nation of the Tuscaroraa as a mixed race, descended &om andent 
Welsh and irom the original inhahitaDta of the American continent. See hii 
Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North 
American Indians, 1841, Vol. i. p. 207 ; Vol. ii. p. 259 and 262—265. 
Another collection of Tuscarora words is to be found in my brother's manii* 
script notes respecting language, in the Royal library at Berlin. *' Comme k 
structure des idioms americains parait siugulierement bizarre aux differem 
peuples qui parlent les langues modemes de TEurope oocidentale, et se husscai 
fiicilement troqiper par de furtuites analogies de quelques s<»is, les thedogieos 
out cm g^neralement y voir de Thebieu, les colons espagnols dn basque, let 
colons anglais ou fran9ais dn galloia, de Tirlandais ou dn bas-breton. ...... 

J'ai rencontre un jour, sur les c6tes du Perou, un ofiicier de k marine espag- 
nol et un baleinier anglais, dont Tun pretendait avoir entendu parler basqas 
k Tahiti, et Tautre gide-irlandais aux iles Sandwich" (Humboldt, Voyage anx 
R^ons equinoxiales, Relat. hist. T. iii. 1825, p. 160). Although, however, 
no eonnection of language has yet been proved, I by no means wish to deny 
that the Basques and the nations of Celtic origin inhabiting Ireland an^ 
Walesit who were eark enoaged in fisheries on the most remote coasts, were 


the constunt rivals of the Scandinavians in the northern parts of the Athintic, 
and even t^t the Iri^ preceded the Scandinavians in the Faroe Islands and 
in Iceland. It is much to he desired that in onr days, when a healthy spirit 
of criticism, severe hut not ooiitemptaoos, prevails, the old investigations of 
Powel and Richard HaMnyt (Voyages and Navigations, Vol. iii. p. 4) might 
be resumed in England, and also in Ireland itsdf. Are there grounds for the 
statement that fifteen years before Columbus's discoveiy, the wanderings of 
liadoc were celebrated in the poems of the Welsh bard Meredith ? I do not 
participate in the rejecting spirit which has but too often thrown popular 
traditions into obscurity ; I incline fdr more to the firm persuasion that, by 
greater diligence and perseverance, many of the historical problems which 
relate to the diarts of the early part of the middle age8,-~to the striking agree- 
ment in religious traditions, manner of dividing time, and works of art in 
America and Eastern Asia ;— to the migrations of the Mexican nations, — to 
the ancient centres of dawning civilization in Aztlan, Quivira, and Upper 
Louisiana, as well as in the devated table lands of Cundinamarca and Peru,— 
will one day be cleared up by discoveries of &cts which have been hitherto 
entirely unknown to us. See my Examen crit. de I'Hist. de la Geogr. da 
Kouveau Continent, T. iL p. 142 — 149. 

P*) p. 240. — ^Whereas this drcumstanci of the absenee of ice in Pebruary 
1477 lias 1>een adduced as a proof that Cdumhus's Island of Thule could not 
be Iceland, Finn Magnusen found, in ancient historical sources, that up to 
March 1477 the northern part of Iceland had no snow, and that in Pehruary 
of the same year the southern coast was free from ice (Examen crit. T. i. p^ 
105 ; T. V. p. 213). It is very remarkable, that Colombus, in the same 
"Tratado de las einoo zonas habitables," mentions a more southern island, 
Prislanda; a name which plays a great part in the travels of the brothers 
Zeni (1388 — 1404) which are mostly regarded as &bulous, but which is 
wanting in the maps of Andrea Bianco (1436), and in that of Fra Mauro 
(1457—1470). (Compare Examen crit. T. ii. p. 114--126.) Columbut 
cannot have been acquainted with the travels of the Fratelli Zeni, as they 
aren remained unknown to the Venetian family until the year 1658, in which 
Marcolini first published them, 52 years after the death of the great admiraL 
VHience was the admiral's acquaintance with the name Frislanda P 

(^") p. 241.^^ee the proots, which I have collected from trustworthy 
documents, for Columbus in the Examen crit. T. iv. p. 233, 250, and 261, 
and for Vespucci, T. v. p. 182 — 185. Ck>lumbns was so full of the idea of 
Cuba being part of the ooittiuent of Ana, and ev«n the aooth part of Cathay 


(the provinee of Mango), that on the 12th of JoiiCi, 1494, heeanaedtk 
whole crews of his squadrons (about 80 sailors) to sweat that thej were cos* 
Tinoed he might go firom Cuba to Spain by land (" que esta tierra de Cah 
fuese la tierra firme al oomieozo de las Indies y fin 4 qnien en estas psita 
quisiere venir de Espafta por tierra") ; and that "if uny who now swore it 
should at any fiitnre day assert the contrary, they would incor the ponisii- 
ment of peijury, in receiving one hundred stripes, and having the tongue ton 
out." (See Ittformaeion del Escribano publico Fernando Perez de Lniu, ii 
Navarrete, Viages y Desoubrimientos de los Espafiolea, T. il. p. 143—149.) 
When Columbus was i^roaching the ishmd of Cuba on his first expedition, 
he thought himself opposite the Chinese commercial cities of Zaitnn ud 
duinsay (" y es cierto, dice d Almiraute, qnesta es la tierra finne y qne estoy, 
dice el, ante Zayto y Guinsay"). He designs to deliver the letters of tk 
Catholic monarchs to the Great Mogul Khan (Gran Can) in Cathay; vsi. 
having thus discharged the mission entrusted to him, to return immediitei/ 
to Spain (bnt by sea). Subsequently he sends on shore a baptised Jew, Loii 
de Torres, because he understands Hebrew, Chaldee, and some Arabic, whiek 
are languages in use in Asiatic trading cities. (See Columbus's JoonisI of 
his Voyage, 1492, in Navarrete, Viages y Descnbrim, T. i. p. 37, 44, and 46.) 
As late as 1583, the Astronomer Schoner maintained the whole of the so- 
called New World to be a part of Asia (superioris ludiee), and the city d 
Mexico (Temistitan) conquered by Cortes to be no other than the Chinese 
commercial city of Quinsay, so immoderately extolled by Marco Polo. (Ssi 
^oannis Schonerl Carlostadii Opuaculum geographicum, Norimb. 1533, hn 
ii. cap. 1 — 20.) 

(^) p. 241.— Da Asia de Joio de Barros e de Diogo de Couto, Dee.i lir. 
iu. cap. 11 (Parte i. lisboa, 1778, p. 250). 

C^) p, 244. — Jonrdain, Rech. crit. sur les Traductions d'Aristote, p. 23(^ 
234, and 421 — 428 ; Letronne, des Opinions cosmographiques des Pens 
de I'EgUse, rapprochees des Doctrines philosophiques de la Gr^ce, in the Beros 
des deux Mondes, 1834, T. i. p. 632. 

(:^ p. 244. — ^Friedrich von Raumer iiber die Philoaophie des dreixehntcB 
Jahrhnnderts, in his Hist. Taschenbuoh, 1840, S. 468. On the indinatioi 
towards Platonism in the middle ages, and on the contests of the schoolB, M 
Heinrich Ritter, Gesch. der christl. Philoaophie, Th. ii. S. 159^; Th. iil. 
S. 131—160, and 881—417. 

(^ p. 245.— Cousin, Cours de THist. de k Philosophic, T. i. 1829, p. 
360 and 889--436; FruKmens de Philosophle cartesienne, p. 8—12 and 

NOTES. ixxvn 

4t)3. Compare alsb the recent ingenious work of Christian Bartholmess, 
entitled Jordano Bruno, 1847, T. i. p. 308 ; T. ii. p. 409—416. 

C*) p. 246.— Jourdain sur Ics Trad. d*Aristote, p. 236 ; and Michael 
Sachs, die religiose Poesie der Juden in Spanien, 1845, S. 180 — 200. 

(*^) p. 247.— The greater share of merit in regard to the history of aui- 
mals belongs to the Emperor Frederic II. Important independent observa- 
tions on the internal structure of birds are due to him. (See Schneider, in 
Reliqua Librorum Frederid II. Imperatoris de Arte venandi cum Avibus, T. 
i. 1788, in the Preface.) Cuvier also calls this prince the "first independent 
and original zoologist of the scholastic Middle Ages." For Albert Magnus's 
correct view of the distribution of heat over the surface of the globe, under 
different latitudes and at different seasons, see' his Liber cosmographicus de 
Natura Locorum, Argent. 1515, fol. 14 b and 23 a (Examen crit. T. i. p. 
54 — 98). In his own observations, however, Albertus Magnus unhappily 
often shews the uncritical spirit of his age. He thinks he knows " that rye 
changes on a good soil into wheat ; that from a beech wood which has been 
cut down, by means of the decayed matter a birch wood will spring up ; and 
that from oak branches stuck into the earth vines arise." (Compare also 
Ernst Meyer iiber die Botanik des 13ten Jahrhunderts, in the Liunsea, Bd. x. 
1836, S. 719.) 

(^ p. 248. — So many passages of the Opus majus shew the respect which 
Roger Bacon paid to Grecian antiquity, that, as Jourdain has already remarked 
(p. 429), we can only interpret the wish expressed by him in a letter to Pope 
Clement VI. " to bum the works of Aristotle, in order to stop the propaga* 
tion of error among the schools," as referring to the bad Latin translations 
from the Arabic. 

(^ p. 248. — " Scientia experimentalis a vulgo studentium penitus igno- 
rata ; duo tamen sunt modi cognoscendi, scilicet per argumeutum et experi- 
entiam (the ideal path, and the path of experiment). Sine experientia nihil 
sufficienter sciri potest. Argumeutum 6oncludit, sed non certificat, neque re* 
movet dubitationem ; ut quiescat animus in intuitu veritatis, nisi earn inve- 
niat via experientise" (Opus Majus, Pars vi. cap. 1). I have collected all the 
passages relating to Roger Bacon's physical knowledge, and to his proposals 
for invention and discovery, in the Examen crit. de I'Hist. de la Geogr. T. ii. 
p. 295 — 299. Compare filso Whewell, Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences^ 
Vol. ii. p. 823—337. 

pM) p. 248.— See Kosmos, Bd. ii. S. 328 (Engl edit. Vol. ii. p. 193). I 
find Ptolemy's Optics quoted in the Opus Mijua (ed. Jebb, Lond. 1733), p. 


79, 288, aod 404. It has been jnatly denied (Wilde, Geachidite der Optik, 
Th. i. S. 92 — ^96), that knowledge deri?ed fh>m Alhazen, of the magniffiDg 
power of aegments of spheres, actually led Bacon to oonstrnct qpectades; tU 
invention appears either to have been known as enriy as 1299, or to behig 
to the Florentine Salvino degU ^^rmati, who was buried, in 1S17, » lie 
Chnrch of Santa Maria Maggbre at Florence. If Roger Bacon, who eon- 
pleted his Opns Migus in 1267> speaks of instrnments hy means of wLid 
imall letters appear large, " utiles senibna habentibna oculos d^iies," In 
words, and the practically erroneous oonsidenitions which ke subjoins, she* 
that he cannot himself have executed the plan which floated before his mia^ 

is possible. 

(») p. 250.— See my Bxamen crit. T. i. p. 61, 64— -70, 96—108; T.i 
p. 349. " II existe aussi de Pierre d'Ailly, que Bon Fernando Colon noniiie 
toujonrs Pedro de Hdioo, cinq m^moires de Concordantia Astronomiie con 
Theologia. lis repellent quelques essais tr^ modemes de Geologie bebnis- 
sante pubH^ 400 ans apres le cardinal." 

fW) p. 250. — Compare Columbus's letter (Navarrete, Yiages y Descobii- 
mientos, T. i. p. 244) with the Imago Mundi of Cardinal d'Ailly, cap. 8, ud 
Roger Bacon's Opus Majus, p. 183. 

f»7) p. 252. — Heeren, Gesch. der classischen Litteratnr, Bd. i. S. 284— 


^ p, 252. — Klaproth, Memoires rehtti& ^ TAsie, T. iii. p. 11$« 

fW) p. 252. — ^The Florentine edition of Homer of 1488 ; but the fint 
printed Greek book was the grammar of Constantino Lascaris, in 1476. 

(^ p. 252. — ^Villemab, Melanges historiques ct litteralres, T. iL p. 185. 

(391) p. 252. — The result of the investigations of the librarian Ludwig 
Wachler, at Breslau (see his Geschichte der Litteratnr, 1833, Th. i. S. 12- 
^3). Printing without moveable types does not go back, even in Ohbi, 
beyond the beginning of the tenth century of our era. The first four boob 
of Confucius were printed, according to Klaproth, in the province of Siat. 
•chuen, between 890 and 925 ; and the description of the technical mampnh- 
tion of the Chinese printing press might have been read in western countries 
as early as 1310, in Raschid-eddin's Persian history of the rulers of (kihj. 
According to the most recent results of the important researches of Stanislas 
Julien, however, an ironsmith in China itself would seem to have used mo?^ 
able types, made of burnt clay, between the years 1041 and 1048 A.D. « 
almost 400 years before Guttefhberg. This is the invention of the Fi-adiing; 
which, however, remained without application* 

NOTBS. hcxix 

(^ p. 863,— See the prooft, in my Sniiieii crit. T. ii. p. 816—320. 
Joeafat Barbaro (1436) and Ohislin ?on Buabeck (1555) still found, between 
Tana (Aeof ), Caffa, and the Erdil (the Volga), ATani and Gothic tribes speak- 
lag Gennan (Bamosio, deile Nafigationi et Vii^gi, Vol. ii. p. 92 b and 98 a). 
Boger Baoon alvrays terms Babmqnis only ^ter WilUehnns, qoem donwms 
Bex Erancitt misit ad Tartaros. 

(*^ p. 254.^The great and fin» work of Marco Polo (B MHione di Messer 
Marco Polo), as we possess it in the correct edition of Count Baldelli, is in- 
ooirectly called "TraTek" ; it is lor the most part a descriptiTC, one might 
say a statistieal, worik ; in which it is difficult to distinguish what the traveller 
saw himsel/, what he learned from others, and what he deriTed from topogra- 
phic descriptions, in which the dunese literature is so rich, and which might 
be accessible to him through his Persian interpreters. The striking resemblance 
between the narratire of the truTels of Hiuan-thsang, the Buddhistic pilgrim of 
the seventh century, and that which Marco Polo found in 1277 (respecting the 
Pamir-Highland), eariy drew my whole attention. Jaoquet, who an early de- 
cease withdrewfrom the inrestigationof Asiatic languages, and who, like Klaproth 
and myself^ was lon^ occupied with the great Venetian traveller, wrote to me, 
a short time before his death, " Je soia frappe comme vous de la forme de re- 
daction litti^raire du Milione. Le fond appartient sans doute k Tobservation 
directe et persounelle dn voyageur, mais il a probablement employe des docu- 
ihenta qui lui ont ^te communiques soit offidellement^ soit eu particulier. 
Bien des choses paraissent avoir ^te em^runt^s k des livres Chinois et Mon- 
gols, bien que ces influences sur la composition du Milione soient difficiles k 
reoonnaitre dans les traductions snocessives sur ksquelles Polo aura fonde ses 
extraits." Whilst our modem travellers are only too well pleased to occupy 
their readers with their own persons, Marco Polo takes no less pains to blend 
his own observations with the ofEU^ial data communicated to him ; of which, 
as governor of the city of Yangui, he might have many. (See my Asie cen- 
trale, T. ii. p. 395.) The compiling method of the illustrious traveller also 
helps to explain the possibility of his dictating his book while confined in the 
prison air Genoa, in 1295, to his fellow-prisoner and fnend Messer Rustigielo 
of Pisa, as if the documents had been lying before him. (Compare Marsden, 
Travels of Marco Polo,^p. zzxiii.) 

i^) p. 254.— Purchas, Pilgrims, Part iii. ch. 28 and 56 (p. 23 and 24). 

(^) p. 254. — ^Navarrete, Colecdon de los Viages y Descubrimientos que 
hicieron por mar los Espafloles, T. i. p. 261 ; Washington Irving, History 
of the Life and Voyages of Christopher Cdumbus, 1828, Vol. iv. p. 297. 


("*>) p. 255.— Examen crit. de I'Hist. de Is G^. T. i. p. 63 and 815; 
T. ii. p. 850. Marsden, Tra^ela of Maroo Polo, p. Ivii. Ixx. and Ixx?. Th 
first German Nuremberg verrion of 1477) (daa pnch des edeln Bitten ni 
laiidtrarerB Marcho Polo) ^>peared in print in Colnmboa's lifetime ; the fint 
Latin traoslation in 1490, and the fint Italian and Portogneae tnnalatioiii ii 
1496 and 1502. 

(^ p. 256. — Barros, Bee. i. Ht. iii. esp. 4, p. 190, sajs expressly fkt 
" Bortholomen Diaz, e os de ana companhis per causa dos perigos, e tonm- 
tas, qae em o dobrar deUe passaram, Ihe pnierion.nome Tormentoso." Tfae 
merit of first donbling the Cape does not therefore belong, as nanally stated, 
to Yasco de Gama. Diaz was at the Gi^ in May 1487, almost thenfore at 
the same time that P«dro de CoWlham and Aknso de Payva of BsroeloBa 
arrived from their expedition. In December of the same year (1487)i I^ 
bronght himself to Portugal the news of his important discoyery. 


(^ p. 256. — The planisphere of Sannto, who caUs himself '* Marina 
Sannto dictns Torxellns de Yenedis," belongs to the work, Secreta fiddim 
Crads. " Marinas pr^dia adroitement nne croisade dans I'inter^ da earn* 
meroe, voalant detraire la prosperity de TEgypte, et dinger toates les mar- 
chandises de I'lnde par Bagdad, Bassora et Taaris (Tebriz), k Kaflh, tuA 
(Azow), et aux cdtes asiatiques de la Mediterranee. Contemporain et ooo- 
patriote de Polo, dont il n'a pas connn le Milione, Sannto s'eldve il de 
grandes vnes de politique commerdale. C'est le Raynal da moyen-ag^ 
moins Tincredulite d'an abb^ philosophe du ISme siede." — (Examencrit 
T. i. p. 331, 333—848.) The Cape of Good Hope is called Capo di Bisb 
on the map of Fra Maaro, which was compiled between 1457 and 1459 : aft 
tbe learned memoir of Cardinal Znrla, entitled, II Mappamond<^ di Ai 
Manro Camaldolese, 1806, ^ 54. 

(^) p. 257. — ^Avron or avr (aor) is a less-nsed term for North, onployei 
instead of the more ordinary " schem&l" ; the Arabic Zohron or Zohr, from whicb 
Klaproth erroaeoosly endeavoors to derive the Spanish snr and Portogaesesnl 
(which is, without doubt, like our Siid, a true Germanic word), does not pro- 
perly bdong to the particular denomination of the quarter indicated ; it so- 
nifies only the time of.high noon ; South is dschentb. Bespecting the earif 
knowledge of the Chinese of the south pointing of the magnetic needle, see 
Klaproth's important investigations in his Lettre k M. A. de Humboldt, soi 
riuvention de la Boussole, 1834, p. 41, 45, 50, 66, 79 and 90 ; and tke 
Memoir of Azuni of Nice, which appeared in 1805, entitled, Dissertstka 
sor rOrigine de la Boussole, p. 35 and 65 — 68. Navairete, in his DisdUM 

KOTES. Ixxxi 

.liirtoRco flobre los pTogresos del Arte de Navegar en Sspafia; 1802, p. 28» 
-recals a remarkable passage in the Spanish Leyes de las Partldas (II. tit. iz. 
ley 18) of the middle of the 13th century*. — "The needle which guides thq 
.'WiMnner in the dark night, and shows him how to direct his course both in 
good and in bad weather, is the intermediary (medianera) between the load- 
stone (la piedra) and the North star" See the passage in Las aiete 

Partldas. del sabio Bey Don Alonso el IX. (according to the usual manner of 
•canting the Zth.) Madrid, 1829, T. i. p. 473. 

. (^) p. 258.~4oidano Bruno, par Christian Barthohn^ 1847, T. ii. 
f, 181—187. 

(^^) p« 258. — Tenian los mareantes instmmento, carta» compas y aguja." 
< — Salazar, Diacurso sobre los progresoa de la Hydrografia en Espafia, 1809, 

p. 7. 

(*») p. 258.— Kosmos, Bd. ii. S. 203 (Engl. ed. Vol. U. p. 169.) 
. C^) p. 258. — Respecting Cusa (Nicolaus of Cuss, properly of Cues on the 
Hoselle), see abo?e, Kosmos, Bd. ii S. 140 (Engl. ed. YoL ii. p. 106) ; and 
Clemens' treatise, iU>er Giordano Bnmo and Nicolaus de Cusa, S. 97, where 
there is given an important fragment, written by Cusa's own hand, and dis- 
covered only three years ago, respecting a threefold movement of the earth. 
(Compare also Chaales, Aper9us aur Torigine des methodes en Geometrie, 
1807, p. 629.) 

(^) p. 259. — ^Navarrete, Dissertaciqn histoiica sobre la parte que tnvi^ron 
loa Espanoles en las guerras de Ultramar 6 de las Cruzadas, 1816, p. 100 ; 
and Examen crit. T. 1. p. 574 — 277. An important improvement in obser- 
vation by means of the ^lumb-line has been attributed to Georg von Peuer- 
bach, the teacher of Regiomontanus. But the use of the plumb-line had 
long been known to the Arabs, as we learn by Abul-Hassan- All's compendious 
description of astronomical instruments, written in the 13th century : Sedil- 
lot, Traite des instrumens astronomiques des Arabes, 1835, p. 379 ; 1841^ 
p. 205. 

(^) p. 259. — In all the writings on the art of navigation which I have 
examined, I jQnd the erroneous opinion that the Log, for the measurement of 
the distance passed over, has only been in use since the end of the 16th or 
the beginiing of the 17th century. In the Encyclopeedia Britannlca (7th. 
edition, 1842), Vol. xiii. p. 416, it is still said : ** The author of the device 
for measuring the ship's way is not known, and no mention of it occurs tiH 
the year 1607, in an East India voyage, published by Purchas." This year 
i$ also named as the extreme limit in all earlier and later dictionaries.-— 

TOL, n. 2 a 

m T 


— (Oehler, JBd. yi. 1881, S. 450.) It \s ovlj NaTarrete, in the I^neitaabi 
sobre los progresos del Arte de Navegar, 1802, who places the use of the 
AOg-line in English ships in the year 1577. — (Doflot de Mofras, Notice Ido- 
graphique sur Mendoza et Navarrete, 1845, p. 64.) Sabseqnently he affiaos 
in another place (Colecdon de losYiages de los EspaAoles, T. iv, 1837,p. 97)i 
that " in Magellan's time the ship's speed was only estimated by* the eye {i 
bjo), nntU in the 16th century the corredera (the log) was devised." T%e 
measurement of the distance sailed over by means of heaving the log, althoiigl 
this means most in itself be termed imperfect, has become of such great im- 
portance towards a knowledge of the velocity and direction of ooeaoie 
currents, that I have been led to make it an oliject of carefnl research. I 
give here the principal results which are contained in the 6th and still unpaid 
lished volume of my Examen critique de Thistoire de la Geographie et dei 
progr^ de TAstronomie nautique. The Romans, in the time of the republic 
had in their ships apparatus for measuring the dLstance passed oyer, consist- 
ing of wheels fovr feet high provided with paddles placed outside the ship, 
just as in our steamboats, and as in the apparatus for propelling vessels whirii 
Blasco de Garay had proposed in 1 543 at Barcelona to the Emperor Charles V. 
— (Arago, Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes, 1829, p. 152.) The ancient 
Roman way-measurer (ratio a migoribus tradita, qua in via rheda sedeata 
vel mari navigantes scire possumus quot millia numero itineris feoerimus) is 
described in detail by Yitruvius (lib. x. cap. 14), the credit of whose Augostu 
age has indeed been recently much shaken by C. Schultz and Osann. By 
means of three toothed wheels acting on each other, and by the falling of 
small round stones from a wheel-case (loculamentum) having only a sing^ 
hole, the number of revolutions of the outside wheels which dipped in theses 
and the number of miles passed through in the day's course, were j^veo. 
Whether these hodometers were much used in the Mediterranean, ''as th^ 
fuight afford both use and pleasure," Yitruvius does not say. In the biogor 
pby of the Emperor Pertinaz by Julius Capitolinus, mention is made of the 
purchase of the effects left by the Emperor Commodns, among which was a 
travelling carriage provided with a similar hodcnnetric apparatus.^ — (Cap. 8 ia 
Hist. Augusts Script, ed. Lugd. Bat. 1671, T. i. 554.) The wheeb gave li 
once " the measure of the distance passed over and the duration of the jour- 
ney" in hours. A much more perfect hodometer used both on the water and 
on land has been described by Hero of Alexandria, the pupil of Ctesibios, ia 
his Greek still Inedited manuscript on the Bioptra. — (See Yentnri, Gonmient' 
sopra hi Storia deU' Ottica, Bologna, 1814, T. i p. 134—189.) We iai 

NOTES. Ixxxiii 

iioihing on the snlject we are considering, in the literature of the middle 
ages, until we come to the period of several " books of Nautical Instruction," 
written or printed in quick succession by Antonio Pigafetta (Trattato di Navi- 
gazione, probably before 1530) ; Francisco Falero (1585, a brother of the 
astronomer Ruy Fal^ro, who ^ras to have accompanied Magellan on his voy- 
age round the world, and left behind him a Kegimiento para observar la Ion- 
gitud en la mar) ; Pedro de Medina of Seville (Arte de Navegar, 1545) ; Mar- 
tin Cortes of Bujalaroz (Breve Compendio de la esfera y de la arte de navegar, 
1551) ; and Andres Garcia de Cespedes (Regimiento de Navigacion y Hidro- 
grafia, 1606). Prom almost all these works, some of which have become 
extremely rare, as well as from the Suma de Geografia which Martin Per- 
iiandez de Enciso had published in 1519, we recognise most distinctly that 
navigators were taught to estimate the *' distance sailed over" in Spanish and 
Portuguese ships, not by any distinct measurement, but only by estimation or 
appreciation by the eye, according to certain established principles. Medina 
says (libro iii. cap. 11 and 12), "to know the course of the ship as to the 
length of distance passed over, the pilot must set down in his register how 
much distance she has made according to hours (t. e, guiding himself by the 
hourglass, ** ampolleta,") and fo/ this he must know that the most a ship 
advances in an hour is four mi]es, and with feebler breezes three, or only two." 
Cespedes (Regimiento, p. 99 and 156) calls this mode of proceeding "echar 
punto por fantasia." This fantasia, as Enciso justly remarks, depends, if 
great errors are to be avoided, on the pilot's knowledge of the qualities of his 
ship: on the whole, however, every one who has been long at sea will have 
Remarked with surprise, when the waves are not very high, how nearly the mere 
estimation of the ship's velocity accords with the subsequent result obtained by 
the log. Some Spanish pilots call the old, and it must be admitted hazardous, 
method of mere estimation (cuenta de estima), sarcastically, and certainly very 
incorrectly, "la corredera de los Holandeses, corredera de les perezosos." In 
Columbus's ship's journal, frequent reference is made to the contest with Alouso 
Finzon as to the distance passed over since their departure from Palos. ^le 
hour or sandglasses, ampolletas, which they made use of, ran out in half an 
hour, so that the interval of a day and night was reckoned at 48 ampolletas. 
In this important journal of Columbus, it is said (for example on the 22d of 
January, 1493) : " Andaba 8 millas "por hora hasta pasa^Ias 5 ampolletas, y 
•3 antes que comenzase la guardia, que eran 8 ampoHetas." — (Navarrete, T. i. 
'p. 143.) The Log (la corredera) is never mentioned. Are Vc to assume 
that Columbus was acquainted with ahd employed it^ but that, being a mt^m 

Ixxxiv NOTES. 

already in veiy general nae, he did not think it necessaiy to name it? in tk 
lame way tliat Marco Polo does not mention tea, or the great wall of Chioi. 
Sach an asaumption appears to me ray improbable, even if there were m 
other reason, because I find in the proposals made by the pilot Don JspK 
Ferrer, 1496, for the exact examination of the position of the Papal line of 
demarcation, that, when it is question of the determinatiim of the diitsDoe 
sailed oyer, the appeal is made only to the aeeordant eentenee (jnido) of 
20 very experienced manners (que apnnten en sn carta de 6 en 6 horn cl 
camino que la nao fara segun su juieio.) If the log had been in use, no dooM 
Ferrer would have prescribed how often it should be hove. I find the fint 
application of the log in a passage of Pigafetta's Journal of Magellan's vojige 
of circumnavigation, which long lay buried among the mannacripts in tk 
Ambrosian Library at Milan. It is said in it, that, in the month of Jaouij 
1521, when Magellan had already arrived in the Pacific, " Secondo la miann 
che facevamo del viaggio ooUa catena a poppa, noi peroorrevamo da 60 in 70 
leghe al giomo." — (Amoretti, Primo Viaggio intomo al Globo tenraoqoeo, 
ossia Navigazione feitta dal Cavaliere Antonio Pigafetta sulla squadra del Ci|l 
Magaglianes, 1800, p. 46.) What can this arrangement of a chain at tk 
hinder part of the ship (catena a poppa), " which we used throoghoot the 
entire voyage to measure the way," have been other than an apparatus similar 
to our log ? The "running out" log-line divided into knots, the log-ship,aDdtk 
half-minute or log-glasses are not mentioned ; but this silence need not sor* 
prise us in speaking of a long-known matter. In the part of the Trattato di 
Navigazione of the Cavaliere Pigafetta given by Amoretti in extracts, anKWit* 
ing indeed only to 10 pages, the " catena della poppa" is not again mentioDBi 

(*») p. 259.— Barros, Dec. I. liv. iv. p. 320. 

(*^ p. 261.— Examen crit. T. i. p. 3—6 and 290. 

{^) p. 262. — Compare Opus Epistolarmn Petri Martyris Anglerii Mefio- 
lanensis, 1670, ep. cxxx. and clii. " Pfk Isetitia prosilisse te, vixqoe i 
lachrymis prse gaudio temperasse qnando literas adspexisti meas, qmbos (k 
antipodium orbe, latenti hactenas, te certiorem feci, mi suavissime Pompooi 
insinuasti. Ex tuis ipse Uteris coUigo, quid senseris. Sensisti autem, tia- 
tique rem fecisti, quanti vimm summa doctrina insignitum decuit. Qms nam* 
que cibus sublimibns prsestari potest ingeniis isto suavior? quod condimeii* 
turn gratius ? & me facio conjecturam. Bean sentio spiritus meos, qnando 
accitos alloquor prudentes aliquos ex his qui ab ea redeunt provincia (BJsgtf 
niola insula.") The expression, ** Christophorus quidam Colonus," reminii 
PS, I will not say of the too often and nzyostly quoted " uescio quia SidM* 


dhoB** of AuIha Gellitis (Noct. Attica, zi. 16), bat of the "qnodam Comelio 
seribente," in tbe auBwer of the king Theodoiic to the prince of the JBstyans, 
who was to be informed respecting the true origin of amber from^ the Germ, 
cap. 45, of Tacitus. 

(***) p. 202. — Opus Epistol. No. ccccxxxvii. and dlxii. An ertraordinary 
person, Hieronymns Cardanus, a £uitastic enthusiast and at the same time ^ 
•cute mathematician, also calls attention in his *' physical problems" to how 
much of the knowledge of the earth consisted in fects to the observation of 
which one man has led. Cardani Opera, ed. Lugdun. 1663, T. ii. Frobl. p» 
680 and 659 ; " at nunc quibus te laudibus afferam Christophore Columbi 
non ffunilia tantum, non G^uensis urbis, non Italiss Frovinciffi, non Europn 
partis orbis solum, sed humani generis decus." In comparing the *' pro« 
blems" of Cardanus with those of the later Aristotelian school, amidst the 
confusion and the feebleness of the physical explanations which prevail 
almost equally in both collections, I remark in Oardanus a circumstance 
which appears to me eharacteristic of the sadden enlargement of geography 
at that epoeh ; namely, that the greater part of his proUems relate to compa- meteorology. I allude to the considerations on the warm insular di* 
mate of En^and in contrast with the winter at Milan ; — on tiie dependence 
of hail on electric explosions; — on the cause and direction of oceanic cur- 
rents ;— on the maxima of atmospheric heat and cold not arriving until after 
the summer and winter solstices ; — on the elevation of the region of snow 
under the tropics ; — on the temperature dependent on the radiation of heat 
fix>m the sun and from all the heavenly bodies ;— on the greater intensity of - 
hght in the southern hemisphere, &c. — " Cold is merely absence of heat. 
Light and heat differ only in name, and are in themselves inseparable." Car- 
dani 0pp. T. i. de vita propria, p. 40 ; T. ii. Probl 621, 680-*«32, 653 and ' 
718 ; T. iii. de subtilitate, p. 417. 

O p. 263.— See my Eiamen crit. T. ii. p. 210—249. Accordmg to 
the manuscript, Historia general de las Indias, lib. i. cap. 12, "la carta de 
marear que Maestro Paula Hsico . (Toscanelli) envio a Colon" was in the 
hands of Bartholom^ de las Casas when he wrote his work. Columbus's 
ship's journal, of which we possess an extract (Navarrete, T. i. p. 13), does 
not quite agree with the relation which I find in a manuscript written by Las 
Casas, which was kindly communicated to me by M. Ternaux-Compans. 
rhe ship's journal says, " Iba hablando el Almirante (martes 25 de Setiembre, 
1492) con Martin Alonso Pinzon, capitan de la otra carabela Pinta, sobra 
^m$ carta qofi le habia enviado tres dias hacia a la carabela, donde sefsan 


parece tenia pinktdaa W Almirante ciertas ialas por aqneUa mar .... * b 
the manaseript of Las Caaas (lib. i. cap. 12), on the other hand, I find, "Ii 
carta de marear que embid (ToscaiieUi al Almirante) jo que esta hutom 
tcrivo la teogo en mi poder. Creo que todo an viage aobre esta carta Amdo;" 
(lib. i. cap. 88) "aai faii qoe d maites 25 de Setiembre llegase Martiir AIodm 
Finzon con an carayela Pinta a hablar oon Chriatobal Colon aobre una cuti 
de marear qne Chriatobal Colon le avia embiado .... JSsta carta eglapteU 
unhid Paulo linco el FlorenHn, la qual yo tengo en mi poder oon otras oooi 
del Almirante 7 escritoras de an misma mano qne traz^on k mi poder. Ea 

ella le pinto muchas ialas " Are we to aaanme that the Admiral In' 

drawn upon the mi^ of ToscaneUi the islands which he expected to find, « 
does " tenia pintadas" merely mean " the Admiral had a map on which wot 
painted "? 

(^*) p. 264.— Navanete, Boeomentos, No. 69» in T. iii. der Viaga f 
Deecnbr. p. 565—571 ; Ezamen crit. T. i. p. 234—249 and 252, T. iiL p. 
158 — 165 and 224. Respecting the contested spot of the first landing is 
the West Indies, see T. iii. p. 186—222. The map of the world of Juan h 
la (Dosa, which has acquired so mnch edebrity, and which was diaoovered I7 
Walckenaer and myself in the year 1832, daring the cholera epidonie, sad 
which was drawn six years before the death of Cdmnbns, has thrown oar 
light on these contested questions. 

. (^^ p. 265. — Bespecting Colnmbns's graphical and often poetical descrip- 
tions of nature, see above, Kosmos, Bd. iL S. 55—57 (Engl. edit. VoL iL p. 

. (^^ p. 266. — See the results of my investigations, in the Relation hist. ^ 
Voyage aux B^ons equinoxiales dn nonvean Continent, T. ii. p. 702; vA 
in the Examen crit. de THist de la Creographie, T. i. p. 309. 

(«>«) p. 266.— Biddle, Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, 1831, p. 52—61;. 
Examen crit. T. iv. p. 231. 

if^) p. 266.— In a part of C>>lumbas'8 Journal (Nov. 1, 1492) which hir 
teoeiyed but little attention, it is said, " I have (in Cuba) opposite and neir 
to me Zayto y Gninsay (Zaitun and Quinsay, Marco Pdo, ii 77) dd Gna 
Can." Navarrete, Viages y Descubrim. de los Espafioles, T. i. p. 46 ; airf 
above, note 875. The curve towards the south, which Cohunbns on Ui 
second Voyage remarked in the most western part of the coast of Cabii 
had an important influence, as I have dsewhere obsetved, on the discovery of 
South America, and on that of the Delta of the Orinoco and Cape Faria ; Ml 
Examen crit. T. iv* p, 246—250. Anghiera (Epiat. dxviii. ed. Apist. 167<V 

NOTES. Ixxxvii 

£. 96) writes, " Putat (Colonns) regiones has (Parise) esse Cnbee contiguas et 
adhserentes : ita quod utrseque sint ludise Gangetidis continens ipsum . . . ." 
i C****) P- 267. — See the important manuBcript of Andres Bernaldez, Cura de 
la Villa de los Palacios (Historia de los Reyes Catholicos, cap. 123). This 
l^story comprises the years 1488 to 1513. Bemaldez had received Columbus, 
ifx 1496, on his return from his second voyage, into his house. By the par- 
ticular kindness of M. Ternaux-C!ompans, to whom the History of the Con- 
qoista owes many important elucidations, I was enabled to make a free us^ 
lA Bee. 1838, at Paris, of this manuscript, which was in the possession 
qf my distinguished friend the historiographer, Don Joan Bautista Mufios 
(fiftmyaie Fern. Colon, Yida del Almirante, cap. 56). 
I {*^7) p. 267.— Examen crit. T. iii. p, 244—248, 

• (*^ P* 268. — Cape Horn was discovered in February 1826, by Frandsoo 
de Hoces, in the expedition of the Commendador Garcia de Loaysa, which,, 
fpllowiug that of Magellan, was destined for the Moluccas. Whilst Loaysa 
flailed through the Straits of Magellan, Hoces, with his Caravel, the Sai^ 
Lesmes^ was; separated from the flotilla, and driven as far as 55° S. latitude. 
"D>yQi»n los del buque que les parecia que era aUi acabamiento de tierra" 
(Navanrete, Yiages de los Espanoles, T. v. p. 28 and 404^-488). - Flenrieu 
Qoaiqtains that Hoces only saw the Cabo del buen Successo, west of Staten* 
Island. Such a strange uncertainty respecting the form of the land prevailed 
anew towards the end of the 16th century, that the author of the Araucana 
(Canto i. oot. 9) could believe that the Magellanic straits had closed by an 
.earthquake, and by the raising of the bottom of the sea ; and, on the other 
hand, Aoosta (Historia natural y moral de las Indias, lib. iii. cap. 10) took 
tiie Terra del Fuego for the beginning of a great south polar land. (Compare 
also Kosmos, Bd. ii. S. 62 and 124 ; Engl. edit. Vol. ii. p. 60 and Note 96.) 
: (^ p. 268. — ^The question, whether the isthmus-hypothesis, according 
to which Cape Prasum, on the east of Africa, joined on to an east Asiatic 
isthmus from Thinse, is to be traced back to Marinns of Tjie, or to Hipparchus, 
QT to the Babylonian Seleucus, or rather to Aristotle de Coelo (ii. 14), has 
been treated by me in detail in another work (Examen crit. T. i. p. 144, 161, 
and 329 i T. ii. p. 370—372). 

(^ p. 269. — Paolo Toscandli was so much distinguished as an astronomer, 
that Behaim's teacher, Regiomontanus, dedicated to him, in 1463, his work 
'* De Qaadratnra Circuli," directed against the Cardinal Nicolaus de Cusa. 
He constructed the great gnomon in the Church of Santa Maria Novella at 
floreni^ and died in 1482, at the age of 85, without having lived bng 


enongli to enjoy the tidings of the discover of the C^pe of Oood Ht^e V 
Bias, and that of the tropical part of the new oontinent hy Coliimbiia. 

(^') p. 270. — ^As the old continent, from the western extremity of fk 
Iheriau peninsnla to the coast of China, comprehends afanosft 130^ of longi- 
tude, there remain ahont 230^ as the space which Colombiis ilioiild have had 
to traverse to reach Cathaj (China) ; bat leas if he only proposed to Rsch 
Zipangi (Japan). This diiference of 230*^ which I have taken, is between tlis 
Portngnese Cape St. Vincent (ll"" 20" W. of Paris), and the fiur ^cgectiiig 
part of the Chinese coast near the then so cdebrated port of Qoinsay, so oftoi 
aamed by Colnmbns and Toscanelli (hit. 30*" 28^ long. 117^ 4,7' £. of Paiii). 
(Synonymes for Uuinsay in the province of Tschekiang aie Kanfo, Hang- 
tscheufu, Kingszu.) The general commerce in the east of Asia was shared, n 
tiie 13th century, between Qninsay and Zaitnn (Pinghai or Tseuthimg) t^po- 
site to the iskmd of Formosa (then Tnngfan) in SS"" 5' N. kt. (see lOapratl;, 
Tableau hist, de TAsie, p. 227). The distaoee of Cape St. Vincent inm 
Zipangi (Niphon) is 22° of longitude less than from Qninsay, or about 209* 
instead of 230° 53^ It is a striking circmnstanoe that, throngh aoeideatal 
compensations, the oldest statements, those of Eratosthenes, and Strabo (Kb. 
i. p. 64), come within 10° of the above mentioned resailt of 129° for the 
difference of longitude of the oficov/*cn|. Strabo, in the very place where h» 
allndes to the possible existence of two great habitable continents in the 
northern hemisphere, says that our oixovfurrf in the paralld of Thinse (AtiMSi^ 
see Kosmos, Bd. ii. S. 223 ; Engl. edit. Vol. ii. p. 188) takes more than eie^ 
third of the earth's circumference. Marinus of 1^, being misled by the . 
length of the time occupied in the navigation from Myos Hormos to Lidia» 
by the erroneously assumed direction of the greater axis of the Caspian fron 
east to west, and by the over estimation of the length of the route by land ts 
the country of the Seres, gave to the old continent a breadth of 22&° instead 
of 129°, thus advancing the Chinese coast to the Sandwidi Islands Colnmlns 
naturally preferred this result to that of Ptolemy, according to whieh QoinH^ 
should have been found in the meridian of the eastern part of the ardii^dsgo 
of the Carolinas. Ptolemy, in the Almagest ^. 1), places the coast of ths 
Sins at 180° ; and in his Geography (Ub. i. cap. 12), at 177i°. As Golumbas 
estimated the navigation from Iberia to the Sines at 120°, and Toscanelli evea 
at only 52°, they might both, esti-nating the loigth of the Meditcgmmean st 
about 40°, have natnraUy eallel the apparently so hazardous enterprise only 
a "brevissimo camino.*' Martin Behaim, also, on his "world apple" (the 
celebrated globe which he finidlied in 1492. and which ia still kept in ths 

NOTESf Ixxxix 

Behaim house at Nuremberg), places the coast of China (or the throue of the 
king of Mango, Camhalu, and Cathay) only 100** west of the Azores, i, e, as 
Behaim lived four years at Fayal, and probably counted the distance from 
that point, 119** 40' west of Cape St. Vincept." Columbus was probably 
acquainted with Behaim at Lisbon, where they both lived from, 1480 to 1484 
(see my Bxamen crit. de THist. de la Geographic, T. ii. p. 357 — 869). The 
many wholly erroneous numbers which are to be found in all the writings on 
the discovery of America, and the then supposed extent of Eastern Asia, have 
induced me to compare more closely the opinions of the middle ages with 
those of classical antiquity. 

(^ p. 270. — ^The eastern part of the Pacific was first navigated by white 
men in a boat, when Alonso Martin de Don Benito, (who had seen the sea 
horizon with Vasco Nunez de Balboa on the 25th September, 1513, firom the 
little Sierra de Quarequa), descended a few days afterwards to the Golfo de 
San Miguel, before Balboa went through the ceremony of taking possession 
of the ocean ! Seven months previously Balboa had announced to his court 
that the South Sea, of which he had heard firom the natives, was very eaay to 
navigate : " mar muy mansa y que nunca anda brava como la mar de nnestra 
banda^' (de las Antillos). The name Oceano Pacifico, however, was, as Piga- 
fetta t^Ils us, first given by Magellan to the Mar del Sur (Balboa's name). 
In August 1519 (before Magellan's expedition), the Spanish government, 
which was not wanting in watchfulness ^d activity, had given secret orders, 
in November 1514, to Pedrarius Davila, Governor of the province of Castilla 
del Oro (the northwestemmost of South America), and to the great navigator 
Juan Diaz de Solis ; — to the first to have four caravels built in the Golfo de 
San Miguel " to make discoveries in the newly discovered South Sea" ; and 
to the second, to seek for an opening (" abertura de la tierra") from the 
eastern coast of America, with the view of arriving at the back (" a' espel- 
das") of the new country, «. e. of the sea-surrounded western portion of 
Castilla del Oro. The expedition of Solis (October 1515 to August 1516) 
led him far to the south, and to the discovery of the Rio de la Plata, which 
was long called the Rio de Solis. (Compare, respecting the little known first 
discovery of the Pacific, Petrus Martyr, Bpist. dxl. p. 296, with the docu- 
ments of 1513 — 1515 in Navarrete, T. iii. p. 134 and 357; also my Examea 
crit. T. i. p. 820 and 350.) 

(^ p. 270. — ^Respecting the geographical position of the Deeventuradas' 
(San Pabb, lat. 16i® S. long., 135f° west of Pans; Isla de Tibiurones, lat. 
10f° S., long. 145° W.), see my Examen crit. T. i. p. 286; and Navarrete, 

T. ir* p. lix. 52, 218, and 267. The great epoch of geogn^hical diieoferai 
gave occasioii to many snch iloitrioaB heraldic bearings as that meutioned in 
the text ; (the terrestrial globe, with the inscription " Primus circomdeduti 
me," to Sebastian de Elcanoand his descendants). The arms which, as eariy 
as May 1493, were given to Golnmbns, " para snblimarlo" with posteri^, 
contain the first map of America — a range of islands in front of a golf 
(Oviedo, Hist, general de las Indias, ed. de 1547, lib. ii. cap. 7, foL 10 a; 
Navarrete, T. ii. p. 37 ; Examen crit. T. iv. p. 236). The Emperor Chirla 
y. gave to Diego de Ordaz, who boasted of having ascended the volcano tit 
Orizaba, the drawing of that conical mountain ; and to the historian Oriedo, 
who resided nninterruptedlj for 84 years (from 1513 to 1547) in tropkal 
America, the four stars of the southern cross, as armorial bearings (Oviedo^ 
Ub. iL cap. 11, foL 16 b). 

(^) p. 271. — See my Essai politique sur le Boyanme de la Noavdk 
Espagne, T. iL 1827, p. 259 ; and Frescott, History of the Conquest d 
Mexico (New Yoric, 1843), YoL iiL p. 271 and 336. 
, (^) p. 273. — Gaetano discovered one of the Sandwich Islands in IMS. 
Respecting the voyage of Don Jorge de Menezes (1526), and that of Alnio 
de Saavedra (1528), to the Ilhas de Fapuas, see Barros da Asia, Dec. iv. Uf. 
i, cap. 16, and Navarrete, T. v. p. 125. The " Hydrography" of Job. Bob 
(1542), which is preserved in the British Museum, and has been examinei 
by the learned DahTmple, contains outlines of New Holland ; as does also tbe 
oollectionof maps of Jean Yalard of Dieppe (1552), for the first knowledge 
oi which we are indebted to M. Goquebert Monbret. 

(^ p. 273. — ^Affcer the death of Mendafta, the command of the expeditios, 
which did not terminate until 1596, was undertaken in the South Sea by hii 
wife, Doi&a Isabela Biuretos, a woman of distinguished personal courage, ad 
great mental endowments (Essai polit. sur la Nouv. Espagne, T. iv. p. Ill-} 
Quires practised distillation of fresh from salt water on a considerable sesk 
in his ship, and hip example was followed in several instances (Navarrete 
T. i. p. liii.) The entire operation, as I have elsewhere proved, on the testi* 
mony of Alexander of Aphrodisias, ¥ras known as early as the third centaiy 
of onr era, although not then practised in ships. 

i*^ p. 273. — See the excellent work of Professor Meinicke at Prendai, 
entitled, " Das Festland Australian, eine geogr. Monographic," 1837, Th. l 
S. 2—10. 

(*») p. 276. — ^Thia king died in the time of the Mexican king Axyacatl, 
who reigned from 1464 to 1477. The learned native Mexican histoiiao,. 


Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, whose mannsciipt chroniele of the Cbichi- 
meqnes, which I saw, in 1803, in the palace of the Viceroy of Mexico, and 
which Mr. Prescott has made such happy use of. in his work (Conquest of 
Mexico, Vol. i. p. 61, 173, and 206 ; Vol. iii. p. 112), was a descendant of 
the poet king Nezahualcoyotl. The Aztec name of the historian, Fernando de 
Alva, signifies Vanilla faced. M. Temaux-Compans, in 1840, printed a 
Trench translation of this manuscript in Paris. The notice of the long ele- 
phant's hair which Cadamosto collected, is to be. found in Bamusio, Vol. i. p. 
109, and in GrTueeus^ cap. 43, p. 83. 

(*») p. 277.— Clavigero, Storia antica del Messico (Cesena, 1780) T. ii. p. 
158. The accordant testimonies of Heman Cortes, in his reports to the 
Emperor Charles V., of Bemal Diaz, Gomara» Oviedo, and Hernandez, leave- 
no doubt that at the time of the conquest of Montezuma's empire, there were. 
in no part of Europe menageries and botanic gardens (collections of livings 
Animnlft and plants) which could be compared to those of Huaxtepee, Chapol-* 
tapec, Iztapalapan, and Tezcuco (Prescott, Vol. i. p. 178 ; Vol. ii. p. 66 and 
117; Vol. iii. p. 42). Bespecdng the early attention stated in the text to 
have been paid to the fossil bones in the American " fields of giants," see 
Garcilaso, lib. ix. cap. 9 ; Acosta, lib. iv. cap. 80 ; and Hernandez (ed. of 
1656), T. i. cap. 82, p. 105. 

(^ p. 279. — Observations de Christophe Golomb sur le Passage de la 
Polaire par l6 Meridien» in my Relation hist. T. i. p. 506, and in the Examen 
crit. T. iii. p. 17 — 20, 44 — 51, and 56 — 61. (Compare also Navarrete, in 
Columbus's Journal of 16 to 30 Sept. 1492, p. 9, 15, and 254.) 
. (^0 P* ^3^' — Respecting the singular differences of the Bula de ooncesioa 
B los Reyes Catholicos de las Indias descubiertas y que se descrubieren of 8; 
Hay, 1493, and the Bula de Alexandro VI. sobre la particion del oceano of 
Hay 4, 1498 (elucidated in the Bula de estension of the 25th of September, 
1493), see Examen crit. T. iii. p. 52 — 54. Very different from this line, 
of demarcation is that settled in the Capituladon de la Particion del Mar 
Oceano entare los Reyes Catholicos y Don Juan, Rey de Portugal, of the 7th 
June, 1494, 370 legnas (17§ to an equatorial degree) west of the Cape Verd 
Islands. (Compare Navarrete, C<deccion de los Viages y Descubr. de los Esp., 
T. ii. p. 28—35, 116—143, and 404; T. iv. p. 55 and 252). This last 
named line, whidi led to the sale of the Moluccas (de el Maluco) to Portugal, 
1529, for the sum of 850000 gold ducats, had no connection with magnetical 
or meteorological fieincies. The papal lines of demarcation, however, deserve 
more.earefal consideration in the present work, because, as I have mentioned 

Zdi NQfTES. 

in the text, tiuj exercised greet inflaence on the endeorours to impnit 
nautical astronomy, and eepeciallj the methods ot finding the longitude. U 
is also very deserving of notice, that the capitidation of Jane 7> 1494, affordi 
the first example of a proposal to fix a meridian in a permanent manner lij 
marks graven in rocks, or bj the erection of towers. It is commanded, "goe 
se haga algana seftal 6 tone" wherevei the dividing meridian, in its comse 
from pole to pole, whether in the esstem or the western hemisphere, into* 
sects an island or a continent. In continents, the raya was to be msiked, at 
proper intervals, by a series of snch marks or towers; which wonld, isM, 
have been no small midertaking. 

(^ p. 280. — ^It is a remarkable fiict, that the earliest daasioil writer (n 
terrestrial magnetism, William Gilbert, who we cannot snf^oee to have hd 
any knowledge of Chinese literature, yet regards the mariner'a compass ss s 
Chinese invention, which had been brought to Europe hy Maroo Pola 
'^Ula quidem pyxide nihil nnqnam humanis exoogitatnm artibns humno 
generi profoisse magis, constat. Scientia nautice pyzidnlse tradncta videtv 
in Italiam per Paulum Yenetnm, tfai circa annum mcdx. apnd Chinas artea 
pyxidis dididt" (Guilielmi Oilberti Colcestrensis, Medici Tiondinensw, k 
Magnete Physiologia nova, Lond. 1600, p. 4). There are, however, ii0 
grounds for the supposition that the compass was introduced by Marco Folob 
whose travels were from 1271 to 1 295, and who therefore returned to Itilf 
after the mariner's compass had been spoken of by Gnyot de Provins in Ia 
poem, as well as by Jacques de Vitiy and Dante, as a long known instnuneDl 
Before Maroo Polo set out on his traveb in the middle of the 13th oeatoiy, 
Catalans and Basques already made use of the compass (see Baymond Lnllji 
in the treatise De Contemplatione, written in 1272). 

(^ p. 282.^For the anecdote respecting Sebastian Cabot^ see BiMe'i 
Memoirs of that celebrated navigator : a work written with a good histoiiGd 
and critical spirit (p. 222). "We know," says Biddle, ''with certaiBly 
neither the date of the death nor the burying place of the great navigate 
who gave to Great Britain almost an entire continent, and without whom (« 
without Sir Walter Raleigh), the English language would perhaps not baft 
been spoken by many millions who now inhabit America." BespectiBg tk 
materials from which the variation-chart of Alonzo de Santa Cruz vras oan* 
piled, as weD as respecting the variation-compass, of which the constmetisB 
was already such as to permit altitudes of the sun to be taken at the saot 
time, see Navarrete, Noticia biografica del Cosmografo Alonao de Santa Oniii 
p. 3 — 8. The first variation-compass was constructed before 1525, by a. 


'ingenious apothecary of Seville, Felipe Gnillen. So earnest were the en- 
deavours to learn more exactly the direction of the curves of magnetic decli- 
nation, that in 1585 Juan Jayme sailed with rrandsco Gali from Manila t6 
Acapulco for the sole purpose of trying in the FaciiSc a declination instrument 
which he had invented. See my Essai politique sur la Nouvelle Espagne, T. 
ir. p. 110. 

(«*) p. 282.— Acosta, ffist. natnrai de las Indias, Hb. i. cap. 17. These 
four magnetic lines of no variation led Halley, by the contests between Henry 
Bond and Beckborrow, to the theory of four magnetic poles. 

(^) p. 282.— Gilbert de Magnete Physiologia nova, lib. v. cap. 8, p. 200. 

(**) p. 283. — ^In the temperate and cold zones, the inflexion of the iso- 
thermal lines is general between the west coast of Europe and the east coast 
of America, but within the tropics the isothermal lines run almost parallel to 
the equator ; and in the hasty conclusions into which Columbus suffered him- 
self to be led, no account was taken of the difference between sea and land 
climates, or between east and west coasts, or of the influence of winds, — as 
in the case of winds blowing over Africa. Compare the remarkable conside- 
rations on climates which are brought together in the Yida del Almirante 
(cap. 66). The early conjecture of Columbus respecting the curvature of the 
isothermal lines in the Atlantic Ocean was well founded, if we limit it to the 
extra-tropical (temperate and Mgid) zones. 

(^ p. 283. — ^An observation of Columbus (Yida del Almirante, cap. 55 ; 
Examen crit. T. iv. p. 253 ; Kosmoe, Bd. i. S. 479 (Engl. edit. Vol. i. note 

(^ p. 283.— The admiral, says Fernando Colon (Vida del Aim. cap. 58) 
ascribed the many refreshing falls of rain, which cooled the air whilst he was 
sailing along the coast of Jamaica, to the extent and denseness of the forests 
which clothe the, mountains. He takes this opportunity of remarking, in his 
ship's journal, that " formerly there Was as mnch rain in Madeira, the Cana- 
ries, and the Azores; but since the trees which shaded the ground Bave been 
cut down, rain has become much more rare." This warning has remained 
almost unheedecT for three centuries and a half. 

(«) p. 284.— Kosmos, Bd. i. S. 355 and 482 (Engl. edit. Vol. i. p. 827, 
and note 400) ; Examen crit. T. iv. p. 294 ; Asie centrale, T. iii. p. 235. The 
inscription of Adulis, which is almost fifteen hundred years older than 
Anghiera, speaks of " Abyssijuaa now in which a man may sink up to the 


(*^ p. 285. — Leonardo da Viuci says Tery finelj of this prooeediag. "tpeb 
e il methodo da oaservarsi nella rioerca de* fenomeni ddia natnnu" See Yet 
turi, Esaai sur lea Onvragea physico-matMmatiqaes de Leonaid da Vind, 1797, 
p. 31 ; Amoretti, Memorie storiche ail la Vita di Uonardo da Yinci, Milano, 
1S04, p. 143 (in Ma edition of the Trattato deUa Pittnra, T. zxxiiL of tb 
Classid Italiani) ; Whewell, Fhiloa. of the Indnctive Sdenoea, 1840, YaLiL 
p. 868—370 ; Brewster, Life of Newton, p. 332. Most of Leonaido da 
Vinci's physical worka hdong to the year 1498. 

(^') p. 286. — ^The great attention paid by the early navigators to natont 
phenomena may be seen in the oldest Spanish aooonnta. Diego de Lepe^ ibr 
example, (aa we learn ftv>m a witness in the law-snit against the hm d 
Colnmbus,) by means of a vessel provided with valves, which did not opei 
ontil it had reached the bottom, found that at a distance from the moatii d 
the Orinoco, a stratum of fresh water of 6 fathoms depth flowed ova- the att 
water (Navarrete, Viages y Descubrim. T. iii. p. 549). Columbus, on tk 
south of the ooaat <^ Cuba, took up milk-white sea-water ("white as if mol 
had been mixed with it") to be carried to Spain in bottles (Yida del Aliot- 
rante, p. 56). I was myself at the same spots, for the purpose of detennimqg 
longitades, and was surprised that the milk-white discolouration of sea-wato; 
so common on shoals, should have appeared to the experienced admiral a net 
and unexpected phenomenon. In what relates to the gulf-stream itself wbieb 
must be regarded as an impcHrtant cosmical phenomenon, various effects piO' 
duced by it had been observed, long before the discoveiy of America^ by tbe 
sea washing on ^ore at the Canaries and the Azores stems of bamboos, trosis 
of pines, corpses of foreign aspect from the Antilles, and even living men n 
canoes " which could not sink." But all this was then attributed sol^ ts 
the strength of westerly tempests (Vida del Almirante, cap. 8 ; Hezrera, Bgcl 
i. lib. i. cap. 2, lib. ix. cap. 12) ; there was as. yet no recognition of tki 
movement of the waters which is independent of the direction of the YibA, 
viz. the returning stream of the oceanic current, which brings ereif 
year tropical fruits from the West India Islands to the coasts of Ireland ani 
Norway. Compare the Memoir of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, On the PossilH% 
of a North-west Passage to Cathay, in HaMuyt, Navigations and Yopffs, 
Vol. iii. p. 14 ; Herrera, Dec. i. lib. ix. cap. 12 ; and Ezamen crit T. ii p> 
■247—257, T. iii. p. 99—108. 

^ (*»?) p. 287.— Examen crit. "f. iii. p. 26 and 66— .99 ; Koamo^ Bd. i & 
823 and 330 (Engl. ed. Vol. i. p. 301 and 303). 


(*®) p. 287. — Alonso de Ercilla has imitated the passage of Garcilaso in 
the Araucana : " Climas passe, mnd^ constelaciones /' see Kosmos, Bd. it 
S. 121, Anm. 62 (Engl. ed. Vol. ii. note 62). 

O p. 289. — Pet. Mart. Ocean. Dec. I. lib. ii. p. 96; Eiamen crit. 
T. iv. p. 221 and 317. 

(f^) p. 289. — Acosta, Hist, natoral de las Indias, lib. i. cap. 2 ; Rigand, 
Account of Harriot's Astron. Papers, 1833, p. 37. 

(^ p. 289. — Pigafetta, Primo Vi