Skip to main content

Full text of "A Cotteswold manor; being the history of Painswick"

See other formats












of flaitmmek 










This volume has been written during leisure hours won 
from other labours (which have not been unhelpful to it), in the 
desire of recovering from the Past, of many Periods, something 
worthy of Local remembrance, but which may have escaped, or 
be in the course of escaping, it ; and finally, in the hope of pre- 
senting this to those who retain and are proud of their Local 
History. It is none the less the writer's regret that, in spite of not 
ill-directed efforts, he has been unable to render the work as 
complete as he had wished to do. It will, however, prove not 
a little surprising to see what a number of important and even 
tragical figures have been associated with this quiet neighbour- 
hood ; including those of Earl Godwine ; of the great Earl of 
Shrewsbury ; of his ill-fated grandson, Thomas Talbot, Viscount 
Lisle, whose tomb, it may be, appropriated by the remains of a 
later forbidding personage, Sir William Kingston, K.G., Governor 
of the Tower, is still to be seen in Painswick Church. In 
addition, Charles Brandon was once here as ' acting ' Lord of 
the Manor ; while, later, Anne Boleyn, newly a Queen, smiled 
through our green woodlands while hunting in the (former) Park 
and Longridge Wood with her terrible master, and they were 
accompanied by Sir John Dudley, afterwards Duke of Northumber- 
land and father-in-law of Lady Jane Grey, himself owning a 
moiety in this Manor. Here, also but a few years after, Thomas 
Cromwell took up the Lordship from Sir Arthur Plantagenet, 
Lord Lisle, and had it immediately taken from him upon his 
attainder : and presently in his stead reigned as Lady of the 
Manor, Mary, Lady Kingston, who, while wife of the aforesaid 
Governor of the Tower of London, had given merciless evidence 
against her unfortunate and beautiful Royal mistress, their 
prisoner. Her still more ruthless step-son, Sir Anthony Kingston, 
succeeded her here, and left behind him a peculiarly evil fame. 


Later, by three generations, crosses the beautiful scene the ill- 
starred (but not as yet distressed, or at all unhopeful), King 
Charles, and his two sons, with Prince Rupert; guests of the 
Manor-Lord, and their very loyal and gallant friend, Sir Ralph 
Button, the latter an almost forgotten figure, whose brief career 
will perhaps be found to stand out somewhat more clearly than 
hitherto, in relation both to this Manor, to the County, and to 
his King. 

But, while dealing with all these princes and highly-placed 
personages, it has been the writer's intention not to lose sight of 
the free-tenants and copy-holders, and their points of interest, 
or of the life at Painswick itself, but rather, to let this declare 
itself with as little effort as possible ; often, indeed, by very 
humble details and ' unconsidered trifles,' which, however, carry 
with them the names and memories of individuals, their fields 
and fines, as well as the fortunes or afflictions of themselves 
and the place, just as these ensued. Nor, while so doing, has the 
material been confined too severely to the Manor and town of 
Painswick ; consequently, here and there, may be found by those 
who are careful to look for such things, fresh facts relating to its 
interesting neighbours. With regard to controversial points, the 
writer has been contented to leave Readers to draw their own 
conclusions from evidences faithfully and (he hopes) as fully as 
was possible recorded. 

For the sources of materials, in addition to those found in 
the P.R.O., the Bodleian Library and the British Museum, he 
owes warm acknowledgments to Messrs Morton Ball, Playne and 
Upton, of Stroud, for permission in 1900-2 to examine such Rolls 
of the Manor as are in their possession ; to Mr F. A. Hyett (of 
Painswick House) for the free use of his almost unrivalled 
collection of County literature as well as for looking over these 
pages, while passing through the Press ; to J. H. Round, Esq. ; to 
the Rev. Charles Taylor, M.A., F.S.A., etc., a high authority on 
Gloucestershire Feudal History, and on many other subjects ; to 
the Rev. A. T. Bannister, M.A., Vicar of Ewias Harold, to the 
Rev. H. R. Hanson, M.A., and to the late Rev. J. Melland 
Hall, M.A., Vicar of Harescombe, for the gift of various 
interesting local documents, and cordially-given information ; to 



Mr Cecil Davis, Librarian of the Free Library at Wandsworth ; 
and lastly, to Mr Archer-Snelling and Miss Archer, of the Lodge 
Farm, and to Mr and Mrs Bartlett of Ifold Farm. In addition to 
these, in respect of certain of the various Religious bodies in 
latter-day Painswick, the writer owes acknowledgments to Rev. 
F. W. Brown, to Mr L. Bicknell, and to William Bellows, of 

For many of the illustrations the volume is indebted to Mr 
Edward T. W. Reed, of Wick Street House, to Mr Ellis 
Marsland, of Court-House, and, for those of the Tombs at 
Painswick, to Mr Max Clarke, F.R.I.B.A. 



MOOR HALL, RANDWICK Facing p. 3 ... 







THE LODGE 160 ... 




LIST OF PRICES (1429) , 193 





TOCKNELLS 214 ... 

TOMBS 221 ... 




E. W. REED, Esq. 


E. W. REED, Esq. 







To the southward, from the moor-like Rudge, if we take our 
stand up there, on some January afternoon, can be surveyed the 
purple gloom of slanting woodlands on both the near and far-away 
hill-sides ; while white villages can be descried nestling here and 
there in deep green hollows. Above them, is spread a pale blue 
sky, upon which darker and darker masses of cloud are rolling up 
hurriedly out of the west, while from the winter woods of Standish 
arises a continuous surge of wind. Over these woods the rooks 
are noisily whirling. Far down eastward, set upon an opposite 
rise, one descries Painswick a mile away, with its crowning gray 
spire and aggregated gables, with certain thick woods crowding 
up above it to the north, toward the lofty hill that is topped with 
bare ridges marking the ancient camp. 

The positions of camp and town are equally well chosen. 
For, while the camp commands the deep Vale of Severn and 
Tewkesbury, across to Herefordshire and Wales, Painswick is 
placed, like the Roman Villa near it at Ifold, on a tongue of land 
as though to be shielded from the severities of the north- wind. At 
the same time it surveys the entire valley southward to the bold 
upland of Minchinhampton ; Stroud (which we can see), being 
entirely concealed from it by a deep-folding valley. 

Such is the setting, not precisely the scene, that was here 
familiar to Briton and Roman, and to their predecessors of the 
Bronze Age, ere ever Saxon or Norman set foot in England : a 
woody place among the rolling hills where warriors fought in 
their tribal warfare, and where perhaps native bards occasionally 

i. What is a Manor ? (Fr : Mainour : L. Manerium : from manere to 
abide.) It is defined as a noble fee held in chief from the King by the lord, 
and by the last allotted to tenants of various degrees subject to varying 
conditions. It may include the lord's House, messuages, arable and pasture 
lands, villages, woodlands, and the advowson of Church. 


touched the harp and sang, as the glinting arms of the Chieftains 
passed before them. Many a funeral rnound formerly piled upon 
these ridges and uplands attested and still attests the sleep of the 
Ancient Brave. There is one small round barrow still remaining 
in a wood-clearing 1 up here at Standish : others are to be found 
at Ebbworth and Cranham ; while that of the British Kynemer, has 
handed on his name in Kimsbury 2 and there was another near the 
Royal William Inn, above the Portway. 

Here, too, amid shaggy forests and rocky ridges have once 
wandered wolf and boar and red-deer (as to-day do the badger 
and the fox), and have prowled at night round rude homesteads 
where now flourish strong fields of grain, girt round with thorn 
hedges, or with dry walls of local stone, interrupted here and 
there with falling woods that summer will presently favour with 
flowers and abounding song-birds. 

If the neighbourhood of Painswick is thus exceptionally 
attractive by owning those bold natural contours of hill and dale, 
rolling ridge and dipping combe, it is also exceptionally rich in a 
two-fold possession ; in abundant timber and good building-stone. It 
is this endowment which has ultimately determined for Cotteswold 
its own architectural style ; and this is of a character at once 
interesting and beautiful. The limestone of the Oolite system here 
lies to the mason's hand, often within a few inches of the surface ; 
and this natural advantage has thus in turn served the Briton for 
the walls of his camp ; the Roman for his villas and municipal 
buildings ; the Saxon for his cottages, churches 3 and towers ; 
the Normans for their castles, churches, and bridges; and lastly, it 
has served the later English, with their manor-houses, mansions, 
farms, mills, and everything. There is one charm touching them 
all, and it is the Charm of Style. 

What buildings, however, have been left to us by our fore- 
fathers in this region (save in neighbouring churches) are seldom 
to be referred to earlier date than the time of Henry VI., or the 
i sth century, while the mass of them, whether they be in many 
or single-gabled blocks, or central blocks with projecting wings 

1. Broadbarrow. 

2. Kempsford was likewise Kynimer's or Cunimer's ford. 

3. As at Miserden. 



a H 
* f> 

< 2 




(as the modern Court-House is, and as Castle Godwin, if it is 
ever taken in hand, ought to be),' belongs to the period 
between Elizabeth's reign and that of George III., exemplifying 
Tudor ' perpendicular ' style passing into the ' classic ' of the 
Hanoverians. 2 

There they stand, stone-walled, displaying their sharp pyra- 
midal gables into which are inserted successive windows diminish- 
ing in breadth of lights, (sometimes leading to a graceful solitary 
oval one), with round or hollow-moulded mullions, according to 
date, the whole finishing in high-pitched roofs, covered, from 
eaves-cornice to their ridges, with brown stone-slats. The latter 
are hung upon oaken pegs which sometimes outlast even iron 
nails. The ' slats ' themselves, besides being well-nigh imperish- 
able, afford warmth to the inner house, and give beautiful effects 
of weather-colouring to the outer. 3 Lastly, from these roofs rise 
chimney-stacks which form interesting studies in themselves, 
being often composed of several chimneys built of dressed stone 
set together in diagonal clusters, yet each one separated by a 
thin strip of air from its neighbour, which secures at once the 
impression of grace, variety, and lightness, to what is really both 
massive and very solid. Besides, there is other attraction furnished 
by the varieties of gable-end, and yet another in the irregularities 
of the roof-lines, while the main-walls usually are pressed 
picturesquely out of ' plumb.' 

If we turn within these quiet gray frontages adorned with 
labelled, diamond-paned, windows, we often find floors carried by 
stout rough-hewn joists resting upon stone corbels, or, we may 
see occasional bits of old plaster-work ceiling, modelled by 
hand ; 4 and, on the walls, dark cupboards, and doors, we may find 
panels with Stuart mouldings, i.e., not set in (like those of many 
modern doors) with tacks and painted to caricature oak or maple, 

1. Written before this house was altered for its present owner. 

2. Otherwise, late English Renaissance. 

3. It is worthy of note that the hexagonal stone tiles used by the Romano- 
British owner of the Ifold Villa are not Bisley slats, but are made of forest stone 
brought from over Severn. He either did not yet know of the Bisley slats or 
he preferred the former. 

4. There are three instances still to be seen in Painswick. (1907). One 
in an upper room at the ' Gables ' : one, in a house in George Court : and the 
last in a small lately-restored house in New Street. 


but carved in the piece. Moreover, there are sometimes found 
quaint stone fire-places having flattened arches and flanking 
figures, deep set into comfortable walls and wearing an ancestral 
friendly aspect : walls that have heard centuries of Cotteswold 
gossip and not a few good stories, both of peace and war. 

These were the works, then, of the forefathers of those 
craftsmen (Bryan and his fellows), who fashioned the beautiful 
tombs in Painswick and many other Cotteswold churchyards ; 
but for their works the modern speculators are as usual relent- 
lessly substituting red brick, cement, Welsh slate, and Hum- 
phrey's iron, with half-seasoned woodwork, cheap glass imported 
from America and Germany,' and sickly ' moonlight ' paint/ 
Ill-names are sometimes too easily found for light offenders, 
but it is surely not easy to find one of fitting weight and 
strength wherewith to stigmatise the destroyers of county 
' style.' Painswick used to guard her individuality, and became 
(so it is related), called, like GENOA, the ' Proud.' Let her now 
redouble her self-possession and self-respect, and allow no more 
Hospitals and red cottages, to arise to blight her borders ; 
or coats of green paint to insult her freestone fronts. The 
humblest gabled stone cottage in Painswick is too full of character 
for vandalism of that kind. 

Let us pass on, therefore, to notice other points of general 
interest with relation to the Manor. Owing, in no small measure, 
to the isolated situation of Painswick, more relics of former manorial 
rights than is often the case, have survived here. ' Manor Courts ' 
are still held and ' copy-hold ' tenures are found, observing 
the adjunctive right of ' heriot ' or fine, upon either alienation or 
descent. As did his forebears of old, many a Painswick house- 
holder occupies his house according to the terms honestly agreed 
upon generations ago between some predecessor and the Lord of 
the Manor, whose conditions, according to established Copy of 
Court-Roll, the former had fully accepted. Naturally, changes of 
society continually wrought changes and modifications in the 
customs of the Estate, and it is recognised that uniformly these 

i. But, to be sure, there is an increasing number of exceptions, which 
do honour to the growth of taste around us and witness hearty appreciation 
of the old style. 


changes have proved to be for the benefit of the ' copy-holder," 
or tenant of the Lord at Will. The healthy tendency of later 
civilisation with regard to law and custom, however, makes 
steadily for full enfranchisement, that is, for the abolition of 
' copy-hold,' as being a cumbrous, and sometimes annoying, 
survival of a once good and natural system. 1 

With regard to the origin of a village on the site of Pains- 
wick, that is to say, as to the extreme antiquity of this site as a 
village, little can be declared. The distinctly British and non- 
Roman fortifications on the summit of the hill above it, tell nothing 
definite as to this point ; though within them doubtless there was 
once a hut settlement. A yet larger settlement must have 
flourished at Cooper's Hill and High Brotheridge. That more than 
one Celtic tribe was successively strong in our neighbourhood as 
well as upon part of the present site of Gloucester, 3 is more 
than probable. Whoever could hold the place was, of necessity, 
strong. It is equally certain that the latest one was driven 
out of both these positions and subdued by Roman Invaders. 
These designedly appropriated (c. A.D. 50) the latter to serve for 
their riverine stronghold, presently (A.D. 96-8) converted into a 
Colonia having probably an extensive ' territorium ' ; while, for 
reasons presently to be stated, they left untouched the vacated 
and lofty old hill-camp. Much later on during the Roman 
occupation some well-to-do person (3rd century) planted a Villa 
at Ifold southward below it, as was done by some other at 
Witcombe under Cooper's Hill. 

There is also ground to conclude that this occupation was 
not merely military, but, on this side Severn, was very 
markedly agricultural. Its completeness here possibly exceeded 
that in most parts of the land. What the Imperial Legions 
had captured and kept beside the Severn, was probably a 
strong British tribal out-post, rather than its centre. That 
position, called by its native owners Caer Glou, they con- 
verted scientifically into an important camp and Romano-British 
municipal centre, and called it Glevum. Woodchester and 

1. Later on in this work we shall meet with the actual customs of Pains- 
wick in 1490 A.D : and be able to mark their history. 

2. Kingshohn. 


Cirencester forming an extended military triangle with Glevum, 
completely secured all our valleys, both main and lateral. That 
agriculture developed in consequence of rapid and thorough 
Romanization need not be questioned. The presence of the 
villas at Witcombe, Bisley, Ifold, and elsewhere, assures us of the 
fact ; though there is good reason to conjecture from the lateness 
of these villas in date that there had been serious occasional set- 
backs to it. The bricks of the Roman villa, however, declare by 
letters R.P.G. stamped 1 in them while they were wet, that they 
were brought by its owner and builder from Glevum in the Vale, 
while the local remains of Roman buildings at Gloucester, shew 
that they in turn had been fashioned of material taken thither 
from Painswick Hill. This probably forms the earliest evidence 
of exchange between Painswick and Gloucester. 

The Saxon Village of Wyke, then, did not (as far as we know) 
occupy the site of a Roman Villa, but it was situated not far from 
one, across a dell, and set upon another similar ridge of chosen land, 
actually at some 600 yards eastward of it to-day. About this village 
we only know that in the days of the last Saxon King, or A.D. 1050, 
it had become the village community of an extensive Manor, in 
the Hundred of Bisley, reached by Romano-British byeways from 
Frocester, Gloucester, and Cirencester, having several ' tumuli ' 
or ' Barrows ' (long and round) of various Neolithic, Celtic and 
Saxon chieftains in its neighbourhood. The Domesday Survey 
shews that it owned its priest in 1086 ; it is likely to have then had 
a Saxon Church, such as we see Miserden, beyond it, possessed. 

Having the village, vicus: wick: or wyke, of the 'manerium' 
or manor, of the lord, or Thane, it will be asked, where was the 
' Ham,' heim, or Home, of that owner ? the centre, as it were, of 
the private estate that owned this village upon it, with its yard- 
lands, (geneat-lands,) its ' geburs ' (villani) and ' cottiers ' and 
' theows,' ('servi') or bondmen? This can be answered owing 
to the actual survival of the term ' ham ' at Ham- butts, and in 
former times as applied to one of the four demesne lands of the 

I. The stamped bricks found at Lilley Horn field in 1835 bear T.P.F.A. 
and T.P.F.P., probably ' tegulae publicas.' They are now at Watercombe 
House. Similar ones with the additional type T.P.F.C. were found at 
Rodmarton, and other examples occur in Cirencester. where it is likely they 
were all made. 


Manor, which was precisely at that spot and environing it. Fields 
held by tenants 'in the Ham,' or 'by Ham-thorne," or 'near the 
Butts,' are always in that portion of Painswick, and in what 
was known as the Tithing of Edge. Here, therefore, on the 
north-western side of the Saxon Village must have stood the 
Thane's house with the earliest ' inland ' or ' demesne ' land in 
this Manor. Ifold probably followed it close ; Washwell and 
Duddescombe in due time making up its four demesne-lands. 
With one exception, that of Ernisi, no Saxon Thane's name, 
however, has come down to us as associated with Wyke. 
It was left for a Norman Sheriff and Justice, Pain Fitzjohn, in 
Stephen's turbulent, castle-building reign, to attach his name 
to it ; and this probably due to his having ' castellated ' his 
Manor House near the Church: for he left no son, nor obvious 
other means of attaching his name to the place, which, moreover, 
he had acquired through his wife, Sybil, whose dowry it had 

Now, where the acre and half-acre strips of the agricultural 
village community of this hill-hamlet abruptly struck the 
Boundary of the Thane's demesne-land, or home-farm land, at 
Ham, they were termed ' Butts,' otherwise ' Abutments ' ; a term 
we find in the days of Henry VI. applied to this very spot, as 
indeed still it is. These strips, held in villenage, were not divided 
from one another by hedge or wall, but lay open to the sky and 
each went with a small messuage or dwelling. The holders, 
if successful workers, in time came to hold besides these strips 
portions of the Thane's own demesne land, at an annual rent, and 
these latter they held as free-tenants, albeit they held their own 
strips merely as villein-tenants. All other services and payments 
by the tenants of various classes, to their lord, were defined 
by custom and gradually became codified into what was known as 
the ' Court-Roll' of the Manor : i.e. , a list of established conditions. 

The Manor was presided over by a 'Senescallus,' or steward, 
who exercised jurisdiction for his lord. Under him later on was 
appointed a ' Praepositus,' or Bailiff, elected by the body of the 
tenants and responsible to the Lord for the proper cultivation of the 
arable lands. In Saxon days the 'Gerefa' probably summed up in 
his own office the functions of the later more carefully-differentiated 


officers of the fully-developed manor. 1 As he was chosen by the 
Thane or Lord, and not by the tenants, he answers to the Steward, 
or Reeve of later days. (Cf. the old English Manor, C. M. 
Andrews, Baltimore, 1892, pp. 134-6). The Prepositus, or 
Bailiff, oversees the ploughing, sowing, and reaping in the 
manor, and exacts the proper duties and times, and he duly 
reports to the periodical Manor-Court, the various faults or short- 
comings of the tenants. Manor-Courts, however, can be traced 
back no further than the loth century ; and then Courts were 
held, not as during latter times, in Taverns, but nrthe Manor- 
House, Court-yard, or hall of the Lord. 

By the developed Manor is meant to be understood the four 
tithing-divisions into which we find the Manor of Painswick 
portioned out in and before the isth century: namely, Strode-end: 
Edge or Egge ; Sponbedde ; and Shepescombe : the proportionate 
growth of which can be surmised to some extent by the fact that 
in c. 1700 (Rawlinson MSS., B. 323, fol. 202-5, Bodl :) 
Stroud-end Tithing contained 48 families 
Spoonbed u 33 u 

Shepscombe u u 33 

Edge M u 72 n = 1 86 families 

as compared with, in A.D. 1495, 

or, Strode-end contained 24 families 
Sponebed u 26 u 

Shepyscombe M 28 M 
Edge M 40 u = 1 1 8 families 2 

whereas at Domesday Survey, A.D. 1086, the total of male 
inhabitants amounted to but 66, with 53 teams of oxen and four 
mills working, of which one or two may have been hand-mills. 
Cranham had been already cut off from Wyke by the Conqueror 
and given with one villein to the Canons of Cirencester. 

1. " We are unable to say to what extent these two varieties of the office 
of Reeve : i.e., that of the great man's steward and that of the village head- 
man balanced or displaced one another." Vinogradoff, p. 193. 

2. It is interesting from the above to note the growth of Strode-end and 
Edge tithing. The latter included the town of Painswick. At the same time 
it can be observed that Shepscombe and Sponebed, made but little progress. 
The conclusion is obvious that the mills on the Wick-water or Frome, have 
been the leading cause of the growth of Painswick and Stroud. 


The only recognisable survival of Roman nomenclature 
remaining here is to be found in the name of 'Stroud,' or as it used 
to be spelled, 'Strode,' which is the same as 'Stroat,' i.e., on the 
Roman Strata or Street (as at Stroat in Tiddenham on the road' to 
Caerleon from Gloucester). In fact, hard-by Stroud, is Stratford, 
once the ford on the Wick Street, a road which connected 
Frocester and Woodchester, and all this valley district with 
Gloucester. In the early XV. c. the southern portion was known 
as Caldrich Street. At Ifold we have a field called the ' Styrt,' 
i.e., Street. 

As to the peculiar yarn and woollen cloth, which in time so 
enriched Painswick from her numerous mills, the earliest mentions 
known to the writer date back to the year 1440. "Item delivered 
John Mowers half a ' decen ' of Wyke yeyrne the price XV. pence." 
"To Gregory for i li. of blewe threed xin. pence." 
" Item, to Thomas Kemys III. yardes and y 2 of grene cloth, price 
the yard vis. 8d." " Item, to Thomas Wymon ffor wollon cloth 
ins." " Item to William Michell for i lib : Hemps : mid." They 
also sold their products to foreign buyers : "Item to Delahaye to II. 
stakys of wollen clops xd." " Item to Thomas Smyth at Albyn- 
gate (Washwell) II. yardes and y 2 quarter of Redde 2 Clothe for 
the yarde at vs., xis. md. "Item, Margaret Morgan for i 
Apron, ixd." 

Such humble items will perhaps serve to remind us of the 
excellence of English-raised wool in those days when Spanish 
laws sternly forbade its adulteration, and when the wages of the 
shepherd were high, sometimes as high as i 45. p. a. Indeed, 
in the times of Henry VI., our woollen cloths of various colours 
had already secured a commanding status in most of the foreign 
markets ; and already for sixty years wool-merchants had been 
permitted to dress like esquires, provided they could shew 
possession of ^500 worth of merchandise, while their occupation 
had become recognised as placing them socially just below the 
landed-proprietors. The exportation of sheep had been prohibited 
in 1426. 

1. Via Julia, so-called. This point will receive fuller consideration in 
Chapter I. 

2. For fuller particulars as to the Red stammells, i.e., linen and white 
cloth of Painswick, see Chapter XIV. Wool was sold by the Wey= 12 sacks. 



Since 1362, moreover, greater security had been given to 
the trade by an enactment that no further subsidies should be 
set on wool, without the consent of Parliament. This pro- 
gressive state of the trade had been largely stimulated by the 
violent quarrels among the Flemish guilds, which had forced 
many of their weavers to pass over into England and manu- 
facture the finer cloths direct from the wool upon the 
spot. Cotteswold sheep as a source of riches were surely 
destined to raise to eminence many English families, and it 
is wealth derived from these which has produced our interest- 
ing churches and those earlier architectural houses which have 
hitherto accounted for much of the subtle charm and rare 
individuality of style which characterise such towns as Campden, 
Dursley and Painswick, and which the red brick and Welsh slate 
' improver ' of to-day, or the speculative inhabitant, or the 
ignorant landlord, in prideless indifference would so often barter 

Lastly, reverting from her former pride of Trade to her 
position and loveliness, there is probably no season of the 
year unmarked by special beauties around Painswick : perhaps 
not an hour of most days. On a fresh May morning the 
sloping orchards are silvery with a rising sea of umbelliferous 
flowers over which apple blossom stands relieved in floating 
roseate clouds; while the long shadows of tall timber trees 
fall westward athwart the rich pastures and plough-lands. The 
newly-arrived swifts are seen circling high above the valley, 
while the familiar flap of the wood-pigeon is heard among the fir- 
trees that hold its annual nest. The slanting beech-woods of 
Pitchcombe and the Frith wear a rich russet shade that is 
immediately to be transformed into brilliant emerald. 

Or, one may, on the contrary, recall some bright winter 
afternoon, with its lowing of cows, and grunt of waggon wheels 
upon the frosty roads. The trees at the wayside, and the wood- 
land mounting behind it, are sharp and brown, but here and there a 
few guardian Scotch firs still remain darkly green. The smaller 
combes are silent, and the sun has not yet reached their frost to 
melt it. From the beautiful hollow where Damsels Farm (once 
itself a small Manor with a Hall) lies with its old cedar and 


wych elm, the land rises by spur and ridge to the dense Cranham 
Woods, spread along over the higher ground like a dark purple 
mantle. There stands the gray well-set little Church, and nearer, 
the Salt-Ridge, Ebbworth, and Shepscombe ; while yet nearer, 
the Lodge Farm, long the residential Manor House of the lords 
even since early Tudor days is seen relieved against Long- 
ridge Wood. What more fascinating scene ! unless it be some calm 
twilight enjoyed while walking along the Cheltenham road, with 
a gray haze hanging softly over the valley, and in front of us 
the great elm at Washwell with (seen dimly beside and beyond it) 
the spire of Painswick Church framed in upon a lower level, under 
its mantling boughs. But there is, if not more attractive an effect, 
one still more mysterious, that may be found by standing in a 
moonlight night in the Churchyard itself, among the multitude of 
trimmed yews and their centurial shadows, broken up by the 
pearl gray altar-tombs and their rusting railings : the dominating 
spire pointing up in the dark blue night into the great silence that 
reigns above the sacred spot where 

'the rude forefathers of the hamlet sleep.' 



ERNISI, 1066. Died, ist Prior of Llantony, (i a )c. II 18. 
WALTER DB LACI, d. 1085, from a fall at Hereford. 


I HUGH DE LACI = Adeliza ? 

SYBILLA, niece of Roger, -p PAIN FITZJOHN (slain 10 July, 1137, 
Hugh, and Abbot Walter I buried in Chapter House, St. 

de Laci(?ii20) Peter's, Gloucester). 

1. CECILIA=ROGER FITZ Mn.o, E. of Hereford 


De Albini^ W.L.AM DE 

(d. 1204). 


Joan, 5th dau. Anselm Marshall 
Earl of Pembroke 

Dionisia de Anesty =F WILLIAM DEM. IV. Joan =;= (13 Aug. 1247) WILLIAM DE 
I (d. 1289) (d. 1307) VALENCE 

HUGH DE VERE= Dionisia (m. 1291) (d. 1296) 

(Both died s.p. 1313) , 1 

(The Red) June, 1324) 

m. (i) Beatrice de Clermont- 

N6elle (d. 1320). 
m. (2) (1322) Marie de 

(2) Sir John Bromwich = Elizabeth =j=(i) SIR RICHARD TALBOT 

(b. 1299, d. 1377) (2nd Lord Talbot) 

(Buried at Denny) (d. Oct. 23, 1356) 

Petronella,da.of James Butler (I)=J=SIR GILBERT TAi.BOT=(2) Joan deStafford,da. 
E. of Ormonde 3rd Baron (d. 1387) of Ralph,E. of Stafford 

Ankareta, s. and h. of John, Lord Strange =j= Sir Richard Talbot 

of Blackmere 4th Baron (b. 1360 d. 1396) 

Beatrix de Pinto, widow of (2) =j= Sir Gilbert Talbot = (i) Joan, and da. of 

Thomas, E. of Arundel I 5th Baron Thomas de Woodstock, 

(b. 1383 d. 1419) D. of Gloucester 

Ankareta, d. un-m. 1431 
Succeeded by her uncle 

JOHN TALBOT, Lord Talbot and Furnival, afterwards (1442) ist Earl of 
Shrewsbury, K.G. (d. 1453, aged 65, at the Battle of Chastillon, 
near Bordeaux). 

m. (i) Maud, da. & h. of Thomas Neville, Lord Furnival ; and had JOHN, 2ND 
EARL, K.G. (Killed at the Battle of Northampton, 10 July 1460). 


m. (2) Margaret Beauchamp (d. 1467) da. & h. of Richard, E. of Warwick. 
Joan, =j= JOHN TALBOT, LORD LISLE of Kingston Lisle, and, 1452, Viscount 

J_ _^C-* T ;! /-T^III^J *. S~<1. nn j-.:i1 A _ ,~*\ 

da. of Sir 

Lisle, (Killed at Chastillon, 1453). 

Margaret Herbert (1466),= THOMAS TALBOT, VISCOUNT LISLE (b. 1443), Killed 
da. of William, ist Earl of at Nibley Green, 20 March, 1469, s.p. 


ELIZABETH =f= EDWARD GREY, s. of Elizabeth (Wydville), Lady 

(d. 1487) 

Ferrers, and Henry, Lord Ferrers, of Groby. 
Created Viscount Lisle (jure uxoris), d. July 
17, 1490. 

Muriel Howard, =T=JOHN, VISCOUNT LISLE. ELIZABETH (i495)=j=ist Edmund 

da. of Thomas 
Howard, E. of 

(aged 11), b. 1479, succ : 
1492, d. 1504) 

Henry Courtney, E of = ELIZABETH, 

(b. 1504, d. s.p. April 1519) 


(d. 1510) 
(AfterwardsDuke of 
Northumberland, d. 

of Edward IV. by 
Elizabeth Lucie) 
(jure uxoris) b.i48o 


Oct. 14, 1513, Cr: Vise: April 20, 1523) 

m. 2nd HONOR, da. of Sir Thomas Grenville. 

He died, 1541, in the Tower of London, though released from Custody, 
and was buried there. 

He and his stepson, Sir John Dudley,* sold Painswick Manor to 
THOMAS CROMWELL, E. of Essex (Oct. 1539). 
THOMAS CROMWELL, E. of Essex (Executed July, 1540), alienated the Manor to 

SIR WILLIAM KINGSTON, K.G., who, dying Sept. 14, 1540, it passed to his son 

by Elizabeth . . . 
(i) SIR ANTHONY KINGSTON, d. unmarried, 1557 

By his second wife, MARY, da. of Richard Scrope, Sir Wm Kingston had 

(2) Bridget =F SIR HENRY JERNINGHAM, K.B., d. 1572. 

HENRY JERNINGHAM =j= 2nd Frances, da. & co-h. of Sir John Jerningham 
(d. 1619) 
SIR HENRY JERNINGHAM, Bart. =F Eleanor Throckmorton 

[Painswick alienated to Farm to JOHN =j= Mary, da. Sir Francis Moore of 
SIR RALPH DUTTON of Standish, 
1636, as Lord of the Manor, 
including residence at the 

Fawley, Berks. 

SIR HENRY JERNINGHAM, Bt., succ : 1646, under the guardianship of 

* Sir John Dudley was created Viscount Lisle 12 March, 1542-3. 


SIR HENRY MOORE, Bt., of Fawley (who acts as Lord after Sir Ralph Button's 

death in 1646, until 1665). 

SIR HENRY JERNINGHAM m. Mary, da. of Benedict Hall, Esq., of High Meadow, 
Glos., andd. 1680 leaving 

SIR FRANCIS JERNINGHAM, Bt. =j= Anne da. Sir Geo. Blount, Bt. 
(d. 173) 

Margaret, dau. SIR H. Bedingfield = SiR JOHN JERNINGHAM, Bt. (d. 1737) 

His brother SIR GEORGE JERNINGHAM, Bt. (b. 1680) m. Mary Plowden, 
dau. of Francis Plowden, Esq. (died 1774). 

The latter's son, SIR WILLIAM JERNINGHAM, Bt.=Francis, dau. of i ith Viscount 
Dillon. Sold the Manor 1802-3 to EDWARD CROOME, Esq., of Stroud. 


Argent, six Barrulets azure or Barry argt. and azure. 

Barry of ten, argent and azure, in orle, gules. 

Barry of fourteen argent and azure, in orle, gules. William de V. 

Gules, a lion rampant within a bordure engrailed, or. 


Argent, three lozenge buckles, gules. 

SIR HENRY WINSTON, Knt., of Standish 

Per pale azure and gules a lion rampant. Argent supporting between 
the paws a tree eradicated vert. 

DUTTON, SIR RALPH, Knt., of Standish and Painswick. 
Argent, a fret, or. 

ARMS seen by S. Rudder on a tomb in Painswick Church. 

1. Gules, 3 bear's heads couped argent. 

2. Arg : on a bend between 2 hons ramp : sable, 3 escallops of 

the field. 

This represents Baron and Femme ; EVERETT and NORTON. 

Arg : three bars wavy, azure : over all a crescent, gules. 



As might be expected in so bold a hill-region as this of 
Painswick, abounding with springs of water, forming valley 
streamlets, evidences of the prehistoric occupation of central 
Cotteswold are abundant. There is but one evidence of primitive 
civilization unrepresented hereabouts, and that is evidence relating 
to Palaeolithic Man. The river-drifts and great caves being absent, 
as well as the gravels associated with them, the implements and 
weapons associated with these gravels, and into which else- 
where they have drifted in remote ages, are here entirely wanting. 
It is true that in our vicinity occur casual pockets of oolitic 
gravel, in one of which, at Paradise, remains' of a Rhinoceros 
(Tichorinus)" were found thirty years back, but there is no 
recorded instance of the finding of a Palasolith. This gravel 
occurs likewise at Witcombe and at Stroud. 

With regard, however, to the Neolithic periods, the case 
is widely different. Flint implements and arrow-heads, knives 
and scrapers, with the exception of adzes and axes, are known 
to be found broadcast over the surface of Cotteswold ; though 
the actual Painswick portion is not rich in them. Nevertheless, 
barrows or tumuli, of varieties both long, transitional and 
round, containing these, occur at Cranham, Buckholt, Ebb- 
worth, 3 Climperwell, the Camp, Bisley, Randwick, Standish 
(Broadbarrow Green), Cudhill, and at Castle Godwin. In 

1. The tarsal and metatarsal, or foot bones. They were given to Mr 
Witchell, of Stroud. 

2. The Woolly Rhinoceros. 

3. The round barrow at Ebb worth was cut into in 1882. Besides some 
burned remains of a body, was found a circular cooking vessel of coarse clay, 
hand-made, having a double zone of thumb-marks about its neck, and a very 
slightly projecting lip. It was blacker within than without, having once 
contained the imperfectly cremated human remains. With these was also 
found a stone muller or food-pounder. 


addition, the Pit-dwellings or Hut-circles (once probably sur- 
rounded by entrenchments), are well represented at Minchin- 
hampton above Amberley ; and were once possibly to be seen 
much nearer our midst (at Buckholt,) but there they have been 
ploughed out of existence. Further, the late Celtic (over- 
lapping the Roman) Age, B.C. 400 A.D. 100, is represented by 
the tomb found in 1879 close to Birdlip, which contained an 
exquisitely enamelled mirror, a large bowl, and a dagger-haft' ; 
as well as by the contents of the round Tumulus found in 1870 
near the windmill on Minchinhampton Common. Some of these 
objects are now in the Museum at Gloucester. 

We have assurance, therefore, that several successive races 
of men have occupied in turn the same ground, including the 
Aboriginal, Goidhelic, and Brythonic peoples, 5 each doubtless 
modifying the other by subduing, and partly by absorbing, its 
predecessor ; the flint-civilization, with its hand-made pottery 
and basketry, coracles, &c., retiring gradually before the people 
with swords and spears of bronze, who perhaps brought, and 
certainly used, the potter's wheel, ere ever the Roman crossed 
from Gaul bringing the fully-developed Age of Iron to these 

When, however, the Roman did arrive, it is certain he found 
the Dobuni (Brythonic people) in possession of CAER GLOU and 
Cotteswold, and the fiercer Silures (Celto-Iberic) occupying beyond 
the Severn. In earlier days, the Silures themselves more than 
probably had possessed the region of which the Dobuni had 
now become masters. Consequently the latter will have been 
liable to Silurian raids. An important Tribal frontier-post of 
of the DOBUNI carefully guarded the river at CAER GLOU (Kings- 
holm). The Gallo-Roman soldiers, many of them, could talk 
nothing but Celtic dialects, and therefore could probably be 

1. The blade had been an iron one. 

2. We find, therefore, various Celtic water names corresponding perhaps 
to various tribes, in our neighbourhood, such as Avon, Frome, Wishanger : 
Washwell: (;>.,ouse),Taw: orTav; as in Tavy,or Tibby-well, though we sorrow- 
fully admit that the condition of our evidence does not permit of our precisely 
appropriating these words and their roots to their particular dialects. Yet we 
may argue that the use and application of these two last to two flowing 
springs near to one another warrants the conclusion that these words belonged 
to diverse tribes of Celt. Names are as much to be considered the debris of 
Tribes and Races as is their pottery. 


understood by the natives. Negociations in South Britain must 
have been carried on in the Belgic speech, and that was not 

The simplest study of Roman Britain wherever we may under- 
take it, makes evident that the conqueror in his progress placed 
his camps in strict relation to the development of a fore-thought- 
out Road-System. That system was dictated for him by tactical 
and topographical necessities. Where it manifestly suited his 
designs he adopted portions of already - existing roads, and 
occasionally converted pre-existing camps or forts. The Celtic 
tribes, on the contrary, formed their camps, defensive and 
offensive, in relation to local or tribal warfare ; one king or 
chieftain against another. So little unity was possible to them 
that Tacitus says, "It is seldom that two or three communities 
concur in repelling the common danger ; and thus while they 
engage single-handed, all are subdued." (Vita. Agric. c. 12). 
Hence, while the native camps may have been closely related to 
one another here and there, as links in a local chain, they have 
seldom formed part of a wide-spreading premeditated system, nor 
can they be reckoned as having belonged to an organic whole. 

Their camps were, therefore, subordinate tribal settlements, 
and places of refuge against both man and the wolf; but not 
' road-guarders,' like those of the Roman. Moreover, they 
differ constantly in size and type, and are far from reflecting 
to us the presence of any uniform design or military arrange- 
ment. Further, the pre-Roman invader probably made relatively 
slow progress in driving forward his predecessor, just as did 
the post-Roman Saxon. He likewise will have taken possession 
of, and have adapted, that predecessor's earthworks to suit his 
own needs. It is, consequently, impossible to do more than 
hazard conjectures as to the real age and actual makers of native 
camps : whereas a Roman camp, with rare exceptions, is of 
unmistakeable rectangular design, observing variability only in 
size and its interior arrangements. 

Thus, it falls out that there were many positions entrenched 
by various successive inhabitants of Britain, the tribal advantages 
of which did not necessarily commend themselves in the larger 
vision of the later and more scientific Roman invader. They lay, 


either too remote from an important route, or they were likely to 
be rendered useless by the making of one. Often they lay too 
near one another, especially when situated along the indented 
ridge-lines of the hill-ranges. Painswick was a case in point. 
The Roman making westward (A.D. 43-49) and rapidly carrying 
all before him, operated so strongly south and north of it that, 
taking other elements into due consideration, we may safely 
conjecture that he limited himself to driving out the Dobuni 
from this and a number of other neighbouring camps, if 
indeed, they offered any serious resistance, of which we do 
not certainly hear. For the Dobuni having been subject to 
the Catuvellauni north and east of them, would have submitted 
as their masters had done ; all, that is to say, of the tribe, 
except possibly one section which was sufficiently independent 
as to have a gold coinage of its own. These should have 
been in the South Cotteswold. We must bear in mind that 
the various tribes were under their own Princes, but had 
no common or Federal capital ; and that Rome well knew 
how to turn skilfully to account their petty rivalries and 
antagonisms, just as she had done with their kinsfolk in 
Gaul.' Whatever was in store for her legions with regard 
to the more redoubtable Silures, neither the Atrebates nor the 
Dobuni are evidenced to have delayed her victorious arms. With 
much likelihood the Roman possession of Londinium, the rapid 
Romanizing of the Cantii, and the submission of the level 
country upwards toward the Humber, produced timely surrender 
at least as far as the Severn. Further, it is more than likely 
that the Silures beyond it were the hated enemies of these 
very Dobuni on and around our hills (differing from them in 
both descent and language), and that, for this reason the latter, 
like some other tribes, would play a watching game, and one 
not seriously uncompliant to the Roman invader. They would 
else have formed the ' fell incensed point 'twixt mighty opposites.' 
In any case, with Bath (Aquae Sulis), Cirencester (Corinium) and 
Bourton in his possession, the Roman could, if necessary, have 
operated so powerfully over these hills and valleys, by driving 

I. "What did not succumb to the Roman arms yielded to the Roman 
largess." (Mommsen.) 


their inhabitants down toward the Severn and to the fiercer 
peoples beyond it, whom their own camps had been made to face, 
that their resistance for long would have been out of the ques- 
tion. But it is just possible that Roman Camps at Uleybury and at 
Haresfield (?) actually represent such attempted resistance. There 
is, however, no evidence forthcoming that these Roman Camps 
were made in the first century. The pottery and coins found 
in the latter are late, and there were serious troubles more than 
once in Britain during the second century about which we know 
no details. 

The Roman General's next business it was to possess the Valley 
of Severn, and to secure Caer-Glou and the river, even up from its 
mouth. For this purpose he set his camps at Sodbury, Frocester, 
and perhaps Haresfield, re-made the roads, and finally, after the first 
century, fortified Glevum with walls of masonry. To Painswick 
camp he did nothing, nor to that on Cooper's Hill or at Brotheridge. 
They could secure no retreat ; they could not assist his main 
design. But he could occupy them at will, if he needed so to do. 
Thus it comes about that out of over four dozen camps in the 
entire Cotteswold range, there are but five or six that can claim 
to have been Roman ones. Yet the Roman dominion lasted for 
well-nigh four hundred years. 

The British stronghold at Painswick, therefore, with its mag- 
nificent ramparts and fosses, after the reduction or surrender of the 
surrounding neighbourhood by the invaders, does not afford any 
evidence of having been modified or rendered suitable for 
Roman military purposes. It was left by its new possessors 
unaltered in shape and structure, with its parapets of stone and 
its circular central pond or reservoir, and its two characteristic 
entrances, one to the Gloucester road (now nearly obliterated,) 
and one at the eastern flank above Castle Godwin and its water- 
springs. Let us now proceed to describe it. 

The Camp or CASTLES consists of an elongated triangular 
space, having its base south-west, crowning the summit of 
Painswick-ridge, following the natural lines thereof, and forming 
a very striking object. It encloses nearly three acres of land, 
pitted and scored by former quarrying operations, and it stands at 
929 feet above sea-level. By the country-folk it is known as ' The 


Castles." The northern or Gloucester flank, has been so exten- 
sively quarried away in time past as now to be barely traceable ; 
but the starts of its two fosses remain at the western angle, and 
that angle is rounded or obtuse, like the other angles of the 

The south-west flank being the best preserved portion, its 
sectional measurement will serve to represent those of the more 
damaged sides. It consists, then, of three successive ramparts 
including two deep ditches (fossae). The first, or outermost, 
rampart attains a height of 9 feet above the ditch behind it. From 
its summit to that of No. 2 measures 63 feet. Its base covers 

35 feet. 

From the summit of No. 2 to that of the innermost, (or No. i) 
measures 76 feet. This latter attains a height of 15-20 feet. It, 
moreover, possessed a dry-walled parapet 6 feet in thickness. 
Its companion likewise has a core of large stones, and in one 
place is purposely widened into a platform 30 feet wide. This, 
taken with the fact of the capacity of its ancient reservoir, 
discovers to us how exceedingly strong and permanent it was 
intended to be. 

The entrance to the camp on this side is not original, but is 
the work of quarrymen from Painswick some two or more 
centuries ago, or possibly, of the soldiers during the Civil War. 
It bridges the two ditches and has been cut through the cores 
of the successive ramparts, and can be traced far into the inner 
area. Much of the quarrying within this has been done long since 
the road was made. This work, carried out on each side of its 
course, has left the road itself to represent a former level of the 
camp floor. Mounds which rise to higher levels therein consist of 
debris, and have been thrown up within, and do not represent 
still earlier levels. 

On the eastern flank it once possessed similar features, 
and at the south-east occurs its principal entrance, or water- 
gate just above Castle Godwin, which was well preserved 
until May, 1906, when the writer made an apparently successful 
appeal to the good sense of those who were destroying it in order 
to mend the Stroud Road. The promise then made, to find the 

I. i.e. the fortified place. 


stone elsewhere, has (he regrets to have to record) not been kept, 
and the destruction of this valuable point of the defences is still 
proceeding. The traverses, if it had any here, have recently 
disappeared. In form, the camp closely resembles that at Mam 
Tor in Derbyshire. The ancient reservoir, in good preservation 
(a rare feature), lies towards the centre, is circular, has owned 
as much as 15 feet in depth, and it ought to be carefully excavated. 
No early pottery whatever has been recorded as found here. A 
bronze spear-head, and some Roman coins were reported to have 
been found a hundred years back ; but nothing is absolutely known 
about these, neither could the finding of coins prove military 
occupation. The few asserted coins brought in later days have 
invariably proved to be modern, i.e., pennies of George III., or else 
of Jacobean date. The army of Charles I. is recorded to have 
passed a stormy night on the Hill, September 5th, 1643. A stiff 
shallow line of charcoal found some years back by quarrymen on 
the outer slope to the Gloucester road was thought to relate to 
this episode. 

If, however, Painswick Hill did not offer any military advan- 
tages to the Roman (who owned to no intention of making the 
escarpment of these hills his frontier), it is not to be gainsaid 
that its agricultural and other resources met with full recognition 
at his hands ; and it is no matter of surprise to learn that 
abundant evidences of Roman occupation have been forthcoming 
in its neighbourhood. 

After having been for a short time only (? until A.D. 51) the 
post of the Second Legion, at the close of the first century (c.) 
A.D. 96, Glevum (itself, until c. A.D, 49, a systematized British 
stronghold Caer Glou) became raised to the special and coveted 
dignity of a Colonia. The fort became a town. There were but 
three others in Britain, including York, Lincoln, and Colchester, 
and this was the sole one in the West. First, then, a Roman 
military post with a settled garrison had taken the position (not 
the site) of a Celtic Tribal - Outpost belonging to the central 
region of the Dobuni. Next, traders had settled for protection 
and business together with discharged soldiers, outside the Roman 
camp-gates. Thirdly, this populace under Roman administration 
and acquiring Roman speech, costume, and arts became organic, 


and finally it was granted municipal and social privileges on the 
Italian model, together with an elective Senate and magistracy : 
all which was calculated to advance the process of Western 
Britain's Romanisation. At a later day, Glevum became 
strengthened with the walls of hewn stone (so fortunately 
re-discovered by the late John Bellows), and covered an area 
510 x 435 yards. 

That is to say, the town was given a Constitution framed 
upon the LATIN model, so that its Romano-British citizens, 
veterans from the Legions, enjoyed the ' Jus Italicum.' It does 
not follow that any of its officials were actually of Italian, far less 
of Roman, birth. The inscriptions in Britain prove that the 
Roman legions lodged here were (as might be surmised from 
their provenance) largely composed of Gauls, Germans, Spanish 
and Italians. Such Coloniae were established, on the one hand, as 
making suitable provision for time-expired soldiers and civilians ; 
while, on the other, they were designed to become centres of 
control, ' bureaux ' for the inoculation of the more prominent 
natives with Roman law, arts, manners and customs. Judging 
from a funeral monument now in Gloucester Museum, the citizens 
there wore long collared cloaks and braccae or breeches, and 
cloth head-dresses. The Second Legion (Augusta) had, soon 
after the year A.D. 51, been able to leave Glevum, and establish 
itself (probably, though it is not yet proven) at Venta Silurum 
(Carwent), and moving forward into Wales under Sextius J. 
Frontinus, A.D. 73-78, had become permanently stationed at Isca, 
now Caerleon-on-Usk. (Castrum Legionis). 

With Glevum as a Colonia, the land stretching far around it 
must have been converted into ' Territorium.' How far this 
Territorium of Glevum extended around it, is past determining ; 
but the exploration of the remains of the villa at Ifold, but 
900 yards from the British camp, 1 and rather less distance 

I. With regard to the entrenched positions on Cooper's Hill, I quote 
the following from Mr G. B. Witts : 

"In addition to the point of the Hill showing traces of fortifications, 
there appears to have been a very large camp extending due South in the 
direction of Cranham, and having an area of nearly 200 acres. The earth- 
works protecting this area can still be traced in Cranham Woods. They con- 
sist of two mounds with a ditch between them, and in some places the principal 
mound is still 15 feet above the bottom of the ditch. Commencing on the edge 

-166 Feet- 





(found March, 1907] 







from the present town of Painswick, and containing Roman 
tiles stamped officially " R.P.G.'" (Respublica Glevensium: 
Commonwealth of them of Glevum) proves that the owner of the 
villa built with tiles made there ; while the various, but ill- 
recorded, discoveries made within the area of Gloucester, of 
Roman columns, capitals, and altar-stones, show that the material 
used came from the hill in our neighbourhood, which, indeed, has 
been quarried ever since, for Norman Abbey, for houses, and for 
the local high-roads of the 2oth century. It is not impossible that 
the original owners of this Villa and its demesne may have been 
placed on the Hill in connection with the superintendence of 
these valuable quarries and cornlands. Doubtless, all these were 
included in the Territorium of GLEVUM. 

Occupying what is known to be some of the richest land 
in the Manor, it is probable that both wheat, wool and abundant 
cattle were raised for the owner of Ifold Villa by his half-serf 
' indigeni.' Such estates were usually bestowed as rewards 
for services upon Romanized native officials as well as 

of the escarpment near Prinknash Park, these works run in an easterly 
direction for more than half-a-mile ; they then cross the road leading from 
Birdlip to Painswick and turn to the North by Buckholt Cottage ; and at this 
point they are particularly strong, the entrance to the enclosure being well 
preserved. They then continue in a northerly direction until they reach the 
escarpment above the Roman Villa at Witcomb. 

" For nearly half-a-mile after leaving Prinknash, there is a second line 
consisting of a single mound and ditch, running parallel to the main work and 
forty yards from it. 

"Due South of this large enclosure, which from its size and appearance 
must have been an extensive British settlement rather than a camp, was a 
small fortified position protecting its weakest point. This place (Parities is 
irregular in shape, having an area of about three-quarters of an acre." 

If by this last he meant the five-sided little entrenched camp situated at 
the bifurcation of the roads respectively to Buckholt and to Cranham, with its 
main entrance (20 ft.) facing westward to the Port way, and its longest side 
flanking the Cranham, or eastward, valley, the present writer ventures to 
offer another opinion, namely : that this is not an ancient camp but one of the 
small out-garrison camps of the Civil War period, constructed to hold 
about loo men, and to command the old road, which can be made out lying 
adjacent on its northern side, as well as the valley of Cranham and 
Painswick south and east of it. This would have been all the more 
valuable if perchance the ancient camp north of it was occupied by a 
battalion or more. 

Archaeologia, xix. p. 170. 

Pr. Cottes: Nat. F. Club, vi. p. 211. 

Trans. B. and G. Soc. 1879-80, p. 206. 

2. The first discovered example of this stamp was found in Gloucester, 
(February 9th, 1895), at 13 feet below the present level, upon the site of All 
Saints' Church. (Cf. Trans. Bl. Glr. Arch. Soc., vol. xix. p. 155). 


upon veteran legionaries, and they were calculated to become 
active as sub-centres of civil law, husbandry and culture. For 
where they were, labour became organized. "The owner in the 
later days of the Empire had the power of a Municipal Decurio, 
in regard to the collection of taxes and calling up of recruits for 
the army, and appointment of priests. . . . Perhaps the decay 
of the Villa was due largely to leasing it and sub-leasing it, and 
to the loss of authority over labour. . . . The fourth and fifth 
centuries were ones of social and economic crises." (Vinogradoff, 
pp. 72-3). The Villa must have been connected by a track with 
the nearest trade-route to Glevum, and this latter lay somewhat 
on the line of the present Gloucester road, called in the i5th 
century ' Barnet Street,' being in fact a portion of the ' Wick 
Street,' travelling northward to the market-town. The coins 
found at Ifold, and at other points of the Manor, have been chiefly 
Roman, and rather late Roman ; although one Consular coin 
(of uncertain provenance) has been brought to the writer, and a 
denarius of Augustus with the legend ' Pax Armeniae.' The 
coins found in Romano-British Villas and Roman Camps are 
more often belonging to the later than to the earlier centuries of 
Imperial occupation. This does not prove alone that the par- 
ticular villa in question was not an early one. For the earlier 
coins were finer in type, and far purer in metal than the later 
ones ; consequently they were the better taken care of. More- 
over, the later mintages, (and these were sometimes local ones), 
poured out floods of ' minimi ' and debased denarii, to say 
nothing of fraudulent coins, sufficient to out-number the chances 
of the worn-down, but better coins of former centuries. 1 It is 
certain that none of the Villas in these parts survived the crush- 
ing Saxon victory over the British Kings ; Kynddylan, Kynmsegl 
and Farinmgegl, at Dyrham, near Bath, in A.D. 577 : yet until 
that late date Romano-British civilization (probably under local 
chieftains) and probably reverting more and more to Celtic 
ideas, had prevailed, it being as long as one hundred and 
fifty years after the departure of the re- called Legions. The 
finds of British gold and silver coins nearest to Painswick have 

I. The better coins were probably melted up in some instances in order 
to spread out their superior metal over a debased new mintage. 








occurred at Sapperton, Gloucester and Uleybury. All these 
examples date from before A.D. 50. 

In the Ifold Villa, orientated north south, and situated on a 
descending tongue of land commanding a noble prospect down 
Painswick Valley as far as Rodborough and Minchinhampton, the 
remains seem to evidence an example of a courtyard and corridor 
combined type. As it has been described in the Transactions 
of the Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society (vol. xxvii., 
pp. 156-171) a few remarks will suffice here. In a band across 
the one remaining wing of the Villa lie its baths ; the Hypocaust 
and Furnace being placed north of these. Some flanged tiles found 
in the former were stamped as before-mentioned. Eastward a little, 
lay a room having a mosaic pavement not of the latest, nor of the 
earliest type and technique, but such as might suit with the time ot 
Severus, say A.D. 200 and onward. The older materials of the 
Villa (for it evidenced later alterations here and there) were 
notably good; and the bricks, ' opus-signinum," wall-mortar, 
and painting, were all rather above the average. Doubtless, 
the vanished timbering corresponded to this, for the Celts 
were held to be ingenious wood-workers even in Caesar's day. 
The hexagonal tiles of its roof, instead of being made of Bisley 
slat, were all of forest-stone from the vale, contrary to the 
general use of the Villas on these Hills. Among the objects 
found were a pewter pot with a triangular band for its handle. 
It measures 5^ inches in height. Small pieces of window-glass : 
a double-handled glass decanter : iron stocks and hinge-bands, 
&c., were also present. Further remains of the building have 
been since located nearer to the Farm Buildings (1907). 

The numerous Roman trade-routes (viae vicinales) in this 
locality suggest among other things, that the fruits of the great 
military success at Dyrham in A.D. 577 might have been reaped 
by the Saxons without much difficulty, and in a short time. We 
know, however, that rapidity of movement was not a qualification 
the Teutons shared in common with their predecessors. For (just 
as it had taken 137 years of Saxon occupation in order to reach 
and capture Bath, and nearly 60 years to appropriate the 30 miles 
between Old Sarum and the sea), Exeter was not taken by them 
until A.D. 926. They therefore did not by any means make what 


is called ' a clean sweep.' The old Silures and their kindred had 
not forgotten their cunning, for they kept the Saxons completely 
in check all through the Monarchy, not merely preventing Offa's 
invasion of Gwent, but compelling him to keep the Wye, and not 
the Usk, as his frontier-line. Their natural progress under these 
circumstances became a northward one, and the Hwiccian Saxons 
became established between Bath and Shropshire. 

The Roman sub-roads, or deviae, in the immediate neigh- 
bourhood of Painswick are as difficult to identify as perhaps 
the greater roads are easy. The presence of the word ' Street? 
and the less reliable ' stan,' as in Stanway and Sarn, are our only 
guides, taken into cautious calculation with the depths of the lanes 
and with the positions, respectively, of such known Roman camp- 
sites as Woodchester, Cirencester, Frocester, Haresfield and 
Gloucester. Villas do not count for much, for they were seldom 
placed beside a road. 

Perhaps the most interesting witness is Stroud itself. For 
this name is to be identified with ' Strood," ' Strode,' ' Stroat,' 
and ' Straet ' : all of them forms of ' Street,' the Roman 
' Strata.' This, it is well known, occurs in several combina- 
tions at many points over England, such as Stretton, Stretell, and 
Stratton ; and here, also, to be sure, it doubly emphasizes itself by 
the presence beside it of Stratford, where the ancient road known 
as the Wick Street in our portion of it crosses the Wick-stream 
or Frome. Every other house there bears the word in diverse 
application, as Stratford Court, Stratford Lodge, &c, Stroud 
Green occurs on another Romano-British road a few miles west 
towards Stan-dish, and coming from StoM<?-house : while the other 
form Strood occurs in a Roman road in Kent : on another in the 
Isle of Wight : and finally at Stroat near Tidenham, across the 
Severn. It is possible that the Gloucestershire accentuation is 
responsible for the present form of the word Stroud : for, in 

I. Strood in Kent stands across the Medway from Roman Rochester, 
upon the Watling Street. Denstroude (3 m. N.W. Canterbury,) is situate in a 
Dene, through which runs a road connecting Whitstable with the Watling 
Street. Stroud Park at Herne is on the Roman road from Reculvers 
(Regulbium). ' The Strood,' near West Mersea in Essex, is a road or street, 
beside the sea-board, and which is continued across a creek to the mainland 
again. The Custodian was called the ' Strood-keeper.' A large Roman 
' static ' stood near it. The Isle of Wight has its Stroud Green next a spot 
marked Chale Street, an ancient road leading from Carisbrook. 


the Manor Rolls and in other documents of older days it is almost 
invariably spelled ' Strode.' 

In order to pass up and utilise the fertile valley of Painswick, 
the ' Street ' rose gradually to Brownshill. It then continued 
onwards, much as the road now runs, turning and dropping, and 
mounting by Steppingstone Lane to the present site of Painswick, 
at the further or northern side of which site it was joined by 
another track, (possibly as ancient), coming from the plateau of 
Bisley. Hence, the Saxon village of Wyke probably grew up at 
the convenient junction of at least two Roman sub-roads. 

Turning again to 'Stratford,' near Stroud, a bifurcation once 
took place in its neighbourhood also. For, from it a broad track 
rose up the hill towards Standish Park, called in later days the 
'Bread-street,' which made for the Haresfield Camp. 'Brad' and 
'Bread' usually are found as forms of 'Broad.' The Roman 
road that touched Stratford came from the main vale track-way, 
leading up (from the South) to Glevum (Gloucester). After 
Upthorpe, it takes the common name of Green-street. A mile north 
of this, and half a mile east of Coaley, it became Silver Street, 
whence it made due north for Frocester, guarded by a camp. 
Thence, it turned east for Leonard Stanley. At that point one 
road started northward, via Stanley Downton, to Storehouse and 
so to Stroud Green (i.e. Green Street) and Standish. The other 
road turned eastward, via Stanley Marsh to Kings Stanley, 
Stanley Park, and so, via Stratford to Strode, or Stroud, to the 
Wick Street and Painswick Hill. It will not escape notice how 
many one of these names carries evidence of early road-lines, 
i.e., paven tracks, or stone Houses, or Villas. 

Yet, except the occurrence of all these names, there is nothing 
left us by time and agricultural operations to indicate the special 
character of a Roman road, or the incontrovertible Roman 
adoption of earlier tribal tracks. Nevertheless, the presence of 
several ancient ' tumuli ' near Randwick and Broadbarrow tells 
us of a British track up there to be dated from before the ' Bread ' 
or ' Broad ' Street found its name. For these tombs are the 
natural accompaniments of the ancient warpath. 

The other local roads leading to Gloucester that can claim 
antiquity owed their being, at least in part, to the rich Monasteries 



possessing farms and woodlands hereabouts, which needed 
thoroughfares for their products. Such were probably the 
Catway' and Schiringesway at Pitchcombe, mentioned in docu- 
ments of A.D. 1290. The Monks and Lords of Manors generally 
may be regarded as professional road-makers. 

Of these mediaeval roads, there remains, besides that leading 
along the Edge, a good example (at least a portion of it), 
belonging to the Stockleyway, making for the descent of Upton 
Hill, and passing in the bottom of the small coombe below 
Cud Hill (Coed = wood) Farm. It retains some raised cobbling, 
which may possibly be late Romano-British work. Beside it, 
however, rises a long Barrow covered with pine trees, and this 
suggests a still earlier origin for this track. The road that led to 
this from Wyke or Painswick, but as a contributory only, will 
have been Blakewell Lane, leading from the Saxon Ham through 
Holcombe and over the ridge. The Gloucester Convent of Llantony 
for four centuries held a considerable property in the valley 
between Painswick and Edge, together with Combe House, 
now vanished ; while the Abbey of St Peter's, Gloucester, 
farmed the land lying west of Horsepools, and all Standish, as 
well as Prinkenash, part of Buckholt, and Ebbworth. It is only 
by taking such facts into account that we can approximate to 
an opinion, even then it is a conjecture rather than an opinion, 
as to the earlier history of these old Cotteswold roads. 

The most important or public road, dominating the entire 
region, was naturally the Ermin 3 Street, which connected Glevum 
and Corinium by passing on to our ridge and plateau at Broadleap, 
or now, Birdlip (Cf. Lepegate : Lypiatt : Pottersleap : Postlip). 
But that road did not originally mount the hill in the present 
abrupt and awkward manner. Before reaching the bottom of 
the ascent it turned southward of the present road across what is 
to-day a field. It then mounted by a bold series of zig-zags, now 
covered by woods. The rocky turns and returns of the exposed 

1. Cat seems to have been applied to quarries or caves. Cf (Welsh) 
cwt = a cave, a den, or cot (Lapp) Kaate. 

2. Cf. Irmin : Hermae : or Herms = boundary pillars, bearing heads of 
Mercury, the travellers' guardian. Compare also Irmingarde : Irmin-trude, &c. 
It was considered by Grimm to have been A.S. Eormenstrset. Henry of 
Huntingdon calls it Erningstreet. 


angles have, I think, been mistaken for the traverses of a British 
camp, even as the fine terraced Roman Villa at Witcombe, hard- 
by, has been erroneously ascribed to a mere Roman posting-station. 
The road was altered by drastic, but unfortunately falsely- 
economic, repairs done in 1698,' when it had fallen into a 
desperate condition. 

On the face of it, the road connecting Buckholt and Birdlip 
along the ridge, would be that necessary to the Abbots of 
Gloucester, and especially to the Priors of Cirencester, who 
respectively owned Prinknash and Cranham. The earlier edition 
of this road can be traced running beside it on the right hand. 
But the presence, first, of Cooper's Hill Camp, High Brotheridge 
intrenchments, and then of the Tumulus of Hungerfield, suggests 
for it also a far earlier origin. Perhaps, the earliest track at this 
locality, is one which leads (north of this), through the wood, 
direct to the entrance of the Brotheridge camp, near the 

Green Street, connecting Churchdown Hill with the foot 
of Cooper's Hill, near Brockworth School, there, became a 
paved, or ' Sarn '-way, 2 doubtless belonging to Witcombe Villa. 
But it is not to be forgotten that all the camps and intrenchments 
along the Cotteswold outer edge, above this must have been inter- 
connected by a continuous ' track,' in days prior to the Imperial 
age, and belonging at least to the late Bronze period. 

There is one other track of undoubted importance, probably 
of late Saxon date, leading from Cranham and Prinknash down- 
hill direct to Gloucester, and (likewise with one at Pitchcombe), 
called ' Port-way.' This is, in fact, the old borough-road leading 
from the fertile valley to the ' Port,' or borough of Gloucester : 
its natural market-town in other days. As a direct quarry-route 
between Gloucester and our Hill, it must have proved invaluable. 
The woodland at its start evidences ages of quarrying, long since 
overgrown. The word Port, from the Latin Porta, a haven, 
became, it is surmised, applied to certain inland towns, wherein 
markets resembling those at the chief Harbour-towns, had become 

1. Cf. Act of Parliament, 1697. 

2. Cf. Sarn HELEN in Wales. 


established. Thus, Gloucester was a town which had a Port- 
man-moot, or Borough-moot, not seignorial, but presided over by 
a Port-Reeve. 

Near its head opposite the present wall of Prinknash Park, 
rose the Barrow called ' Idels-barrow." The road leading 
through the vale eastward toward Shepscombe, is still known as 
Eddels-lane ; and a deed of the early i2th century (Hen. I.) in 
the Cartulary of the Abbey of S. Peter's informs us clearly that at 
Idels-barrow occurred the boundary (i.e., the Portway) between 
the Abbey-land at Prinknash, the land of Pain Fitzjohn or Pains- 
wick, and the land of Ernulph of Matesdune or Matson. 

Here it is necessary to mention in passing to the Slad 2 Valley, 
a fine entrenched position, perhaps the site of a British settlement, 
at the crown of Longridge Wood, which has escaped previous 
notice, as well as that of the Ordnance Surveyors. It consists of 
a long and broad terrace and fosse, overlooking the old quarry 
in ' Cock-shoot,' and faces the north. 

In 1799, while cutting stone in a quarry at Custom Scrubs, 
there, were found two or more well-preserved Roman votive 
reliefs or anaglyphs. The quarry in question had approached the 
terminal tongue of a spur overlooking the entire valley west- 
ward and known as ' Roman Tump.' Coins of the Emperors, 
and (in 1851) yet another votive tablet-relief, have since been dis- 
covered there, which make it certain that more is to be expected. 
The position is one of exceptional grandeur, having a deep- 
wooded combe on either hand beside it ; and of itself it strongly 
suggests the site of a local shrine. Moreover, if there was a 
Romano-British one here, it in much likelihood may have 
succeeded a British one. (Cf. Trans : Br. and Glos. Arch : Soc. 
vol. xxix., pt. i). 

The first of these Reliefs, carved in the form of a 
pedimental niche, represents a Roman soldier full-face and full- 
length, in military costume, holding his spear (pilum) in his right 
hand ; and his left hand grasps the upper rim of his oval shield, 
which rests upon the ground. Beside him stands a small altar on 
which is a horn of plenty (cornucopia). Above him to the 

1. See the next section. 

2. SLADE = a slope or slant : cf. SLIDE. 





fc*" - ''iC- - 

V ^-^;.*.' ,;, ^iJ^' 


ANAGLYPH (2) Inscribed 



right and left run the remaining letters of the dedicatory inscrip- 
JUVENTINUS FECIT = To the God Romulus Augustus Veloepivs 
gave (this) and Juventinus made (it). 

Here we have then a unique dedication to the God 
Romulus (identified with Imperial power) by a provincial officer, 
probably of the 3rd Century ; and the name of the artist is given 
with it. 

The figure standing thus under the dedication, within its 
stone frame, may be considered above the average of its class in 
point of technical execution. It measures 14 inches in height, 
and is habited in the typical accoutrements of the Roman 

He is girt with tunica (lorica) and subucula, not descending 
below the knees. Around the waist is worn, with a large central 
buckle, the cingulum, into which is fastened on the left side the 
short sword, the belt seeming to pass through an invisible loop 
behind the sheath. Above the thick rounded head of the sword- 
handle is seen the ' sagum ' or (plaid) crossed over the breast, 
and passing from the right shoulder on to the left arm over the 
elbow-joint, that arm being extended freely to hold in place by 
its rim the long ovate (damaged) shield, the central boss of 
which is just apparent. The opposite or right arm holds at rest 
an upright lance (pilum), having a peculiarly thick socket to its 
broad head. At the neck is worn a graceful collar of radiating 
metal (?) plates leading to the continuous hood, apparently all in 
one with the helmet, and framing round the entire visage. The 
helmet' (galea) is of rather an unusual form, and part of the 
central (plumed) crest (crista) is worn away ; but at a short 
distance from it, on either side arises another ridge-crest of well- 
rounded form, too high upon the head to belong to the hinges of 
the visor or the cheek-pieces. Below each of these projects a 
large curven ornament, like a wing, somewhat giving the effect 
of a volute. These lower projections may be intended for the 
metal neck-rim, but they are placed unwarrantably high, as high 
as would be on the wings on the helmet of Roma, or on that of 
a Gladiator. The circular knobs moreover above these can 

I. Cf. the fool's cap of xiv. c. 


scarcely belong to the visor. 1 The cheek-pieces are wanting. 
Caligae are worn, extending to above the ankles, and ending in a 
thick band, as if turned over and tucked in. 

Beyond the lance stands in profile an altarlet, upon which is 
erected a twofold cornucopia containing ' plenty,' represented by 
three apples (?) 

We have a dedication, therefore, to Romulus, possibly as 
the protector of the crops, and we should consequently either 
expect the donor to have been at least a native of Central Italy, in 
spite of his barbaric name, or that he had served in the days of 
Maxentius (A.D. 308), to whom the revived cult of Romulus 
signified so much, and whose son was purposely named Romulus 

The Second relief, similar in dimensions to the first, and 
evidently by the same hand, presents us with another male figure, 
represented holding a pendent patera by its rim in his right hand 
above another altaret. With his left he clasps close to his body a 
cornucopia, 2 the loaded head of which reaches above his left 
shoulder and holds fruit. Though in some portions (particularly 
the right half of the figure) more damaged than its fellow, 
sufficient remains of the details to be described. 3 

The tunica here descends to rather below the knees. The 
caligas (strangely omitted by Lysons) are similar in both reliefs. 
The right half of the body has now so lost surface that the details 
of the armour have vanished, nor is there left a trace of the 
' cingulum ' or of a sword. 

From the left shoulder, and entirely covering the left breast, 
falls an ample military cloak or paludamentum, spread outward 
by the left arm and elbow clasping the " cornucopia," and des- 
cending thence in rigid (triangular) herring-bone folds as far as 
the base line of the skirt or tunic. There is visible a broad hem 
or border. The face, well-delineated, shews from a tight-fitting 
(? cloth) head-dress, resembling a mediaeval knight's. But there 
is no helmet, or but a very shallow casque. 

1. Cf. a bronze helmet in the British Museum, found at Guisborough, 
Co. York, and another from Cambridgeshire. 

2. This also may have been a double one. 

3. The altar, as Lysons saw it, was decorated with bands or fillets 
(probably spiral). Cf. Reliquiae Britannico-Romanae, Vol. 2, pi. 28, Figs. 5 & 7. 


In the hollowed space, rather more than midway between 
the head and the cornice (to left), are faint traces of a dedicatory 
inscription . . . 10. The Corpus Inscriptionum* gives this 
as MARTI. OLLVDIO. or Mars Olludius. 2 

The latest (or 1851) example is in the same form: but 
evidences another period and a poorer hand, probably of later 
date. It is in the excellent Museum at Cirencester. The others 
have been cared for, as much as the hard and fast position given 
them by their earlier owner permitted and permits, by Mrs 
Davies, at Watercombe, near Bisley ; to whom and to her family 
the sincere acknowledgments of the present writer are due. 



If Lyncombe, Shepscombe, and Holcombe survive to tell us 
of the British, other place-names in our neighbourhood much more 
abundantly assure us of the completeness of Saxon occupation. 
Wyke, or Wic, is A.S. for village or dwelling: perhaps Latin 
Vicus. Ham is the ' home ' enclosure : Butts are the abutments 
on certain boundaries of the demesne or Thane's land. They 
are mentioned here in 1429. Worth, as in Lullingworth, is an 
enclosed or guarded homestead. (Cf. Ebbworth : Edgworth). 
Bury and barrow (A.S. Beorg : Bearw) as in Kimsbury 
and Idelsbarrow, 3 represent the funeral mounds of ' Kynemer ' 

1. Vol. vii. p. 31. 

2. Cf. Olus olera = garden herbs, vegetables. (?) 

3. The reader may consult Fosbrooke's " City of Gloucester," pp. 29-30, 
for some confusing legends about Eddel : Idel and Eddiol. His name, which 
has rather a real Saxon flavour (Ethel) about it, is called by some writers 
there cited, a British prince and a slayer of Saxons. Others name him Earl 
(?) of Gloucester in A.D. 461. " Earl must be here regarded as a mere trans- 
lation of his British title." In Leland (Collect, iii. 30) the name appears as 
EI.DOL. The A. -Saxon Chronicle does not mention such a person. William of 
Malmesbury is also silent about him. On the whole I am inclined to disconnect 
the IDEI, of Idelsbury entirely from the above legendary British or Welsh 
hero, and to conclude that he may well have been a Saxon of later date. It 
would not follow necessarily that the barrow had been raised originally for 
him. It might have been far older, and have received him as a secondary 
interment. An inscription in Wales (? ix. century) for a cross records that it 
was made for Abbot Sampson, and for the soul of Ithel, the King : Cf., Celtic 
Britain, p. 254, J. Rhys, M.A. But the name has remained fairly common in 
the county, in every form of it. 


and '^ithel,' or ' Eddel,' or 'Idel.' Combe, as in Holcombe, 
is Saxonized British Cwm perhaps a hollow ; Salcombe : 
Detcombe : Duddescomb (now Dutch-combe) : Sheppescombe, 
(?) Sceappa's-combe, or less probably ' Sibbescombe ' (A.S.) Vale 
of Peace. Battlescombe lies out beyond. Frith, as in ' The 
Frith-wood,' also from ' Fried,' peace. Probably a treaty 
or truce between the Saxon and Dane was made here in the 
9th century. Washwell is probably Celtic (Saxonised) : uisge : 
ouse : water : as in Lincolnshire, ' The Wash,' and Washbourne, 
near Toddington. It is spelled ' Wiswell ' in a Roll of Henry VI. 
We have also here, Washbrook, and Wishanger. Ifold, 
(an enclosure of felled trees,) which has namesakes in 
Sussex and elsewhere. Standish 1 Stone-house: standhus: (Cf. 
Grenish) greenhouse (?). Cotteswold is usually regarded as 
Saxonised from Coit : Coed : a wood in Cymric ; and M. E. Wold, 
a waste, or open country. If that be the fact, the same should 
be true of Cottesloe, Cottesmore, Cottesford, Cottesbrook and 
Cottesback. But compare (Welsh) cwt. : (Finn) cota : (Lapp) 
kaate = a cave, a den, also a cot. The apparently possessive 
' es ' constitutes the difficulty. 

The presence of such names as Sal-combe, Salt-ridge, a Salt- 
box, reminds us of the neighbourhood of the great Gloucestershire 
Salt-way 3 or suggests a local branch used for transport of that 
material ; though, possibly, they may have referred only to a stream 
or well, charged with salt, ' ubi nascitur Sal,' a precious, even 
sacred commodity (for meat-salting for winter use,) with our 
forefathers ; or else, perhaps, the place where salt was obtained 
after the Teutonic and Gallic method of pouring water upon burning 
wood. (Plin. 31, 7, 39). Ammianus Marcellinus (28. 5) tells us, 
in illustration of the value of the possession of Salt-works, that 
the Burgundians and Alamanni often fought for them. Such 
secluded woody vales as those of Cranham and Salcomb, Slad 
and Climperwell with many long and round Barrows along their 
ridges, are likely to have included sacred inclosures, more- 
over, to a divinity, to whom the treasure of the spot was 

1. It is spelt STANEDYS in early documents (1280). 

2. There is another salt-ridge near Bourton-on- the -Hill. 

3. This ran from Wick (i.e. , Droitwich) by Hayles and Piseley (a vanished 
village) to Lechlade. 


appropriated. There may have been sacred groves of beech and 
elder, 1 and priests or priestesses, with tribal festivals and offer- 
ings ; but fortunately we have not to prove it. Moreover, another 
spelling of the name as ' Sol-ridge ' brings other suggestions. 

In addition to place-names, we have abundant Saxon field- 
names," such as Leaze, as in Rack-leaze and Brisk-leaze, Sweet- 
leaze, &c., from A.S. Leswe = pasture : Hays, as in ' Crosshays ' 
= haia, A.S. Hege. Tyning, as in ' Webbs-Hill-Tyning' = A.S. 
tynan : fence. Isug = a hedge-sparrow = A.S. sugg. 

In A.D. 874, or 300 years after Ceawlin had captured 
Romano-British Glevum, Ceolwulf was put forward and crowned 
King of Mercia by the Danes ; Gloucester being his chief city in 
the south-west. They had driven out Burhred, who took refuge 
in Rome. This, however, did not prevent the Danes from raiding 
in and around the city until it fell ripely into their hands. In 
May, 878, suffering a severe defeat at the hands of Alfred at 
Ethandun (Edington), the Danes retired upon Cirencester, having 
sworn a solemn peace, or "Frith," at Wedmore: which, 
although it saved Wessex, left the bulk of England in the 
possession of the pirates. In A.D. 897, the Danes endured 
another defeat in their stronghold at Buttingtone, near Tidenham, 
between the Severn and Wye. 

It is to the occupation of portions of what became Gloucester- 
shire by the Danes, not only as plunderers, but as actual settlers, 
during this last quarter of the gth century, that we must ascribe 
the many inland place-names which bear the stamp of Scandinavian 
occupation. The Rev. C. S. Taylor, in his 'Danes in Gloucester- 
shire' (vol. xvii., p. 94, Transact. B. & Glos. Archl. Socy.) has 
mentioned a dozen of these Scandinavian place-names, which I 
quote from his Essay : Nass Cliff ; Sharpness ; Dennys ; Brook- 
thorpe; 3 Colthorp; Woolstrope; Hatherop; Southrop; Boutherop; 
Cockrup ; and Williamstrip. These indeed form two small 
county groups. 

1. Cf. Ellernhill, above Shepscombe. 

2. Field names have existed from the earliest ' recorded ' times, and 
often contain the ' abstract and brief chronicle ' of ownership : as in ' the 
field of Macpelah,' ' Ardath,' 'Aceldama ' : 'the Potter's field,' &c., &c. 

3. Thorpe was usually but erroneously appropriated to Scandinavian : 
but it is clear that the Teutonic peoples had. and have it still, in the form of 
' Dorf.' 


Brookthorpe is the only example in this list which touches the 
neighbourhood of Painswick ; for Prinke-NASH is accidentally 
omitted; so that it might almost seem superfluous to refer to 
Wyke or Painswick, as having been visited by the Danes. Yet, 
if we look a little closer around us, our suspicions are at once 
roused. We find a field near the Lodge-farm still called ' Hazel- 
hanger ' ;' another called ' Great Nash ' (Ness : Naze) ; and there 
is the above Prink-nash ; while, over Shepscombe, toward Miser- 
den, we find ' Wishanger ' and Througham and, near Stroud, 
Thrupp : -thorpe, -ham : -thorpe ; and a road in that neighbourhood 
is still called ' Daneway.' These, then, are probably direct evidences 
of a continued presence, among our fields of the dreaded Northmen. 
But we have other evidence, still nearer to us, in Knap-Lane ,Gurding- 
Knap, Dryknapp, Hillhouse Knap ( = Danish, Knap = a knob') 
"some high knap, or tuft, of a mountain," (Holland's Pliny, 
bk. xi., ch. 10) ; and Buckholt (i.e., Beechwood.) After this we 
can have no doubt whatever that the Danes, while at Gloucester 
(just as other and earlier possessors had done), spread up steadily 
on to our hills and into our vales. There some of them settled 
and probably married Saxon folk and remained in the village of 
Wyke. At least they have left their distinguishing mark, and 
this has survived until to-day, just one thousand years in Pains- 
wick History ! 3 

Until 1850 Painswick had its Friday- street 4 : named like the 
other Friday-streets in Surrey and Suffolk, from Freia, the Norse 
Goddess (Cf. Friday-thorpe in Yorkshire.) London likewise had 
one. Moreover, there were tenants living in the Manor in 1324, 
named Seagrym, a Danish name (perhaps a sea-rover) which 
has survived in ' Seagrims,' (i.e., Ayers' mill fields.) 

1. This terminal again is not necessarily Scandinavian; but taken in 
combination with others we may let it pass. 

2. Cf. Knapsac = headpiece. 

3. In Henry VII. "s day there were two fields in Painswick called Denys 
and Lycchefeld : and we still have the ' Frith ' (Germ. Fried) wood, which 
signifies that a peace was agreed to thereabouts between contending foes. It 
seems probable that the current tradition of a battle on the high ground of 
the Saltridge may be connected with this : while beyond, above Cheltenham, 
there is Leckhampton, (i.e., Lych,) perhaps the site of another unrecorded but 
traditional battle. 

4. It joins Bisley Street (once High Street) to St Mary's Street, not, as 
in " A History of the Church of St Mary," by the author, where it is 
stated to have occupied the present George Street. The street is now 
called after a mere modern public-house so typical of the earlier Victorian 
age and the power of the 'Beerage.' 




There is no suggestion that the traditional local conflicts 
were other than those between Saxon and Dane. The Barrow 
called Idelsbarrow, therefore, = Ethel's-bury, was probably the 
tomb of a Saxon leader, who perhaps perished in one of these 
battles. The identification of this spot has eluded the vigilance 
of local antiquaries ; and most, if not all, of it has been quarried 
away. It must have stood near the head of the Portway above 
Prinknash Park, probably nearer to the Royal William Inn. 

Tocknell's Mill was once called Eddels Mill. 1 These localities 
are mentioned in a document dated A.D. 1121 in the " Historia 
et Cartularium S. Petri Gloucestriae," (vol. I., p. 205, civ.), in 
which the boundaries of the lands of Helyas de Giffard (of 
Brimsfield) and the Abbey-lands at Prinknash, and those of 
Pain Fitzjohn, are defined. Those of Pain are divided off by 
a line from Salcombe-brook to ' Idelberge ' : and those of 
Ernulf de Mattesdune from Prinkenash to Idelberge. Hence we 
may conclude that Painswick and Cranham were divided by the 
Portway and Eddel's Lane. The latter place had in those days 
been separated less than half-a-century from Wyke or Painswick, 
and as yet it had no church. This mention is also interesting to 
us as tending to show that Pain Fitzjohn was married to 
Sybil, a niece of Walter de Laci, before A.D. 1121, for he 
was then enjoying Wyke as part of her dowry, held of the King 
in chief. 

Tradition, again compressed in a name, suggests a connection 
of the great Saxon Earl Godwine with Painswick. (Cf. Atkins, 
Hist., Glos.) We should therefore discover what support, if 
any, history, so careful of the movements of great leaders, may 
or may not lend to this interesting notion. For, not infrequently, 
it is the name-presence which gives rise to the suggestion, and 
we cannot be too cautious in accepting local attributions, especially 

i. "Usque ad Idelberge, est quoddam molendinum (mill) ibi." (loc. cit. 
A.D. 1 121.) The road opposite that point in the valley to Shepscombe is 
called Eddel's Lane, and passes behind the Lodge-Farm. 


when they cannot be traced above a hundred years back. In 
this case, however, we start with much probability seeing that 
Sir Robert Atkins, before 1711, knew the hill by this name. 

Godwine was, of course, that Earl of Wessex, whose 
daughter Eadgyth came to be the ill-used Queen to King Edward 
the Confessor. His sons were considered unworthy of him ; the 
ill-fated King Harold being one of these. Godwine is described 
for us as the man who alone in his day, stood between England 
and the lust of the foreigners. In 1052 (Sept. i)King Edward, 
his son-in-law, went to Gloucester, together with Siward, Earl of 
Northumbria, and Leofric, Earl of Mercia, and to them came 
Eustace, Count of Boulogne. The latter had recently repeated 
former acts of violence on Godwine's property at Dover, and now 
had fled before him to take refuge with the weak King, in his 
Court of Norman favourites. The angry Earl, however, desirous 
of capturing the Count, or of compelling the monarch (his own 
son-in-law) to surrender his person, sped after him westward. 
Together with his sons, Swegen and Harold, Godwine held a 
council at Langtree (Earl's Barn), near Beverstone, surrounded 
by his thanes and their followers, in great multitude.' 

Godwine, with his force, as a result of this conference, now 
determined to overawe the King at Gloucester. To do this he 
needed to continue his march along the Cotswolds due north 
from his own Beverstone, near the Fosse- and Icknield-ways, 
probably descending on the way by Avening to Nailsworth and 
Woodchester (where his Countess, Goda, possessed lands), and 
so, by following the Bread Street, he would reach the most con- 
venient tactical point for overlooking Gloucester, namely, Robin's 
Wood 2 Hill. It may be, however, news of his intention outsped 
him, and that he found that vantage-point already occupied by 
Edward's men, and, in consequence, came no nearer to Gloucester 
than Kimsbury Hill and Camp. In that case, his movement had 

1. This forms the last episode of the struggle for predominance 
between Leofric and Godwine. The latter died in the following April at 
Winchester. " The History of the reign of Edward the Confessor is little 
more than the variation of the balance of power between the families of 
Godwine and Leofric; each has his allies among the Welsh, Irish, and Scottish 
princes, each has his friends and refuge on the Continent." (Stubbs, Const. 
Hist. I. 222.) 

2. Nowadays mis-called 'RobinhoodV Hill. 


proved in vain, as indeed one may gather that it actually did. Com- 
promise, and no action, followed this perilous threat of civil war. 

Having been unable (we may suppose) to reach Robin's Wood 
Hill in time, he took up his quarters at Painswick Hill. All the 
leaders of both sides were summoned to the Witenagemot 
commanded to be held at Southwark on Sept. 21, and the Earl 
retired peacefully from the West for the last time. 

As the time occupied by this Gloucestershire episode com- 
prised only three weeks, it is manifest there was no time (even if 
there had been need) for building operations on our hill, even 
assuming, for working hypothesis, that the Earl came to the hill 
at all. But there can scarcely have arisen necessity for con- 
structive operations, and Wyke was no Manor of Godwine's. It 
belonged then to Ernisi. How, then, can the Camp have gained 
its sobriquet of ' Castle Godwyn,' and ' the Castles ' ? Of 
course, a castle built by him would have easily fixed the Earl's 
name to the spot : but there is no evidence forthcoming to point 
the existence here of any such castle, nor, before the i8th century, 
of the name as applied to this Hill. But, as Mr J. Horace Round 
has shown, 'Castle' was formerly applied to any sort of fortified 
enclosure ; and we need not imagine a vanished building here at all. 
It may be thought not difficult to explain the problem, when we 
realise that Earl Godwine was the Champion of Saxon England, 
and that he was the Earl of all the land from Herefordshire and 
Gloucester, south of Thames, to Dover. His army was doubtless 
large ; it was therefore impressive to the country-folk. More- 
over, the King and City of Gloucester were intended at least to 
have been threatened by him from some point certainly in our 
neighbourhood. These facts combined would have aroused 
excitement throughout Cotteswold : and though no fighting ensued, 
this critical condition of affairs might have proved sufficient to leave 
undying memory of itself behind, and to wed the name of 
Godwine with the place of his encampment.' 

i. The 1 8th century-faced house, called 'Castle Godwin,' in the side of 
the Hollow toward 'Paradise,' has no doubt derived its name from the hill 
above it. No house of that name in the Manor, can be traced earlier than the 
igth century. It was until then merely called 'Paradise' by its various 
owners. But some one of these (probably John George, Esq.), early in the 
latter century, added a castellated apside to the rear of the house and forth- 
with changed its name to 'Castle Godwin House.' His son, Rev. Wm. George, 
resided there in 1848. 


But, on the other hand, the Camp is never designated by the 
name of ' Castle-Godwin ' in early surviving documents, nor in 
the extant Manorial Rolls. The only mentions of the name of 
Godwine in these sources occur, not in reference to the great 
Earl, but, to humble families of copyholders, in the i3th and 
1 8th centuries. 1 The name has, in fact, been common in the 
county. There was a Moneyer at Gloucester, bearing it in the 
days of King Cnut (Canute.) There was a Bishop Godwine. It 
occurs at Cirencester in 1305 ; and later, at Bicknor, is found a 
family of Godwyn, A.D. 1550. Nevertheless, Sir Robert Atkins, 
who was familiar with Painswick, (1711) so designates Painswick 
Hill in his History of the County. The house which bears the 
name below it did not exist, except as a cottage, in his day, it 
having been enlarged from a lyth century cottage about 1750, at 
a point standing just above a mound, or possibly a Barrow. 2 We 
must, therefore, consider the tradition (in this case) a sound one ; 
and fully recognise it accordingly. 

1. William Godwin, 1754. Peter Godwine at Buckholt, c. 1266. 

2. Possibly only an outlying fortified post or tower, for guarding the 
water-spring hard-by for the camp above. 



Edward the Confessor had been educated in France, an exile. 
His mother was Norman, and spoke the Norman tongue. His 
affections leaned to the people among whom he had spent his youth. 
He planted Norman colonies in Herefordshire and other parts of 
his Kingdom, and honoured his Norman favourites somewhat too 
freely with the great offices of State. The late Prof. Freeman is 
held to have judged rightly that the Norman leanings of Edward 
cleared the path for the coming of his cousin William. As 
another eminent Historian has put it " For the last half-century 
England had been drawing nearer to the Norman land which 
fronted it across the Channel." (J. R. Green, Hist. Eng. People, 
Vol. I.) At any rate, when his long reign of two-and-twenty years 
came to a close in 1064, the pressure of Norman influence was in 
the ascendant, and his widowed Queen favoured it. It must, 
therefore, be regarded as having been a period of Transition. 

During the latter part of this reign, Wyke, or Wyke-ham, as 
Painswick was then called, was held by one Ernisi, 1 possibly a 
Norman, who may have inherited (as we shall see) his father's 
possessions. But his lands in Gloucestershire were not confined 
to Wyke ; he owned Greenhamstead Manor (Miserden. We may 
recall that the doors of Miserden Church are of Saxon date), in 
Bisley Hundred, Selle Manor, in Salmanesbury Hundred, Estune 
(Aston) Manor, in the Hundred of Gretestanes, Suddintone 
(Siddington) Manor, in that of Cirencester, and other land, called 
Frantone Manor, in that of Blacelaw. It is not perhaps possible 

i. The Ervistus of Giraldus Cambrensis. 


to assert the precise extent of all this land in Ernisi's possession 
in the County, but thirty thousand acres would be within the mark, 
seeing that Wyke, or Painswick, alone included 20,760 acres. 
Ernisi was, therefore, Lord of Wyke, and a territorial magnate 
of the first order. 

The estimated value of these above lands of his, was as 
follows : 








o 0) 




















At the date of Domesday Survey, or twenty-two years 
later, these values had undergone reduction in some instances, 
and increase in others ; the value of Wyke, in particular, having 
increased from 20 to ^24, a very notable advance, probably to 
be accounted for by shrinkage of the Forest into smaller extent, 
as well as by increased cultivation. 

But at Domesday we discover an important change of owner. 
We find that, for some not-determined reason, Ernisi had lost or 
given up his various lands, and these had been parcelled out 
among five Feudal Norman Lords. Aston, Siddington, and 
Greenhamstead belonged now to Hascott Musard. Wyke belonged 
to Roger de Laci, who had then possessed it but one year. Swell 
belonged to William de Ow and Ralph de Todeni, while Aiford 
had become the property of Drogo Fitz-Ponz. 

As however, we find Eudo, Fitz-Ernisi, in the following 
century alive in 1172 (an old man for those days), and owning 
lands in Essex, Shropshire, Suffolk and Hertfordshire, it is evident 
that a son of Ernisi survived and was permitted to retain portions 
of the paternal possessions outside Gloucestershire, or else he had 
received fresh grants from the Plantagenet Kings. Moreover, 
another Oliver Fitz-Ernisi, received Mendone, in Essex, from 
William Longsword, which, afterwards, at his death, passed to 
Eudo. (p. 505, Liber Rubeus : Rolls Series). 


It is clear, therefore, that Ernisi, the former owner of Wyke, 
had left issue. But it is also certain that he is the same who 
became a favoured ' Capellanus,' or Chaplain to Matilda, or Maud, 
Queen of Henry I., and who ultimately was elected the first Prior 
of the De Laci foundation of Llantony Prima in Wales. The 
question, therefore, arises, can anything be adduced to account for 
the remarkable change which manifestly had taken place in the 
life and fortunes of Ernisi during the reign of William the 
Conqueror, 1066-87, by which his possessions passed into other 
hands ; for, there is no doubt, they had passed into those of Walter, 
the father of Roger de Laci, who died in 1085 by an accident at 
Hereford. For his services to the Conqueror, De Laci had been 
given an Honour consisting of 116 Manors, twenty-seven of which 
were in Gloucestershire. 

If Ave turn to the ' Chronicle of Evesham,' under the years 
1070-77, we shall find the following remarkable story, which, 
although, perhaps, little more than a story, may serve us somewhat 
in the nature of an answer : 

" Ernisi was the son of a noble matron, by name Alditha. 
Now, her brother, one Alfricus, purloined certain relics from the 
Shrine of St. Egwine (Bishop of Worcester) at the Abbey of 
Evesham. Alditha was commanded by One, who appeared to her 
in her sleep, to deliver up the precious objects. Cupidity however 
prevailed with her, and in consequence she became visited with 
blindness. Thereupon, she grew so terrified as to give them up. 
Moreover, her son Alfricus was drowned in a river. Alditha 
herself died, and her son Ernisi took possession of the relics ; but 
living wildily (luxuriose atque insipienter) he lost all that he 
inherited from his father." (p. 93-4). 

If this incident (supposing it to have foundation in fact) 
occurred between the dates given, it will sufficiently account for 
the possesion of his estates by others at Domesday. Later 
events, however, show that Ernisi reformed his life, became an 
important personage ' Vir nominatissimus in Curia Henrici Regis 
primi, inter primos Palatii,' and finally was appointed ' Capellanus 
Venerandas recordationis Matildae Reginae, uxoris eidem Henrico," 
(' Chaplain to Queen Matilda (or Maud), of revered memory, wife 
of the same (King) Henry.' Cf. Chron: Lanton : Julius D. x. 



Cotton: B.M.) and, in time, he retired from Court in company 
with a knight of the name of William ... to a Hermitage beside 
the River Hodenay, at the foot of the Hatterel Hills. No illustrative 
examples are needed to assure the reader that it was a common 
thing in those days for a noble knight and a frequenter of Courts, 
even for a vicious one and a spendthrift, to turn vehemently 
religious, and to end his career in serene piety. The 
stormy reign of the Red King can show many instances not 
unlike that of Ernisi. ' What he taught he practised,' says his 

We, therefore, read in a i4th Century British Museum MS. 
recording the origin of Llantony, the story relating how, in 
the 38th year after the coming of the Normans (otherwise A.D. 
1103), these two, Ernisi and William, gave up the world (i.e., the 
Court) for a dwelling in certain wilds of Wales, where, favoured 
by the powerful and devout Hugh de Laci, (' innato religionis 
amore,' ' pauperum et oppressorum misertor benignissimus,') 
then Lord of Wyke, Ewyas (Laci), and all other manors that had 
been his brother's, 1 they raised a small church on an already sacred 
site, in honour of St. John the Baptist, which was consecrated in 
1 1 08 by Urban, Diocesan, and Ramelin, Bishop of Hereford. We 
have, then, Hugh de Laci, Lord of Wyke, fraternally assisting 
Ernisi, a former owner of many of his own extensive manorial 
possessions. For, by this date, Hugh had succeeded his brother, 
Roger de Laci, who had been banished for twice rebelling against 
William Rufus (1088 and 1095) in favour of Robert, Duke of 
Normandy. Giraldus Cambrensis, who wrote some ninety years 
after these events, tells practically the same story. And to this 
date of Roger de Laci's banishment, or rather, to two years prior 
to that serious event in the De Laci family, we must once more 
revert, in order to show in sufficient detail what was the then 
nature and extent of the Manor of Wyke, first of all interpolating 
the pedigree of the Gloucester De Laci (so far as it is known to 
us), at that period. 

I. Save one manor, that of ' Hallhagan cum Bradewasse,' in Worcester- 
shire, which he retained still in 1108: "in accordance with a policy which is 
believed to have been practised, namely, that of keeping a hold, however 
small, on the Forfeited." This manor was assessed at 3^ hides. (J. H. 
Round, Feudal England, 172, 176-7). 


Hugh de Laci I. =p (?) 

(d. 1069 ?) 

Lord of Painswick 

1 Walter I. 

= (2) Ermelina ...(?) 

(d. 1085, 27 March) 

(Of Weobley, Ewyas = 

= (i) Emma* . . . (Cf. 

Ludlow, etc.) 

Vol. I., Hist, et Cart: 

St. Petri. p. 15). 

Mother of Roger, 

Hugh and Walter. 


(2) (3) (4) 

Roger = (?) 

Hugh II. = Adeliza . . . Walter II. Emma=f= (?) 

(banished 1096) 

(no issue) Abbot of St. 
Peter's Glos. 



/ V 1r\ 1r\\ 1 

' .3 39/* r 

_ _ - . i 

Pain Fitzjohn = Sybil (living widowed 1138). = Sybil Gilbert 

He'loise (? De Laci) = William de Evreux. Walter de Laci, gave 
her the Hyde, in Herefordshire upon her marriage. This she 
afterwards gave to the Abbey of St. Peter. (Cf. Vol. I., p. 
88, H. & C., St. Petri: Glos.) She was perhaps a sister or 

* She gave the manor of 5 Hides in Duntisbourne to St. Peter's, Glo'ster, 
for the benefit of her Lord's Soul, valued at 4 (D.S.) 

The Manor of Wyke, Wykeham, or Wiche, at a later day 
called Painswick, 2 consisted in 1086, of 20,760 acres, of which 
14,600 were woodland. Of this, therefore, 6,160 acres were 
arable, or under part cultivation, and much must have been 
meadowland. The division of the land was into Demesne and 
Villenage, the Lord's land and that held from him by his Villeins, 
or labouring tenants (i.e,, yard lands = 30 acres, and half-yard lands 
= 15 acres). The Lord had one team, and his villeins fifty-two. 
There were likewise four mills (flour). Painswick Manor con- 
sisted, therefore, of nearly two-thirds of the entire Hundred of 
Bisley, which extended in all to 32,294 acres ; and it was valued 
at ,24 ; but, although so large a manor, in area equivalent of 53 
Hides of 120 acres apiece, it was assessed roughly at but one 

1. That Ernisi's lands must have been given to Walter is shown by the 
charge on the Church of Wyke to Walter's Priory of St. Peter (later St. 
Guthlac) Hereford. Roger had succeeded his father as Lord of Wyke at 

2. After Pain Fitzjohn, who, no doubt, raised some fortification 
(castellum) there during the troubles in Gloucestershire, in the reign of King 


Hide. 1 Nevertheless, though Bisley Manor itself, valued at .23 
in the day of Edward the Confessor, had now fallen to 10 at the 
date of Domesday, that of Wiche, or Wyke, had risen from 20 
to 24, as was previously noted. This is an important fact, for, 
whereas the whole Hundred of Bisley was valued in King Edward's 
time at 75, in the Domesday Survey it had reached ^82 a 
difference of 7. Now as Wyke (Painswick) had (as shown 
above) increased during that interval 4 in value, this Manor 
alone accounts for more than half of the 7 increase in the entire 
Hundred of Bisley. This directs us to the conclusion that Wyke 
had become the especial point of improvement in this Hundred. 
This, we may take it, was due to the increasing conversion of 
woodland into field. Doubtless, it further improved during the 
peace in Henry the First's reign. 

But we are here confronted with a problem concerning Pains- 
wick and the Hundred of Bisley, in which its Manor and Vill was 
situated which is by no means easy to solve. We have seen 
that in 1086 the acreage of the entire Hundred of Bisley was 
reckoned at 32,294. The modern Commissioners reckon it at 
24,640 only; less, therefore, by 7,654 acres. What has become 
of these missing acres of the Hundred ? Either they lay without 
the Hundred and were reckoned in it, which is possible ; or, 
they did not exist, i.e., were due to a clerical error on the 
part of the scribe ; which is practically unthinkable. Now, 
since Domesday, the Manors of Greenhamstead (Miserden), 
Winston, Sapperton, and Bisley, have increased their respective 
acreages to the extent of 266; 168 ; 1,748; and 7,454 acres: 
or, in all, 9,636 acres; while, correspondingly, Painswick and 
Edgworth have lost 17,146 and 144 acres : or, in all, 17,290 acres. 
If we subtract 9,636 from 17,290, the remainder is precisely 
7,654, the number of the apparently missing acres of the Hundred. 
Painswick and Edgworth have now but 3,614 and 1,538 acres, 
and together they comprise 5,152 acres, and the rest of the 

i. It seems probable that De Laci, or his predecessor, may have 
obtained this low assessment by royal favour. This continued for more than 
two centuries, long after the arable area had been extended at the expense of 
the woodland. It is seen from the given area and the 53 teams that King William's 
Exchequer here reckoned 120 acres to the areal Hide. But the term Hide in 
two different senses (i) a certain multiple of acres, and (2) a unit for assess- 
menthas proved a cause of stumbling. 


Hundred of Bisley comprises 19,488 acres = 24,640 acres. The 
woodland (silva) in Painswick is stated to be (D.S.) 5 leucatae 
(leagues) long and 2 (leagues) in breadth. This is reckoned out 
by the Rev. Charles S. Taylor, in his Domesday Survey of 
Gloucestershire, at 14,600 acres, while the entire Hundred of 
Bisley included but 15,960 woodland ; so that, outside this com- 
putation of the woodland for the Manor of Wyke, there remained 
only 1,360 acres of woodland for the rest of the entire Hundred. 
Whichever way we look at our Domesday Record, we are 
confronted with a possibly insoluble, but not unique, problem 
regarding the extent of the Hundred. 

It must be mentioned with respect to Cranham, that this 
village and its parish has been a creation out of Wyke, or Pains- ' 
wick, but this was effected before Domesday and so does not enter 
into calculation. 

" In hac terra tenet S"- Maria de Cirencestre, unum villanum 
et parcellam silvae. Valet X. Sol:" "Hoc concessit ei 
Willelmus Rex:" i.e., "Here the Priory of St Mary of Ciren- 
cester holds one villein and a portion of wood. Value IDS. This 
King William gave her." (D.S.) 

The normal holding of a villein was a Virgate (or yard-land), 
of 30 acres, though many held but half-yards, and less, but some 
held more. If we take the average holdings at 20 acres, we 
should only get i ,040 acres under cultivation by the Villeins apart 
from the Demesne land, so that but one-sixth part of the arable 
area in the Manor was cultivated by the peasants for themselves. 
Mr Taylor, before-quoted, aptly says: "Woodland was chiefly 
valuable on account of the grass in the spring, and the pannage 
in the autumn ; timber, we may suppose, was too common to be 
regarded as any very great source of profit, though the best 
timber, oak and ash, was withheld from the tenants, who yet had 
the right of cutting wood for the repair of their homesteads and 
their implements." 

He further adds: "In several cases it is obvious that the 
woodland registered under the names of Manors must have lain 
outside the limits of the existing Parishes which answer most 
nearly to the Domesday Areas, and very likely at a considerable 
distance from them, where it cannot now be traced." (p. 64.) He 


then instances Painswick, among others, as inexplicable otherwise. 
But, if that is so, and if all the 14,600 acres of woodland lay beyond 
our Manor, then we have to reckon, as will have been observed 
above, only upon the 6,360 untimbered acres as constituting actual 
area of the Manor topographically. How, once again, are we to 
arrive at our entire 20,760? Again, if we deduct the 14,600 from 
the Hundred itself, containing 32,294 as being outside it, it leaves 
us but 17,890, or 6,750 short of our modern reckoning for the 
Hundred of 24,640. Perhaps they lay outside the Hundred 
itself. However, these figures are adduced here merely 
to show the difficulties, alas, not to explain or resolve 
them. Could we but have asked the banished Roger de Laci, it 
is vexing to think how easily he could have satisfied us. It is 
obvious that although some of the woodland lay outside the Manor, 
much lay within it. 

The number of males on the Manor at Domesday Survey 
was then 66, consisting of one Priest, three Horsemen of the 
lord (Radchenistri or Radknights), 35 Villeins, 16 Bordars, and 
ii Serfs (Villani). 

The Villeins were usually holders of yard-lands (virgatae) and 
half yard-lands in the villeinage, i.e., the typical villagers, while 
the Bordars had smaller lots, from, one to ten acres. 1 The Bordar 
was a cottager who took no part in the communal ploughing, and 
contributed no oxen to the plough-teams. Seebohm declares, 
" His services were no less servile than those of the Villanus, but 
of a more trivial kind. He was above the ' servus,' or slave, but 
his was the class which most easily would slide into that of the 
modern labourer, and in which the ' servus ' himself, in his turn 
might most easily merge. [The latter had no proprietary rights, 
nor legal status]. As ' Bord ' gave way to ' cottage ' in the 
common speech, so the whole class below the Villani came to be 
known as Cottagers. 2 

1. Under Henry VII. by far the greater number of tenants in Painswick 
still held yard-lands and half yard-lands. 

2. Cotarii. There is reason, however, to believe that these divisions 
were made on these lines, and that one kind of tenant often became another. 
Sometimes the Cottier possessed a garden, or five acres of field, besides his 
cottage ; sometimes he had none of these. 


The Radchenistri (Radmanni), or riding-men for the Lord's 
business-staff were, perhaps, the equivalents of the ' geneats ' of 
earlier, Saxon days. They probably had three horses apiece. 
But their services were various in different manors. At Tewkes- 
bury they ploughed and harrowed the Lord's land. Thus they 
were ' liberi,' or so-called freemen, rendering special butbounden 

A Virgate, 1 or yard-land (A.S. gyrd-land), consisted of a 
bundle of strips' usually amounting to 30 acres, and these made 
up the cornfields around the village, Wick, or Ham, both in Saxon 
and in Norman times. A glance at a plan of Painswick will still 
suggest (in spite of all the inevitable modifications wrought by time 
and by custom) the original positions of certain of these. The 
ordinary day's ploughing was concluded at mid-day. Four 
virgates made a carucate, or ploughed land (Caruca a plough). 
The normal outfit of a villanus was two oxen and one cow, though 
he often had four oxen, and sometimes more, to his team. On the 
other hand, the team of the lord, or manorial team, consisted of 
eight oxen, which corresponded to a carucate, or 120 acres of 
land. Such teams can still be seen at work near Brimsfield. 

The fields were usually ploughed in waves, or ' selions ' of 
from six to seven feet in width, so that the fields presented a 
series of equal and regular undulations ; a method devised for 
purpose of drainage, and yet in use. 

The Demesne (or lord's) land, contained picked pieces of 
the estate or manor, but portions of this were held of him only by 
' Liberi tenentes,' or free-tenants. These, however, do not occur 
in the Domesday Survey of Wyke. Wyke, then, owned one full 
team for the lord, but no ' liberi tenentes.' In later days the 
Demesne land increased, so as to include Ham, Ifold, Washwell, 3 
and Duddescombe, each of these being a ' Tithing.' So that 
Painswick had four Tithings. 

And here the Saxon word ' Ham ' arrests attention. It lay 
immediately on the west of modern Painswick, but contiguous 
to it, including what is still called Hamfield and Ham- 
butts. 4 In Rolls of Henry VI. (1430) it is still mentioned as the 

i . Virga (L. ), a rod. 2. i.e. , the most convenient form for the ploughing. 
3. Wiswell. 4. Butts signifies ' abutting ' lands. 


' Hamme,' and it had come down as such from Saxon days. 1 The 
word is cognate with 'Heim' and 'home,' and is held 
to correspond to the permanent hereditary possession or 
' manor,' the estate of a Thane. In other words it was used by the 
Saxon thane as the equivalent of Latin ' Villa.' The Domesday 
Survey reveals that, in Gloucestershire, only as much as four per 
cent, of the place-names included this word ' Ham,' while in Norfolk 
and Suffolk (as might be conjectured) the proportion to others 
amounted to as much as eighteen per cent. , or four and a half 
times as many. In our valley, then, the Saxons had Wyke-ham 
and Cranham. 

It was, therefore, on the Gloucester side of modern 
Painswick, that the Saxon interest here centred. There 
will have been the homestead of its unknown Saxon Lords ; 
possibly of that Edel ( = Ethel, or noble Thegn, or Chief), whose 
vanished sepulchre was in our neighbourhood, once known as 
Idelsbarrow, which has been referred to.' 

It is, therefore, of no little interest to remark that northward, 
just beyond the Ham, on the overbrowing spar called Ifold (i.e., the 
lower ground one hundred yards beyond Mr Bartlett's farm), were 
discovered, in 1868, traces since proved to be those of a Roman 
farm-villa ; doubtless the centre of a Romano-British estate of 
which it was the homestead, surrounded by numerous out-houses, 
barns, granaries, &c. From these facts it will be legitimate to 
draw the conclusion that Sponebed, Ifold, and Ham, possessing 
the best land, were the earliest cultivated portions of this manor, 
and they were tilled by Saxon serf- labour. At Ham will have been 
the lord's, or thane's, house with its adjacent demesne land (or 
boc-land), while the ' utland,' or ' folcland ' lay around it ; the 
former standing in relation to the latter perhaps as much as 
two-thirds. The village, or wick, 3 with its Saxon community, 
lay but a little way off. That is to say, the Saxon Ham here 
certainly did not grow out of, although in sight of, the then 
ruined Roman Villa crowning Ifold beyond it. It will be 

1. Painswick is called both Wyke and Wick-ham in the I3th cent. 

2. The Mill near Tocknells still bears the name in the Survey Map of 
to-day, "Eddel's Mill." 

3. Vicus. 


shown that the Norman Lords set their manorial ' mansio ' or 
' castellum,' south of the village church, in fact, on the 
ridge overlooking the next valley, wherein some of their valuable 
corn-mills lay,' and that, at a more settled period, their inheritors, 
owing to particular circumstances to be recounted later on in this 
volume, quitted even that, and travelled somewhat eastwards of 
Wick, or Painswick, and there having emparked the Manor and 
given it a Lodge (i.e., the Lodge Farm), in the isth century 
they destroyed the old Hall, Castle, or Manor House, and 
glorified the Lodge to the Manor Service. The centre of 
importance will thus be seen to have moved south-eastward in 
this Manor.' 

The Villicus, or Steward, of the Roman owner's estate, may 
be said to have become represented in Saxon and later days here, 
by the WicgSrefa, or praefectus (Bede), prepositus, steward, 
bailiff, or 'Senescallus.' (Cf. The old English Manor, p. 130-1. 
C.M. Andrews.) So that in some, not too indefinite fashion, we 
remind ourselves of the continuous chain of local manorial inherit- 
ance, the nature of the links, however, of but one half of which 
are we enabled to realise by means of literary evidence. 

At this point, let us return to Hugh de Lad, as Lord of the 
Manor of Wick, or Wyke, or Wykeham, 'Vir quidem genere 
nobilis, sed nobilior moribus : inter primos regni principes 
nominatissimus, pauperum et oppressorum misertor benignissimus.' 
(Chron. i, Lantonge, Julius X., B.M.) Whether Wyke possessed 
a church in the time of Edward the Confessor is not evidenced ; 
but it is, however, nearly certain, seeing that at Domesday the 
place had its own priest, and 25 years still later, Hugh de Laci 
made the donation of its Church to the Augustinian Priory of 
Llantony Prima on property of his in Wales. So, by A.D. 1 1 10, 

1. Though the Saxons possessed mills here before them. 

2. And here it is of interest to note that in the ' Testa de Nevill ' we have 
a transitional form of the name of Wyke. 'William de Monchensi tenet 
Wykham pro servicio unius Hidse.' (circa 1190, A.D.) He is the son of Agnes 
Fitzjohn, otherwise, Lord of the Manor. Hence, it is clear, the place had 
been known as Wyke, or Wick, the Vicus, or Vill, as well as the Ham of some 
Saion Thegn. At Domesday, Wyke combines in it the Vill and Manor. It is 
a manorial Vill, subject however, to one lord alone ; a hamlet composed of 
semi-free, semi-servile tenants to a single great lord, dependent on him for 
service in varying degrees. The assessment in 1190, was still according to 
the Domesday Hidage. 


it must have had a Church with all its appurtenances. Indeed, 
there was already burdening it a pension for St Peter's (later St 
Guthlac's) Priory at Hereford, endowed by Walter de Laci, his 
father, which pension (405.) continued to be paid down to the 
date of the dissolution of the Monasteries (1539). 

It was in this manner Painswick Church, throughout four cen- 
turies and more came to have Austin Canons for its Rectors. For 
Llantony Prima rose in 1 108 into being as a Ccenobium of Canons 
under that Rule, governed by Ernisi (formerly, himself, Lord of 
Wyke or Painswick), thus constituting itself one of the earliest con- 
vents in England belonging to that Order that of St Julian and St 
Botolph, at Colchester (built and endowed by Queen Maud in 1 105), 
being the first, and that of Holy Trinity, London, being the second. 
For the Reform of the Canons followed quickly on the Reform of 
Benedictine Order, and Pope Paschal II. commanded all Canons 
thenceforward to adopt this one Rule. Hugh De Laci, however, 
died circa ii2i(?) and eleven years later, some of the Canons 
were constrained to flee from Llantony to Hereford owing to 
so-called reprisals made on them by the Welsh. 1 Robert 
Betun, Bishop of Hereford, second Prior of Llantony, and Milo, 
Constable of Gloucester (whose father, Walter, had been interred 
at Llantony),* now came to their aid, and in 1136 a fresh Llantony 
was founded and endowed for them at Gloucester, upon a piece 
of land belonging to Milo, called the Hyde. 3 In the later days of 
that 1 2th century, however, the original Llantony in Wales revived 
and was rebuilt (as I have elsewhere shown) on a grand scale, 
enriched by De Laci's descendant and namesake, and endowed 
with fresh grants of land, principally in Ireland. Nevertheless, the 
Advowson of Painswick Church clung to the second Llantony at 
Gloucester, and became confirmed to it, over and over again, by 
the descendants of Hugh de Laci (I.) as Lords of the Manor of 
Painswick. These confirmations will be found in ' A History of 
the Church of St. Mary at Painswick ' by the present writer, the 
originals being in the Registrum Lantonae, at Thirlestane House, 

1. It is certain that, although many fled, several remained there. 

2. Probably one of the first to be buried there. 

3. Hugh de Laci (son of Gilbert), killed in Ireland, 1185. 


Mr A. S. Ellis, in his ' Domesday Tenants of Gloucestershire,' 
states that Hugh de Laci "was dead without issue in 1121, and 
the only surviving brother, Walter (II.) being a monk (Abbot of 
St. Peter's, Gloucester, 1130-9), a nephew named Gilbert, son of 
their sister Emma, took the name of De Laci and secured the 
estates, which descended in his heirs." This account, derived 
from Giraldus, has been also followed by MissKingsford(C.L.K.) 
in the D. Nat. Biog: (Vol. XXL, p. 390). "Henry I. seems to 
have taken the De Laci estates into his own hands ; but Gilbert, 
son of Hugh's sister Emma, assumed the name of De Laci, and 
claimed to represent the family." At p. 375 the same writer 
states likewise of Gilbert: "His father's name is not known. 
After the death of Hugh de Laci, the family estates were taken 
back into royal hands." This is seen by means of a reference 
in the Great Roll of the Pipe "Paganus Filius Johannis In 
Dominio Regis de Wica vi. s." 

Hugh de Laci was married. But though we cannot prove 
that he had issue, we can prove that he left a niece, Sybil, who 
survived him, and whom he had endowed with certain of his 
vast estates, and whose immediate heirs in these were her own 
daughters by her husband, Pain Fitzjohn. Painswick thus 
became severed from the De Laci Barony. The other De Laci 
estates in this county ultimately became Gilbert de Laci's. 

As this is an important matter, let us first note Hugh de 
Laci's marriage. The following Charter, giving evidence of it, 
will be found in Vol. HI., p. 256, ' Historia et Cartularium, 
S. Petri., Glouc : ' (Rolls Series). 

" Anno ab Incarnatione Domini, Millesimo Centesimo, Hugo 
de Laceio et Adelisa, uxor ejus, dederunt ecclesias Sancti Petri de 
Gloucestrie, ecclesiam Sancti Petri de Herefordia, cum omnibus 
quae ad earn pertinent, pro animabus patris et matris, et omnium 
parentum suorum, et pro suis, liberam et quietam in elemosinam 
tenendam a monachis sub ipsis, et sub heredibus eorum . . . 
Ipsi, vero, et corpora sua apud eos sepeliri, et rerum 
suarum partem universam quae eis contingerit, monachis donari 

" Testibus Radulpho de Penebrugge, Alexandro de Cormeliis, 
Radulpho filio Anschetilli, Ansfred de Ebroicis, (Evreux) Tiri de 


Sai, Gotse, dapifero, Ernaldo de Uschamla, Ricardo de Eschetot, 
Roger de Wica." ' 

Hugh's Lady was therefore Adeliza ( ), and she was 

living in A.D. 1 100, but evidence is still lacking as to which family 
she belonged. It would not be surprising should she prove to have 
been a daughter of the House of De Cormeilles, an important 
member of which is the second of the above witnesses, and whose 
mother (?) was a first cousin, being niece to Walter de Laci, Hugh's 
father. Ansfrid de Cormeilles had lands in Duntisbourne and 
Winston from Walter de Laci when he married his niece (neptis), 
so Domesday Survey tells us. Ermelina de Laci gave the 
Manor of Duntisbourne (5 Hides, valued (D.S.) at ^4) to St. 
Peter's, Gloucester (Cf. H. & C. I. 73, 224), in 1085, for the saving 
of her late husband WALTER'S soul. 

And now as to evidence of Hugh's heir : In Charter No. 20, 
Duchy of Lancaster, dated by Mr J. H. Round, December, 1137- 
May 1138, which is a confirmation by King Stephen to Roger, 2 
afterwards Earl of Hereford, and to Cecilia, his wife, of all the 
lands which her father, Pain Fitzjohn, had inherited or acquired, 
together with her own marriage-portion, we find the following 
instructive passage : 

"Et omne maritagium quod Predictus Paganus dedit filise suae 
de Honore Hugonis de Laceio in terris et militibus ; et omne illud 
juris quod ipse Paganus habebat in toto Honore Hugonis de 
Laceio." Here we have facts indicated. First of all, Pain 
Fitzjohn has endowed his daughter Cecilia with land and knights' 
fees out of Hugh de Laci's ' Honour,' and, secondly, we are shewn 
that Pain had certain but limited rights in the entire Honour of 
Hugh de Laci. We, therefore, ask : how was such right 
acquired? Previous writers have imagined that the estates of 
Hugh de Laci escheated to the King, who granted them to a 
favourite minister, Pain Fitzjohn. But it becomes evident that 
Pain married Hugh de Laci's niece and heiress, so that it is not 

1. These witnesses are all tenants, and some are kinsfolk of the De Laci 
family, on their Gloucestershire and Herefordshire estates. Wica is probably 
Painswick. Alexander de Cormeilles was a son of Ansfrid de Cormeilles, who 
married a niece of Walter de Laci (I.), c. 1080. 

2. Eldest son of Milo of Gloucester, made Earl of Hereford by the 
Empress Maud, 1141. 


needful to imagine that the estates escheated. The Charter goes 
on to say : 

" Et propter hoc quidquid Paganus dedit Sibillce uxori su& in 
dotem de Hereditate sua, ut illud teneat ipsa Sibilla de Rogerio, 
et Cecilia, uxore sua." 

So that Sibilla, Pain's wife, had family possessions for her 
dower, which her husband permitted her to enjoy. The questions 
arise at once : who was Sibilla ? What were her lands, and to 
whom was she heiress? The answer is in part contained in 
the following Charter 1 granted by her to the Priory of Ewyas 

" Carta Sibillse de Laci de terra de Leghe de Ewias." 

" Sibilla de Laceio omnibus ballivis et forestariis suis de 
Ewias, salutem. Sciatis me concessisse et carta mea confirma- 
visse Waltero Abbati, 2 avunculo meo, et monachis Gloucestriae, 
terram de Leghe, juxta ecclesiam Sancti Michaelis de Ewias, 
quam Haraldus de Ewias prsedictae ecclesise dedit in elemosinam ; 
scilicet de fumam usque ad pistil et de Duneleis et de fumam usque 
ad summitatem mentis de Maischoit, ex utramque parte de 
Duneleis, tenendam liberam et quietam ab omni consuetudine et 
servicio. Concedo etiam predictis monachis Gloucestriae qui 
manent apud Sanctum Michaelem de Ewias, et hominibus suis pro 
salute animae meae, et pro animi Domini mei, Pagani filii 
Johannis, et pro animis antecessorum meorum, (for the soul of 
my Lord Pain Fitzjohn and for the souls of all my ancestors) 
ut habeant omnia eis necessaria in predicta foresta mea de 
Maischoit, 3 scilicet, in pascuis et quidquid eis necesse fuerit ad 
domos suas edificandas libere et quiete. 

" Testibus : Waltero de Scudemer,' Gilberto de Eschet et 

1. This I owe to the kindness and acumen of Rev. A. T. Bannister, M.A., 
Vicar of Ewias Harold, and author of the History of Ewias Harold, Hereford, 

2. Walter de Laci, Abbot of St. Peter at Gloucester, 1130-1139. 

3. Maes-y-coed. 

4. Reginald and Godfrey de Scudemer occur as witnesses to a Charter 
by which Harald de Ewyas grants lands at Ewyas to St Peter's, Glo'ster, 
circa noo, p. 288, Hist, et Cart. S.P.G. Cf. also p. 76. 

Gilbert de Escott was living in uoo, and, with his wife and son Robert, 
gave land to St. Peter's, in Duntesbourne, for the soul of his Lord, Walter de 
Laci. p. 73, Vol. I. 


Sybil Fitzjohn was therefore niece of Walter de Laci, Abbot 
of Gloucester, and the wife of Pain, who may have been her 
guardian. But the word ' avunculus ' usually means a maternal 
uncle. Hence, we must conclude that Sybil was only niece to Hugh 
de Laci, through a sister, Emma or Emmelina, although Sybil's 
daughter Cecilia, later on, in a Llantony document (at Cheltenham) 
is given Hugh de Laci for her grandfather : " Cecilia Comitissa, 
cognita donatione Hugonis de Laci avi sui super eandem Ecclesia 
de Wyke (Painswick), nobis earn confirmavit." The Canons of 
Llantony ought to have known, but it may be they made a 
clerical error. We shall await solution of this point with interest. 
As we do not see the way to getting over the "avunculo" of 
Sybil's charter, it seems necessary to give it full credit, and to 
conclude that the copyists of the Canons of Llantony have here 
committed a small mistake. In this case, we have still to find 
out Sybil's father. 

This all tends to prove the correctness of the statement made 
by Giraldus, with regard to Gilbert de Laci. It will be presently 
shewn that Gilbert was probably the brother of Sybil Fitzjohn. 

Sybil would appear to have experienced some trouble with 
her son-in-law, after her lord's decease. For, there is a Precept 
(in the Duchy of Lancaster Charters) from Roger, 1 Bishop of Salis- 
bury, to her, to restore to Roger, the Earl, all the lands with which 
she had been endowed by her late lord, in grass, hay, and ' de 
vino de Maurdino,' and all other things as they were in the day 
when King Stephen granted them to the said Roger, son of Milo, 
with the said Sybil's eldest daughter, Cecilia. It is witnessed by 
Roger, the Chancellor of Malmesbury. 

Returning to the Charter, Mr J. Horace Round has fixed 
its date by the facts that Walter de Laci, Sybil's uncle, and Abbot 
of St Peter's, Gloucester, living at the date of the concession, died 
in A.D., 1139 ; on the other hand, that Pain Fitzjohn was slain 
loth July, 1137, while attacking some Welsh rebels at Caus Castle. 
His body was brought to Gloucester, and buried in the monk's 
Chapter-House, says Florence of Worcester." We may therefore 
safely assign it to A.D. 1138. 

1. This was Roger, Lord Treasurer and Lord Chancellor, who died 1139. 

2. His wife's uncle, Walter de Laci, being Abbot there, as shown above. 


It is quite probable that Pain' like so many of his contempor- 
aries in the troublous reign of Stephen, may have erected a 
manorial Castle at Wyke, or Painswick, which once occupied the 
vantage-point south of the Church of St Mary, commanding the 
valley toward Stroud, and now occupied by both Court House and 
Castle Hale (Hall). The latter, in such case, probably derives its 
name from the fact, for, in the earliest extant manor rolls (temp. 
Hen. VI.), the property is therein described as ' Castellum,' and 
later, in documents of Henry VIII., and Elizabeth, as Castle Halle. 
That will account to us for that otherwise strange fact that Pain 
Fitzjohn, rather than his many De Monchensi descendants, became 
commemorated here by the affixing of his name to Wyke. For 
Painswick was simply ' Wick,' or ' Wykeham,' until the middle 
of the i3th century, when it becomes written Wyke Pagani, or 
Painswick, evidently in memory of Pain, who we know had no 
male issue. It was usual for the manorial castle to be built near 
the church, and the commanding site required by such a building 
could scarcely have been more adroitly selected than in the above 
position. On the other hand, we should recall the fact that Mr 
Round has proved that ' Castellum ' did not mean necessarily a 
built Castle or Keep, but was a term for any fortified enclosure. 
It might, therefore, in the case of Castle Hale, indicate a still 
earlier fortification at the head of Wick street (now Stamages), 
leading to Wyke. In the same way we hear the ' Camp ' still 
called locally ' The Castles.' But it is now certain that the Hale 
here signifies Hall : the Hall of the Castle : NOT ' Hale ' = the 
Stocks, and there is no trace of earthworks to be found. 

1. Brother of Eustace and of William Fitzjohn, Sheriff of Shropshire, 
c. 1 127 ; Justice Itinerant in conjunction with Milo of Gloucester, 1 130. 

2. The Church ' style ' in the Rolls is called ' Castle Hale style,' never 
' Court-house style.' 

In some Rolls the House is actually called ' Castle Halle.' 


GILBERT DE LACI (? 1108-1163) AND PAIN FITZJOHN ( 1137). 

The Charter already referred to, consists of a confirmation 
by King Stephen to Roger, son of Milo, Earl of Hereford, 
and to Cecily, his wife, of all the land which the latter's father, 
Pain Fitzjohn, had inherited, or acquired, together with her 
own marriage-portion. "Et omne maritagium quod predictum 
Paganus dedit filiae suae de Honore Hugonis de Laceio in terris et 
militibus. Et omne illud juris quod ipse Paganus habebat in toto 
honore Hugonis de Laceio, sicut ipse Paganus dedit et concessit 
ilium ipsi Rogerio cum filia sua de actis suis hac subscripta 

From this it appears, (i) that Pain Fitzjohn, at the time of 
his death (July loth, 1137), and for some undetermined time prior 
to that event, possessed certain rights over the Honour of the 
late Hugh de Laci, who has now been proved to have been his 
wife's maternal uncle ; and that (2) he had given to his daughter 
or niece Cecilia, Countess of Hereford, on her marriage with 
Roger (Fitz-Milo), certain lands in dower from her relative's 
Honour, including the Manors of Wyke (Painswick), Edgworth, 
Alwynton ; finally (3), that King Stephen confirmed all these 
rights to Cecilia, upon Pain's decease. 

At that date Hugh de Laci had been dead several years (? 1 1 21) 
and, having (as far as is known) left no son to succeed him, King 
Henry, after that event, had apparently conferred upon Pain 
Fitzjohn, who had married Hugh's niece Sybil, the whole of his 
Honour (i.e., some 115 Manors, of which 27 were situated in 
Gloucestershire). This Pain had enjoyed in addition to his own 
acquired property for some years, until the arrow of a Welsh 
rebel put an end to his life, and the monks of Gloucester received 
his body into their Chapter-House. 


But it must not be forgotten that when Hugh de Laci's elder 
brother, Roger, had been banished and deprived for rebellion, he 
had been permitted to retain one Manor, namely, Halhagan cum 
Bradwasse, in Worcestershire. The family fief in France, at 
Lasci, in the diocese of Bayeux, had been granted to King 
Henry's natural son, Robert, Duke of Gloucester. The former 
(Worcestershire) Manor was still his in 1 108, and at no time does 
it appear to have passed to Hugh de Laci, his brother, or to Pain 
Fitzjohn. We do not know the date of Roger de Laci's death. 

The fief at Lasci is mentioned in the list of knights holding 
fiefs of the Bishop of Bayeux in 1 133 (Cf. Lib. Rubeus, p. 646, Rolls 
Series). " Feodum De Lasci ii milites." That is to say, each of 
the two branches (the Gloucestershire and the Yorkshire) of 
De Laci possessed a fee there : one of which was at Lasci, 
whence their name, the other, at Campeaux ; and both these had 
been forfeited and bestowed upon Robert, Earl of Gloucester. 
For the representatives of both branches, Roger de Laci, and 
Robert de Laci, Lord of Pontefract, had equally been concerned 
in Robert, Duke of Normandy's rebellion. The claims to these, 
their respective possessions in the Diocese of Bayeux, were re- 
tained by the said Duke of Gloucester until 1 146, when, by reference 
to the ' Calendar of Documents of France' (Ed. J. H. Round), it is 
seen that he surrendered " tola feoda Ilberti' et Gilbert! deLaceio 
quae tenebant apud Laceium et Campels (sic)." That is to say, 
King Stephen restored to the two representatives of Roger and 
Robert de Laci, Ilbert and Gilbert, their family lands above- 
mentioned, and the Duke of Gloucester acknowledged the Bishop 
of Bayeux to be once more their over-lord. 

As Ilbert de Laci (of the Yorkshire branch) appears in 1136 
as a witness to Stephen's Charter of Liberties, it is clear that 
he had then returned to England. His name also occurs as 
witness to two other Charters of that year. vElred of Rivaulx 
records that he had been in banishment throughout the reign 
of Henry (d. 1135) " tempore Regis Henrici exulans." From 
Richard of Hexham we learn that by the Charter of Liberties 
whatever Henry had taken from Robert de Laci, his son Ilbert 
regained. Henry had indeed granted the Honour of Pontefract 

i . This Ilbert was the son of Robert de Laci. 


to William de Maltravers ; and, apparently, one of Ilbert's own 
retainers, named Pain, promptly slew de Maltravers ; and a 
Charter (Class 25, 9, Duchy of Lancaster) lets us know that 
Stephen pardons the men of Ilbert de Laci for this murder. 

With regard to Gilbert de Laci, (of the Gloucestershire 
branch), no mention of his restoration occurs, nor does his name 
appear among those of the witnesses to the ' Charter of Liberties ' 
given at Oxford in 1136. On the other hand, at the opening 
of the Civil War, within two years later (1137-8), he and 
his kinsman Geoffrey de Talbot, appear fighting at Weobley, 
in Herefordshire, at Bristol (May), and at Bath, under the 
command of Robert, Duke of Gloucester, on behalf of the Empress 
Maud against the new King. The south-west of England (with 
the exception of Gloucester) in fact, had become solid against 
Stephen. Milo of Gloucester welcomed the King to the Castle of 
that City in May, 1138, and at this time, or but little before it, 
Stephen confirmed to Milo's son and to Cecilia the inheritances 
both of Hugh de Laci and of Pain Fitzjohn. 

That being so, any hope of recovery of the De Laci Honour 
by Gilbert de Laci from Stephen was put beyond all present 
possibility. Moreover, it sealed him to the side of the Empress, 
from whose possible successes much might some day be won. By 
the summer of 1139, however, Milo and Roger had so effectually 
cooled off from Stephen, that they were preparing to receive and 
welcome the Empress herself upon her arrival in September of 
that year. She was later invited from Bristol to Gloucester by 
Milo, and there she conferred upon him the reward of his con- 
version by granting him the Constableship of St. Briavels and 
the Forest of Dean. Stephen deprived him, on the other hand, 
of the Constableship of England. From this, further, by Charter 
of July 25, 1141 (Cf. Foedera i, 8), Maud advanced him to the 
Earldom of Hereford, and one of the witnesses to her Charter is 
Gilbert de Laci. His hopes must have looked bright. 

This proves at once both Gilbert's fidelity to her cause and his 
personal prominence, but we do not gather what, if any, reward 
was granted him for his own services. That he would endeavour 
to recover his family possessions we may be sure, and indeed, 
finally he became possessed of these. But he was now brought into 


unpleasantly close contact with Milo's son, Roger, who was actually 
enjoying them with Pain Fitzjohn's daughter. We shall find 
later on that dangerous differences did indeed arise between them, 
and we shall see Roger conspiring to disinherit Gilbert de Laci. 
It is manifest that the Empress, having gained so important a 
champion as Milo, dared not advance De Laci's claims against 
those of Milo's son. Who De Laci was, will be presently 

During the next two years the cause of the Empress suffered 
gravely in spite of Milo's wealth and influence. His accidental 
death on Christmas Day, 1143, at Gloucester, only accentuated its 
downfall. She found herself besieged at Oxford by Stephen 
himself. There is neither evidence to prove that Gilbert de Laci 
forsook her cause for that of Stephen, or that the Empress ever 
recompensed him for his services. The only notice of him in 1 146 
is contained in a document (already mentioned), which says that 
her brother Robert, Earl of Gloucester, surrendered all his 
claims over the fiefs of Ilbert and Gilbert de Laci (in France), 
to the Bishop of Bayeux. In this year the Empress withdrew 
to Normandy. In the following year, 1147, Robert, Earl of 
Gloucester, also died. 

No sooner does Henry II. succeed to Stephen's throne than 
a strange gleam of light is thrown upon the position of Gilbert de 
Laci, by the existence of a treaty of alliance between Roger, now 
Earl of Hereford, and William, Earl of Gloucester (neither of 
them in favour with the new king), directed especially to the 
disinheriting of Gilbert 1 (Duchy of Lancaster, Box A. No. 4, N.D.) 
This is called, somewhat curiously, a ' Treaty of Love.' From 
it we cannot but conclude that Gilbert de Laci had already 
successfully pressed some portion of his claims to the for- 
feited inheritance of his forebears in the De Laci Honour, 
at the expense of Earl Roger. Other sources discover the ill- 
favour accorded by the new king to Roger, the Earl, and to all 
the other sons of Milo. In the following year, for instance, when 
Earl Roger died childless, 2 the king refused to allow any of them 

1 . " Saving the hostage given to Earl Roger by Earl William in favour of 
Robert, Earl of Leicester." 

2. October, 1155. 


to succeed him in his title, and sequestrated the earldom. His 
ground for doing so was no doubt in part that it had been illegally 
1 conferred upon Earl Roger's father by the Empress Maud eleven 
years before. How had Gilbert de Laci recovered his family 
lands, &c. ? Is it possible that the Empress restored them ? 

Immediately following this we find proof of the king's full 
favour to Gilbert de Laci. The Pipe Roll (p. 144) of 1 157 (4 Hen. 
II.) shews him under new pleas and agreements, in possession of 
fiefs in the three, counties of Herefordshire, Gloucestershire and 
Salop. In the same year we find him excused the ' Donum ' to 
the king, and, a little later, occurs the said king's ' confirmatio ' to 
him of the possession of Stanton, Ludlow and Ewyas ; in fact, 
he has recovered the Lordship of Ludlow and Ewyas, and all the 
family fees in the other counties, excepting, of course, Wyke, or 
Painswick, and certain others of the marriage-portions of Cecilia, 
widow of Roger, Earl of Hereford, and his own kinswoman 
(possibly sister), her mother Sybil Fitzjohn. It is clear, there- 
fore, that Henry II., on coming to the throne, had at least 
refused to confirm these hereditaments of De Laci to Earl 
Roger. Hence, the latter's attempted conspiracy against Gilbert 
de Laci. 

The widow of Fitzjohn still survived, and the Cartulary of 
Ewyas Harold affords convenient proofs of Gilbert's position. In 
it he confirms, by Charter, Sybil's former grant of Leghe (See 
Chapter II.) to the Abbey of St Peter (Gloucester) made before 
1139 (under her uncle Walter de Laci's Abbacy, and later he 
increases that grant by an addition of pasture situated in the 
forest of Mascoit. 2 

1. (i) Herefordshire. 

Et in pdoii p brevia Regis. Gilberto de Lasci. IX. li. et III. 

(2) Gloucestershire. 

Nova Placita et novae Conventiones et Gilberto de Lasci. XXVI. 
sol. et VIII. den. 

(3) Shropshire. 

Et Gilberto de Lasci, IIII. lib. et IIII. sol. et IX. den. 
Et Willelmo fratri Reginse, VI. sol. et IX. den. 

2. Confirmatio Gilbert! de Laceio, testibus Hugo de Eschet, Fratre 
Roberti et aliis, de pastura in forestia de Maschoit ; confirming and adding 
to Sybilla Fitzjohn's grant of wood and stone for building and pasture for 
cattle. Cartul : Ewyas. (Cf. Hist, of Ewias Harold. Rev. T. A. Bannister, 


A tried warrior, with important possessions in the Welsh 
border, was a personage of peculiar value to the crown in those 
violent days. There were to be combated, not merely the 
Welsh themselves, but rebellious Norman Barons, whose conduct 
brought about sieges of Wigmore, Cleobury, and Bridgnorth, 
undertaken by the king himself. A second royal expedition to 
Wales took place in 1158. We need not question that on these 
occasions Gilbert de Laci distinguished himself, as also did 
his son Hugh, afterwards the invader of Ireland, and founder 
of Killeen Castle.' The latter, eight years later, is found to be the 
holder of sixty fees in Herefordshire alone. (Liber Rubeus, Vol. 
i, page 281. Rolls Series.) 

We do not know, as yet, to whom Gilbert de Laci was 
married. On the other hand, while Gilbert is found giving houses 
and lands to the support of a Preceptory for the Templars at 
Quenington, 2 including land at Temple Guiting and Winchcombe, 
we discover an Agnes de Laci in 1 1 66 (or three years after Gilbert's 
decease while fighting against Noureddin, Sultan of Aleppo, for 
the release of Bertrand, the captive Grand Master of the Temple 3 ) 
giving a benefice of Quenington with all its appurtenances to the 
Hospital of St John of Jerusalem in England. This was done in 
conjunction with Cecilia, Countess of Hereford, who had taken to 
herself a second husband, William of Poitou. I venture to take 
this Agnes de Laci to have been Gilbert's wife, for his son Hugh's 
wife at this time was Roesia de Monmouth, while later he married 
the daughter of Roderick, King of Connaught, Rose O'Connor 
(alive in 1224), by each of whom he had several sons. Neither of 
these was named Agnes. 

The question naturally now arises, who of the De Laci 
family was the father of Gilbert de Laci ? Giraldus, who lived 
and wrote in the days of Gilbert's grandson, says that Gilbert 
was son of a sister to Roger, Hugh, and Walter de Laci, and he 
names her Emma. Further, he states that he took the name of 
De Laci in order to inherit the estates. This, in default of other 
more direct evidence, has been hitherto accepted as his origin, and 

1. County Meath. 

2. Dugdale. Monasticon, pp. 548-9. 

3. The expedition was made under Guy de Lusignan's command. 


Giraldus was a writer, if not impeccably accurate, likely to have 
known. Emma de Laci was the mother of Roger and his brothers : ' 
so the name of Emma was easily to be connected with the family 
name. Mr A. S. Ellis has conjectured that Emmelina de Hesding, 
wife of Arnulf de Hesding, was a sister of the above three brothers, 
but I am aware of no close evidence to support the conjecture. 
Emmelina is moreover not the same as Emma, though cases of 
confusion may have occurred between these. As to Gilbert 
having changed his name (?) (and we are not told what that was) 
in order to inherit De Laci's lands, it must be remembered that 
he appears on the scene as Gilbert de Laci in the year following 
Pain Fitzjohn's death, namely 1138, and he did not inherit the 
said lands it would seem, until 15 years later. That he was 
closely related to the banished Roger de Laci, on the other hand, 
seems not a little probable, especially for two reasons. Firstly, 
he does not come to the front until after the death of Henry I., 
who had confirmed the banishment of Roger. Secondly, in 1146, 
the fief of Roger in the Diocese of Bayeux is mentioned with that 
of his kinsman Robert, under the names of Gilbert and Ilbert de 
Laci. Tota feoda Ilberti et Gilberti de Laceio, quas jure tenebant 
apud Lacium et Campels (Campeaux). To these, which had been 
granted to Robert, Earl of Gloucester, by Henry I., in noi, upon 
their confiscation, that Earl still laid claim. The tense of 
'tenebant' looks as though both these Barons had been allowed 
to hold their respective fiefs in France by Henry I. as from 
his natural son, (the Earl of Gloucester), and that accounts 
satisfactorily for Gilbert being found fighting for the Empress 
under the banner of Earl Robert himself at the sieges of Bristol 
and Bath. We cannot doubt that the De Laci fiefs of two 
knights mentioned in 1133" as being held from the Church of 
Bayeux, were entirely being held by Robert, Earl of Gloucester, 
and that soon after this date the representatives of the two De Laci 
families, Ilbert and Gilbert, were respectively permitted to enjoy 
them by him. As we have seen, Ilbert soon after King Henry's 
death appeared as a partisan of Stephen. With him was a 

1. Cf. Cart. Mon. Glouc. Vol. I., p. 15. 

2. (Lib. Rubeus, p. 646. R. 5.) 


younger brother, Henry,' who fell in 1138 at the Battle of the 
Standard (August 22nd). On the whole, we shall be inclined to 
believe that Gilbert De Laci was not a son of the banished Roger, 
but was, as Giraldus said, the son of a sister ; moreover, that he 
was brother to Sybil Fitzjohn. 

I. Their sister married to Robert de Lisours. Cf. G Roll of the Pipe. 
Henry I., 31 (1130). Their mother's name, also, was Emma. She eventually 
became a nun in the Abbey de St. Amand, to which she gave 22 acres of land 
at Mortmain. (Cf. Cal. Doc. France. Ed. J. H Round, p. 24). 



After the death of Pain Fitzjohn (1137), we have to notice 
the descent of his Manor during the reigns of Henry II. and 
Richard I., through his two daughters and the sons of the younger 
of these ; for the elder, Cecilia, had no issue. This will take 
us through the i2th century, for these two ladies attained to 
extreme old age. 

Roger, Earl of Hereford, is reported to have endeavoured to 
divorce his wife by reason of her giving him no children, a mis- 
fortune, however, which he curiously shared with each of his 
brothers. All these sons of Milo, the Constable, seem to have 
been regarded as an exceptionally wicked brood. The Register 
of the Abbey of Lillieshall calls Roger 'Vir bellicosus,' and 
speaks of Payn Fitzjohn, 1 " cujus filiam (Cecilia) Rogerus, Comes 
Herefordiae, duxit in uxorem, quam postea sprevit." Toward 
the end of his life, he laid down the sword, and became a monk 
of St. Peter's Abbey, Gloucester ; his wife probably continued to 
reside on her property at Wyke, where we have been led to 
assume that her father, Pain, had built a ' Castellum,' 2 and 
perhaps first established its market. This event in Roger's life, 
i.e., turning Monk, took place after A.D. 1148, but before A.D. 
1 155,3 which proved to be the last year of his life. The wife that 
he spurned outlived him by full half a century. 

1. 'Pain, whose daughter Cecilia Roger, Earl of Hereford, married, 
whom afterwards he scorned.' 

2. Possibly pulled down in part after the accession of Henry II. 

3. Cf. Hist : et Cart : S. Petri, Glouc : Vol. . 


Within a short time of the Earl's demise, Cecilia married 
her second husband, William of Poitou.' This is proved, among 
other sources, by a suit brought in Easter term, 1232, by 
Sir Warine de Monchensi, in which he traces certain of his 
rights in Wyke to " Cecilia 2 Comitissa, ut antecessor, quia 
obiit sine herede de se, descendit jus terrae illius cuidam 
Agneti, ut sorori et heredi." From Agnes these rights, together 
with Painswick, descended to her son, by William de Mon- 
chensi, namely, William II. de Monchensi, Warine's father. 
In the suit further on, speaking of Walter of Maine 3 (Cecilia's 
third husband), he mentions William de Poitou as his pre- 
decessor. Now, the Charters of 1166 show us this Walter de 
Maine holding one knight's fee in Painswick. This must have 
been ' jure uxoris : ' (by right of his wife) ; hence, William of 
Poitou must have been married to Cecilia (Lady of Painswick 
and Countess of Hereford) after 1155, and have died before 
1166. "Et mortuo predicto Willelmo, 4 cepit in virum quendam 
Walterum de Meinne (for Mayenne, or Maine)." 5 Both Walter 
and Cecilia are found confirming Hugh de Laci's ' donatio ' of 
the Advowson of Painswick Church to the Prior and Convent of 
Llantony at Gloucester (Cf. pp. 8-9 Hist, of St Mary, Painswick). 

Walter 6 died before 1190, but Cecilia lived on into a great 

1. His possessions will be seen on referring to Liber Rubeus. p. 266. 
A.D. 1166. 

2. "Cecilia, the Countess, as his ancestress, because she died without 
child to succeed her, and her sister Agnes became her heir." Cf. p. 84, note i. 

3. Also, Cf. Liber Rubeus; Cecilia Comitissa Herefordiae quae fuit uxor 
Walter! de Meduana, &c. p. 135 (A.D., 1201-2). 

4. William of Poitou being dead, she married Walter of Maine. 

5. I owe knowledge of these facts, in the first instance, to Mr J. H. 

6. Liber Rubeus de Scaccario, 

Walter de Meduana (Maine), Kent (A.D., 1167-8, a. 14, Hen. II., Fol. 53d. 

xxiij /. j.m. : et de novo xx s. 
Assisum Scutagium Galweiae ad xx Solidos. Kent. Walterus de Meduana. 

xv /. (1186-7, a - xxxiii, fol. 59. 

Scutagium Walliae Assisum, ad. x s. (1190-1, a. 2 Ric. I., fol. 62, p. 70.) 
Honor W'- de Monchensi xxix /. xxix milites. (1194-5, a.6Ric. I., fol. 64, p. 79.) 

Ad Redemptionem ejus. 

Scutagium ad. xx s. 
Scutagium Normannae ad. xx s. Honor W'- de M. Kent, xxix /. per Ceciliarn 

C m - Herfordiae, et Will, de M. C. xxix milites. 11967, a. 8 Ric. I., 

fol. 67-8, p. 96. 
(Cecilia) Comitissa Herefordiae (cf, p. 135. A.D., 1201-2), quae fuit uxor W- de 

Meduana. xiiij /. x. s. de Scutagio militum de Vetere feffamento 

xxix milites. 


old age, being still alive in 1202. She finally died without leaving 
issue by any of her three husbands. 

We can reckon her age closely by means of her sister's known 
age ; and, therefore, the length of her reign at Painswick. In 
Grimaldi's Rotulus de Dominabus (1185) we read : 

" Agnes de Muntchenesey est in donatione Domini Regis et 
est LX. annorum, que (fuit) filia Pagani filii Johannis, et habet iii 
filios, primogenitus vocatur Radulphus (Ralph), et secundus 
Willelmus, qui ambo sunt milites : tertius vocatur Hubertus, et 
est clericus . . . et dicta Domina tenet de Radulpho, filio suo." 

Agnes was thus born in 1125. Cecilia, her elder sister, was 
married in 1136, being probably about 14 years of age. Con- 
sequently, she had attained four-score years when she died. 
But her sister survived her many years. 

Until Cecilia died, half of Painswick remained her own 
property : that is to say, during the rest of the twelfth century. 
Her sister, Agnes, evidently a widow in 1185, is shown to be in 
the guardianship of the King : and thus she might still be sought in 
marriage, according to Feudal regulations, and given away 
by him, though probably no lord could decently press her into 
re-marriage. What property she held here and elsewhere, as the 
widow of William (I.) de Monchensi, she then held from her son 
Ralph ; but Ralph did not live to inherit the whole of Painswick 
from his aunt Cecilia and his mother Agnes, though he certainly 
superintended the Manor for both, as its Lord, and, as such, he 
obtained special privileges from Henry II. 

A Charter of King John, confirming a gift of land and advowson 
at Ketebrok (? Kidbrook), by Cecilia, to the Prior and Canons of 
St. Mary Overie, at Southwark, mentions William de Monchensi, 
her nephew and heir, as having confirmed her gift. (Cf. Monasticon 
Angl : p. 86, Vol. III). Of course, the right to inherit came 
through Agnes, though she never personally handed on more 
of the Manor of Painswick than her own marriage-portion in it ; 
being nearly eighty years of age when her sister Cecilia died 
(c. 1203). Men lived usually short lives in the middle ages, but it 
seems octogenarian ladies were not rare, at least in Painswick. 

Ralph de Monchensi must have died 1186-90, for in the latter 
year, William de Monchensi II. paid Relief (Succession duty), for the 


estate of his brother. His mother Agnes held hence forward from 
him. He married a sister of William de Albini, Earl of Arundel, 
and died in 1204 (a. 6. John: Rot: Fin. p. 227), leaving issue, 
William (III.) and Warine. In the 'Testa de Nevill ' (1191) we 

"Willielmus de Mundchensi tenet Wykham pro Servicio 
unius hide," i.e., Painswick, 'for the service of one Hide,' the 
same assessment as at Domesday, a hundred years, and more, 

This document gives us an example of the transitional form 
' Wickham,' which shows that Wyke or Wick was added to, though 
not long retained by, the Saxon Ham, here ; and Painswick had not 
yet grown into its present fixed form, though people probably 
already distinguished it as Pain's Wyke in parlance : Pain Fitz- 
john's manorial ' Castellulum ' (or Castle) probably surviving for 
some time. 

So that even in King John's reign Painswick was called 
' Wykeham.' 

We may now observe another fact ; namely, that, although 
William de Monchensi was described as the heir to his aunt, 
Cecilia, he actually held Wyke in her lifetime " for the service of 
one Hide." This means that Cecilia had passed it over to him as 
her heir male ; albeit, she herself duly appears paying scutage on 
her Kentish lands in 1201. But he likewise appears on the Roll, 
evidently as representing her, and with her. (Cf. Liber Rubeus, 
p. 96). (Cecilia) Comitissa Herfordiae xiiij milites et dimidium, ut 
iiij = fourteen knights and a half, assessed as four. These were 
her widow's share of the 29 Kentish fees which had belonged to 
her late (third) husband, Walter of Maine. 

It has already been noted that her sister, Agnes de Monchensi, 
likewise enjoyed a long life. We find her living in 1210-12, 
holding half a fee from the Bishop of Rochester : 

" Agnes de Monte Kanesey, dimidium feodum in Heslingham." 
(Liber Rubeus, p. 473, Kent) ; at which time she was nearly 90. 
They had both been born in the reign of Henry I., and it was now 
nearing that of Henry III. : truly monumental old ladies for those 
unpleasant times. 


William de Monchensi, besides these lands belonging to his 
aunt, held a vast family Barony, of which Painswick could form 
but a part. Let us glance for but one moment at the Salopian 
and Herefordshire Manors of Hugh de Laci and Pain Fitzjohn. 1 

Richard I., ann: 9 (1197). 

" Willelmus de Monchensi finem fecit cum Domino Rege per 
cc (200) marcas Argenti pro se et Comitissa Cecilia, matertera 
sua, pro recto suo habendo de Ludelawe, 2 cum pertinentiis et de 
Wibelay (Weobley) 3 et de T. . . . cas, cum omnibus pertinentibus 
suis, Et Willelmus predictus intravit ad predictum debitum 
solvendum. Predictus Willelmus et Comitissa posuerunt loco suo 
Willelmum de Manerio, et Gilbertum Russel, ad lucrandum, vel 

This William, therefore, managed his ancient aunt's posses- 
sions for her, she having relapsed into widowhood for the third 
time some years previously. 

Agnes de Monchensi had held ^15, or 15 librates, in Kent, 
in 1186-7 (33 Hen. II.) In 1210 (Liber Rubeus, p. 496), we find 
William de Monchensi, her son, 4 holding Hanegefeld in Essex, as 
part of the family Barony, ' per ij milites,' also a fee in Bike, Lin- 
colnshire, of the Honour of Richmond (Lib. Rub., p. 520) ; half 
a fee in London (p. 541), and a fee of the Honour of Henry, Earl 
of Essex (de Mandeville) (p. 597). There were also two knights' 
fees owned by him in Norfolk (p. 480). 

In 1212, William III. de Monchensi died, and his brother and 
heir Warine, gave a fine for livery of the whole inheritance of 
2,000 marks s to the king, while his uncle, the Earl of Arundel, 
and James Le Savage, gave Warine's agreements to the King, in 
order that the properties might be quit of all debts then owing to 
the Jews. 6 (Cf. Pipe Roll. 1 6 John. Kent). Warinus de Montchenesi 

1. Abbreviatio Placitorum, p. 21. 

2. Ludlow. 

3. Hugh de Laci I. is believed to have been interred at Weobley. 

4. He had succeeded his father William II. in 1204. 

5. A mark was worth 135. 4d. 

6. This probably represents one-fourth the annual value of Warine's 


reddit compotum de MM. marcis pro habendo terra sua que 
eum hereditarie contingit, et ut quietus sit de omnibus Debitis 
Judeorum. (Also Rot. de Finibus p. 227). 

This included Painswick, and during his tenure of the Manor 
for forty years, we learn many fresh facts about it ; amongst 
others that a Market-Fair had been instituted there. In 1213 
Warine de Monchensi is at Warwick with his uncle, William, 
Earl of Arundel. 

In the Roll of Fines (p. 227) for the year 1204, this Earl and 
his ward appear thus : " Comes de Arundel ' (William de Albini) 
habet respectum (respite) de mille marcis 2 reddendis a festo 
S. Michaeleis Ann. Reg. Dom. Regis sexto in V. annos pro 
habendo custodia terrse et haeredis Willelmi de Munchensi." 

We see here an instance of the wardship of the heir permitted 
on certain terms to the kinsman of the heir by the Sovereign. 
William, the Earl, was, in addition, a powerful minister of the 

Within a few years of Warine's succession to his honours, we 
obtain rather a sinister glance at the state of public security in 
Painswick in particular, and of that of the County of Gloucester 
in general. The Pleas of the Crown present us with the following 
gruesome occurrences : 

"Miscreants came by night to the house of Geoffrey, son of 
Godwin, of Wyke, and killed him, his wife, Maud, his mother, 
Edith, and his two sons, and a daughter. It is unknown whom 
they were. Englishry not presented." 3 

Again, Ithe same year (2) : 

" Malefactores venerunt ad domum Ricardi filii Nicholai 
(Richard Fitz-Nicolas), et occiderunt ipsum Nicholum et uxorem 
suam, et filium ejus, scilicet quotquot fuerunt in domo ilia. Nullus 
malecreditus : Englisheria non fuit presentata : et ideo tria 

1. William de Albini, Earl of Lincoln, had been made Earl of Arundel 
in Sussex by a Charter of Henry II., 1155. The present Earl was his son, whom 
we see abandoning the cause of John against Louis of France in 1216. 

2. ,666 135. 4d. 

3. Englishry (i.e., English nationality) had to be proven by kinsfolk of 
the victim : two males on the father's side, and one male on the mother's. 
The unknown murderers in this case were regarded as foreigners. The 
village would be fined for the dead bodies until the criminals were found. 


And (3) 

" Burgatores' (burglars) venerunt ad domum Ricardi Rugge 3 
de Wyke, et ipsum et uxorem suam, et totam familiam suam 
ligaverunt : (tied up the entire household) et nullus venit preter 
ipsum Ricardum, quia nullus attachiatus fuit. (No one appeared 
in the matter except Richard, for no one was caught). Nullus 
inde male creditur, et ideo nichil." 

It is evident these wholesale family murders were done by 
gangs of robbers. In fact, the late Professor Maitland, writing of 
the Roll of Pleas, whence these cases are presented, says : "It 
bears witness to an enormous mass of violent crime : but in far 
the greater number of cases, either no person is suspected of the 
crime, or the suspected person has escaped, and no more can be 
done than to outlaw him." (Cf. p. xxxiii.) 

It is necessary to bear in mind, while thinking of our own 
days, that at that period there was no professional police. The 
townships were bound to present crimes committed within their 
survey at the local Courts, but there was no Governmental 
police. In many Manors these Trials were held at the Hall-moot 
(Hali-mote). Pecuniary penalties or amercements had the effect 
of keeping alive a strong sense of duty. The money went to the 
Treasury. Every man carried a knife (cniphatum : canif.) 

Sir Warine presently married Joan, fifth daughter of Ansfrid 
Marshal, Earl of Pembroke, an adviser to the young King, 
Henry III. We next see him carrying through a contest with 
the Priory of ' Llantony secunda,' concerning certain rights con- 
nected with the advowson of Painswick Church, which was 
possessed by the Prior and Convent aforesaid. This ended in an 
amicable agreement, but although the matter has already received 
notice in the History of that Church (p. 14), it may find proper 
mention here. 

" Recognitio Magnse Assizae facta est inter nos (Prior et 
Conventus Lantonae apud Gloucestriam) et Warinum de Monte 
Canisio in Curia Domini Regis, et ibi Dictus Warinus remisit et 
quietum clamavit nobis successoribus nostris advocationem dictse 
Ecclesiae (De Wyke). Et nos concessimus dicto Warino et 

1. Breakers into the Burgh or Borough property. 

2. Another local place-name The Rudge. 


haeredibus suis admittere tres idoneos clericos ad Canonicos 
faciendum in Ecclesia Lanthonse, ita quod uno mortuo alter 
admittendum ad celebrandum divinia pro anima ejusdem et 
antecessorum ejusdem, et ut die Anniversarii Willelmi de Monte 
Canisio patris dicti Warini pascamur mille pauperes ita quod 
quilibet pauper habebit vinum, panem, ad valentiam unius oboli 
singulis annis in perpetuum, per visum Decani Gloucestriae." 
(Registrum Lantonae, at Cheltenham). 

By this document is shown how Warine released and sur- 
rendered the advowson of Painswick Church to the Prior and 
Convent of Llantony Secunda : though it is not clear to us upon 
what ground he can have contested their right to it, seeing that it 
had been given by Hugh de Laci and confirmed to them by 
Warine's intermediate ancestors. The Prior and Convent in 
return agree to admit three priests to be Canons in their Convent 
in order to be able fitly to celebrate Masses for the souls of Warine 
and his ancestors. Moreover, on the anniversary of the death of 
William de Monchensi, Warine's father, they promised to feed 
with bread and wine of the value of an obolus (half-penny) one 
thousand poor persons. John de Norwich was the Prior, and this 
agreement was made before the Justice, William de Culewich, in 
the King's Court, February gth, 1237.' 

But it is time to ask if there are any documents extant which 
can throw light on the precise position occupied by these later De 
Monchensi lords toward the lands which they held in chief from the 
King ? For such properties were sometimes held subject to various 
fines and burdens, while others were specially exempt from these, or 
from some of these. Fortunately, a document, dating November 
1 5th, 1 280, Westminister, bears a direct retrospective value for the 
question in point. It runs thus:" Whereas Henry II. (1154- 
ii 88) by charter granted to Ralph de Monchensi, kinsman of 
William de Monchensi (1280), whose heir he (i.e., the latter) is, 
that his lands and men should be quit of shires, and hundreds, and 
suits, and his days, and all plaints that belong to the shires and 
hundreds, except murder and treasure ; and the said William de 
Monchensi and his ancestors, by reason of such grant, had the 

i. Cf. Pedes Finium. Glos: Hen : III, No. 217. The agreement seems 
to have been observed down to the Dissolution. (Cf. Valor Eccles : Vol. 2). 


views of Frank-Pledge and the Sheriff's turn in all their lands, and 
fees until the King (Edward I.) deraigned the said View and Turn of 
their men and tenants in the County of Kent, which are estimated 
at 8s. 3^d. yearly, before the justices last in Eyre in that county, 
against the said William (de Monchensi) by reason of the abuse of 
the said liberties ; the King now restores the same to him and 
grants that, although the said William and his ancestors have far 
from fully used the said liberties, he may now fully use them and 
have the same View (of Frank-Pledge) and Turn at a yearly 
rental of 8s. %%&. (Calend : Pat. Rolls. 1280, p. 404, Memb. i). 

This may be supplemented by another document relating to 
the same William (son of Warine) de Monchensi, dated Edward I. 
a. 4 ( = 1 275). It is from the ' Hundred Rolls ' (Rot : Hundred- 

They aver that the same Lord William de Monchensi "claims 
to exercise in his Manor of Payneswicke Assise of Bread and Ale, 
View of Frank-Pledge, Gallows, tumbrel, pillory, and Suit of four 
Tithingmen of the Hundred (Bisley) in the Hundred where all 
these rights are exercised." 

He was then summoned before the King's Justice (Inge) to 
declare "by what warrant 1 he exercised these rights, and also 
Free- Warren, in that Manor." He then answered by his attorney 
that Henry II. had granted these rights to his ancestor, Sir Ralph 
de Monchensi, whose heir he is. (Cf. Placita de Quo Warranto). 

These Rights, which had been allowed and confirmed by 
Henry III., 29th July, 1244, at Woodstock, were again allowed 
and confirmed by Edward I., loth September, 1284, at Win- 

This renders it clear that Painswick, at any rate from Henry 
II. onward, was an important Manor, in which the successive lords 
of the family exercised (holding from the King in chief) full magis- 
terial powers in the administration of Justice : moreover, that 
already it was constituted of four tithings, or local sub-divisions, 
or areas, for that especial purpose, and we know by later Rolls of 
the Manor, what these four tithings were : namely, Spoonbed, 
Edge, Shepescombe, and Stroud-end. Here it will be well to 

i. Et quesitum fuit ab eo si habeat furcas, et alia judicalia (Rot. 8 d 
p. 2SD. 


append a valuable note of Professor Maitland's : " Theothinga, 
thethinga, and tithinga : decenna : an Association of ten people 
whose duty it is to bring to justice those charged with crime. The 
town (Villata) should provide that all its residents belong to such 
an association, else the town will be amerced itself. This does 
not refer to the territorial district, at least, primarily ... It was 
the Sheriff's duty to hold a view of Frank-Pledge, i.e., to see that 
such associations were in existence, and to amerce the townships. 
In many Manors the view of Frank-Pledge was in the lord's 
hands." We have, therefore, seen that. this was so in Painswick. 

The tithingman was a sort of magistrate of the people's own 
election, and responsible for them. He was to present any 
crimes committed among them to the Lord of the Manor, at his 
Court-Leet ; therefore, he stood as their Pledge or Surety. It 
must not be forgotten that these judicial powers exercised by the 
Lord of the Manor were also to his pecuniary advantage ; and he 
was empowered to make his own bye-laws. In certain Manors 
the Sheriff took the place of the Lord of the Manor, but in the 
lord's absence his presidency were usually delegated to his 
Reeve, 1 or to the Steward of the Manor. 

But, besides the Views of Frank-Pledge, held from time to 
time (usually twice a year), at which misdemeanours and crimes 
were bound to be prosecuted, there were held the Courts-Leet, 
with jury, for Criminal Jurisdiction. If the lord had a grant of 
View of Frank-Pledge his tenents were released from attendance 
at the Sheriff's tourn." (Stubbs : Const. Hist. vol. I., 431). 
" There is no doubt that the same principles of legal procedure 
were used in these as in the popular Courts : the juratores and 
judices were there as well as in the Shire and the Hundred ; 
compurgation and Ordeal ; fines for non-attendance ; the whole 
accumulation of ancient custom as well as Norman novelty. They 
were, in fact, public jurisdictions vested in private hands, 
descending hereditarily with the hereditary estate, and only 
recoverable by the Crown, either by forcible resumption of the 
estates, or by a series of legal enactments such as reduced the 
dangers of private authority by increasing the pressure of central 
administration." (idem.) 

i. Prepositus. 

F 2 


We can, therefore, picture to ourselves a time when Pains- 
wick, in addition to a manorial castle near the small Norman 
Church, saw the severe justice of mediaeval days administered in 
her midst by means of gallows, fire-and- water-ordeals, branding, 
flogging and fining. The stocks and the whipping-post were the 
latest remnants of these ; and the last ' edition ' of the Stocks ' is 
still with us (1907). 

Of the minor and usual misdemeanours inquired into by such 
Courts with their Jurors and Constables, may be mentioned, 
encroachments on highways, or obstructions, diversions of 
watercourses, fouling of springs, neglecting to lop trees, ill- 
conducted ale-houses, stealing of timber, game, and small assaults. 
These continued to be dealt with by those Courts long after the 
more serious crimes had been turned over to the Assizes and the 
powers of dealing with them had passed away from Manor-Lords. 

But the Manorial Court ' par excellence ' was, of course, the 
Court Baron, or Hall-moot, " the ancient gemot of the township, 
in which bye-laws were made, and other local business transacted." 
This was a Court of Homagers, or Copy-holders of the Manor pre- 
sided over by the Reeve or Prepositus, the Steward of the lord. 
It had two purposes : one to receive the rents due to the lord, and 
the other to inquire into the condition of the estates held by Copy 
of Court-Roll, under the lord, or on lease from him, or, in later 
days, by tenants at will. Among other things the Homage 
present the death of any Copy-holder who was recently deceased, 
so that the heir-at-law or devisee may come into Court and be 
duly admitted tenant in his place, or, if he has left a widow, 
that she may be admitted a tenant for her free-bench, i.e., as 
long as she remains a widow and chaste. On the death of any 
Copy-holder, proclamation of his death is made in open Court 
by the Bailiff (Reeve) at three successive courts, and if no one 
comes at one of these courts and claims admission to the Copy- 
hold, the same becomes forfeited to the Lord of the Manor. The 
Homage also present all encroachments upon the waste or com- 
monable lands within the Manor, or trespassing upon the lord's 
demesne, removal of boundaries, exchanges, waste committed 
by Copy-holders, non-repair of Copy-hold houses, cutting timber 

i. Iron ones, made A.D. 1840 (?) Last used 1861 (?). 


without leave, forfeiture on conviction of felony, &c.; they also 
declare the dropping of the lives for which the Copy-holds are 

In addition to the Copy-holders and Lease-holders of the 
Manor, there are the tenants at will, who occupy, generally at 
nominal rents, either cottages originally built by themselves or 
their parents, upon the waste lands, or small allotments of pasture 
or arable land. (Cf. Gloucester Notes and Queries, Vol. IV. 29, 
by Charles Scott). 

The arrangement of Painswick, then, in the i3th century was 
of this kind. It was a village with manorial demesne lands at 
Ifold, Washwell, Duddescombe, and Ham, and it was surrounded 
by strips of arable land, meadow, and woodland, on which stood the 
dwellings of the Copy-holders. In the centre was a small Norman 
Church (possibly Saxon), a Church House, and probably Pain Fitz- 
John's ' Castellum ' near it, now belonging to the lord, Sir 
Warine de Monchensi. The demesne-lands were for the lord's 
exclusive use ; the area around the castle, or manor-mansion, near 
the church, was cultivated by his servants. Hence, the names 
Lord's-Mead and Lady's-Mead still attach to the fields imme- 
diately below Castle Hale. The rest of the land was cultivated 
and farmed by his tenants for themselves or for the lord ; and 
none of them might leave the manor without license ; some of 
them were actual bondsmen, requiring an Act of Emancipation 
by the lord, and this bondage lasted until even the age of Eliza- 
beth' (1574). 

Wheat, wool, and cattle, and timber were the chief products 
of the Manor ; there were already several flour- mills by the Frome, 
down in its valley, that is to say, between Cranham and Strode- 
end. As the town had a Market-Fair it no doubt had its public 
baker and bakehouse (furnum), its slaughterer, and ale-taster, 
also its penfold and sheep-house. The houses were small, 
of stone, timber and thatch, without glazing or chimneys. In 
place of the latter, there was merely a flue, or louvre-hole. 
Aubrey says : "In my own remembrance, before the Civil Wars 
(i.e., temp. Charles I.), Copy -holders, poor people, had no glass 

i. An example of this will be adduced later on. 


windows." The floors were probably of stone here, the worse 
ones only of clay. Around the walls were the sleeping-boxes 
(bunks) of the family. These were the dwellings of the better 
class tenants, or liberi-tenentes : those of the ' nativi,' or ' rustici,' 
and serfs may be imagined. All were held at the Will of the lord, 
though custom, growing gradually, proved, ultimately, a means 
of guiding and limiting that Will. 

With regard to the Customs which grew up and became per- 
manent in Painswick, an endeavour will be made to treat of them 
in another Chapter. 

The main street of the village no doubt traversed the site of 
the present Bisley Street, called in its first days High Street, and 
its continuance, North Street (now Gloucester Street). Beyond 
this the road toward Gloucester in the early fifteenth century was 
called Barnet Street ' (now Gloucester Road). New Street itself, 
much of it, is very old. It existed in that name in 1426, but 
probably was young then, and of secondary importance. The 
Wick Street, with Steppingstone Lane, from Stroud as already 
stated, was an old Roman track. There was a High Cross in 
High Street, 2 and another Cross in St Mary Street, besides (out- 
side) Damsels' Cross, while an Al ban's Cross, before 1440, stood 
near Paradise, and was possibly the same with Damsels' Cross. 
The road to Paradise left Painswick at a point in what is now 
Gloucester Street, much further North than the modern one, and it 
may be traced along the edge of the common just below the road 
made by the late Mr Hyett to the cemetery. 

But over and above the folk mentioned previously, there 
were other, or sub-infeudated, tenants on the Manor, holding con- 
siderable lands from the lord. These were often well-to-do 
younger sons of knightly, or noble families. 

In this particular Manor, at this period, there were two sets 
of lands, which had been granted to the Church by De Laci 
and Pain Fitzjohn. The larger portion went with the Advowson 
of the Church to the Prior and Convent of Llantony secunda at 

1. A. 8. Hen. VI. Will: Hutchins surrenders a cottage in the place 
called Barnet Street, in the North part of the town, between the New Hall 
and the tenement of Richard Parton. 

2. High Street means the principal street. Alta Via=High-way. 


Gloucester ; the smaller, consisting of a virgate, or yard-land 
(i.e., 30 acres), with two tenements and messuages thereto 
belonging to the Abbey of St Peter at Gloucester. To the latter 
went also two tithes of sheaves and two portions of small tithes. 
It was this possession which raised the 405., an annual pension 
due by the gift of Walter de Laci I. to St. Peter and St. Guthlac at 
Hereford, over which Priory the Abbot of St Peter's, Gloucester, 
exercised proprietary rights. Warine de Monchensi confirmed 
this grant, circa 1235, as may be seen in the ' History of St. Mary 
at Painswick,' (p. 18): and the land lay up atEbbworth and in the 
Slad vale (Abbey Farm). 

In the following century it will be found that a third monastic 
establishment acquired lands and a mill (Seagrims) at Painswick, 
a little beyond the present Sheephouse. This was the Priory of 
Flanesford, near Goodrich, Co. Hereford. The Prior of Llan- 
tony's lands and Combe House, chiefly lay between Painswick 
and the Edge ; and these properties respectively amounted in 
time to small manors in themselves. 

The appearance of the populace in street and lane was 
thus diversified by the presence of Austin Canons and Chantry- 
Priests (one of the former of whom was always the Vicar of 
Painswick), and sometimes by the Benedictines of St Peter's 
Abbey, at Gloucester. 

Chaucer gives us a sketch of an Austin Canon encountered 
on the highway : 

Ere we had riden fully five myle, 
At Baghton under Blee ' us gan atake 
A man, that clothed was in clothes blake, 
And underneath he hadd a whyt surplice. 

And in myn herte wondren I bigan 
What that he was, til that I understood 
How that his cloke was sowed to his hood ; 
For which, when I had longe avysed me, 
I deemed him some Chanon for to be. 

i. Blean, forest. 


A clote-leaf he hadde under his hood 

For swoot, and for to kepe his heed from hete, 

But it was joye for to seen him swete. 

His forehead dropped as a stillatorie. . . . 

(The Canon's Yeoman's Prologue, Canterbury Tales). 

The Canons, in addition, wore a long black cassock and a 
leather girdle with gypciere, or purse. As the Parish Priest of 
Painswick enjoyed a well-endowed living, and belonged to a rich 
priory, we may take it that he was given to hospitality, we trust 
to the poor as well as rich ; and that his Church and residence 
were well looked after. As, even in the i2th century, there was 
at least one Chantry Chapel annexed to it, there will have been a 
Chantry Priest of the same Order of Canons, who probably gave 
his share to the parochial work, and may be, was required to help 
in the Cure of souls. Besides these, there was the Capellanus, or 
domestic chaplain of the lord, who celebrated daily mass in the 
manorial chapel. 

The Church celebrations with processions on festival days, 2 
no doubt brought many people in their best array to the centre of 
the little town ; but the favourable moment, above all, wherein 
to see it must have been the Market Fair day, held twice in the 
year, for which license had been obtained from the Crown, under 
Henry II., if not under Stephen. The right to hold a Fair was a 
much coveted one, and, to the Lord of the Manor as well as to 
the place itself very profitable, For he levied toll upon all 
merchandise brought thither for sale. This was held at the space 
around the cross, and to it flocked sellers and buyers, the local 
squires or their factors, and the business-folk from the farms, with 
their live-produce, their cereals, and fruits, and also the less- 
serious pleasure-seekers. There were erected stalls and booths 
(likewise paying toll), where the small wares of every description, 
as well as food and drink, were retailed to a motley crowd. 
Bows and arrows from across the Severn, badger skins, shad and 
lampreys from Gloucester, and even salmon, salt brought in 
wagons from Droitwich, pottery from Cranham and Greet, cups, 

1. Burdock. 

2. During such processions the children clustered around the crosses 
and fountains (conduits) in the villages. 


dishes, bottles, cloth, trinkets, tools, and live-stock might all be 
seen jostling one another, while men, women, and children, of all 
degrees, made the place resound with their chatter, over which 
some lusty pedlar could be heard advertising his unimpeachable 
wares from Bristol ; or, some Bisley farmer having a serious 
altercation with a Painswick rival, the villagers expecting a 'row.' 
In those days, when every man wore a knife, blood-drawing was 
as common, or commoner, than it now is in parts of Italy. Hence 
' effusio sanguinis ' is a familiar phrase in old Manorial Rolls. 



Warine de Monchensi remained Lord of Painswick from 
1213 until his death in 1252 (?) having given a fine for livery of 
the whole inheritance (Dec. 23, 1213), and paying a compotus of 
1,000 marks in order to be free from debts to the Jews, (Cf. Pipe 
Roll, a. 1 6 John: Kent); and his maternal uncle William, Earl 
of Arundel, and John Le Savage, drew it up for the king's 
signature, which it then received at the Tower of London. (Cf. 
Rot de Finibus, p. 227). He, of course, held many lands out of 
Gloucestershire, in Suffolk (Cf. Testa de Nevill, v. 2, 319 and 
Liber Rubeus, p. 741), Norfolk (Hotcham and Herebroc), Bucks 
(Derington), Essex (Fordham and Thurinton) and Kent (Ludesdon 
and Hertle). He was seized of all these as parts of his 
BARONY at his decease, and of the Market-Fair of the Manor 
of Wyke (Painswick) Glos. : (Cf. Cal. Inquis. : Post Mortem 
(252) p. 79, a. 37, Henry III. = 1252.) He married twice, and 
his first wife (c. 1220) was Joan, youngest and fifth daughter of 
Anselm Marshal, Earl of Pembroke, by whom he had John, who 
pre-deceased him (D.N. Biog.), Joan, who married (1247) 
William de Valence (half-brother of King Henry III.), and 
William de Monchensi, his heir and successor. 

A suit brought by him in 1232,' in which he traced to Cecilia 
[Fitzjohn] Countess of Hereford, has been already referred to. 
Warine exercised Franc-pledge, Assize of bread and beer, 
gallows, pillory and timbrel, and had a suite of 4 tithing-men in 

i. WARINE De Monchensi 

brought a suit in Easter Term, 1232, in which he traced to Cecilia, 
[Comitissa Herefordiae] as his ancestress, "et quia obiit sine herede de se, 
descendit jus terrae illius cuidam Agneti ut sorori et Heredi [a gap] et quia 
ipse Wilhelmus obiit sine herede de se, descendit jus terrae illius isto 
Warino ut fratri et Herede suo." 


his manor of Payneswick (Cf. Rot. Hundredorum A. 4, Edw. I. 
(1275), in right of his ancestors there. The Register of Llantony 
at Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, shews that he conceded and 
confirmed to the Abbot of St. Peter's, Gloucester, and to the 
Prior and Convent of St. Guthlac at Hereford, two sheaves of corn 
from Painswick, with one virgate of land and two messuages (at 
Ebbworth,) together with two portions of small tithes. (See Hist, 
of the Church of St. Mary at Painswick). He also (see Chap. IV.) 
arrived at an especial agreement with the Prior and Convent of 
Llantony, at Gloucester, regarding the Advowson* of the Church 
of Painswick and the celebration of the anniversary of his 
father's death. 

The market-day was Thursday, (not, as later, Tuesday), and 
the Fair at Painswick was of three days' duration, on the Vigil 
and morrow of the Feast of the Assumption. 

Warine distinguished himself by personal valour at the battle 
of Saintes, 1243, when the English were worsted. 

In later life Warine married a second time ; but beyond the 
fact that his wife's name was Dionysia, her parentage is not 
known. (Cf. Rot. Chart., A. 29, Hen. III., p. 59). At that 
period he was Warden of Rochester Castle (A. 34, Hen. III.) and 
he is found pursuing a policy of conciliation between the opposed 
forces of the Court and the Barons. Matthew of Westminster 
calls him a noble Baron. " The noblest and wisest of all the 
nobles of England, by name, Warine de Monchensi, died, and 
the King conferred the guardianship of his heir (William) on his 
own (uterine) brother, William de Valence, who had married the 
daughter of the said Warine." Nothing so felicitously enriched 
the Crown in those greedy days as the long minorities of heirs to 
great estates, and we may safely conclude that the King and his 
half-brother made goodly profits, both by the marriage of Joan 
and the wardship of this youthful William de Monchensi. It led, 
however, as we shall see, to complications. At his death Warine 
left a fortune of 200,000 marks the equivalent of .133,333 6s 8( 1 
(or more) of our money. 

In 1250, the estates of Joan de Monchensi were granted to 
her husband, William de Valence. Eight years later (1258) 
when hatred of the alien magnates had culminated to another 


national crisis, the King had been coerced into decreeing that 
a fixed sum only should be granted to his French half-brothers, 
Guy and William de Valence. The latter then fled the wrath 
of the people, leaving his wife behind. The lady Joan, how- 
ever, managed to secrete a sum of 500 marks from her estate 
in wool-packs (? Cotteswold) and travelling in a ' quadriga 
longa,' or four-wheeled chariot, contrived to join her husband ; 
an incident which provoked so much indignation that an inquiry 
had to be held. (Cf. Expenses Roll, A. 23-24, Edw. I.) 

Warine was succeeded (in 1252) by his son William (some- 
times called Fitz-Warine) in his Painswick and other manors, 
which the latter held until his death in 1287. His widow, Dionysia, 
survived until after 1290, as will appear. William himself was 
killed by the sudden collapse of a wall at Drosilan (Dryslwyn, 
Co : Carmarthen) Castle, together with many other knights 
and squires (Cf. Annal : Wigorn p. 493). " Suffodiendi muris 
oppressit." 1 

When the great Barons' War began, William de Monchensi had 
been found on the Baronial side, though later he prudently signed 
the Act of Pacification. He fought at Lewes, but was captured 
with Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford, at Kenilworth, the De 
Montfort stronghold, and sent to Gloucester Castle by Edward. 
Nevertheless, in 1275, we find him pardoned and restored, holding 
the town of Painswick, with all the manorial privileges of his 
father. (Cf. Feudal Aids, p. 236). He had seen his guardian and 
brother-in-law, William de Valence, hounded out of the realm in 
company of his sister and many more. He married Dionysia, 
daughter of Nicholas de Anesty, who conveyed to him the Essex 
Manor of Great Braxted, and by her had issue another William, 
who died 1289, and Dionysia, the younger. 

A scandal, however, had arisen in 1283. He had, perhaps, 
put away his wife Dionysia, and had been living with Amy, relict 
of John de Hull. These were cited as living in concubinage by 
the Bishop of Worcester, and William was accused of holding 


i. 16, EDW. I. (60) (p. 396, Feudal Aids) 1287 
WILL DE M. defunctus 

De secta ad quondam furnum in manu Regis eiistentem occasione mortis 
dicti W. de Monte Canisio. 


her in concubinage. He denied this, and said he had lived with 
her rather as his wife, but had had a daughter called Dion}'sia, 
whom he now declared to be legitimate by authority of the 
Archbishop of Canterbury. (Cf. Register Bp. Gifford, p. 308^-9, 
at Worcester). 

The death of Sir William, in 1289, gave the De Valences 
their desired opportunity to try and seize the possessions of the 
senior branch of De Monchensi from Dionysia, his daughter, 
although she had now become King Edward's ward. Accord- 
ingly, they (being Earl and Countess of Pembroke) brought 
a Petition' to Parliament, as to who should lawfully inherit the 
estates of William de Monchensi, lately deceased, and they 
desired to have the Archbishop of Canterbury's pronouncement 
upon the question, their intention being to prove Dionysia the 
younger a bastard. The elder Dionysia came into Court to plead 
for her grand-daughter. The latter was declared to have been 
born in the Diocese of Worcester (probably at Payneswick), and 
it was shown that the late Sir William de Monchensi regarded her 
clearly as his daughter and heiress. The Bishop of Worcester 
and the Archbishop pronounced in her favour. (Cf. Placita in 
Parl., A. 1 8, Edw. I., 1290). There would seem to have been 
considerable wire-pulling in the affair ! Probably the Prelates 
had pressure put upon them by the King himself, and certainly 
the Earl was not popular. (Cf. Inquisition P.M. in Cal. Genealog: 
p. 168, 70). 

There are one or two interesting references to Painswick 
Manor during Sir William's lifetime, (i) Oct. i, 1283. Com- 
mission of Oyer and Terminer to William de Hamelton and 
William de Agmondesham, touching the persons who broke 
into the Parks of William, son of Warine de Monchensi at 
Wynmerfarthing, Co. Norfolk, and Payneswick, Co. Gloucester, 

i. Petitiones in Parliamento, 1290. 

Supplicatio of William de Valence and Joan, his wife, (Earl and Countess 
of Pembroke) as to who should rightly succeed to the possessions of 
William de Monchensi. The King, whose ward Dionysia is, disallows 
their plea. 

"Inhibitum est eidem Willielmo [de Valencie] quod predictam appellationem 
ante etatem predictae Dyonisiae nullo modo prosequatur." 

Placita in Parliamento 

1 8, Edw. I. (1290) 


and there, and in the said William's free warren at Swanes- 
camp, Co. Kent, hunted and carried away deer, hares and 
rabbits. (2) At Painswick, William le Warrener and Thomas 
le Cleye and others, his officials, have laid hands on a certain 
tenant of the Lord of the Manor, by name John Dod, and him 
they not only have beaten with blows, but they have applied fire 
to his feet, and afterwards carried him to the Castle at Gloucester, 
where they bribed the Constable with half-a-mark to take him in, 
although lacking the license of the Bailiff of the Hundred (of 
Bisley.) The man Dod's offence is not stated, but only this most 
unlawful proceeding, which, of course, does discredit to the Lord 
of the Manor. Such crimes must be ascribed to the years of 
neglect and absence of the Lord from his Manor during the late 
Civil Wars. As this Manor enjoyed the almost absolute juris- 
diction of its Lord, had he been there, it is safe to conclude these 
rapacious officials would not have dared to molest a tenant in 
such a scandalous way.' It is probable that Dutchcombe, 
formerly Dodscomb (and Duddescomb) retains the name of this 
same tenant. We have also Dodsmead and Cleyecroft. The 
Manor, at this period, was worth ,(,<? per annum. In 1287, we 
find William de Monchensi among those gone to war into Wales 
(July 24) on the King's service, with an Order of Protection. A 
month later he died of the accident stated, at Drosilan. His 
mother Dionysia was granted custody of certain of his lands, 

1. Calendarium Genealogicum. 
(Incerti temporis Henry III.) (70) 

"Inquisitio facta per preceptum domini Regis de terris et tenementis com- 

pertis in Hundredo de Bysele pro de Stepheni de Egges- 

worth, (Edgeworth,) Ric: de Albenasse, Jacob: de Pagenhulle (Paganhill,) 
Will : Hinder, Gilb : Melewine, Job : Attestenentgate, Ric : de Elmeshale, 
Will: de la Strode, (i.e., "of Stroud,") Rob: le Gore, and Rob: le 

Frankeleyn, qui dicunt super sacramentum sanctum quod terra Willi : 

de Monte Canisio de Payneswike occupata per Johannem Giffard, valet p. a. 
LX. li. Et habebat ibidem de Redditu instantis termini Sancti Micbaelis 
XI li. Xmjs, VHId. Et de Wychenyield (?) in eodem termino VIII li. 
Dicunt etiam quod Johannis Gifford (of Brimsfield) occupavit terram 
Henrici de Penebrugge in Wineston, et valet p. a. VJ. Illlt. Et habebat 
ibidem de Redditu Assisae instantis termini Sancti Michaelis XVIIIs. Et 

terrae predictaj assignatae sunt custodiendse Rich : de Budesend et 

Will : Hinder." 

It shows that John Gifford (i) of Brimsfield occupied Painswick during a 
certain period, which he probably farmed for De Monchensi. 

This Document must date after 1253, as it refers to William, who succeeded 
Warine de Monchensi. Probably it belongs to the period of his imprison- 
ment after the taking of Kenilworth by Prince Edward. 

2. Perhaps ^700 to-day. 


during the minority of his daughter, the younger Dionysia. We 
hear nothing of his second wife, Amy de Hull. There is apt, 
naturally, to arise some confusion here on account of the curious 
sequence of three Dionysias. It will be best, therefore, to put 
it in a formula thus : 

Dionysia (i) and wife of Warine de Monchensi, mother of 
William de Monchensi who married (2) Dionysia (De 
Anesty) and had (3) Dionysia de Monchensi. 

No sooner was the awkward petition of the Earl and Countess of 
Pembroke dismissed than the King decided to give the little 
Dionysia in marriage to his yeoman, Hugh de Vere(June 19, 1290, 
Westminster). And on July i6th a mandate to the grandmother 
as her guardian was issued that she should permit the espousal to 
take place (fidem sponsalium dari et assecurari permittatis) since 
King Edward has granted the marriage. 

In 1291 (Jan. 16, Westminster) we have a Confirmation to the 
Executors of the Will of Eleanor, the King's Mother, of the 
yearly farm which Dionysia de Monchensi (the elder), R. de 
Coggeshale and Wm. Haste were wont to pay for the custody of 
the lands of William de Monchensi, tenants in chief, during the 
minority of Dionysia, his daughter and heiress. 

As we have seen, a Park already existed at Painswick in 
1260, and a Park usually points to personal residence of the Lord. 
In the 1 3th century English civilization felt itself to be many steps 
in advance of the days of Stephen. Windows were wider, and 
walls were built less thick and fortress-like. It was the lawless 
age of Law and the corrupt age of the birth of honest Parliament. 
Security for life and property had considerably increased. On 
many Manors, new houses were built in better style than the 
Castles of Stephen's age, and were fortified. 

We do not hear of any further molestation on the parts of 
William de Valence and his Countess, Joan. The former died in 
1296. Joan, (who was also heiress of the Marshals, Earls of 
Pembroke), continued to live at Goodrich Castle, which her 
ancestors had built. In the Roll of Knights' Fees she is 
represented in 1303 (A. 31, Edw. i) as making the King a 
donum on the occasion of the marriage of the latter's eldest 


daughter, sixty shillings " pro uno feodo et dimidio apud 
Castrum Godrich," (for i^ Knights' fees at Goodrich Castle). 
Their son, Aylmer de Valence, was nevertheless destined to 
inherit his cousin Dionysia's properties, including Painswick, 
and to attach his name to the little manor of Moreton, not 
far distant. An interesting item relating to this Dionysia, 
Lady of the Manor of Painswick, occurs in the Arundel MSS. , 
No. 220, being a Grammatical Treatise made by " Mounsire 
Gautier de Bibelsworthe" for "Madame Dyonisie de Mounchensy, 
pur aprise de language." It is edited by Thomas Wright in his 
Vocabularies (1857).' 

Dionysia de Monchensi in 1295 founded a Convent of Clares 
at Waterbeche in Essex, with the approval of Pope Boniface VIII. 
In 1298 occurs a grant by Isabella, daughter of the late William 
Freeman, widow, to Dionysia de Monchensi, Lady of Braxstede 
Magna, of the homage and service of Sir Ralph de Monchensi 
and the Lady Aldreda, his wife. 

It is here necessary to note that Edgworth was held (from the 
De Monchensi) of Painswick. It owned ward and market. The 
tenants there at this time were Walter de Helion (Elyon) (c. 1284) 
and Stephen de Edgworth, who held from William de Monchensi 
for half a fee. 2 

1. Dionysia held also two fees at Redeswell and half a fee in Patimer, 
Herts. (Desc. Catal. Anc. Deeds, A. 449). 

2. Pat. Roll i, Edw. I. Appointment of Ralph de Henghara and Walter 
de Heliun to take assize of novel disseizin by Rich, le Bret against William 
Maunsell and others touching a tenement in Pichencombe (Westminster) 
Jan. 1 8. Sir William Maunsell owned Lypiatt Manor, and his daughter Nichola 
married Walter le Bret, son of this Richard. The Le Brets were Lords of 
Pitchcombe Manor. A Walter le Bret was seized of lands and tenements in 
Ebbworth worth 405. a year in trust for the Abbot of Gloucester. 31, Edw. I. 
(1302). [In 1343 the Abbey of Gloucester was seized of the Manor of 
Ebbworth, in Painswick]. Appointment of the above to take Assize of Novel 
Disseizin arraigned by Robert le Gore of Payneswicke against Walter le Bret. 

Dionysia de Monchensi also held the Manor of Staunton, Co. Worcester, 
which was attached to Painswick, and it was held of her by serjeanty, by 
Peter de Staunton, 16 Edw. I. = 1287 cf. I.P.M. Glos. p. 148. 

As the Arms of De Monchensi and De Staunton are found quarterly in 
the Church at Staunton it is clear that there existed a matrimonial alliance 
between the two families. Peter de Staunton died in 1287, leaving his son 
Robert, aged 14 years, his heir. As there were no ladies of this branch of De 
Monchensi left, but Dionysia, who presently married Hugh de Vere, it is pro- 
bable that Peter de Staunton himself had married a daughter of Warine de 
Monchensi, or else had had a mother who was a member of Warine 's family. 

A. 16, Edw. I. (1287.) Inquisitio post-mortem. Petrus de Staunton qui 
tenuit de Dionisia filia et haerede Willelmi de Monte Canisio in custodia Regis 
existente. (Wigorn 19). 


The Walter de Heliun above-mentioned was an important 
personage (Arms Or, a buck's head couped, sable) being one of 
the King's Justiciaries. The family of Helion held an Honour in 
Essex in 1210-12. In 1270 he was appointed to settle a dispute 
between Gilbert de Clare and the Abbey of St. Peter's, Glou- 
cester. He possessed some property also at Churcham. In 1279, 
he and others sat at the Guildhall, London, to try money-clippers, 
of whom three Christians and 293 Jews were condemned to be 
hanged. The Helions remained at Edgeworth Manor, tenants of 
the Lords of Painswick, holding for half a fee until c. 1350. 

Pat. Roll, Edw. I., records that Walterus de Elyun et 
Stephanus de Egesworthe tenent de eodem Will : de Monchensi 
per servicium dim: feodi (c. A.D. 1284). They hold half-a-fee 
from William de Monchensy. 

(1) Escaet* A. 16, Edward III. Walterus de Helyoun. 
Eggesworth Manerium extent, Panyswike Manerii. (A.D. 1342). 

(2) Escaet (p. 104) A. 17, Edward II. Adomaras de Valentia, 
comes Pembroke, et Maria, uxor ejus, Eggesworth tertia pars 
Villae et omnia feoda Tenentur de manerio de Payneswyke. 

In 1362 (Escaet p. 248), Robert de Aston and John Cope 
(fatuus) hold a third part of Edgworth, as usual, from the Manor 
of Painswick. 

Perhaps the earliest name which occurs as a tenant, at any 
rate of those names still existing (1904) at Painswick, is that of 
Roger Loveday 1 who was appointed in 1277 custodian of the lands 
of Sir William de Monchensi, while the latter Knight was beyond 
seas, " on condition that the bailiffs be not removed, and that 
his (Sir William's) corn be collected by the said bailiffs and kept 
in safety until further orders." (July 21, Chester). 

As a patrician tenant, one may cite Petronilla de la Mare, 3 
who in 1263 (47, Hen. III.) held of John de Monchensi (Warine's 
brother, 465. 8d. of rent per annum in Shepscombe, making two 
suits of the Court of the said John. She also had in the village 
of Edgworth IDS. 6d. yearly rent, which was of the fee of John. 
Her son and heir was William de la Mare. 

1. Arms of Roger Loveday, Barry of 6 Dancette'e, or and sable. 

2. Perhaps the wife of John de la Mare of Kenrich, or of Peter de la 
Mare of Cherinton, who died 1292. 



In August, 1313, both Hugo de Vere and Dionysia de 
Monchensi died without issue, probably of an epidemic. 

"Payneswyk Manerii extenta de Monte Canisii Baronia" 
(A. 7, Edw. II., No. 51). " There is in the said Manor a capital 
messuage (i.e., The Castle) with a garden, curtilage and dovecote 
which is worth p. a. 33. and 4d. There are 60 acres of arable 
land which are worth p. a. 6s., price of the acre i8d. ; also 4 
acres of pasture, which are worth p. a. 43., price of the acre i2d. 
There is there a certain park with wild beasts, the herbage whereof 
is worth p. a. 6s. and 8d. There are 100 acres of wood, the 
profit whereof is nothing. There are there four free tenants, 
and they pay p. a. rent of assize 95. and 50 villeins who pay ^40. 
The pleas and perquisites of the Court are worth p. a. 205." (Cf. 
Inq. Post Mortem, vol. i., p. 256). 

Thereupon Aylmer de Valence established his succession 
and became "Dominus de Paneswyke'" (cf. Feudal Aids, vol. 2, 
p. 276). He had succeeded to his father, William de Valence, as 
Earl of Pembroke and Lord of Goodrich, Co. Monmouth, in 1296, 
and his sister Joan had married John Comyn, 'the Red.' In 
addition he owned Moreton and Whaddon, with an extraordinary 
accumulation of rich manors elsewhere. His career was entirely 
a public one, and, except his reputed establishment of Painswick 
Market-fair, we have little but his name to connect with the lord- 
ships of this manor and Morton Valence. His part in the league 

I. The Berkeleys, among many others, entertained a grudge against 
him, for I find the following in the year of his inheriting : Anno 7, Edward II. , 
Sir Maurice Berkeley and his elder brother, Thomas Berkeley of Bisley ; their 
uncle, John Berkeley of Erlingham ; their cousin, Richard Veel, and more 
than 43 others, riotously entered Painswick Park, making havoc of the deer 
there, and how unmannerly they afterwards handled the Coroners of that 
County, when they were to have been outlawed for the said fact, with the 
issue thereof. (Cf. The Berkeley Manuscripts, vol. i., pp. 246, 297). 


against Gaveston, and later against the Dispensers, his escaping 
capture at Bannockburn, his treating for peace with Scotland in 
1323, and finally his death in a tournament at Compigne,]une 23, 
1324', are striking incidents in the perturbed history of the reign 
of Edward II. His marriages brought no children by either of his 
wives. The last (July, 1322), was Mary de Chatillon, daughter of 
Guy IV., Count of St. Pol, well-remembered as foundress of 
Pembroke Hall, Cambridge. The Earl's body was brought 
from France to London and buried magnificently in Westminster 
Abbey, as had been his father's. 

The Dispensers had hated and opposed Aylmer de Valence so 
much as to become credited with being the cause of his death by 
treachery. Their avaricious hands, not content with vengeance 
of this sort, now seized upon his niece and heiress, Elizabeth 
Comyn, and endeavoured to levy a forced fine upon her great 
manors of Painswick 3 and Castle Goodrich. As she refused to 

1. MANDEVILLE, 17, Ed. II. (1324). Robert de Mandeville (d. 1349) 
paid for license to the King 5 marks to receive certain lands and tenements in 
Pitchcombe from Walter de Wylton and Isabella, his wife. 

An Inquisition taken before Simon Wassett, escheator of the Lord the 
King at Pinchincoumbe on Friday next after the feast of the Ascension in the 
22nd year of the reign of King Edward the Third after the conquest by virtue 
of a writ of the Lord the King, &c., &c., that on the day of his death, Robert 
de Mandeville held two virgates of land, with appurtenances of the lord 
Richard Talbot within Painswick by the service XlVd., p. a., but worth Xs. per 
annum, and they say that the said Robert died on Wednesday, May 7, and 
that John, his son, is the next heir and is of the age of 28 years and more. 

Thomas de Berkeley as the King's escheator, took the oath of fealty of 
John de M., son of Robert and Isabella, 30 Edw. III. (1357.) (This is the Th. 
de B. who built the Chantry at Cubberly). 

John de Mandeville d. 1360 (34, Ed. III.) aged 40. (Cal. Inquis : P.M. 
p. 219.) He was seised of 5 mess., 22 acres, 2 virg. and l /i, and 2 acres of 
wood in Painswick and Edge, which he held of Sir John de Bromwich by the 
service of XHIId. p.a., Joan, wife of Wm. de Bockland being sister and heir. 
She died 1362. 

In Henry VI., A.S. (1429). William Cowley holds a parcel of land called 
" Mandeville's land." There is Mandeville's Orchard, to-day, at junction of 
Pitchcombe and Painswick. 

2. Petitiones in Parliamento. No. 27. Forced Fine. Vol. 2, 22a. 
Richard and Elizabeth Talbot. (2, Edw. III., 1328). 

An're Seigftr le Roi et a son Conseil mpnstrent Richard, fili Gilbert 
Talbot and Elizabeth sa femme, qe coure ils eussent suy de faire venir 
devant le Conseil n're Seigneur le Roi a son darrein Parlement a Westm : les 
transcritz des pietz des deus Fyns pour lequeux Fyns Hugh le Despenser, 
le piere et le fitz, avoient purchaser les manoir de Payneswyk et 
Chastell Godrich, de la dite Elizabet, tant come ele fust sole ; Et 
pour enprisonement, et pour duresses, et pour cohercions, tant coure ele 
demurra en dure prisone a Purfrith, fust la dite Eliz : costreint a faire le 
reconissances des Fyns avant nomeez, devant Monsire Johan de Bousser, 
Justice de Bank, q' fust illek mande pur cele reconissance resceure, auxi 



pay this, they practically kidnapped her and carried her to their 
Castle at Purfrith, where, by torture and durance they compelled 
her to yield, and whither they brought John de Bousser, a Justice 
of the King's Bench, to witness her reluctant acquiescence in her 
own spoliation. 

Fortunately, the scandal of this episode reached Sir Richard 
Talbot, son of Sir Gilbert, who, being sworn foe to the Dispensers, 
undertook to release the Lady Elizabeth, whom, in the absence of 
the tyrants from Purfrith, he and his men brought securely away. 
He then married her. In 1328 these two, therefore, bring a Petition 
to Parliament, before Edward III., praying for the annulment ot 
those formerly Forced Fines. The King granted their request, and 
the Manor of Painswick by this romantic incident passed into the 
Talbot family, with whom it was to remain for the next two 
centuries. (Cf. Pet. in Parliamento, vol. 2, tza, No. 27, 2, 
Edw. III., 1328.) 

The next we learn of the Manor of Painswick under this Sir 
Richard Talbot (summoned to Parliament as Lord Talbot) is in 
1346 (20, Edw. III.) when he obtains Papal permission from 
Clement VI., at Avignon, on his return from Crecy (?) to found a 
Priory of Augustinian Canons near Goodrich, at Flanesford in 
the Vale of Wye, below it. Part of its endowment was to be 
derived from Painswick and Westbury, where henceforward, 
until the Dissolution of the Monasteries (1539), the Priors of 
Flanesford held two mills with messuages of the annual value 
of (> i8s. 8d. King Edward III., while at Eltham, Dec. 8, 1348,' 
granted special license to the Founder for its endowment from his 
estates, mentioning Payneswyke. 

The following item (Court-Roll, a. 18, Henry VI., 1436), locates 
for us the situation of their property. " The Homage present 
that Thomas Coleyns has encroached from the land of the manor- 
come plus pleynement est trouve est trove par une solempne enqueste 
prise devant Monsire Johan de Stonore, et autres Justices, solom la 
forme d'une Comission de ceo fait, quele Comission, ensemblement ove 
1'enqueste, est returne en la Chauncellerie n're Seigneur le Roi. Par 
quoi les avantditz Rd. et El. prient, q' la dite enqueste soil vewe, et q' 
les Fyns avantditz soient anientitz, issint q' les ditz R. and E. aient droit 
et remedie, solom la forme de la dite ordinance de ceo fait. 
Acorde est en la genal responns, q' le Roi face nom : et assign : Evesques 
Contes et Barons, de fair execucion de 1'estatur, et pur ceo suier. 

i. Cf. Patent Rolls, a. 20, Edw. HI. 


lord upon the ground belonging to the Prior of Flanesford above 
Seagrimsbridge. 1 The penalty is to be certified at the next 
Court." That is where Ayers' timber mill now is. 

The Valor Ecclesiasticus of Henry VIII. (vol. iii.) gives us 
the subjoined references : 

Flanesford in Dioces' Herefordise. 
Habet in Payneswyke. 

Firma quinque messuagia cum duobus molendinis supra 
quo diet' messuag' edificantur ibidem, sic dicitur per quondam 
Priorem ibidem. [Five messuages with two mills under them, it 
is said, built by a former Prior there]. 

p. Vl. XVIIIs. VHId. [(> 1 8s. 8d.] 
^XV. VIIIs. IXd. [15 8s. 9 d.] 

Spiritualibus, nichil quia null' promot' spiritual' diet' Prior - 
atus partem. Inde reprisae' (deductions) videlicet detemporalibus. 

Feod : Thome Ball Balliv : et Collector : diet : reddit : per 
annum. XXs. [Fee of Thomas Ball, Bailiff and Collector of 
Rent, 2os]. 

Spiritualibus nichil, causa superius annotatur. Et valet clare 
per annum. (Clear annual value.) 

^XIIII VIIIs. IXd. [,14 8s. 9 d.] 

Decima pars [tenth part] XXVIIIs. Xob: [285. io>^d.] 

The Rolls of the Poll-Tax in Painswick (Cf. p. 95) shew us 
the name of Seagrim still as that of a copyhold tenant in 1381 
[temp : Rich. II.] 

Thus, the Augustinian Order came to possess two portions 
in this manor ; for, as we have seen, the Canons of Llantony at 
Gloucester possessed the Advowson of the Church, and con- 
siderable lands in the Ham Combe. (Jenkins' Farm.) (Cf. Papal 
Petitions, Clement VI. Regesta,vo\. 151. See also Patent Rolls, 
Edw. III., A. 20). They were Free-tenants and manor-lords. 

There is, however, another later reference to Flanesford of 
interest, in the Patent Rolls, A. 30, Henry VIII., Part i, in 
vol. 2, (28.) 

This King re-grants to George, Earl of Shrewsbury, in con- 
sideration for good and acceptable service rendered, all the site, 

I. 1327, Alice and John Segrym paid subsidy in Painswick. This name 
has a strong smack of Scandinavia, like Hunlaf in Hunlafsed, now Hullasey. 


ground, ambit and precinct, of the late Priory of Flanesford, also 
the Manor or Lordship of Flanesford with appurtenances, in the 
County of Hereford. Also the Manor or Lordship of [held by 
Flanesford in] Payneswyke, with appurtenances, in the County of 
Gloucester ; and all rights of patronage of Churches and heredita- 
ments whatsoever, as well spiritual as temporal, of whatsoever 
kind and nature they may be, situate, lying, or being in 
Flanesford and Gooderiche, in the County of Hereford, and in 
Panneswyke, Ludbrooke and Manselhope, in the County of Glou- 
cester, which possessions, etc., are of the clear annual value of 
fourteen pounds, eleven shillings and fourpence as certified in the 
Exchequer at Westminster. The said Earl to hold these posses- 
sions by a 2oth part of a knight's fee and by the yearly rent of 
twenty-nine shillings, three half-pence, and a farthing, as a tenth 
to be paid at the Court of Augmentation of the Revenues at the 
feasts of St Michael, the Archangel, and of the Blessed Virgin 
Mary, by equal portions yearly ; also grant to found a chantry 
in the Church or Chapel of FLANESFORD with a perpetual 
chaplain. The CHANTRY to be called the Chantry of George, 
Earl of Shrewsbury, at Flanesford, &c. June 4, 1538.' 

Whether the Black Death scourged Painswick does not appear. 
Sir Richard Talbot died in 1356' and his widow in 1372, when, 
in all probability, there was placed in Painswick Church a window 
bearing their arms ("Gules, a lion rampant within a Bordure 
engrailed, Or ; and in a Bordure flory, three Garbs, Or,") which 
survived the destruction of the old church in 1485-90, and was 
seen early in the i8th century and described. (Cf. Rawlinson, 
MS., B. 313, fol.[203, b. Bodl : Library.) 

Richard, Lord Talbot, was succeeded by Sir Gilbert, his son, 
while his widow married Sir John de Bromwich, 3 and Sir Gilbert, 
her son, married Petronella, daughter of James Butler, Earl of 

1. The writer is indebted for this document to the courtesy of the Rev. 
the Vicar of Goodrich. 

2. jEscAF/r, 30, Enw. III. (1356,) Richard Talbot then owned Painswick, 
Morton and Whaddon Manors. 

3. This Sir John de Bromwich in 1346 held half a fee at Bromwich in 
Hants, which had been held by Sir Luke de Bromwich. The Lady Elizabeth 
died April i-j, 1377.) 


It would be interesting could we know even the names and 
bare numbers of all the men of this manor who followed these 
Talbots to the various French Wars ; who drew the bow, and who 
did, or did not, return to their native village. But the Poll- Tax 
Returns' for Painswick, mutilated as they are, are almost our 
only known resource left for the names of i4th century tenants 
and vassals. I therefore give the Lay-Subsidy Roll as it stands. 
In the ' Little Red Book of Bristol ' (by Francis R. Bickley, vol. i, 
p. 21) under the year 1350 is mentioned John de Payneswyk, an 
elector of Bristol. 


"a. 4 Ric: 2. Glouc. 14 loose membs: portions of a Roll of the collection 
of a Poll-tax granted, a. 4 Ric: 2." (Calendar). A. D. 1381. 


De Ricardo Ferthyngale et Felicia vxore eius brasiatore (brewer) ... ijs. 

De Rogero de Combe et Elena vxore eius Cultore terre ... ... ijs. 

De Simone Taillour scissore (tailor) ... ... ... ... ... ... xijd. 

De Johanne serviente eiusdem xijd. 

De Willelmo Bras laborario xijd. 

De Ricardo Bernard et Bona vxore eius Cultore terre ijs. 

De Waltero Skenerel laborario xijd. 

De Jacobo Knyt laborario xijd. 

De Johanne Toule et Editha vxore eius brasiatore ijs. 

De Thoma Skenerel et Margareta vxore eius ijs. 

De Sergrym laborario xijd. 

De Margareta Colyns vidua et raag(is) suffic(it) iijs. 

De Ricardo filio et serviente eiusdem xijd. 

De Henrico Taillour sissore et inpotente vjd. 

De Johanne Rogers seniore Bercario xviijd. 

De Johanne atte Wode laborario xijd. 

De 1 Sponbed schippester xvjd. 

De Johanne serviente eiusdem viijd. 

De Johanne Rogers juniore laborario ... ... ... ... ... vjd. 

De Waltero Merymon laborario xijd. 

De Johanne Pofforde et Agnete vxore eius Cultore terre ijs. 

De Ricardo Webare Carpentario xvjd. 

De Johanne serviente died Ricardi viijd. 

De Johanne Colyns et Johanna vxore eius Cultore terre ijs. 

De Ricardo Belamy laborario xijd. 

i. Torn away De Johanne. 

I. P.R.Office. 


De Simone le Havre laborario xijd. 

De Johanne atte Wiston et Isabella vxore eius brasiatore ijs. 

De Waltero Heryngs et Agnete vxore eius Cultore terre ijs. 

De Nicholas Damsel laborario xijd. 

De Simone atte Wode laborario xijd. 

De Johanne Lok et Alicia vxore eius brasia tore ijs. 

De Henrico Salcombe et Felicia vxore eius Cultore terre ijs. 

De Johanne Hopkins serviente xijd. 

De Johanne Martyn serviente xijd. 

De Johanne Crouch laborario ... ... ... ... ... ... viijd. 

De Roberto Chese serviente xijd. 

De Willelmo Rogers et Juliana vxore eius Cultore terre ijs. 

De Johanne Paccare (Mercer) xiiijd. 

De Isabella serviente eiusdem ... ... ... ... ... ... iiijd. 

De Johanne le Rene laborario viijd. 

De Sibilla atte Grove serviente per dictam iiijd. 

De Johanne Cagge et Juliana vxore eius Cultore terre ijs. 

De Johanne Gy et Emiagne vxore eius brasiatore ijs. vjd. 

De Thoma Burgens laborario viijd. 

De Rogero Facherel et Juliana vxore eius... ... ... ... ... ijs. 

De Johanne Bernard laborario ... ... ... ... ... ... xijd. 

De Willelmo quondam serviente euisdem laborario xijd. 

De Thoma Coppe (s) cissore xijd. 

De Johanne atte Grone laborario xijd. 

De Johanne Withur et Elena vxore eius brasiatore ijs. vjd. 

De Willelmo Bernard serviente ... ... ... ... ... ... vjd. 

De Johanne atte Halle laborario xijd. 

De Johanne Gerard serviente xijd. 

De Agneta Gyde brasiatrice xvjd. 

De Agneta Pygace serviente per dictam xijd. 

De Willelmo serviente et filio eiusdem xijd. 

De Johanne Robart et Agnete vxore eius Cultore terre ijs. 

De Agnete atte Strode brasiatrice ... ... ... ... ... ... xviijd. 

De Johanne serviente eiusdem ' 

De Rogero * et Agnete * 

De ' B ' Agnete vxore ' 

i. Illegible. 2. Amounts torn away. 


" a. 2 Ric : 2. Glouc. 6 loose membs: portions of a Roll of the collection 
of a Poll tax granted, a. 2 Ric : 2." (Calendar.) 


Presentatores ibidem dicunt per Sacramentum eorum quod ad primam 
sessionem plene presentaverunt. 


Unfortunately, the events of this tragical i4th century, 
wars and pestilences, had not worked well for anyone. The 
Monasteries were in a dilapidated state. The Black Death 
succeeding to five and twenty good years, had made labour 
scarce ; robbers and vagabonds roamed the land. The price 
of labour had to be fixed by law. " Not only was the price of 
labour fixed by the Parliament of 1350, but the labour class was 
once more tied to the soil. The labourer was forbidden to 
quit the parish where he lived in search of better-paid employ- 
ment. If he disobeyed he became a fugitive and subject to 
imprisonment at the hands of Justices of the Peace. To enforce 
such a law literally must have been impossible, for corn rose to so 
high a price that a day's labour at the old wages would not have 
purchased wheat enough for a man's support." (J. R. Green, 
Hist, of England, chap, iii., p. 431). The highest rate of wages, 
however, prevailed between the years 1371 and 1390. The rise 
exceeded by 100% the proportion paid in the preceding century. 
Wool was seriously depreciated, and upon this the agricul- 
turist depended for foreign trade. The annual export of English 
wool at this period was 32,000 sacks. Misery of the most 
abject kind was afflicting England, and a terrific chasm was 
re-opened between employer and employed, and the oppression 
of the people contributed greatly to such religious and social 
outbreaks as those of Wat Tyler, John Ball and Wickliff. 
" Even in the years of peace fifteenths and tenths, subsidies 
on wool and subsidies on leather were demanded and obtained 
from Parliament (for the King and his wars) ; and at the 
outbreak of war the Royal Demands became heavier and more 
frequent." And as this pressure clove the ruling classes them- 
selves in twain, they cast their eager eyes towards the accumula- 
tions of the Church. "Out of a population of some three 
millions, the Ecclesiastics (in England) numbered between twenty 
and thirty thousand." (Chap, iii., p. 458, op. cit.) But the clergy 
itself was also deeply divided ; the secular from the regular, or 
Monastic, Clergy, and both these as much as possible eluded 
the common burdens and anxieties of the people. Their moral 
authority was naturally not of a high grade. 

Painswick doubtless fared no better, perhaps no worse, than 
her neighbours. We may be sure the manor lord did not escape. 


In 1398 (May 6,) King Richard, in return of a loan of a hundred 
marks from the Prior and Convent of Llantony at Gloucester 
grants them license to incorporate the three vicarages of St. 
Owen (at Gloucester,) Prestbury (near Cheltenham,) and Pains- 
wick, and to own them to their own use in perpetuity. Of these 
Painswick yielded the largest sum, namely, ten marks, six 
shillings and eight pence. (Cf. Patent Roll, 21, Rich: II., Part 3, 
Memo : 18,) or about one-ninth of the principal of the loan. And, 
alas, this good money was destined to help Richard a little faster 
to the tyrannical follies of outlawing seven counties, &c. That, 
in turn, led to the recall of the banished Henry of Lancaster in 
order that he should seize upon the throne, and so hasten the 
King's wretched end. 

Looking back into the list of those Painswick payers of Poll- 
tax, there are a few names that call for notice as having left 
their mark in fields or farms in the Manor. Segrym has already 
been adverted to. Heryngs gave name to a farm, of which the site 
occupied by the i8th century 'Painswick House,' (F. A. Hyett, 
Esq.), was a part. Martin was represented by a field in Sheps- 
combe, called Martin's. Paccar by another at Spoonbed, called 
Packer's. Skenerel gave name to Skenerels, held by a Walter 
Seagrym in 1495. Nicholas Damsel is commemorated still by 

This land of Damsels, near the Park, has several points of 
interest about it. It consisted of a toft and half a virgate (15 
acres) and an orchard ; the former held from St Peter's Abbey, 
Gloucester, for St Guthlac at Hereford ; and the latter by the 
Lord of the Manor of Painswick. 

In the Cartulary of Llantony in the P.R. Office, London, 
Oct. i, A. i, Henry V. = 1415) we find 

" Thomas Stidgrove [who had given 205. for a license in 1376 
(a. 50, Edw. III.) in order to acquire tenements with appurten- 
ances in Painswick 1 of Gilbert Talbot (Chivaler)] and Agnes, 2 his 
wife, gave half a virgate and toft lately in the possession of John 
Damsel, who held it from us and our predecessors (St Peter's 
Abbey, Gloucester,) there, as from the Church of St Guthlac at 

1. Rot 146. 

2. Agnes Sudgrove also owned a property called ' Wythies * which she 
sub-let to John Carpenter, of Upton St Leonards. (Cf. Cartul : Lantoni f. 122, 


Hereford, which the Prior and Convent demised to farm to the 
said Thomas and Agnes Sudgrove for six shillings." We have 
referred to the ancient pension to St Guthlac's laid upon Painswick 
Church by Walter I. de Laci 1085. Here then is part of the land 
which yielded it. The sole difference being that the Abbey of St 
Peter has passed over the responsibility of this portion to 
Llantony, which held the Advowson of Painswick, a not 
unreasonable proceeding. 

On the same day and year (Oct. i, a. i, Hen. V.) William 
and Matilda, and John Damsel (their son) and Ralph Damsel (the 
latter's son) agree to surrender the property to John Wych, Prior 
of Llantony and his Convent. The property was called ' Sud- 
groves' as late as Henry VI., a. 8, after which it became called 

The facts relative to Damsels seem to be these : 

It was granted on the feast of St Valentine, a. 7, Richard II. 
(1384) to Thomas Sudgrove with three acres, arable and divided, 
lying in a place called ' Delle ' within the Manor of Painswick, 
including a toft and croft together lying between the land of 
Michael Dinning and that of John Vachell, and extending from 
' Delle ' towards the wood called Longridge, in perpetuity, for 
the service of one Red Rose due at the feast of St John the 
Baptist, ' si petarur pro omni servitio seculari et demand.' The 
croft was called ' Cley Crofte.' 

In the sixth year of Edward VI. (Dec. 4) one, John West, 
produced in the Manor Court a Charter made by Ralph Damsell, 
' Dominus de Walton ' (Walton Castle), Co. Somerset, and 
Thomas Sudgrove, or Southgrove, of Painswick, for the latter, 
his heirs and assigns, and claimed as a free-tenant of the 
Manor by a scrip of Release of Richard Holoway of Castlecomb, 
near Chippenham, and Margaret, his wife, and his heirs John 
Smith of Cirencester, dated June 26, A. 33, Henry VIII. The 
property was held by tenure of one Red Rose, as above related. 

This disposes of certain fantastic fictions relative to the 
locality invented in modern days in order to account for what is, 
after all, a mere surname. There are other legends in Painswick 
much resembling it. Future references to Damsells will be made 
when we come to the days of Henry VII. 



Gilbert, Lord Talbot (i) died in 1387 and was succeeded 
by a second Sir Richard (his son by Joan de Stafford) who was 
then 26 years of age. Richard, Lord Talbot, who had marched 
against the Scots with his father in 1385, had married in the 
previous year Ankaret, sister of John, Lord Strange of Black- 
mere. In 1392 he was found to be cousin and heir to John 
de Hastings, Earl of Pembroke. He, however, died in 1396, 
and was seised of the Manors of Painswick, Morton, Whaddon, 
Badgeworth, and Lydney in Gloucestershire ; Braxted, Hasting- 
bury and Daldbury in Essex ; Doddington, Brockwardine, Black- 
mere (i.e., Whitchurch) in Salop; Bampton, Oxon ; Goodrich 
Castle and the Hundred of Irchenfield, and the Castle of Kilpec 
(Co. Hereford), and other properties. 

He left, in addition to Sir Gilbert (2), four other sons and four 
daughters. The second son, John, lived to become Lord of 
Painswick (and lived here) and Goodrich, and famous in History 
as the great Earl of Shrewsbury, the Alcides of England ; and 
the third, Richard, became Archbishop of Dublin ; while Anne, 
the eldest daughter, married Hugh Courtenay, Earl of Devon.' 
Ankaret, (i), the widow, married secondly Sir Thomas Neville, 
Lord Furnivall, and died in 1413. 

Gilbert (2), Lord Talbot, in 1404 defeated the Welsh, who had 
risen with Owen Glendower against Henry IV. and was associated 
with Prince Henry, afterwards Henry V., in his Welsh campaign. 
He married in 1400, Joan, daughter of Thomas de Woodstock, 
Duke of Gloucester, but had no issue, and secondly, Beatrix, 
natural daughter of John I, King of Portugal, and widow of 

i. It was possibly at this period the Park Lodge became enriched with 
a Chapel, the inscribed altar-stone of which, dedicated in honour of the Holy 
Trinity and All Saints (1403), survives there. See page 163. 


Thomas, Earl of Arundel, by whom he had an only child, 
Ankaret (2) who succeeded him on his death on Oct. 19, 1419, in 
his possessions, being then but an infant of two years. In the 
Inquisitio Post-Mortem, Henry V., a. 9 (1421) she is called 
" Ancareta filia et haeres Gilbert Talbot Chivaler defuncta : 
Tenementa vocatur Damyselles-land' juxta Painswick." (p. 59). 
So she died seized of this as if it were a dower portion, or manor 
within the Manor, which had been sub-let to the Damsels. 

In consequence of her demise, her uncle, John Talbot, 
inherited Painswick, as Sir John Talbot, Lord Talbot and 
Furnival, having married Maud, eldest co-heiress and daughter of 
Thomas Neville, Lord Furnival. By this title he had been sum- 
moned to Parliament in 1409. On the death of his brother, Gilbert, 
he left Ireland, where he had been severely handling the 
rebels. Next year he attended the King (Henry V.) into France, 
and entered Paris triumphantly with him in 1420. He soon after 
learned of his niece's death and his own succession to Painswick, 
Goodrich, and to a multitude of other lands. He was, however, 
now become so distinguished a captain that the King retained 
his services in France until his own death 1421. We need not 
follow his famous career, which is a matter not belonging to the 
Manor, but to France and England ; nor the forty battles in which 
he is said to have fought before his death at Chastillon, near 
Bordeaux, in 1453. 

The Homage of the Manor in 1429 declare that the Abbot of 
S. Peter's, Gloucester, and his tenants, have encroached on the 
lands of the Lord of it at Horsepoles 2 in the tything of Edge, an 
interesting mention of the locality still known by the same name, 
and where a spring now supplies a horse-trough. Probably in 
those days the pack-horses carrying Cotteswold wool and corn to 
Gloucester Market passed this way and slaked their thirst before 
continuing their route along the escarpment and Huddiknoll. 
Some of the place-names mentioned are worth recording. 

Wycceshallsfeld, or later Woosalls, was in Stroud-end. 
Pernellshouse : Crompelyns : Tydeley - le - Freys (Frith?) In 
Shepscombe, Haselonde : Wynfords : Maynards : both the 

1 . Named from Sir Richard Damsel. 

2. It will be recalled that the said Abbey farmed Standish Manor. 


latter evidently giving us the names of former tenants of the 
Lords; also Smallyns Mill: Wodhammede: 1 Gysesmill, and 
Sewardes, at Stroud-end. Names of tenants : Robert Wych, 
John Tunley, Lister, Attwood, Caleston, Oliffe, Holcote, Collins, 
Wynford, Chese, Good-and-fair. High-street is mentioned and 
New-street and the Barnet-street (the Gloucester-road), Paradise, 
and Alban's Cross, 3 also a New Hall, of which, presently. 
The latter of these crosses probably became Damsel's Cross, as 
Alban's Cross is not mentioned later. Incidentally a portion of a 
road at Stroud is mentioned named Caldrich-street, 3 on the south 
side of the Highway. The hill that mounts up to Ebbworth from 
Shepscombe went by the name of Ellernehill 4 ' Mons, vocatur 
Ellernehull.' William Forthy asks the Lord of the Manor that a 
proper road for waggons, flocks, and animals, may be made on 
the northern side of the same (above Shepscombe), so that they 
need not run on to his ground called Maynardes, otherwise 
Churches. This was granted (1426). Here we obtain the date 
of one local road. 

It is interesting to note that Edgworth 5 had at this time passed 
into the tenure of the Devonshire Raleighs. William Raleigh, 
who owns Northcote, and five other manors in Devon, and four 
fees, succeeds his father Thomas Raleigh there in 1420, and 
together with the sub-manor of Edgworth holds the Advowson 
of Edgworth Church ; ' ut de Manerio de Payneswick,' as from 
the Manor of Painswick. In 1495 we find an Edward Ralegh 
(Miles) holding a parcel of land in Eggeworthe at a rent of Xlld. 
And later, in the i6th century, we shall see their descendants still 
living there. 

In 1427, the Calendar of Patent Rolls tells us that Walter 
Woodburn of Payneswick, gentleman, was fined for not having 
appeared before the King's Justice to answer John Ashewell, 

1. At Paradise. 

2. Cf. Albynsgate " To the Smith at Albynsgate 2 yards, }4 of red 
cloth, by the yard, 55. Perhaps a gate of the Park, near Paradise. 

3. This is of interest, being one of a class of surviving names, such as 
Caldicot, Cold-Harbour, Cold Comfort, frequently found associated with 
Roman remains. 

4. Elder-tree-hill. 

5. Edgworth stills pays as. annually to the Lord of the Manor of 





grocer, and citizen of London, touching a plea of debt of 
10 175. 7j^d. (May 27 : p. 373). 

To 1429 belongs the curious tenure noticed in the History of 
the Church of St. Mary, by which Sir John Launder, perpetual 
Vicar of the Parish of Payneswick, took timber in Longridge 
Wood, on payment of 6d. annually at the Feast of the Annuncia- 
tion, the demise or lease being settled by the presentation of a 
woodcock taken in Longridge Wood. 

' Dimissio unius Gallorum volatilis silvestris.' Ad istam 
Curiam venit Johannis Launder perpetuus Vicarius Ecclesie de 
Paneswyk, et cepit de Domino unum volatilem Gallorum 
sylvestrem de novo (?) per Consilium Domini in quodam bosco 
Dominii vocatur Langridge ordinale cum certo spatio de jure ad 
dictum volatilem . . . edend (? concedendum) ad custodiam dicti 
Vicarii sine vasto facto. Et super hoc Dominus concessit dicto 
Johanni Launder dictum volatilem Gallorum tenendum sibi ad 
terminum vitae suae secundum consuetudinem Manerii, Reddendo 
inde annuatim ad festam Annunciationis Beatae Mariae VId. Et 
non datur finem causa . . . idacionis (? nidificationis) dicti 
volatilis, et fecit fideliter.'* 

The quarried rough slope situated below the said wood is still 
called Cockshoot Mead, and a few of these birds are annually 
seen, and occasionally shot, thereabouts. 

In a Roll of 1429 occurs mention of a New Hall (Nova Aula). 
This probably refers to the Cloth-makers' Hall. William Hut- 
chins, a tenant, surrenders a cottage situated in a road called 
Barnet Street (i.e., Gloucester Street) in the northern portion 
of the Manor, between the New Hall and the land of Richard 
Parton, to William Snow. Paradise is mentioned as near 
Alban's Cross and above ' Wodhammede ' ; so a cross marked 
two roads joining near Paradise 3 in those days. 

The Seneschal or Steward of the Manor at this time was one 
Thomas Fetteplace. 

1. A curious roundabout description of the bird intended. 'Gallivola- 
tium ' was the word for a cock-shoot or cock-glade. 

2. The document is in a bad condition. 

3. It will be re-called that there is one Paradise at Harescombe and 
another at Cheltenham : and Paradise Row in London. The origin of the 
term is doubtful. It may be mentioned that in 1405 seeds called 'grain of 
Paradise ' coming from Tripoli were sold in England at 6s. per lb., and in 1443 
at as. 6d. 


A list of expenses of the Steward during Court Days gives 
us the names of the chief tradesmen and the prices of provisions 
in Painswick. Beleson is the Common butcher, John Fox sells 
fish. Joan Fuyster and Juliana White are Common malstresses, 
Simon Baker bears the name of his trade. John Abraham is the 
smith and shoer of horses. A chicken cost 3d., half a goat 5d. 
Two lampreys 8d. Three quarters of mutton i6^d., half a 
sheep 9d., a dove id., butter ad., two pullets 3d., six gallons of 
beer is., spices and pepper id., a bushel of oats sd., two gallons 
of milk 2d. 

When the Court of the Manor was held in 1430, no doubt it 
was known in Payneswick that the Lord of the Manor was 
become a prisoner of war in France, in which condition he 
remained until 1432, when, on being set at liberty, he at once 
commenced a series of successful military exploits in conjunction 
with the Duke of Bedford, which led to his being created Earl of 
Shrewsbury in 1442 (20, Hen. VI.) Eleven years later he fell at 
Chastillon, together with John, Viscount Lisle of Kingston Lisle 
(Berks) his eldest son by his second marriage, who had himself 
married Joan, daughter of Sir Thomas Cheddar. By this union 
the latter left two daughters (Elizabeth married to Sir Edward 
Grey, and Margaret to Sir George Vere), and one son, Thomas 
(b. 1443), who succeeded his father (John), as Viscount Lisle (1453), 
and finally inherited Painswick, Moreton Valence and Whaddon ; 
Goodrich Castle, with the rest of the family manors, passing away 
to the elder branch, viz., to John, second Earl of Shrewsbury. 

The Inquisitio Post Mortem (p. 53) A. 32, Hen. VI. (1453) of 
the first Earl runs thus : (as far as we are concerned). 

' ' Johannes Comes Salopiee : 

" i. Payneswick Manerium et 10 messuagia 3 molendini 
(mills) 14 virgatee terrge 10 acras pratae (fields) et 20 acrae bosci 
(wood) ibidem. 

"2. Et Panyswike : 

parcella 1 terras juxta Paneswyke, vocatur Damysel- 
londes. [Damsel's lands]. 

"3. Morton. 

"4. Whaddon, &c." 

i. And a parcel of land near P. called Damsels-lands. 


But it is now necessary to turn to two important documents 
or rather early copies of such, which throw considerable light 
not only upon the momentous improvements effected in the con- 
dition of the tenants of Painswick Manor in the 1 5th century, but 
also on the great Earl as a very benign manor-lord. 

The first of these documents was transcribed by Rudder in 
his History of Gloucestershire, 1779, (pp. 593-4) from an original 
(?) or (more probably) from an Elizabethan copy of one, which 
has not since been found. The date of it must have been 1440-5. 
[For No. 2, see p. 118]. 

"Com: Glouc:" 

"The Court holden at Painswicke the XXIst day of Aprille, 
A.D. 1400,' at which Courte came Lord John Talbot, Earle of 
Shrewsbury, his owne person, with Sir William Mill, knighte, 2 his 
receiver by patent, Giles a' Bridges, 3 Esquire, and Thomas a' 
Bridges, his sonne, and their stewards and surveyors jointlie by 
patent, together, to the said Lord Talbot, of Paineswick, Whaddon 
and Morton. And the said Lord Talbot declared at the said courte 
certayn Articles as hereafter enseweth : 

" i . The first Article was : That hee had been beyond the sea, 
in the King's wars, and at that time he had XVI. men out of the 
Lordshipp of Painswicke, of the which there were XI. married 
men slain, whereby the widdows cryed on the said Lord Talbott, 
not onely for loosing their husbands, but also for loosing their 
holdings, and some of them were his bondmen. 

"2. The second Article contayneth how the said Lord Talbott 
was disposed to let his Desmesnes unto his customary tenants 
with all the herbage and pannage and tacke of pigs, of the 
common hills and pasture of arable lands, both to the whole 
yards (virgates), half-yards, farnedells (quarter-yard lands) and 
mundaies grounds (eighth-yard lands). 

" 3. The third Article contayneth how the said Lord Talbot 
willed to every widdowe in the said lordshippe, for their good 
will, their herriots to the nexte of their kynne, according to the 

1. Should be c. 1442. 

2. Of Harescombe. He married Frances Winchcombe, and they were 
attainted anno, i, Edward IV. He was slain at Towton, 1461. 

3. Of Cobberley. 



praisemente as they were praysed at, and alsoe waved 1 (waifed) 
and strayed goods, payeing the praysement thereof to the takers 

"4. The fourth Article conteyneth how he would dimisse 
(demise) himself from man's reepe, wife's reepe, and child's 
reepe from the burgages and cottages which were builded out of 
his demesnes in the Newe street of Painswicke. 

" 5. The fifth Article conteyneth how that he would lett out 
his arable lands, reserving two meadows for his horses and 
deare, that is to say, Whaddon meadow, and Band meaddow. 

"6. The sixth Article conteyneth whether the tennants would 
have the tenure of Damsells into their custome or noo. 

"7. The seventh Article conteyneth how that he would knowe 
how many freeholders there were in the lordshippe of Painswicke. 

"8. The eighth is touching the iiii warrants of Conyes 

" Upon the which Articles there were chosen at the Court XX. 
men to make answer. There were chosen XII. out of the 
homadge of his customary tenants, which be whole yards (i.e., 
those holding virgates) half-yards, ferendels and mundies ; and of 
the town of Painswicke were chosen VIII. men, which be bur- 
gesses, curtalagers and cottagers, and of the which twenty men 
were chosen iii out of the Homadge of Edge, that is to say, 
William King, Thomas Castle, and Robert Tonley ; iii out 
of the Homadge of Strowde ; the which were William 
Ward, William Browne and William Jordeyne ; iii out of 
the Homadge of Sheppiscombe, which were John Wether the 
elder, William Mynsterworth and John Bonhill of the Beech ; 
iii out of the Homadge of Sponebed, which were William 
Sponebed, William Merriman, and Thomas Sawcome (? Sal- 
combe) ; and viii out of the Town of Painswicke, that is to say 
William Squawe, William Pytt, John Castle, Thomas Collins, 
William Chamber, Robert Frampton, William Scott and Thomas 
Shawe : the which Inquest being impannelled, the said Lord 
Talbot gave them charge to bring in an answer to the said 

i. Stolen. 


" i st. Concerning the widows' estate, whether they should 
hold their living and marry as ofte as they were widows. 

" 2nd. For the second Article, what they would bring in, and 
make in ready money for yearlie rent, for his herbage of his 
common hills, and waste grounds, and pannage of his woods, and 
tacke of piggs, and to sett yard, half-yard, ferendells, and 
mundies through the whole lordshippe by equal portions, and 
what value and sum they would bring him in for the same. 

" 3rd. The third, the Heriots given to the widdowes, also 
concerning waived goods and strayed goods. 

" 4th. The fourth, concerning the demising himself from 
man's reepe, wife's reepe and child's reepe. [Wife-rip, &c.] 

"5th. The fifth, concerning the selling out of his arable lande 
to his tenants, both in the towne and country, and the said 
Inquests should bringe in what every man would give for an acre. 
Also, likewise that the said Inquests should bring in an answer of 
all the other Articles. 

"The Answer of the said INQUESTE given to the said 
Lord Talbot concerning the said Articles, as here- 
after followeth : 

" i . Touching to the First, the said Inqueste do agree that the 
widdowes shall break their old custom, and that they should have 
their livings during their life, and marry with whom they liste. 
And the said Lord Talbot agreed to the same and enrolled it in 
the Court and Custom. 

" 2. As concerning the Second, touching herbage and pan- 
nage, tacke of piggs, of the common hills and pasture of arable 
land, the said Inquest brought in x lib overed in the rent of Assize, 
(rents, that is of free- and copy-holders) every man to his portion, 
to which the said Lord Talbot agreed, and enrolled it in his 

" 3. As concerning the Heriotts given to the widdowes at the 
praisement thereof. Also waived goods and strayed goods, the 
said Inquest brought in that the said widdowes should have it 
according as the Lord's will was. 

"4. The said Inqueste brought in their answer concerning 
the Reepes (rips) that they should be dismissed by reason (that) 
the said Lord gave up his Householde (i.e., living at Painswick 
and keeping his Court there). 

H 2 


"5. The answer of the arable land, the said Inqueste brought 
in that every man should have a portion, the best lands at Xlld. 
an acre, the second for VHId. an acre, the third VId., the fourth 
for IHId. an acre, and some for lid. the acre, all which demaines 
was sett, saving XIII. acres lying in Duddescombe in the Culver- 
house Hill. And at the laste came one William Jourdayn and 
took the said XIII. acres of land of the said Lord for Xlld. by 
year, with a Culverhouse (Colombarium) decayed, payeing for the 
same nd. by the yeare, and four acres of barren lande lying in 
Huddinals 1 Hill. For the said iiii. acres came William Tonley 
and took it of the Lord for id. an acre by the yeare. And in a 
little space every man made a copy of his portion and the said 
Lord sealed them. 

"Touching DAMSELL'S Land, the said Inqueste brought in, 
that every man 2 should hold it according to the custom, as other 
tenants do, payeing their rent and reliefe and no other custome to 
the Lord. And there were half-yarde lands in Shepescombe the 
which the said Lord Talbot diminished at the said Courte, one 
called Chrochen and the other Jones. Out of Chrochen 3 the said 
Lord bated XII. acres lying in the parke, and out of Jones VIII. 
acres. And the Lord ceassed Chrochen land at 25. by (the) year, 
and Jones lands at Vllld. by yeare, and graunted them to be 
customary holders in their comen (common) as other, both for the 
batement of the said Lande. That is to say, XII. acres out of 
Chrochen, which lyeth in the Park in Cockshoute lande, and VIII. 
acres out of Jones, lying in the said Parke, in Bushie lande. 
And for having of the said lande into the Parke, the said Lord 
covenanted at the same time to pay the King at every taske Vis. 

" The said Inquest brought in for freeholders the Prior of 
Lantonye, certayne tenements given by the said Lord of late to 
the House of Flaynesforde, 4 conteyning V yard land with 2 water- 
mills. The Almoner of the Monasterie of S. Peter's in Gloucester 
paying to the Lord's kitchen yearly at the feaste of our Lord 
God, one mutton sheepe, Pigs Lands, De la Meeres lands in 

1. Now Huddiknoll, at Edge. 

2. i.e., holder. 

3. Crochen, a deer's skull. 

4. At Goodrich, Co. Hereford. 


Sheppescombe, John Robbin's lands, Rose's 1 lands, otherwise 
called Damsells, the which the said Lord had in his hands at that 
time already of late the feoffees of the lands of our Lady, since 
in the Church of Painswicke, and Henry Hoynes (Heynes) for 
Withers lands. 

"The said Inqueste brought in at the said Courte, for their 
Answere, concerning the iiii. warrants (rabbit warrens) that every 
homadge should have one, as hereafter followeth, that is to say, 
Duddescombe, and the ii. Frethes, (i.e., Friths 2 ) in the Homage of 
Stroud, homage for Edge, Arnegrove and Highgrove, (i.e., now 
Clattergrove) in Sponebed, Kynsbury with Hawking Hill, (i.e., 
the Camp), the fourth in Longridge and Nettlebeds in Shepes- 
combe. And the said Inquest desired the Lord to ceasse the Rent 
what every tything should pay for their warrants. And the said 
Lord graunted that every tithing should pay yearly Ills. Illld. 
doeying his neighbour noe harme. And the said iiii. homadges 
to increase conies, soe that they doe not hurte their arable lands 
or corne. 

"And at the same time the said Lord Talbot dismissed 
(demised) his iii. weeks Courte, and comytted it (i.e., commuted) 
to ii. courtes in the year onelie for Payneswicke, and dimissed 
Whaddon and Moreton. And that noe man of the said tennents 
should sue another in any Courte, but in Payneswick Court, 
saving in the High Courts above, and in the Marches of Wales. 

"Furthermore, the said Lord commanded his tennents to keepe 
his custome, every man in his behalfe, and that noe Sheriffe nor 
Bayley arrant, 3 nor noe other out (outside) officers should serve 
any writte or warrant on any of the said tennents, without the 
goodwill of the Steward there for the tyme being. Att the 
same Courte came William Sponebed, Amner 4 of the Monastery 
of S. Peter's in Gloucester, and James Mille of Ebworth, 
being farmer 5 there, and agreed with the said Lord for Us. by 
the yeare for the mutton sheepe and to release the iii. weekes 

1. From its annual rent of a red rose. 

2. The woodlands now called ' the Frith wood.' 

3. Errant. 

4. Almoner. 

5. Farmer for the Abbey of Gloucester. 


courte. And also, the said William Sponebed and James Mille 
desired the said Lord at the said Courte to have a copie out 
of the same Courte Roll, and the Lord graunted them, and the 
said William Sponebed wrought it out with his owne hand. 

" Moreover, the said Lord willed his tennents that if any man 
came to claim any lands in the lordship of Payneswicke that he or 
they that soe claimeth should have a courte loking, paying for the 
same Us. and enter the same, and that there should be chosen 
XII. men, III. out of every homadge. And if the matter were in 
the town (i.e., Painswick) that then they should choose VIII. men 
out of the towne, and one out of every homadge, and the 
Inqueste soe chosen should go into an house, and should not 
come forth of the said house until they had brought in their 
verdict of the same before the Steward for the time being, whoe 
had righte to the said land. 

"Furthermore, if any of the tennants make a forfeite for 
lack of reparations, that every tenente so offending shall pay 
a double relieffe, and enter into his former estate again ; and 
if any refuse to pay the said relieffe, then it shall be lawefull 
for his next heire to enter into the saide grounds payeing the 
said relieffe. And like manner if any of the said tenants 
be attainted for Felonye or for any other cause, his nexte a 
kynne shall enter upon the grounde, paying to the Lord the 
aforesaid double relieffe." 

This important document needs attentive comment, in order 
to yield its worth to us in illustrating the story of Painswick, 
and this it has perhaps never received. 

The date occurring at the commencement is, of course, a mis- 
transcription either by Rudder or, more probably, by an earlier 
copyist. But what should the date be ? It is necessary to 
approximate it as closely as we can. To start with, the Lord 
Talbot here referred to, as having held his Court in Person, and 
having had his household in the Manor, did not receive his 
Earldom of Shrewsbury until May 20, 1442 (A. 20, Henry 
VI.) in which year he was in England. Next year he went 
back to France, but he returned in 1444, and became Lieutenant 
of Ireland in the following year. In the Rolls of the Manor, 
some of which are still extant for years 6, 7 and 8, Henry VI., 


the financial results of Wife-rip and Child-rip (i.e., the amount 
of cereal or hay which women and children could reap) are 
duly entered. (In A. 6, Henry VI. = 1428 Wife-rip brought in 53. 8d. 
and Child-rip is.) In that for 1442 they are nowhere to be found. 
But in Article 4 of the Lord's schedule given above is contained 
reference to the demising of them. The Document in question 
should, therefore, probably be dated about 1442. This increases 
its interest, and we must next examine the names of tenants 
occurring in it, and here again we are fortunate. Robert Tonley, 
William King, William Mynsterworth, William Merryman, are all 
there. The other names, however, William Jourdayne, John Bon- 
hill, do not appear. The holding at Shepscombe called Chrochen, 
described in the above document as a half-yard land, is described 
in the Roll as a farendel, or quarter-yard land (not heriotable), held 
by John Wether (mentioned as in the Homage of Shepscombe in the 
document). But if the Lord " bated XII. acres lying in the Park" 
out of Chrochen, it must already have been a half-yard land, and 
became now reduced to something less than 7^ acres, an average 
farendel, because a half-yard land represents 15 acres, and 12 
from 15 leaves but 3 acres. But due weight must likewise be 
allowed to the fact that in the Document above-given he is never 
called Earl, but only Lord Talbot. In 1446, the Earl was in 
England, having brought back with him Queen Margaret. In 
1448 he returned to France, and though again in England for six 
months, for the last time in 1451, these months were filled with 
political business of great moment. 

The next point to notice is that the document represents a 
thorough-going reform in the Administration of the Manor of 
Painswick framed in a benevolent spirit so as to remove certain 
distinct grievances from which the tenants had doubtless cruelly 
suffered. And, of these grievances, the First Article sets forth 
directly, and strikes a key-note. The Lord has received the bitter 
complaints of eleven widows in Painswick who having lost their 
husbands (who had gone forth fighting under their Lord into 
France), had forfeited their tenements to their next-of-kin, and 
had had to pay heriots to the Lord of the Manor. Some of their 
husbands had been free tenants (Liberi homines) and some were 
bondmen (nativi Domini), who might have become manumitted, 


but whose rights were almost non-existent. The loss of 
their husbands had given them no right to marry again, while it 
had deprived some of them of their tenements, i.e., turned them 
into destitute persons. 

The Lord designed forcibly to do away with this scandalous 
state of things by granting that in future a widow should be 
enabled to marry again with whom she willed, and as often as she 
willed, and also that the heriot instead of being taken from her on 
succession should be forgone to her ; that she should retain her 
tenement ; and that finally after her decease the tenement or 
holding, although she may have married sundry times, should by 
right descend to her next heir. 

This enactment seems, by the light of the customs in force in 
Elizabeth's later day, to have ordered that the wife of any tenant 
on the decease of her husband became admitted to her free-bench 
(i.e., one-third annual value) in the Lord's Manor Court, by the 
payment of one penny, and re-marriage on her part did not cancel 
her right to it, but the privilege continued during her life. It is 
not difficult to appreciate the great step in advance made by this 
enactment alone, which probably caused Painswick tenants to 
be envied by the neighbours in many other manors. 

The next point, constituting another grievance, done away 
with by the Lord, relates to herbage and pannage on the common 
lands, (woods and hills) and the waste-land of the Manor, upon 
which the tenants fattened their geese and pigs and horses, but 
only on payment for a license to the Lord. As pork and bacon 
were important foods among the tenants, and in value came next 
to oxen and horses, and the pig throve on beech-mast and acorns, 
the animal's price was kept high owing to the exactions for license 
or fines for non-taking out one. Again the tenants might not fell 
wood or cut fuel and brush without license from the Lord, even if 
it occurred upon their own customary land. These grievances were 
likewise removed. Also, providing only that no trespass should 
be committed, Tenants, in future, might lawfully fell the woods, 
timber-trees, &c., growing upon their tenements, without license 
from the Lord or interference from his officers. 

The Lord of the Manor had hitherto held certain nou- 
infeudated portions of his fief at Painswick, or demesne-lands, in 


Washwell, Duddescombe, Ham and Ifold, in his own hands, that is 
to say, he did not let to farm to his tenants of any degree on those 
lands, which, of course, contained the richest soil. He now decided 
to let his demesnes to his customary tenants with all the herbage 
and pannage and tacke of pigs, and that in yard-lands (i.e., 30 
acres) half-yard lands, farendels, and mundies grounds (i.e., 
eighth of a yard-land), just like the rest of the Manor. 

The Fourth Article ' ' that the Lord would dismiss himself 
from man's reepe, wife's reepe, and child's reepe from the bur- 
gages and cottages which were builded out of his desmesnes in 
the new street of Painswick," is of threefold importance; first, as 
regarding the lightening of the burden on the tenants of being 
taxed for man-rip, wife-rip, and child-rip ; secondly, because the 
Lord mentions that the New Street in Painswick has (evidently 
recently) been builded out of his desmesnes (this gives us 
the date of New Street 1 as early XV. c.). Thirdly, the answer of 
the Inquest assenting to the Lord's proposal to demise to his 
tenants the tax on the ' Rip ' (if, indeed, this be what the obscure 
wording of that particular Article means to convey !) "The said 
Inquest brought in their answer concerning the 'reepes' that 
they should be dismissed, by reason the said Lord gave up his 

This last is of especial interest, as it shews that the Earl kept 
his Court House at Painswick ; moreover that he gave up keeping 
it at this period (c. 1442); and the Inquest considered this a 
good reason for his releasing his personal interest in the tax on 
' Rip." The (so-called) present Court-House, probably stands 
upon a portion only of the former site, which remained vacant for 
perhaps as long as 100 years, until Thomas Gardner, a copy- 
hold tenant, was permitted to build his residence upon it by the 
Lord, c. 1595. 

Here, then, we have mentioned the New Street, and we also 
have at the same date mentioned ' Novo Vico,' or New town. Since 
Painswick came directly after the Earl's death to the children 
of his second wife, in fact, to his grandson, the unfortunate 
Thomas, Viscount Lisle, who is known to have lived here, we 

I. Beginning, of course, only at the modern Gloucester Street, then 
High Street. The modern continuation, or Cheltenham Road is but seventy- 
five years old. 


may conjecture that the latter and his two sisters (and his 
co-heirs in Painswick) may have been born here. 

It is manifest that this Talbot was a solid benefactor to 
Painswick ; and, under conditions thus greatly improved by 
his action, we cannot be surprised that within fifty years the 
Priors of Llantony came to find that their Vicar here needed a 
far larger church in order to accommodate the parishioners of 
this flourishing Cotteswold manor and growing town. 

The present Tudor remains noticeable at the Park Lodge 
embody a small portion (on the N. side) of a secondary mansion 
built probably by the Earl's father and the inscribed altar-stone 
(a rare object indeed) of its chapel is still there, which can be 
dated precisely 1403-4. The window here illustrated is perhaps 
as early as this, though Mr Albert Hartshorne thinks, and the 
writer follows him, that 1420 would be nearer its date. We, 
therefore, have remains extant, if not of the mansion-house or 
Castle once occupied by the great John Talbot and his ancestors, 
of their Park Lodge. At least, this seems the only satisfactory 
conclusion suggested by the datable altar-stone, and the datable 
window. The altar-stone is probably therefore from 15 to 20 
years older than the north window. 

The First Article of the Concessions was also revolutionary. 
The Lord would be pleased to let out his demesne-lands, both in 
Washwell (i.e. near the town) and in the country (i.e., Ifold, 
Duddescombe and Ham). This the Inquest arranged according to 
five different qualities of the land, as quoted above, excepting a 
certain XIII. acres lying in Duddescombe ' on the Culverhouse 
Hill.' And these were, it appears, taken by one William 
Jourdayne, for xnd. by the year and 2d. for the culverhouse. 

Now it was the custom of the Manor that the tenants of 
these acres (called Thirteenes) were those bound to carry 
venison for the Lord into such and such places as he appointed, 
for the space of a day and a night apiece, at their own cost, or 
else stand to the annual fine of 8d. to the Lord's use, and if 
any tenant or sub-tenant had two of the acres, he paid xvid. 
From this time forward, therefore, namely 1442, keen com- 
petition was begotten among the tenants for obtaining hold of 
demesne land, for farming in all the four demesne portions, ' and 




COURT-HOUSE (East Side) 


in a little space every man made a copy of his portion, and the 
Lord sealed them.' 

And then ' touching Damsells-Land ' that estate we have 
seen carved out by the Sudgroves and Damsells sixty years 
before, and constituting a little manor of itself. The Sud- 
groves and Damsells had died out or quitted the Manor. ' The 
Inquest brought in that every man (tenant) should (be able to) hold 
it, according to the custome, as other tenants do, payeing their 
rent and relief, and noe other custom to the lord.' Accordingly 
the Lord allowed this also, and we find all the crofts, pastures, 
messuages on that estate, including 'le Hallehouse ' (so Damsels had 
its own little Manor Hall), from this time onwards let out to various 
tenants, some fourteen in number. One particular croft or close 
called Cleycroft (not heriotable) was still let on the nominal rent 
of a red Rose payable on the feast of S. John the Baptist, to John 
Waxman, who lived until May 2oth, 1485, when he was succeeded 
in his holdings by his half-brother, Nicholas Wolde. These were 
an apple orchard (pomarium) called Damsells orchard, and Cley- 
croft near Longridge Wood in Edge tithing. This red- Rose 
tenure of Cleycroft continued until Elizabeth's reign, when it also 
was commuted, as we shall find, for money-rent. 

The heriots were only exacted on yard and half-yard lands, 
and consisted of the best quick (living) cattle, or in default the 
best household stuff or goods. The rents were paid to the Manor- 
Reeve at four dates in the year : The Feast of the Annunciation, 
the Nativity of St John the Baptist, St Michael, and Christmas, 
and the Reeve was paid 263. and 8d. for his trouble. 

Another interesting point in the Inquest is the appearance put 
in by the Priors of Llantony and Flanesford as freeholders. It 
would seem that the Lord had lately increased his ancestor's gift 
of land in the Manor to Flanesford Priory. The two water-mills 
given by Sir Richard Talbot a hundred years before still figure, 
but the land has been increased to five virgates =150 acres. 
This was situated (as stated before) near and around what 
is now Seagrym's and Ayers' Mill. The Abbot of St Peter's, 
Gloucester, is another free-holder, and having a carucate (i.e., 
1 20 acres) and messuage at Ebbworth, paid two shillings rent 
annually and one mutton-sheep at Christmas to the Lord's 


kitchen. The Feoffees of the lands of our Lady, ' since in the 
Church of Painswick,' are also free-holders. But what are 
the lands of our Lady, and why are they stated to be ' since ' 
in the Church of Painswick ? A Roll of Henry VII. shews 
the Feoffatse Beatae Mariae paying vmd. and included as one 
of the holders of the parcel of lands called ' Thirteenes ' and 
at that date they paid this to the Manor Lord, not to Llantony.' 
How did they stand before they were included in the Church of 
Painswick? It is not easy to answer this, unless one is to suppose 
that the Lord of the Manor still exercised partial right in the 
Church of Painswick, independent of Llantony ; which right he 
surrendered when he made the Feoffees free-tenants. 

The encouragement of rabbits seems to have been considered 
important. The warrens brought in 133. 4d. p. a. in 1495. 

" Furthermore the said Lord commanded his tenants to keep 
his custom every man in his behalf, and that no Sheriff nor Bailiff 
arrant, nor no other out officers should serve any writ or warrant 
on any of the said tenants without the goodwill of the Steward 
there for the time being." The customs of the Manor (temp : 
Elizabeth) explain this significant distinction. " The custom is, 
and tyme out of mynde used hath bene, that the Sheriff or any of 
his Bayliffs or Ministers cannot enter within this Liberty to serve 
any process upon any person within the same ; unlesse it be with 
a Commandement or Subpoena." The Bailiff means the Bailiff 
of the Hundred of Bisley or the Portreeve of Gloucester. This 
signifies that this Manor enjoyed a peculiar immunity from 
external jurisdiction. It stood somewhat, but not absolutely, 
outside national police or justice. It was still used to justice 
administered by the Reeve. So that the rights of gallows, 
pillory and tumbrel were no doubt continued, and although we 
have no evidence of a gallows-place at Painswick itself, we have 
certain evidence of it having existed at Shepscomb, where Sir 
Anthony Kingston, Sheriff of the County, renewed it in order to 

I. "They hold one Burgage and twelve acres; and a messuage and a 
farendel of land : also 2 cottages with a garden, called Lycchefeld and Denys : 
another cottage with appurtenances : a cottage called Lyons with an acre of 
land, lately in the tenure of Richard Hyk ; one parcel of land called Pekshals, 
with its garden, lying next the Pynfold." The annual rent of all these was 
1 is. 


execute rebels against Queen Mary. Probably there was a 
' Stocks ' in Shepscomb as well as in Painswick. 

Taking survey of this striking tale of the concessions of the Earl 
of Shrewsbury, it is manifest that if Painswick men had not served 
him remarkably well, and that is bravely, in the long war in France, 
as no doubt their ancestors had served his father and grandfather 
before him back to the days of Crecy (1346), they would scarcely 
have inspired the warrior at 65 years of age with desire to 
repay them thus handsomely. That, to our mind, is the natural 
and only explanation of this highly-interesting and fortunately 
preserved document. 

It is furthermore to be noted that whatsoever may have been 
the customs of the Manor of Painswick previously to 1440-5, from 
that date forward, while embodying the best traditions of the 
previous centuries, they underwent great change in really liberal 
directions, and that this achieved advancement in their condition 
would inevitably become the main point of reference, should 
difficulties arise in future days between the tenants and their 
manor-lords at Painswick. 

The William Jourdeyne mentioned in the Earl's concessions 
as being of the homage of Strode, is represented through later 
times by the family of Hammond. In the famous Chancery suit 
between the Jerninghams(i6i4) and their tenants, John Hammond, 
the leading tenant, is always particularly mentioned as ' alias 
Jurden ' (i.e., Jourdeyne). 

The last points to be noted are (i) That holding from the 
King in Chief, the Earl, for having into the Park, XII. acres out 
of ' Chrochen ' and VIII. acres out of ' Jones,' at Shepescombe, 
is to pay the King vis. extra, at every taske, or four times a 
year ; and (2) That instead of the Court-Baron being held for 
three weeks once a year, it is to be held twice a year, and 
not at Whaddon and Moreton. As the next document will 
shew, both Moreton and Payneswick were valued at 20 per 
annum, and Whaddon at 12. Damsells was held by the fiftieth 
part of a knight's fee. The interest of this other document for us 
is almost confined to the passages regarding his Paynswick 
property. "He held the Manor of Paynswick and 10 messuages, 
3 mills, 14 yard-lands, 10 acres of meadow, 20 acres of wood in 
Paynswick, and that the said Manor was worth 20." 


It is, therefore, significant to remark the difference of the 
possessions in Paynes wick of the two Earls of Shrewsbury. 
For, the second of these dying (also in battle) only seven years 
later than his father, the Inquisitio of his property here runs thus : 

" 2 Parts, one Messuage there, and 2 carucates of land, called 
Damsells Land." (Cf. Inq. : P.M. p. 289, A. 38-9, H. VI., 1459). 

The greater portion of the Manor had been left to the issue 
of the Earl's second marriage. 

"(Copy of an Inquest of Office on the death of John, 
(ist) Earle of Shrewsbury). 

"In the 33rd year of King Henry the Sixt which was Anno 
Dei 1453 : [should be 1454]. 

"It was found by a Jury upon an Inquest of Office to be 
seene in the Tower of LO. . . 

" That John, late Earle of Shrewsbury, held the day wherein 
he dyed the Manners of Huntley and Longhope of the King and 
the Dutchie of Lancaster, as of the Hundred Lyond of Munmoth 
(Monmouth) by the service of a knight's fee and were worth by 
the yeare xims. and that he held the Mannor of Lydney, of 
Richard, Earle of Warwick, by what service they know not, and 
was worth by the yeare loos. And that he held a moiety of the 
Mannor of Beggworthe' not of the King, but of whom the same 
was holden, or by what service, they know not, and was worth 
by the year xn li. And that he held the Mannor of Legh of the 
Abbot of S. Peter in Glouc : by what service they know not, and 
was worth by the year on iiij li. And that he held the Hamlett of 
Housom in the marches of Wales to the County of Glouc : adjoyn- 
ing, and that the said Hamlett was parcel of the Castle of Castle 
Goodrich in the Marches of Wales, to the County of Hereford 
adjoyning, and that the said Hamlett was holden of the King by 
the hundredth part of a knight's fee and was worth by the yeare 
XLS. and that he held six messuages, 200 acres of land and 20 
acres of meadow in Sherington not of the King but of whom or 
by what service they know not; and that he held a certain parcel 
of land called ' Damsells Land ' neere Paynswick of the King in 
capite by the service of the fiftieth part of a knight's fee, and that 
he held the Manners of Moreton and Whaddon of the King and of 

i. Badgeworth. 


the Earldome of Derby by ffealty for all service and that the said 
Manner of Moreton was worth by the yeare xx li. (^20), and the 
said Manner of Whaddon was worth by the yeare xij li.(^i 2). And 
that he held the Mannor of Paynswick, and 10 messuages, 3 mills, 
14 yarde lands, tenn acres of meadow and 20 acres of wood, in 
Paynswick, and that the said Mannor was worth by the yeare, &c., 
xx li., and that he held one messuage, 40 acres of land and 4 acres 
of meadows in Westbury not of the King, but of whom or by 
what service they know not, and that John, then Earle of Shrews- 
bury, was sonne and heire of the aforesaid John, late Earle, and 
was of the age of 40 years. 

" See the Custome booke of the Customs of Painswick 
made in the yeare 1400 (should be c. 1443) in the (life) time 
of John, Lord Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord of the 
Mannor. This undoubtedly was the same Lord, for albeit 
this (above) record was 53 yeares after, yett it appears in the 
same record that John, then Earle of Shrewsbury, the sonne 
and heire was att that time, videlicet 1453, fforty yeares of age." 



During the last five and twenty years, 1 however, something of 
serious significance to the Lords of the Manor had been growing 
which was soon destined to culminate in a tragic crisis. I refer 
to the great quarrel between the Beauchamps and the Berkeleys, 
over the possession of the Castle and Lordship of Berkeley ; a 
quarrel which developed a veritable feudal warfare in parts of 
Gloucestershire (1465, 5 Edward IV., pp. 441). The tenth Lord 
Berkeley had left, by his wife, the heiress of Gerard Warren, Lord de 
Lisle, an only daughter, Elizabeth,who married Richard Beauchamp, 
Earl of Warwick. The latter obtained from Henry VI. the custody 
of the Castles, Manors, and Estates belonging to the last Lord 
Berkeley. A county Jury, however, on the strength of a Writ 
directed to Robert Gilbert the Escheator of Gloucestershire, found 
that James, eleventh Lord Berkeley (d. 1463) was his uncle's heir 
male, and that he should inherit the Castle of Berkeley, and twelve 
manors constituting the Barony of Berkeley. The Earl and Countess 
of Warwick, however, having obtained possession of the Castle and 
its deeds, held it for three years. King Henry VI., from whom 
Berkeley was held in chief, at last was persuaded to interpose. 
James, Lord Berkeley, by bribing Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, 
with 1,000 marks, became established in the Castle, and a com- 
promise was with difficulty effected, which, however, lasted only 
so long as Lord Warwick lived. Upon the latter's decease in 

i. We get few facts relating to Painswick during Edward IV. reign. 
The following is from the Patent Rolls : " Pardon to the King's servant, 
Thomas Herbert, one of the esquires of the body and Constable of the King's 
Castle of Gloucester, for the escape of William Glover, late of Painswick, Glos. 
and of all consequent fines, amercements, and suits due to the King," Glover 
was delivered into his custody for treason and felony by Maurice Berkeley, 
Esq., Sheriff of the County. 


1439, leaving three daughters, the eldest of whom was Margaret, 
the wife of John Talbot (afterwards first Earl of Shrewsbury), the 
family quarrel broke out afresh. In 1440, a process-server of 
Lord Talbot, one David Woodburne,' of Painswick, being sent to 
Wotton to serve a subpoena on Lord Berkeley, the latter (imitating 
Bernabo Visconti at Milan) forced the unfortunate man to swallow 
the summons, seals, and all. Litigation and bloodshed followed. 
In 1445, when Talbot was probably at Painswick, things were 
looking black, and frequent skirmishes took place. In 1448, a Com- 
mittee of Arbitrators sat upon the case at Cirencester, but the 
award framed by them was ignored by Lord Berkeley. In the same 
year when Lady Shrewsbury was residing, not at Painswick, but 
at the Manor House of Wotton, Lord Berkeley attacked and looted 
that house. Whereupon, her son John, Viscount Lisle, took 
Berkeley Castle by surprise, and kept Lord Berkeley and his four 
sons prisoners for nearly three months. The Earl of Shrewsbury 
by this time was again gone to the wars in France. In 1452 a 
Court of Inquiry was held at Gloucester, at which Lady Shrews- 
bury, 2 and Isabel Mowbray, Lady Berkeley, attended. The latter 
was entrapped into Gloucester Castle and there kept prisoner by her 
rival. Within a few days she died (Sept 29) and was buried in the 
Chancel of the Grey Friars Church. In the next year the great 
Shrewsbury himself, and John Talbot, Lord Lisle, father and son, 
both fell in the fight at Chastillon, and James, Lord Berkeley, 
strangely, married Joan, a daughter of the Earl by his first wife. 
In 1467, Lady Shrewsbury died, leaving her property and several 
disputed manors, including Wotton and Coaley, to her grandson, 

i. In the last Chapter we have noticed a Walter Woodburne (gent.), of 
Painswick, fined at Westminster for not having duly appeared to a summons 
touching a plea of debt (p 373, Catal : Pat: Rolls, anno. 5, Hen: VI.), 1427. 
Cf. Smyth's ' Lives of the Berkeleys,' and Trans : Br : & Glos : Arch : Soc : 
111-305. In an Expenses Roll of April, 1430, this David Woodburne appears 
as being paid 6d. for working in the Steward's kitchen. 

2. 1461, July 6th. Westminster. 

Grant to Marg'' Countess of Shrewsbury, of the custody, during his 
minority, of Thomas, son and heir of John, Viscount Lisle, and of all his lands, 
and so from heir to heir, and also the 20 marks yearly which Henry VI. granted 
to the said Viscount and to the heirs male of his body on his creation as 
Viscount, 1443, from the issues of the County of Salop. By Privy Seal. (From 
Calend: Pat: Rolls). 


Thomas Talbot, 1 Viscount Lisle. Following her, Lord Berkeley 
died also, and was succeeded in his estates, and the family quarrel 
over the manors of Wotton, Coaley and Symonds Hall, by William, 
twelfth Lord Berkeley (d. 1491), his son. Thomas, Lord Lisle, had 
married in 1467 Margaret, daughter of William Herbert, first Earl 
of Pembroke, and he now took up his residence at Wotton. It may 
be that Painswick had been partly abandoned as a residence by 
reason of the claim of the Berkeleys to Wotton Manor, and that the 
Talbots had gone thither into residence by the old Countess's design, 
in order to be face to face and, as it were, even with the wary 
enemy ; further, to out-manceuvre him, and, if possible, seize at will 
upon Berkeley Castle. In fact, Lord Lisle, soon setting on foot 
a plot by means of Mr Robert Veale, his agent, to seize Berkeley 
once more, gained over to his scheme Thomas Holt, the Keeper 
of the Castle, and the Porter, Maurice King. King, however, 
disclosed the whole matter to his master at the last moment, and 
Holt fled to Wotton to acquaint Lord Lisle of the treachery. The 
latter was so enraged that he indited the (to him) fatal letter, dated 
March igth, 1469, challenging Lord Berkeley to come out of 
Berkeley * and fight. 

The result is well known : this rash young Lord of Painswick 
and Wotton under-estimated the forces at the disposal of his foe, 
who came out a thousand strong to perform precisely what Lord 
Lisle had defied him to do, " to beat the Manor of Wotton about 
his head," and posted himself over- night at Michaelwood next 
Nibley Green. Next morning, Lord Lisle and his men moved 
toward them from Nibley Church on the then extensive green. 
Upon their approach, the Berkeley foemen, assisted by a force 
from Thornbury under his brother, Maurice Berkeley, posted at a 
place called Fowleshard, 3 met them with a deadly discharge of 

1 1468' Nov } Entries prove Thomas Talbot, Vise : Lisle, still a minor. 
1469, July 14. Westminister. 

License for Thomas, Viscount Lisle, to enter freely into all Castles, 
Lordships, Manors, &c., of which John Talbot, Knight, Vis : Lisle, his father, 
and Joan, his wife, and Mary, late Countess of Shrewsbury, his grandmother, 
or any other ancestor of his were seized, and which should descend to him. 
[By Privy Seal]. 

2. In his letter he twits Lord Berkeley with having falsely blown it about 
that he (Talbot) had in Welshmen to do his business for him. 

3. Foley's Grove. Cf. Vol. II., Trans: Br. & Gl. Arch. Soc., pp. 304- 
3 2 4- 


arms. Lord Lisle was shot by one " Black Will," of the Forest 
of Dene (i.e., Lydney), and finished off with a dagger-stroke. 
The leader slain,' his followers fled uphill toward Nibley Church, 
their triumphant foes pursuing them at the spear-point, until Lord 
Berkeley reached Wotton, and pillaged it over Lady Lisle's head, 
"as a place taken in lawful war." 

The unfortunate Lady 2 gave birth to a dead child sixteen days 
afterwards. She, however, married Sir Henry Bodrugan, of Corn- 
wall, but a little later. Having brought an appeal against Lord 
Berkeley for the death of her husband, she procured a Parliamentary 
enactment settling (1472) her personal claims in return for a pay- 
ment of^iooper annum; Lord Berkeley to keep the disputed 
manors, but without prejudice to the rights of their respective heirs. 
The sister of Lord Lisle, Elizabeth, 1 who now became his heir, had 

1. James Hiatt, Esq., Constable of St Briavels, seems to have taken a 
leading part in the fray, who, from recent researches, would appear to have 
been direct ancestor to the Hyetts of Dursley and Painswick. 

2. 1471, Nov. 4. Grant for life to Margaret, late the wife of Thomas 
Talbot, Viscount Lisle, of the Lordship and Manor of Painswick, Co. Glos., to 
hold in dower with knights' fees, advowsons, Courts-leet, views of Frank 
Pledge, and other liberties. (Calendar of Pat. Rolls). 

3. 1470. April 6. 

License for Elizabeth and Mary Talbot, sisters and heiresses of Thomas, 
late Viscount Lisle, to enter freely into all Castles, Lordships, Manors, Lands, 
Rents, Reversions, &c., in England, Wales, the Marches of Wales, and Ireland, 
which should descend to them by the death of the said Thomas, their brother, 
Kt., their father, and the late Viscount Lisle, and Joan, his wife, (and the) late 
Countess of Shrewsbury, their grandmother, and Richard, Earl of Warwick, 
her father, and Elizabeth, his wife, or any of them. [By word of mouth] . 
1471, Nov. 4. Westminster. 

Grant for life to Margaret, late the wife of Thomas Talbot, Viscount Lisle, 
of the Lordship and Manor of Paneswyk, C- Glouc : and the Manors of Norton, 
Beauchamp, and Lympysham, with their members in the C 05 - Somerset and 
Dorset, parcel of the Manors and lands of the said Viscount, to hold in dower 
with Knight's Fees, Advowsons, Courts-Leet, Views of Frank Pledge, and 
other Liberties. [By Privy Seal]. 

Elizabeth, sister of Thomas, late Viscount Lisle, married Edward Grey, 
son of Elizabeth Grey, Lady de Ferrers of Groby (living a. 38 Hen : VI.) He, 
thereupon, was made Baron Lisle, and (a. I Rich : 3) Viscount Lisle, and 
enjoyed with her, as Elizabeth, Lady Lisle, the Manors and Lordships to which 
she was entitled as sister and heiress of Thomas, late Viscount Lisle. 
Edward, Viscount Lisle, died July 17, a. 7, Hen: VII. (= 1490) seized in his 
demesne as of Frank Ten'- after the death of Elizabeth, his wife, as tenant by 
courtesy of the above-mentioned Manors and Lands. John Grey, their son and 
heir, was then aged 1 1 years and more, and became Viscount Lisle. 

[Cf. Cal. Inquisit : Hen : VII. Writ dated 19 July, 
a. 7, Hen : VII. Inquis : 6 Oct. a. 8, Hen : VII.] 

I 2 


married Sir Edward Grey, an uncle of Lord Berkeley, who 
presently set up their claims against the latter, Sir Edward 
becoming Viscount Lisle in right of his wife. 

Probably from this time Painswick Manor House, later the 
Lodge, became refurnished and continuously inhabited by the 
Lisles. A son, John, was born to them in 1479, an< ^ a 
daughter, Elizabeth, of whom later. The famous Berkeley 
Law-suit resulting from this struggle was not finally settled 
until 1609. 

In 1471 (May 4), had taken place the Battle of Tewkesbury. 
We do not hear of Painswick in connection with it, but it is con- 
jectured that King Edward led his army along the old escarpment- 
tracks in order to overtake and bring to bay Queen Margaret, 
who marched along the valley of the Severn. From Cainscross, 
perhaps, he ascended Pakenhill and came along Randwick, the 
Rudge, and striking the Edge at Horsepools, continued his march 
along it round to Kimsbury, whence he probably obtained a good 
reconnaissance of the Queen's army proceeding in the vale below. 
Thence, he took the valley and made directly across country for 
Tewkesbury. If such was the case, he passed well in sight of 
Painswick. But he may have hugged the escarpment still closer, 
and continued along it as far as High Brotheridge, and thence 
descended by way of Churchdown. This would have been 
the sounder strategy. He certainly reached Cheltenham. 

In spite of the Wars of the Roses, Painswick would seem to 
have prospered, and it must be presumed that the changes there 
effected by the Earl of Shrewsbury were found to work well. 

In 1486 (2 Henry, VII.), October 25, among the free-tenants 
are mentioned Thomas Bridge of Cubberley (Armiger), Thomas 
Bridge of Dymoke, and John Waxman. The two former recall 
the Bridges whom we saw were acting as stewards to Lord 
Shrewsbury forty years before. John Ireland is the village 
butcher, Thomas Pytte is tithingman of Edge, succeeded by 
Thomas Tykell. Thomas Blysse owns a mill. 

The Jurors of the Court are Thomas Hall, John Frampton, 
Rich : Dennyford, Nicholas More, John Pecke, Robert Mill, Rich : 
Adeane, John a' Chamber, James Mill, Richard Tickell, John 
Frethe, Rob: Mariett. 


Walter Collins proceeds against Richard Pole, Nicholas More, 
and Robert Mill, for debts owing. 

Richard Gyde, and Elenor, his wife, surrender a messuage 
and farendel of land to the use Robert Pytte. Henry Twinning 
has a mill. Other familiar names are Henry Loveday, Will : 
Browne. At Shepscombe, Alice Pytte, Walter Mill, have mills, 
and one, John Davies is Vicar of Painswick. 

At Strode, Edward Hammond has a mill, hence ' Hammonds.' 

William Yvy, yeoman of Gloucester, John Lynkenold, yeo- 
man, of the same, and John Tyler, attacked the house of Richard 
Rogers, junior, at Painswick, and took away a red ox and a cow. 

John Merriman has a dwelling called ' Sheephouse,' which 
is needing repairs, and John Tickell has one called 'Paradise.' 
John Waxman, who rented Damsels Orchard in Sponebedd 
tithing, and Cleyecroft (for a red rose) in Edge tithing, is deceased, 
and his (half) brother, John Wolde, is admitted his successor. A 
property called Bordeland in Strode tithing, with rent of 155. nd. 
p. a., is in the tenure of Walter Seagrim. The Seagryms, we 
have already noticed, trace back to the early years of Edward 
III., and probably to a much earlier period. 

Near Blakewell was a field called Washaelfield,' toward the 
Highway West leading to Gloucester. 

Walter Collins and Robert Frethe are Assessors. 
In October, 1487, at Shepescombe : 

John Fletcher is elected Tithing-man there, and John Rogers 
is exonerated from the office. 

Robert Frampton keeps a hostel, for which he pays license. 

William .Bridge dies leaving a property called ' Lyrevimes, 
and another called ' Packers/ in Sponebed. 

Men are fined occasionally for remaining outside the Manor 
beyond the time allowed, or going beyond without license. 
Millers are fined for levying excessive toll, for not keeping their 
hedges in order, for encroachments and assaults. 

William Blysse has a mill at Stroud and is fined for levying 
excessive toll. Thomas Freme is fined for assaulting Thomas 

i . Wash, as in ' The Wash,' ' Washwell,' ' Washbrook,' = Wis : Uisge : 
Ouse : Usk : Esk : Isca : water. 


Robert Myll, Vicar, is fined 4<i. for not properly making 
the hedge belonging to the cottage (? Ludloes) he inhabits in 
Washwell. Thomas Frethe, John Frampton and Thomas Freme 
are fined for not keeping in order a lane by Grenhousgrene 
leading to Duddescombe (Dutchcombe). Wood-sale in the Manor 
this year was valued at 403. and 4d. John Harmer, deceased, 
held a parcel of land calle 'Paradise,' at a rent of i2d. p.a., among 
other lands. His heir is Thomas Harmer, aged 40 years and more. 

The actual status of the Manor-tenants will be more fully seen 
by the following Rental of Henry VII., A. 12 (1496) made by 
Thomas Gybbes, the Reeve, and others. 

STROUD (Strode Tithing). 

i. Thomas Hall holds one messuage called Worgans, and 
two other messuages ' Blakmonny's ' and ' Lovecots,' with 15 
acres adjacent, rendering (to be paid every four years at the terms 
usual there) 8s. The same Thomas Hall has a Burgage in 
Payneswick with a parcel of land of a colbert (i.e., tenant in socage) 
at i2d. p.a. 

2. William Browne has one messuage and half a virgate 
called ' Gerards,' at 123. 2d. 

3. Thomas Freme has one mess : y 2 virg: called 'Combes,' 
143. i J^d., and i mess : and farendel called ' Yalears,' 43. 

4. Agnes Mynsterworth has one mess: and i far: called 
' Facches,' 43. 

5. Thomas Gybbes, one mess: i virg: called 'Bovenells,' 


6. Rich : Tickell. 

one mess: i virg: called 'Wades ' 7 / , 
one mess : i virg : called ' Sawnders ' ) > 

j. John Browne; one mess: ^ virg: called ' Brownes,' 
us. 9d. 

8. Thomas Ffeyr ; one mess : i virg : called ' Blysses,' 
243. sd. 

9. Will: Blysse ; one mess: ^ virg: and mill called 
'Blysses,' otherwise 'Salmonys,' at i8s. 

10. John Pyncote. 
one mess 

one mess 
one mess 

i virg: called 'Jagges' ) ,,/, 

y 2 virg : called ' Hamonds' j 33S ' 
10 acres lying in Blakmonnys, 33. id. 

called ' Trompers.' 


ii. William Mede. 

one mess : y 2 virg : called ' Blysses ' ~) , 

12. two mess : two ^ virg : j 37 3 

13. Edward Hamonde, one mess : i virg: called 'Hamondes,' 
245. 3d. 

14. Thomas Browne, one mess : l /z virg : called ' Brownes,' 
i2S. gd. 

15. Thomas Hamonde, one mess : ^ virg: 13 acres demesne- 
land, 93. 

16. Eleonora Pytte, two mess : J^ virg: called respectively 
' Guds ' and ' Pyttes,' 243. 6d. 

17. Robert Stevens, one mess: ^ virg: called 'Kudde- 
house," i2S. 

18. Richard Pyncote, one mess: y 2 virg: called ' Brownys,' 
i2S. 7d. 

19. Richard Dyneford, one mess: y 2 virg: called 'Stevyns,' 
I2S. sd. 

20. Thomas Blysse, one mess: ^ virg: and i farendal, 
called ' Blysses,' 253. 4d. 

21. Richard Adeane, one mess: J^virg: called 'Crompelyns,' 

123. 5d. 

22. Thomas Tayler, one mess: and a mill (water) with 2^ 
virgates and a farendel, at 393. 8d. 

23. John Colyns holds one mess : and i farendel called 
' Colyns,' at 53. 4d. 

24. Johanna Tonneley holds one mess : and i farendel 
called ' Wynarks,' at 73. 

25. Simon Colyns holds 5 acres of demesne land lying in 
Duddescombe at i4d. 

Sum Total ^21 93. n}^d. 

EGGE (Edge Tithing). 

26. Richard Gyde holds one mess: y 2 virg: and i farendel, 
and i burgage called ' Gydes,' at 193. 6d. 

27. William Mynsterworth, one mess: ^ virg: called 
' Arnegroves,' at 133. s^d. 

28. Thomas Skenerell holds two mess : 2 far : and other 
demesne lands called ' Skenerellys,' at i6s. 3d. 


29. Richard Canedisley, two mess : and 2 far: respectively 
' Canedisleys ' and ' Taylers,' 2is. y>^d. 

30. Joan Tonneley, two mess: 2^ virg: called ' Tonneleys,' 

31. Joan Mason, one mess: and i virg: called 'Baldewynnys,' 
238. yd. 

32. Walter Wynneforde, one mess : y 2 virg : called 
' Skenerellis,' 153. nd. 

33. Walter Segrym, one mess : l / 2 virg : called 'Skenerellis,' 

155. i id. 

Walter Segrym, one mess : y 2 virg : called ' Mawnefeldes,' 

(i.e., Mandevilles), at IDS. 

34. John Bowrey holds two acres in Ifold demesne land, i2d. 
35. John Colyns holds two mess : 2)^ virg : called ' Colyns,' 

22S 8d. 

36. Nicholas Wheler holds two mess: 2^ virg: called 
' Holcotes,' and a cottage and 9 acres, 405. sd. 

37. John Tykell, one mess: )4 virg: called ' Tykellys,' also 
a parcel of land in Ifold, and a cottage with appurtenances called 
'Pardys' (Paradise), 195. nd. 

38. Agnes Mylls holds one mess: i virg: called 'Kyngs,' 
and a mill (water) called ' Kyngesmill,' and i burgage in Paynes- 
wike, also i mess : and i farendel called ' Symyngs.' 

Robert Mylls, husband of Agnes, holds one mess : }4 
virg : called 'Wallers.' The same Robert Mylls holds a cottage 
in Painswick called ' Todars,' and i acre demesne lands, ^'3 75. 

39. Walter Coke has one mess: i virg: called 'Cokes,' 
with a parcel of demesne lands, 243. 8d. 

40. John Peck holds two mess: 2 farendels, called ' Good- 
house ' and ' Dodds,' also a burgage in Painswick called ' Colyns,' 
and a parcel of demesne lands, i8s. 8d. 

41. John de Chambers has three cottages and certain demesne 
lands lately in tenure of Walter Colyns, 55., also with orchards, 
6s. 8d. 

42. Thomas Smyth has one burgage, 2 cottages, i farendel, 
called respectively ' Cefts ' and ' Pyllehouse,' 93. gd. 

43. Richard Churchey has two cottages and a parcel of 
demesne lands of which one is called ' Belesowes ' and the other 
' Churcheys,' js. 


44. Nicholas Wheler holds one mess: 2 virg: called 
' Colettys.' [See No. 36]. 

45. William Bydfelde holds one burgage, 2 cottages, i acre 
of demesne land at 53. 

46. Richard Adeane holds one burgage, 2 acres and a 
garden called ' Denys,' at 25. lod. 

47. Florentia, wife of the late Thomas Bridge (Armiger), 
holds two burgages and i cottage, at 23. 6d. 

48. John Gardener, one burgage called ' Harmers,' and 
another called ' Paynes,' and 3 cottages at 6s. lod. 

49. William Lacye, one burgage called ' Tynkers,' at 8d. 
50. John Frethe, three burgages and i lundinate, called 
' Westroffes,' and ' Clottes,' at8d. 

51. Katerina Hogges, one burgage, lately in tenure of John 
Westroffe, at lod. 

The Feoffees of the Service ' of Our Lady hold one 
burgage, and 12 acres, and one messuage, and 
a farendel of land. Also two cottages and a 
garden called ' Lychefield ' and ' Denys,' and 
one cottage with ' lundinarii,' and other 
appurtenances, and a cottage lately held by 
Rich : Hyk, i acre, called 'Lyons,' and i bit of 
ground, called ' Perkehale,' and a garden next 
to the penfold there, 2is. 6^d. 

52. Thomas Heynes, one burgage, lately in the tenure of 
Alice Geoffreys, lod. 

53. Thomas Tayler, two burgages i acre in Ifolde, called 
' Wynnefords,' 2S. 6d. 

54. Rich : Feyrthyngele, two burgages, 4 cott : and i far- 
endel, below Longridge, 215.^2 

55. Will : Tykell, one cott : lately held by Simon Tykell, 

56. Will : Zelam, one cott : lately held by John Tayler, 8d. 
57. Eleonor Feyre, one burg : called 'Feyres,' i parcel of 
demesne land, 45. gd. 

58. Rich: Tykell, one cott : and close, 2 acres in Duddes- 
combe, 35. 2d. 

i. Chantry -lands. 


59. Margaret, w. of Robert Cheney, Knt., i cott : called 
' Smallridge,' 8d. 

60. Hen : Pytte, alias Deacon Smyth, one cott : 3 acres 
demesne land, 35. 4d. 

61. Maurice Edwards, one burg: and i soldam (?), lately 
held by Rich: Halle, at 23}^., and i farendal next the Cross 
called Centres Crosse, 1 at 55. lod. 

62. Thomas Tykell, one mess: i Mondays land in Paynes- 
wyk, 35. 

63. Thomas Pytte holds one mess: and i virgate, called 
' The Castle,' 2 and 2 lundinates, at 235. i id. 

64. Thomas Mylle, 4 acres of Demesne land and others, 
3 s. 6d. 

65. Joan Twynnynge, one mess : i mill, called ' Twynnynges,' 
195. 6d. 

66. John Twynnynge, one cottage, called ' Ludlowes,' 3 and 
i acre, called ' Duddesknappe,' 8d. 

67. Nicholas More, one mess : i water-mill, 2 cott : and 
demise of a parcel of demesne land, 323. 4d. 

Sum Total 28 os. i2d. 

SPONEBED (Tithing). 

68. John Frampton, one mess : i lundinate, called ' Packers,' 
i close and a garden lying near the boundary of the Manor there, 
and i burg : and 3 cott: 8s. id. A garden also, lately occupied 
by Alice Halle, is. 4d. 

69. Elizabeth Scott, one burgage, ^ acre, and a parcel of 
meadow, 35. 

70. Nicholas Combe, two cottages with curtilage, i acre 
demesne land, 35. nd.)4 

71. Will : Gardner, one cottage and curtilage, i7d. 

72. Thomas Pytte, one mess : i burg : and i farendel, and 
certain parcels of demesne lands, at 135. 4d. 

73. Thomas Frethe, one mess : and a farendel of land, 75. 

74. John Horewood, one mess : i cottage and parcel of 
land called ' Byggs,' 93. 

i. In Friday Street. 2. Castle Hall, or Hale. 

3. Now (possibly) the Vicarage, otherwise called 'Verlands' (since 
1890). Here lived almost all the Vicars from Mary's reign onwards. 


75. William Poslow, one burg : and parcel of land, IDS. lod. 
76. William Smyth, one cott : and parcel of land, ia^d. 
77. John Pecke, two burg: lately of William Pecke, and 
other lands, 135. 6d. 

Also one croft, called ' Bondecroft,' as. 
78. William Lacy, one burg : 2 acres called ' Shermannes,' 


79. Walter Wyndow, one mess: i virgate, called ' Wyn- 
dowes,' 243. 6d. 

80. Richard Meryotte, two mess : 2 half-virgates, 243. 4d. 

81. John Gybbes, one mess : y 2 virgate, and i virgate, 343. 

82. John Vine, one mess : and \y 2 virgates, and a farendel, 
295 4d. 

83. Walter Clotte, one mess: y^ virgate, and an acre of 
demesne land, 133. gd. 

84. John Mille, one mess : ^ virgate, called ' Bondes,' 
133. sd. 

85. Cecilia Cole, one mess : i farendel, called ' Brownes,' 43. 

86. Robert Frethe, one mess : i mill (water), i virgate, 
403. 7>^d. 

87. Agnes, wife of John Pytte, one mess : y 2 virg : called 
'Cowleys,' us. sd. 

88. John Meryman, one mess : >^virg: iis. nd. 

89. Edward Ralegh (knight), one parcel of land in Edg- 
worth, i2d. 

90. William Coke (junior), of Gloucester, one burgage in 
the town of Gloucester, called ' Smythstrete,' gd. 

91. Thomas Bridge, three cottages, and various parcels of 
land there, and appurtenances, at 143. lod. 

92. John Mason, one cottage, called ' Yongs,' at 2d. 

Sum Total - - 14 i8s. 


93. Thomas Bassett, one messuage, 2 farendels, called 
' Crunches,' 133. io^d. 

and another messuage, and l / 2 virgate, called 'Martynes,' 
ros. 2d. 


94. James Mylle, one parcel of land, called ' Chesis- 
lande,' as. 

95. Elizabeth Mylle, one parcel of land called ' Mylles- 
lande,' 53. 

96. Richard Colyns, one messuage, i lundinate, and i 
cottage, 35. 3d. 

97. Robert Fletcher, one messuage, i farendal, called 
' Fowls Pytte,' ys. 4d. 

98. Simon Hardyng, one cottage, aod. 

99. Thomas Pole (or Poole), one mess : and y z a virgate, 
and i acre, izs. sd. 

100. John Pole, one mess : and Y^ a virgate, and i lundinate, 

ioi. Richard Mylle, one mess: i water-mill, y 2 virgate, 
245. 5 d. 

and one 'solidam' in Payneswyk, lately Rich : Scotte's, 

102. Richard Wynneforde, two mess: 2 farendels, called 
'Brokehouse' and ' Coppehouse,' and another messuage, called 
' Greenhouse,' and i cottage, called 'Dynnings,' and other parcels 
of ground, 313. yd. 

103. Richard Adeane, one mess: i farendel, called ' Grene- 
house,' 8^d. 

104. John Westroffe, one mess: ^ virg : i farendel, called 
'Wethers,' 295. ij^d. 

105. Rich: Adeane, one mess: i farendel, called ' Meys,' 
8s. gd.X 

106. John Aubrey, two acres in Washwell, isd. 

107. William Adeane for lands which he holds, 8d. 

Sum Total *> 8s. 2d.*/ 2 

William Mynsterworthe, i2d. 

Prior and Convent of Blessed Mary of Lanthony for the New 
Quarry, i2d. 

John Harwoode and Thomas Tayler, the Friars' Quarry, as. 
Thomas Tayler holds Battcombe Quarry, i2d. 


John Broke, i2d. 

William Paynter, i2d. 

Richard Wether, son of a villein for Cheminage (i.e., road- 
keeping), 8d. 

William Wether, son of Richard Wether, for assistance, 4d. 

The following are those who carry venison for the Lord for 
an entire year, and one fealty : 

d. d. 

Richard Queddesley ... 8 Richard Wynneforde 8 

Robert Myll 16 Thomas Bassett, for 2 tenements 16 

Maurice Edwards ... 8 John Fletcher ... ... ... 8 

Agnes Mynsterwor the... 8 Richard Adeane 8 

Nicholas More 8 Thomas Freme 8 

Feoffees of Blessed Mary 8 Item for Rabbits per annum 125. 4 


108. John Pekke, one parcel, called ' Alinscroft,' 23. 

109. Edward Halle, one messuage and i virgate, IDS. 

no. Richard Colyns, of Shepscombe, one mess: i farendel,8s. 

i ii. William Tykell, who holds ' Le Ricister,' and i pasture, 
' Wydcombe,' 135. 4d. 

112. Richard Farthingale for the Dodmede, also called 
' Lyndecroft," 95. 

113. William Bridge for Dynneles and Pigghouse, 25. 

114. William Lacye for Collecroft, 45. 

115. Nicholas More, one pasture, called ' Damselsmore," 8s. 

1 1 6. Richard Churchey, one field, called ' Hazellande,' 

I2S. .|d. 

117. Elizabeth Mylle, one field, called ' Dodmedowe,' 125. 
118. Nicholas Wolde, one orchard, 35., and for Cleycrofte, 
i red rose. 

119. William Tyckle, one croft, called ' Hallecroft,' 45. 
120. Thomas Bridge, for the Hallehouse at Damsells, 45. 
Sum Total 4 135. 8d. 

Wodham-mede, 205. 
Brodemede, 2d. 


Bangrove forwarde, i2d. 

William Zelam for water-carriage, 4d. 

Richard Churchey for , 4d. 

Robert Bygg, 4d. 

The Abbot of St Peter's, Gloucester, for water consumed 
within the parish of Standish, 25. 

The said Abbot has one messuage and i carucate (plough- 
land) of land at Ebbworth at as. per annum. 

This document gives us, besides a faithful picture of the 
distribution of the Manor and its demesne lands, and the names of 
the copy-holders, and the fields, direct evidence of the drastic 
improvements effected by the working of the Earl of Shrewsbury's 
reforms. The Manor is seen also to be yielding more than treble 
the value it rendered fifty years before. Whereas, at the Earl's 
decease, (i.e., A.D. 1453), it was reckoned to be worth twenty 
pounds, in 1495 it was worth seventy. Damsells, with its Hall, 
itself brings in ^4 135. 8d. a sub-manor in itself. The entire 
Manor has undergone revolution and expansion. The town 
has a new spirit of prosperity. The Prior and Convent of 
Llantony at this time, we learn from another source, rented Le 
New Quarr at an increased rent from John Grey, Viscount Lisle, 
the young Lord of the Manor (born 1479), and there can be no 
doubt that the present large Church then took the place of a 
smaller predecessor, to which the early English fragments with 
chevron mouldings and a crucifix of brass, found under the floor 
of the Nave, and seen by Mr Chew and others in 1883, must 
have belonged. The Vicar, during the re-building, was Robert 
Myll. The present Chantry Chapel was built and endowed at the 
expense of Walter Collins, who died 1493-4 (cf. the Church of 
St Mary at Painswick, p. 28), and whose lands are mentioned 
above, under No. 41. 

The possessions of Llantony, with lands and messuages in 
Ham, and those of Flanesford Priory, with Segrim's Mill (and 
around it) are not mentioned, howbeit, those of St Peter's, 
Gloucester, occur. Both of the former Convents' possessions 
were under the direct patronage of the Lord, and upon a very 
different footing to those of the latter. 


VII., 1490 (?) 

It is of interest to adduce at this point the Customs of the 
Manor belonging to Henry VII. 's reign, and, therefore, entirely 
contemporaneous with the tenants above-named. Offered to a 
friend of the writer as a ijth cent, document relating to Painswick, 
with one or two only less interesting ones, he recognised it to 
date at least two centuries earlier, albeit countersigned with iyth 
cent, writing. Its date can be no later than 1500, and probably it 
antedates this by some few years. 



i. In Primis the tenantry of the said Manor 
holdyth their messuages, lands and tenements by 
copy of Court Roll. Both ' sibi ' and ' suis,' whereby 
they have estate of Inherytance, to them and theirs 
after the custom of the said Manor there. 

2. The tenants customarie there, tyme out of 
mind, have used to pay their rent yearly at 4 terms, 
usual and accustomed, and shall have a Reeve for to 
gather the same, after the custom and manner, and 
to pay the same yearly to the Lord. (The four terms 
were Annunciation, the Nativity of St John Baptist, 
St Michael, and Birth of Our Lord). 

3. Item: That one of the customary tenants 
ought to be Reeve to collect and gather the rents of 
the said Manor and to pay the same where the Lord 


shall appoint him by his precept, and the same Reeve 
to be elected and chosen yearly by the Homage 
there, for, if the [said] Reeve by them so chosen do 
chance to embezzle the said rent, that, then the said 
tenants are* bound by their custom to answer the 
Lord of the same rent. 

4. Item: The Reeve, upon his account, ought 
to have allowance of XXVIs. VHId. for his pains 
taken in gathering of the said rent, which allowance 
hath been used time out of mind. 

5. Item: 1 There are certain lands called 
' Mundays Lands,' and the tenants thereof, by the 
custom, are bound to watch and keep prisoners 
taken within the said Manor one day and one night 
apiece, and to bring all such prisoners to the next 
Justice, or to the King's gaol, at their own cost or 

6. Item: 2 There are certain other lands called 
' Threttenes,' the tenants whereof, by the custom, 
are bound to carry venison for the Lord into such 
place or places as the Lord shall appoint, by the 
space of a day and a night apiece at their own 
charge, or else to stand to a yearly fine of VHId. to 
the use of the Lord of the Manor. 

[7 & 8 are 7. Item : The tenants, by their custom time out 

one in Edit: mind used, may give or sell their customary lands at 

1660]. their will and pleasure, making surrenders of the 

same, and deliver the same surrender in the Lord's 

Court, and giving the Lord a heriot, if it be heriotable, 

that is to say, for any yard or half-yard of land which 

the said tenant holdeth to give, or pay the best 

quick cattle, and in default of such cattle, the best 

household stuff. 

8. Item : The custom is and hath been time out 

1. Left out of 1660 Edition. 

2. In 1660 Edition, No. 6 is No. 5. In 1660 was printed the Customes of 
the Manor of P., decreed in Chancery in a. n, James I., and established by 
Act of Parliament in a. 21 in 35 Items. In 1688 Thomas Loveday printed the 
Customs in 33 Items. Threttenes - thirteens 



of mind that, for any surrender made, or any 
reversion of inheritance taken, the Lord to receive 
a fine at his will and pleasure of the thing so 
surrendered or taken by reversion. 

9. Item: If there be any forfeiture [made] in 
any of the tenements there, that then the Lord shall 
rate the fine at his will and pleasure. 

[This is 9 in 10. Item: At every surrender made in rever- 

Edit: 1660] sion no heriot is due until the death of him or her 
which made the surrender, nor none other advantage 
due to the Lord, but the fine only, &c. 

[10 1660] 11. Item: After the death of any tenant, the 

wife of the same tenant (if any such be) shall be 
admitted to her free-bench in the Lord's Court by the 
payment of a penny to have to her, during her life, 
paying such rents, customs and service thereof, due 
and accustomed. 

[11 1660] 12. Item : After the death of any such woman 

the same tenant or tenants which were in her tenure 
shall come and descend to the next heir on the part of 
the husband of the same woman, and for lack of an heir 
to the next kinsman or kinswoman of the same 
husband, if no surrender be made thereof before, 
after the said custom, without payment of any heriot 
for the woman which holdeth (held) by her free- 
bench, as afore is said. 

[12 1660] 13. Item: If any woman Inheritrix die seized 

of any tenement or tenements, and no surrender 
by her in her life-time made, that, then all such lands 
or tenements whereof she died seized shall come and 
descend to the next heir, after the custom and manner, 
paying a heriot for the same woman, if it be heriot- 
able, and relief, &c. (sic). 

[13 1660] 14. Item : That all tenants, by their custom 

time out of mind used, may sell their woods, timber- 
trees, and other fuel, and brush growing in or upon 
their tenures without license of the Lord or his 


[14 1660] 15. Item : If a woman, holding by her free- 

bench, do marry sundry husbands at several sundry 
times, yet shall she enjoy the same during her life 
without forfeiture thereof. 

[15 1660] 1 6. Item : By the Custom (that) every yard 

and half-yard land, holden by Copy after the custom 
and manner, is heriotable, and the heriot to be 
paid at the death of the tenant that dyeth seized 

[5 1660] 17. Item: That all land called Mundays, 

Threttens (thirteens), Farendels, Burgages and 
curtilages be not heriotable. 

[18 1660] 18. Item: If a man have divers sons, and the 

eldest dyeth having issue of his body lawfully 
begotten, whether it be male or female, and after 
their grandfather dyeth the issue of the eldest brother 
shall inherit as next heir to the grandfather. 

19. Item: If a man dyeth having divers 
daughters and no sons, and hath so many yards and 
half-yards of lands as daughters, then shall every 
daughter, by the custom, have a yard or half-yard, 
and like order is of tenants, but if the tenant, so dying, 
have but one yard, half-yard, or one tenant having 
divers daughters, as before is said, that, then the 
same yard, half-yard, or tenement, by the homage 
and steward there, shall be praised to the best value, 
and the price thereof to be divided equally amongst 
the said daughters, saving the eldest daughter shall 
have her choice, whether she will have the yard, 
half-yard, or tenement, or portion of money so (to 
her) allotted by the said homage and Steward, and if 
she take the said yard, half-yard, or tenement, then 
she to pay the money to her other sisters after the 
praised price. 

[Not in 20. Item: That no man or woman that is base 

1660] born shall inherit any land or tenement within the 
said lordship, except it be by means of surrender. 


[Not in 2 1 .Item : That none other (of the) Lord's bond- 

1660] men shall inherit any tenure within the said Lordship. 

[20 in 1660] 22. Item: That after the death of every tenant 

that dyeth seized of his lands or tenements within the 
said Lordship at the next Court there holden. 
Proclamation shall openly be made to enquire who is 
(next) right heir of the tenant so deceased or who 
can make any claim or title to the same tenure or 
tenures ; and if at the first Court there come none to 
challenge the said tenure or tenures then there shall 
be Proclamation made (openly) at two other the next 
Courts there holden. In like manner as (it) is afore- 
said, and (then) if there is none having right come to 
challenge the same, it shall be lawful for the Lord to 
lease (lett) the same tenure or tenures to whom he 
will, and the same to enjoy it ever, after the custom, 
except (thereby) that there be any having right by 
the same beyond the seas in the King's wars. 

[211660] 23. Item : That whosoever is to be admitted to 

any tenure within the said Lordship ought openly to 
be admitted in the Court before the Homage, and to 
have his copy read openly in the Court that all men 
there may hear and know that he is admitted tenant 
accordingly. And if any person having right to any 
tenure by inheritance he is to be admitted tenant, 
then he ought to be taken and presented by the 
Homage ; and if any challenge any tenure by sur- 
render, that, then the surrender must be made either 
in the Court openly, or else be brought in into the 
Court by credible and sufficient witnesses, that it may 
be known by the Homage, and so to be admitted 
tenant as it is aforesaid, according to the custom 
there used time out of mind. 

[221660] 24. Item: Whosoever taketh any tenure there 

of the Lord, he must take it either by means of 
inheritance of himself or his wife, or by surrender of 
some other that is an heir, or else by means of some 
forfeiture into the Lord's hands, and for lack of an 



heir to challenge any tenure, the Lord may let it to 
whom he will, and it must be expressed in the Copy 
of the Taker, whereby he takes his tenure by right 
of inheritance of himself or his wife, or by surrender 
of any person, or by forfeiture into the Lord's hands, 
or by the default of an heir to challenge it, otherwise 
no man can take any tenure there, nor the Lord can 
take it otherwise by custom there used time out of 
mind. (sic). 

Certain acts which, being done by the Tenant, are of them- 
selves a forfeiture : 

[25 1660] i. Item : If a tenant do give, or sell, any part, 

or parcel of his tenurements, or the whole, without 
surrender, it is a forfeiture. 

[26 1660] 2. If any tenant do let down his tenement, or 

part thereof, being peyned at ii. (two) Courts, to 
build the same by a certain payne, and the third 
Court on peyne of [forfeiture, and doth not build the 
same according to the order in the Court taken by 
the homage and the steward, it is a forfeiture. 

3. If any tenant commit treason, murder or 
felony, and is thereof by the laws of the realm con- 
victed and attainted there, then it shall be lawful for 
the Lord to enter in upon his lands and tenement, 
goods and cattle, and them to have as a forfeit. 

Item : If any being an inheritor to any lands or 
tenements do sell the same to any person or persons 
before he or she shall become tenant to the Lord in 
his Court, and do other suits and services according 
to the custom there, it is a forfeiture. 

Item : If any tenant do detain or withhold any 
rents willingly which are due to the Lord, it is a 

Item : If any tenant do convey any part of the 
Lordship to any other with intent to deceive the Lord 
of the same, it is a forfeiture. 

(Countersigned in seventeenth century, 

WILLIAM ROGERS de Payneswick. 
p. Editt: 1668). 



Upon the tragical death of Thomas Talbot, Viscount Lisle, 
at Nibley Green, near Wotton-under-Edge, on March zoth, 1469, 
the Manor of Painswick had devolved, as we have seen, upon his 
sister Elizabeth, married to Sir Edward Grey, second son of 
Lord Ferrers of Groby, by Margaret, wife of Sir George Vere. 

Sir Edward Grey then became Viscount Lisle in right of 
his wife, and remained Lord of Painswick and Moreton Valence 
until 1490 (lyth July), when he died, leaving a son, John Grey, 
Viscount Lisle, aged eleven, and a daughter, Elizabeth. Their 
widowed mother survived to safeguard their property. During 
this last decade of the fifteenth century the Church of St Mary 
was entirely re-built,' and it is possible that the base of Sir 
William Kingston's tomb may have belonged to the tomb of 
John, Viscount Lisle, who died in 1504 (Sept. 9th), but more 
probably to one of his forebears, for its style and workman- 
ship indicate an earlier date, while the appropriation of a 
Catholic Lord of the Manor's tomb by the representatives of a 
Protestant Lord under Henry VIII. (1540), would not be so 
strange as might seem ; the Chantry Chapel having passed 
to the Lord of the Manor 2 with the Dissolution of the Mon- 
asteries. The canopy of the Kingston tomb is plainly very 
debased Tudor work by a different hand ; while there are 
indications showing that the older portion, or base, must have 
originally occupied quite another position in (if not outside) the 
Church. At any rate, it is of isth Century work, and probably 
belongs to one of the Viscounts Lisle. 

1. How soon after this the Steeple was added we have no means of 

2. Manor Courts have often been held herein. 


John, Viscount Lisle, had married Muriel, daughter of Thomas 
Howard, 1 Earl of Surrey, by whom he left a daughter, Elizabeth, 
torn 1504. Upon her mother marrying a second time, and to Sir 
Thomas Knyvett, 2 Sir Charles Brandon 3 craftily obtained the ward- 
ship of the little heiress of Painswick, and, perhaps, with intention 
of future marriage, procured his own elevation to the dignity of 
Viscount Lisle, May isth, 1513. On the agth February of the 
previous year he held a View of Frank Pledge at Painswick, the 
local Jury being composed as follows : 

Robert Mills, Nicholas Moore, 

Rich : Deane, John Loveday, 

John King, Thomas Pole, 

John Pekke, William Arnegrove, 

Will : Wynfford, Edmund Maunsel, 

John Twynnying, William . 

At this Court it was ordered that certain tenants of the Manor 
should make the highways at Englishill and Gillashill = names of 
localities not quite identifiable to-day. Elizabeth Mille holds at 
' Shepiscombe ' two messuages called ' Couches,' lately belong- 
ing to James Mille. John Marwent is admitted a tenant, and 
holds a field called ' Morecotes,' in the parish of Harescombe. 
John Loveday is a prominent mill-owner. 

Sir Charles Brandon, in the following year (1514), proceeded 
to Paris on an Embassy, and there, obtaining the affections of the 
widowed Queen, Mary Tudor, he became elevated to the Dukedom 
of Suffolk, in order suitably to be her husband. Accurately 
speaking, he was created Duke two days after his wedding, 
February ist, 1514. It must be, we think, supposed that in order 
to have been created, as he was, Lord Lisle, Brandon must have 
contracted to marry his ward, but this contract must have been 
cancelled when he married Mary Tudor. Nevertheless, he only 
surrendered his patent after the death of his ward (1519) on April 
23rd, 1523. 

1. Aunt of Anne Boleyn. 

2. Cal: Pat. and Close Rolls (May 23, 21 Hen. VIII. Part I, 1509). The 
King to Thomas Knyvett and Mereel, his wife, ye Manor of Payneswyk, 
Gloucester, Ribbesford, in Worcester, and Bedworth, in Warwick. So that 
Sir Thomas Knyvett held his wife's portion in the Manor, in her right. 

3. Grandfather to be, of Lady Jane Grey. (Cf. Catal : Muniments of 
Berkeley Castle, p. 202). 


Elizabeth Grey, Lady Lisle, and Lady of this Manor, presently 
wedded Henry Courtenay, Earl of Devon, 1 whom she predeceased 
without issue in (April) 1519. 

Meantime, another Elizabeth Grey, her aunt, the sister of John, 
Viscount Lisle, had become thus heiress of Painswick. This unfor- 
tunate lady had married, firstly, Edmund Dudley, a lawyer, who, 
later on, was executed for forgery, together with Empson, in 1510, 
by whom she had become mother of John Dudley, afterwards Lord 
Lisle, 2 Earl of Warwick, 3 and Duke of Northumberland. 4 In 1511, 
Nov. 1 2th, she had married, secondly, Sir Arthur Plantagenet, 
natural son of Edward IV., by Elizabeth Lucie. On the death, 
therefore, of Elizabeth, Countess of Devon, the King created Sir 
Arthur Viscount Lisle, 5 in right of his wife, and he became Lord of 
Painswick, with a moiety to her son, John Dudley. 6 This Elizabeth, 
Viscountess Lisle, died in 1526. In the following year Lord 
Lisle was sent to France as bearer of the Garter to Francis I. 
(Rapin i, 773), and, in 1527, he married, secondly, Honor, daughter 
of Sir Thomas Grenville (and widow of Sir John Bassett), by whom 
he had three daughters. 7 

An Indenture, dated 22nd day of November, 1522, has been 
preserved, by which we learn that the Manor of Painswick and 
other manors (i.e. , Moreton Valence and Whaddon) were recovered 
by what was termed ' Writ of Entry in the Post ' against Sir 
Arthur Plantagenet 8 and Dame Elizabeth his (first) wife, to the 
use of Sir Arthur and any such wife as the said Sir Arthur should 
have after her decease. This shows us how he remained Lord of 

1. He married, secondly, Gertrude, daughter of Wm., Lord Mountjoy, 
K.G., and was attainted and beheaded in 1538. 

2. March I2th, 1542. 3. 1547. 4. 1551. 

5. 26th April 1523. Date of Summons. 

6. Dudley sold his reversion on Kingston Lisle Manor to Wm. Hyde in 
1538. He himself became created Vise: Lisle, I2th March, 1542-3. 

7. Bridget, m. Sir William Garden, Kt. Francis, m. (i) Sir John Bassett, 
(2) Thomas Monke. Elizabeth, m. Sir Francis Jobson, Kt. 

8. In 1509, we find him an esquire of the Body Guard. In 1513, he 
escaped shipwreck on his way to Brittany. Next year, he became Captain in 
the Vice- Admiral's ship, called the ' Trinity Sovereign. ' In 1519, he had livery of 
the lands of Elizabeth, Viscountess Lisle (Courtenay). He attended the King at 
the Field of the Cloth of Gold, was made K.G., and, in 1524, Keeper of 
Clarendon Park. Following this, he became nominated Vice High-Admiral. 
His wife Elizabeth, having died, he re-married in 1528. Foxe describes his 
attractive second wife, Honora, Lady Lisle, as ' incomparably evil.' We have 
evidence that she was very fond of Painswick. 


the Manor of Painswick, with power to alienate or sell in con- 
junction with Sir John Dudley. 

In the aoth year of Henry VIII. (Sept. 22nd, 1532), we findSir 
Arthur, then Lord Lisle, giving and confirming lands and an 
annuity of ^2 35. 4d. to Thomas Blisse, of Painswick, for special 
services rendered to him, probably at Calais. It is likely that 
Lord Lisle drew upon his Gloucestershire properties for men to 
attend and follow him during his Governorship of that town, a post 
of responsibilty which proved burdensome to his income. It 
brought him into close contact with the French Court, with 
Thomas Cromwell, Lord of the Privy Seal, and Sir William 
Kingston, K.G., Governor of the Tower, 1 both of these men of the 
grasping order, dangerously bent on accumulating properties. 
Both of them ingratiated themselves with Lord Lisle, and with 
his gay and sparkling second wife, with whom King Francis had 
not disdained to dance. To Cromwell he became indebted for 
help in a quarrel with Sir Edward Seymour over the possession 
of Por Chester Castle, in July 1534. To Sir William Kingston, to 
whom Henry VIII. had given Miserden, and other Gloucester- 
shire estates, and the Wardenship of all the Hunts in this county, he 
became indebted in some other way early in the same year or 
before, and had apparently leased, perhaps for sporting purposes, 
portions of Painswick Park and probably Ebb worth. Anthony, 
son of Sir William Kingston, was at this time Steward of 
the Manor of Wotton-under-Edge. Presently, Lord Lisle, 
urged by his increasing load of debt, was obliged to make an 
extensive wood-sale, namely, of 400 trees in the Park of Painswick. 
This displeased Sir William Kingston, who would thus appear at 
this time to have been living at Miserden, for he says in a nettle- 
some letter to Lord Lisle, " I never denied that your lordship might 
sell your own, and he that showed you so" lies falsely. I said to 
Smith, when he wanted me to buy it, that I loved it too well to 
destroy it, in so much that I wrote and prayed Mr Wyght and your 
servant (bailiff) Motley to buy it, and if they lacked money they 

1. Sheriff of Gloucester, 1514. In 1522 he received a grant of much of 
the possessions in this county, of the Duke of Buckingham, executed May 17, 
1521. Later on he obtained most of the Manors which had belonged to 
Flaxley Abbey and Llantony ; among the latter Haresfield Manor and Park. 

2. i.e., that I did deny your right. 


should have it from me. I never heard of Smith again until he 
had sold it to Button, who has done me many displeasures." (loth 
August, 1534). Kingston, no doubt, regarded the Park from a 
point of view of its hunting- value. 

On May 26th previous, Smith had written to Lord Lisle :' 
" Whereas, by your commandment, Mr Aylmer, I, and others, 
sold certain woods to Mr Button within the Park at Painswick, 
for which he paid us in ready money, yet the wood is still standing, 
and Button can make no sale thereof because your tenants are 
threatened that if they buy any of your wood from him they will 
lose their holdings after your decease, if that happen in Mr 
Dudley's lifetime. 11 Thus, the gentleman is likely to lose all his 
money unless your lordship have regard to your honour in the 
matter, and will cause all men to be lothe to meddle with any like 
matter of yours. Mr (Anthony) Kingston, 3 therefore, advised me 
to write this letter to you in his name and mine, for he wished the 
sale to take effect according to your letters." 

We may believe that the felling of this particular wood would 
have proved exceptionally annoying either to anyone living at the 
Lodge, or anyone enjoying sporting privileges in the Park, and 
we cannot but conjecture that Sir William Kingston was for one 
or both of these reasons thus aggrieved ; yet he pretended to 
approve of the sale. He already owned Miserden Manor by a 
grant from the King, but he wanted Painswick also. 4 

On to this dilemma now comes King Henry VIII., who, in 
July, 1535, visited Painswick and Miserden, with Anne Boleyn, 
while hunting during a visit to Gloucester. 5 Sir John Dudley, the 
part-owner of the Manor, was now present. 6 The latter, on 
August 8th, wrote to Lord Lisle as follows: "When the King 
was at Painswick, he called me to him and asked if I had know- 
ledge of a wood-sale that my Lord Lisle 7 should make within the 

1. Mis-addressed to Sir W. Kingston in the Domestic Papers of 
Henry VIII. 

2. i.e., Sir John Dudley, Kt., who possessed, through his mother, a 
moiety in the Manor. 

3. Afterwards the notorious Sir Anthony Kingston. 

4. The Kingston effigies in Miserden Church represent illegitimate issue 
of Sir Anthony Kingston. 

5. A portion of Longridge was long known as ' the Queen's Wood,' and 
a parcel of land there was called ' Queen's Acre.' 

6. Probably residing at the Lodge. 

7. Arthur Plantagenet, Lord Lisle. 


lordship. I said I had heard of such a thing but not of late. The 
King said he had been told by Anthony Kingston ' you had made a 
new sale of wood in the Park, and then he (A.K.) would not dwell 
in it if he might have it, for God amercy. The King desired me to 
ask the bailiff if it were true, as he could not believe it, so I called 
Motley, who said there was no such thing since the sale made to 
Button of 400 trees in the Park, which were not yet felled." This 
seems to point to Antony Kingston's chagrin (likewise natural) at 
the effects of felling the Park timber. He told the King he would 
not consider the place worth having at such a sacrifice of its 
value. It is thus evident that both Sir William Kingston 
and his son were looking to future personal acquisition of the 
Lodge and Park of Painswick. 2 But, further, " the King then 
desired that, anywise, Button should not have them (the trees) as 
it would ruin the lordship." (cf. Letters and Papers Foreign and 
Domestic, Vol. IX., 53 in XXVII. Henry VIII.) From such 
expressions it might be conjectured that the King himself was 
desiring possession of the place. We shall find that Sir William 
and Lady Kingston ultimately did obtain the entire Manor, with 
the exception of certain Monastic properties contained within it, 
such as : the ' Abbey Farm,' ' Seagryms,' ' Combe House ; ' held 
respectively by St Peter's, Gloucester, Flanesford Priory (Co. 
Hereford), and Llantony, at Gloucester. 

Leonard Smith having written to Lord Lisle on June igth : 
"I have been at (your manors of) Kingston- Lisle (Berks) and 
Payneswike with Mr Aylmere, where we viewed your woods, 
both within the Park and without, and have sold as much as we 
conveniently can at this time," it becomes certain that Arthur 
Lord Lisle's factors intended to go further had they not become 
hindered by the significant interference of interested parties as 
shown above. It is worthy of note (as shown in another letter of 
this correspondence, dated June 2nd) that the journey to London, 
on horse-back, occupied the best part of five days. "I intend," 
says Leonard Smith, " on Friday next, to ride to Payneswike by 
Mr Aylmere, and in four or five days to be in London again." 

1. Sheriff of Gloucester, 1533. 

2. We should recollect that the Kingstons, Cromwell, and the Seymours 
were all pre-eminent land-grabbers during the dissolution. 


On the 1 8th July, Smith had once more "ridden into Glou- 
cestershire for delivery of the wood sale at Payneswike." 
(Epist : 989). 

To see all these people clearly we must note here that Smith, 
Aylmere, and ' others ' acted by Lord Lisle's command and 
obtained ready-money payment from Button for the trees ; and 
this is proved by the letters of May 26 and Aug. 8, previously 
cited. Yet, it would seem, the learned editor of the letters has 
made an error in writing 'Sir William Kingston' for 'Lord Lisle' 
in the said letter. 

The reasons are these : (i) The letter speaks of " your tenants 
and their holdings." (2) Of " Motley, your bailiff there." Such 
phrases can only have been addressed to the actual Lord of the 
Manor, whom, we see, desired the sale. The Lord of the Manor 
was Lord Lisle, and Motley was his bailiff. That being so, and 
the latter proceeding to mention that " Mr (Anthony) Kingston 
advised me to write this letter to you in his name and mine, for 
he wished the sale to take effect," we should but for the above 
error deduce that Sir William Kingston and his son were of two 
ways of thinking about the sale. But, whether that was so or not, 
it is evident that a second sale of wood was projected, which 
was to the distaste of both the Kingstons, and that the King's 
presence was taken advantage of in order, if possible, to 
prevent spoiling, as they thought, the property they either hoped 
to live upon or which they enjoyed as sportsmen. Further wood- 
sales took place in 1538, early in which year Thomas, Lord Crom- 
well, the Privy Seal, seriously made up his mind to obtain Pains- 
wick Manor from its owner, and Honor, Lady Lisle, with whose 
marriage-portion it was charged, as well as the marriage-portions 
of Lord Lisle's three daughters by his first wife, Elizabeth (Grey- 
Dudley) Lady Lisle. By this date, Lisle was deeply in debt, and 
in his difficulty was endeavouring to obtain an annuity from 
Cromwell. The negociations were of a protracted nature, and a 
great number of letters passed between the concerned parties, 
namely, Lord Lisle, Sir John Dudley, with their agents, and 
Thomas Cromwell. Lady Lisle, especially, played a great part 
in the sale of the Manor, as the following letter witnesses, while 
it throws further light on the position of the Kingstons. 


" Lady Lisle to Lord Lisle. i6th November, 1538. 

"As he (Lord Cromwell) said nothing of Payneswike, I opened 
the subject, saying Mr Pollard had moved me in his behalf for it, 
and that, though I had refused sundry great offers, seeing he was 
my good lord, I would part with it to him if he would see me no 
loser ; provided this, his last request, was not for Mr Kingston 
(Anthony), but for himself. He promised me it was for himself 

This makes it manifest that the Kingstons remained eager to 
possess the Manor, and that Lady Lisle and her husband especially 
objected to their doing so, she having taken a dislike to them. 

On November 28th, Lady Lisle writes to her husband : 

" I have acknowledged the surrender ot my right in Paynes- 
wike and Moreton Valence on condition that when they are 
assured to my Lord Privy Seal he shall pay me an annual rent of 
one hundred and twenty pounds, but he claims the one thousand 
pounds, which was your interest after the death of your wife, in 
recompense for what he had done for us in our affairs. It grieves 
me, for, if it had not been for your displeasure, I never would 
have condescended thereto. He said your annuity should not be 
more than two hundred pounds, howbeit I will speak with the 
King before I depart." 

On November 3Oth : 

John Hussee to Lord Lisle. 

"My lady has surrendered her rights to Payneswike before 
a judge. The one thousand pounds is forgotten. Your lordship 
is like to be no gainer." 

Meanwhile, in the summer, during the suppression of the 
monasteries, the Crown granted to George, Earl of Shrewsbury, 
a fee of the site, ground, &c., of the dissolved Priory of Flanes- 
ford, near Gooderich (Hereford), together with its manor, within 
the Manor of Payneswike, which had been granted to it by his 
ancestor, Sir Richard Talbot, two hundred years before. And 
we must, for the moment, step aside in order to note of what this 
property consisted. We can do so by means of a document (Vol. 
X. Calendar of Patent and Close Rolls) of Philip and Mary, 
wherein we see John Bridges, Lord Chandos, holding them as 
tenant ' pro Comes Salopise ' (for the Earl of Shrewsbury) : 


Eight Messuages ... 200 acres. 
Fields ... 60 ,, 

Pastures ... 20 ,, 

50 > 

= 330 acres. 

This was situated chiefly where Seagryms 1 now is, and it included 
a water-mill, and a fuller's mill, then held by one, Thomas 

So that the Talbots became once more possessed of certain 
ancestral Painswick lands, though not of the Manor itself, in the 
person of George, sixth Earl of Shrewsbury, the same who later 
was to be the custodian of Mary Queen of Scots. It is noteworthy 
in this connection that in his son's summons as Ambassador to 
France, he styles himself "Earl of Shrewsbury, Baron Talbot, 
Strange de Blackmere, ComynofBadenoch, Valence, Montchensy, 
Furnival, &c.," thus summing up in his titles much of his Pains- 
wick Manor Ancestry. 

The haggling between Cromwell and the Lisles did not finish 
until October 9th, 1539, when John Huntly writes to Lady Lisle : 
"My Lord Privy Seal is through with him (my Lord Lisle) for 
Payneswike, and my Lord (Lisle) has received four hundred 
pounds. I doubt not your jointure will be made sure this term." 
In Cromwell's Accounts we read (Oct. 6th), " My Lord Lisle, for 
purchasing of Payneswike ^400." 

And thus this Manor, together with Moreton Valence and 
Whaddon, passed by a tripartite Indenture 2 between Arthur 
Plantagenet, Lord Lisle, Lady Honor, his wife, and Sir John 
Dudley, Kt., for which Cromwell covenanted to grant the two 
former an annuity of one hundred and twenty pounds during their 
lives, with clause of distress. 

On October i6th, 1539, Sir John Dudley signed a Deed of 
Settlement made between the same parties and Cromwell, and a 
Release from himself on Oct. igth. 

Cromwell, accordingly, entered and took possession of the 
Manor, and was feoffed thereof. But, within eight months of his 
doing so, the great blow fell on this greedy minister, who, at the 

1. Ayers Mill. 

2. Cf. Appendix to this Chapter. 


time of his arrest (June ioth), and execution (July 28th), was 
already to be found doing that which he had solemnly promised 
Lady Lisle he would not do, namely, passing the Manor of Pains- 
wick with its belongings over to Sir William Kingston by a deed of 
sale. By his attainder, however, all his possessions suddenly 
became forfeit. Sir William experienced no difficulty in obtaining 
them from the Crown by a grant in Fee in August following. In 
Vol. 15 (1027) of the Domestic and State Papers, Henry VIII., 
we read : "Sir William Kingston, K.G., and Mary, his wife' 
Grant in Fee of Manors of Payneswike and Moreton Valence, 
and all lands in Painswick, Moreton, Epney, Horsewarley, 
Stanley Pontlarge, Painswick Strode, Sponebede, Sheppescombe, 
Edge, and Edgeworth, Co. Gloucester, which Thomas Cromwell, 
late Earl of Essex, acquired of Arthur, Viscount Lisle, Dame 
Honore, his wife, and Sir John Dudley, which he sold to the 
present grantees; but which were forfeit by his attainder." 

But, besides the Flanesford lands in the Manor we recollect 
that two other monasteries held lands in it, namely, St. Peter's, 
Gloucester, and Llantony Secunda, also at Gloucester. The 
lands of the latter, together with tenements and quarries were 
granted to Arthur Porter, Esq. It possessed a capital messuage 
called Combe House, which stood near Jenkins' Farm below 
the Rudge. 

The Abbey of St Peter's held land, chiefly common land and 
pasture up at, and beyond, Ebbworth, in the Slad Vale, and a 
messuage, to the extent of perhaps one hundred acres. These 
became, a little later, granted by Edward VI. to his uncle Edward 
Seymour, Duke of Somerset ; while the advowson of the Church 
of Painswick passed to his brother, Lord Seymour of Sudeley. 

The decease of Arthur, Lord Lisle, K.G., two years later, 
1542, under peculiar circumstances, is of sufficient interest to this 
narrative to deserve passing notice here. At pp. 181-2 of the 
Annals of England, 1542, by Francis, Lord B. of Hereford, 
Morgan Godwyn trans: London, 1630, we read: 

"About the same time Arthur, Viscount Lisle, naturall sonne 
of Edward the fourth, out of a surfeit of sudden joy, deceased. 

i. This is the lady who repeated all that Anne Boleyn said to her in 
prison, to her husband, and he to Cromwell, to that Queen's destruction. 
Daughter of Sir R. Scrope, she had married Sir Edward Jerningham, Knt. 


Two of his servants had been executed the preceding yeare for 
having conspired (with Sir Gregory Botolph, his Chaplain, and 
Clement Philpot) to betray Calais to the French, i.e., Cardinal 
Pole, and the Viscount, as being conscious (was) committed to the 
Tower. But upon manifestation of his innocence, the King sent 
unto him Sir Thomas Wriothesley, Principall Secretary of Estate, 
by whom he signified the great content he had received in the 
Viscount's approved fidelity, the effects whereof hee should finde 
in his present liberty, and that degree of favour that a faithfull 
and beloved unkle deserved. The Viscount, receiving such 
unexpected newes, imbelished with rich promises and royall 
tokens (the King having sent him a diamond of great value) of 
assured favour, being not sufficiently capable of so great joy, free 
from all symptomes of any other disease, the ensuing night 
expired. After whose decease, Sir John Dudley was created 
Viscount Lisle,' claiming that honour as hereditary in the right 
of his mother, Lady Elizabeth, sister and heire to the Lord Edward 
Grey, Viscount Lisle, wife of the deceased Lord Arthur, but 
formerly married to Edmund Dudley, one of the Barons of the 
Exchequer, beheaded the first year of the King's reign." 2 


It is enacted that no tenant shall keep any dog to disturb 

the Lord's warrant, anno 9 Hen : VI. 
It is ordered that none shall make any footpath over the 

field of Ham and Washwell, a. 9 Hen : VI. 
It is ordered that none shall have ale to sell without license 

of the ale-tasters. Subpoena Vis. Vllld., a. 2 Hen: 

It is ordered that no butcher shall throw any dung in any 

part of the town, a. 10 Hen: VIII. 
It is ordered that no inhabitant shall keep pigs continually 

ringed, a. 1 2 Hen : VIII. 

1. I2th March, 1542/3. 

2. 1510. 


It is ordered that none shall suffer his pigs to go in the 
churchyard, a. 14 Hen : VIII. 

It is ordered that none shall wash clothes or any other 
thing in the upper flowe at Towys ' well. For every 
default a fine of 2od., a. 32 Hen : VIII. 

It is ordered that none in this Manor shall wash, or cause 
to be washed, anything impure or vile at Tobyes 2 well, 
ap. 25, a. 8 Elizabeth. 

It is ordered that no one shall wash the entrails of swine at 
Tibby's 3 well, for default Vis. VHId., ap. 17, 19 
James I. 

The Order in regard to the receiving of ' Lygght ' persons 
is to remain as it was. In default 2 is., a. 24 Eliz : 

It is ordered that no wood shall be taken from Kimsbury 
Hill or from the adjacent common-land, and that no 
dogs be led to the Hill so as to worry sheep pas- 
turing there. 6s. 8d., 17 ap. 19 James I. (1622). 

It is ordered that no one shall keep more than 80 sheep for 
one virgate (30 acres) of land. IDS., a. 4 James I. 

Among the important free-tenants of the Manor must be men- 
tioned once more the Devonshire family of Ralegh at Edgworth. 
In the Rolls (a. 50 Edward III.) we find Thomas Ralegh de Charles 
recovered seisin of a third part of the Manor of Legh against 
Gilbert Talbot of Paneswyk, Chevalier. In 1420 (a. 8 Hen : VI.) 
his son William Ralegh holds ' Eggesworth ' Manor, with 
advowson of its Church, as from the Manor of Payneswyk. At 
Lassington he holds two parts of the Manor as from the Manor of 
Churchedon, also Legh Manor, Northcote Manor, and land and a 
messuage at Turkdene. In 1496, Edward Ralegh, Knight, holds 
certain lands at Edgeworth, and is the son of Anthony Ralegh. 
In 1512 (Esch. 5 Hen: VIII.), these are held by his son George 
(and Simon Ralegh, 1558) who appears among the Assessors of 
St. Mary of Painswick, with Sir Anthony Kingston, John Bridges, 

i, 2, 3. Observe the various forms of this local name : Towy, Tobye, 
Tibby, probably all cognate with Tavy, Towey, Taw = a Celtic term for 
flowing water, as in Tavistock, Tow-cester, Tawton. 


and Thomas Clinton, and is a free tenant in 1552 (a. 6 Edw : VI.) 
In 1596, a second George Ralegh is Lord of the Manor of Edg- 
worth. 1 

John West held part of Damsels by the tenure (or reserve 
rent) of rendering one red rose on St John Baptist's day, as had 
been ordained in 1313, atPainswick. (a. 7 Edw : II.) It consisted 
of a toft 2 and croft, and three acres of arable land in the ' Delle,' 
and up towards the wood called ' Longridge.' 

Sir William Kingston, K.G., dying immediately after acquiring 
Painswick, and being buried in what had until recently been the 
Chantry Chapel of St Mary in the north aisle 3 of Painswick Church 
(Sept., 1540), the Manor passed into the hands of Dame Mary his 
widow (d. 1546), and after her to his son by his first wife, Anthony. 
The Chantry Chapel had passed to the Lord of the Manor upon the 
dissolution of the Monastery of Llantony at Gloucester. The 
Chantry Lands now became granted out to tenants by copy of 
Court Roll, in fact, as copyholds. (See pp. 34-5 Hist. St Mary of 
Painswick). As to the Advowson of the Church, it had passed, 
as already mentioned, into the gift of Lord Seymour of Sudeley, 
the Lord High Admiral, from whom it went presently by his 
attainder to the Crown, which, for the next fifty years, presented 
to the Living. 

The Homage (pro Rege) of a Court held by Mary, Lady 
Kingston, on January a6th, 1548, contains these following names, 
some of which are still known in Painswick : 

Thomas Coke Thomas Loveday (sen.) William Tykell 

Thomas Adeane Thomas Loveday (jun.) Walter Broke 

William Mayle John Oliver William Whiting 

Richard Gardener Henry Baron John Colyns 

John Motley Richard Coke William Passelowe 

1. In a MS. Volume containing Land Rents of St Guthlac, Hereford, 
belonging to Mr F. A. Hyett, of Painswick, I find these two items relating to 
Edgworth : "Item of the portions of Tithes at Edgworth, viz., the two parts 
of the Tithe of the Demesne there so demised to Sir James Lowe, Vicar of 
Bisley." a. 33 Hen : VIII. " Richard Hill, parson of Edgworth." a. 37 Hen. 

2. Norse term. 

3. Now St. Peter's Chapel. 


The mill standing then in the bottom ' near the Park Pale ' 
was called Borton's Mill,' and was tenanted by John Berry. 

What is now called ' White Hall ' was then called ' White- 
wall-end,' and Stamages Lane (under that name) did not yet 
exist. To what building the white wall belonged, is not clear. 
Wherever this name occurs we should expect ancient entrench- 
ments. 2 

Thomas Browne is ordered ' to repair his house lying near 
the Cross 3 at Castell Hale ' before the next Court sits, under 
penalty of 53. A controversy was proceeding between John 
Pytte,* of Castle Hale, and Thomas Adeane, of White-wall-end. 
This duly was settled. There is recorded as treasure found at 
Pyncottes Crosse, le mattocke and two arrows, value XVId. The 
chief miller, as usual, was a Loveday. Thus, we know that there 
were many crosses about Painswick. One was called Senters 
Cross (? Centres) and beyond the town, towards the Park Gate, 5 
stood Damsels Cross, while, where Hale Lane leaves St Mary 
Street, stood yet another. 

Elizabeth Motley, daughter of Amos Myll, the richest and most 
landed customary tenant in this manor, was the wife of John 
Motley, the bailiff of the Lisles, previously-mentioned. She 
had rebuilt in 1529 her father's messuage and farm called Heryngs, 6 
to which pertained sixty acres, besides other land in Ifold, and a 
quarry in Sponebed, two shops called Petgrange and Placidas, in 
Painswick, and ground called Barons, Smiths, and Le Wayne 
House, and other ground adjoining the church wall. 

Judging from the large amount of dilapidations ordered to be 
amended under various penalties at this period, one must 

1. i.e., where the two streamlets meet, and, formerly, made along pool- 

2. White Walls occur in connection with earth-works near ancient roads 
in this county elsewhere, as well as near Sherston in Wilts. Being at the head 
of Wick Street nearest Painswick, or Wyke, it may well have been fortified in 
very early times, even before Pain Fitzjohn. 

3. Called also the High Cross. 

4. Died Easter, 1551- His wife was Alicia, and paid a heriot of one Oi 
to the lord for inheriting there. 

5. Now a hamlet called ' the Park.' 

6. Now part of the Park and gardens of Painswick House. 


conclude that Painswick had been experiencing lean times. With 
the middle of the sixteenth century, however, England generally 
was becoming prosperous, many families ' took their first start to 
distinction, or greatness, and it is certain that Painswick duly 
shared in that improvement, although her wealth came to her in 
the following century. Instead of being without glass in their 
windows, the poorer copyholders became enabled to afford glazing, 
and houses which had hitherto not known chimneys but single 
flues, now began to build them. 2 The well-to-do copyholders 
could indulge in oak-panelling, and plaster-work ceilings, and 
stone tiles from Bisley in lieu of thatching. In every street, 
probably, could be heard the sound of warp and shuttle within 
the houses. Life was definite and hard-working ; there was no 
time to be idle, and self-respect was ever increasing with 
increasing freedom. 

I. Like the Spencers, Cecils, &c. 

a. Cf. Hall, ' Society in the age of Elizabeth.' 

K 2 


"A brief note taken of the conveyance of the Manor of 
Painswick to the Lord Cromwell Xr. (Chancellor) (1540). 

"In that it appeareth by an Indenture bearing date the XVIIth 
day of November in the XHIIth year (1522) of the reigne of the 
king that the Manor of Payneswyke and other Manners were 
recovered by a Wrytt of Entree in the Poste againste Sir Arthure 
Plantagenett and Dame Elizabeth his wifife to the use of the said 
Sir Arthure and such wiffe as the said Sir Arthure shold have 
after the deceasse of the said Dame Elizabeth during their two 
lives with divers reversions. 

" i. Item by another Indenture trypertyte dated the Vllth 
day of October anno XXXImo. (1539) Regis nostri Henrici. The 
said Sir Arthur Plantagenett, Viscount Lysle, Lady Honora his 
wife, and Sir John Dudley' knight bargayned and solde the said 
Manor of Paynswyke and other manors unto the Lorde Cromwell 
and to his heires in which said Indenture the said Lord Cromwell 
covenanted to and with the said Viscount Lisle and Lady Honora 
to make a sure and sufficient graunte of one annuite unto the said 
Viscount and Lady Honora during their lyffes of the some of one 
hundred and XX. li. before the feaste of the Nativitee of our Lorde 
then next insuyng. 

" 2. Item : A dede of feoffment made by the said Viscount 
Lisle and Sir John Dudley knyght of the said Maner of P. 
and other manners unto the said Lorde Cromwell and his heires 
sealed only with the sealle of the said Sir John Dudley dated XVI. 
die Octobris anno Regis Nostri XXXImo., and a relleas from the said 
Sir John bearing date XIXo. die Octobris ao. R.N. XXXI. (1539). 

"3. Item, the said Lord Cromwell recovered the said Manor 
of P. and others by wrytt of entree in the Post against the said 
Viscount Lisle and Lady Honora his wyffe with a voucher against 

I . Dudley having a moiety in this Manor as in Kingston Lisle, Berkshire, 
which latter was the head of the Barony of Lisle. He, it will be recollected, 
was the son of Elizabeth, Viscountess Lisle, by her first husband, and was 
destined to become Duke of Northumberland and father of Robert, Earl of 


the said John Dudley knyght in Octavis sci Michaelis anno 
XXXImo. R.N. and entred and took possession accordingly and 
was thereof feoffed by fforce of the said recovery. 

"4. Item: In quindena Michaelis anno R.N. XXXImo. the 
said Sir Arthure (and) Dame Honora his wyffe and the said Sir 
John Dudley knight by ffyne (fine) knowledged (sic) all there ther 
(sic) ryght in the said Manor of Paynyswyke and other to be the 
ryght of the said Lord Cromwell and his heires by the which said 
ffyne the said Lord Cromwell graunted unto the said Viscount and 
Lady during their lyves one annuell rent of the some of one 
hundred XX li. poundes with the clause of Distress. 

" 5. Item: By another Indenture bearing date the Xth daye 
of December anno R.N. XXXImo. the said Lorde Cromwell 
covenanted and graunted unto the said Viscount and Lady Honora 
that if it ffortuned the said rent graunted by ffyne afforesayd to be 
behind unpaide after any of the dayes of payment in which it 
ought to be paide by the space of six weekes, that then the Lord 
Cromwell his heires, executors and assignes shall paye or cause 
to be payde unto the said Viscount and Lady Six Poundes XIIIs. 
IHId. with a clause of distress in the said Manor of Paynyswike 
and other manners. 

" 6. Item : It was enacted by authority of Parliament that 
the said Lord Cromwell sholde fforfeitt unto our soverayne Lorde 
the Kynge all his honours, mannours, lands, tenements and here- 
ditaments whereof he himself or any other person or persons to 
his use were fifeaffed of estate of inheritance in ffee simple ffee 
taill in reversion or possession at the laste daye of March anno 
R.N. (Regis nostri) XXXmo. or any tyme syns (since?) saving to 
all and singular person and persons bodies pollytyke and corporate 
and ther heires and successors and the heires and successors and 
assignes of every of them other than the said Thomas Lorde 
Cromwell and to his heires and all and every other person and 
persons clayming by the saide Thomas Lorde Cromwell and to 
his use all suche ryght tale entree possession interests remainders, 
reversions, leases, commodities, ffees, offices, rents, annuities, 
commissions and all other commodities, profits and hereditaments 
whatsoever they or any of them mought shold or ought to have 
had yff this Acte had never been had nor made." 



The great Court-house of this Manor, no doubt had occupied 
a site close to the private mansion built (c. 1593) by a Copy- 
holder, and since 1680 called 'Court-house.' It had already 
been pulled down and had vanished before Edward VI.'s reign; 
how long before that date it is not quite possible to determine, 
but when it was in existence and used, it had been the residence 
of the Lord of the Manor, of the great Earl of Shrewsbury. 
The site remained a vacant spot until 1595, and is often des- 
cribed as such in Court-rolls. In the grounds, obstructing the 
cultivator, were probably remains of the still earlier 'Castellum, 
or fortified mansion, of Pain Fitzjohn, now represented only 
by the name in Castle Hale, 1 and perhaps by the abundant 
nettles in Court- orchard. The Earl of Shrewsbury, 2 as we 
have seen, for special reasons gave up his household at 
Painswick circa 1445, and soon after that period the Court- 
house environment was, like other reserved portions of the 
Demesne, divided up into virgates, or yard-lands, and half-yard- 
lands, and let out to copyhold tenants. In 1495 Thomas Pytte had 
the ' Castellum.' Presumably, the Court-house (which is not men- 
tioned, however), was already destroyed. Manor-Rolls of a. 8 
Elizabeth, sixty years later, speak of the ground as that "whereon 
stood formerly the Court-house." (Olim constructa fuit.) 

What then was the status of the Manor-Lodge, which we 
know, instead of the Court-house, came to be the residence 
here of the Kingstons and Jerninghams and of Sir Ralph 
Dutton, and remained such down until 1831. A ' Lodge ' 

1. ' Hale ' here stands for Hall : not for ' Hale ' = the stocks. 

2. Created Earl, a. 20, Hen : VI. 


was the necessary adjunct to every deer-park,' where the 
owner could enjoy the pleasures of the chase and the Ranger 
could attend to his many responsibilities. The enlargement 
of this Lodge sometimes converted it into the Manor House, 
though it retained its old name. In many cases such a Lodge 
became the substitute for the Hall, Castle, or Court-House. It 
was usually placed so as to command a good view of the Park. 
The younger brothers, or sons, of knightly or noble families, 
often held the office of Ranger or Parker. 2 Sir Maurice Berkeley 
and William Bassett kept the park of Pains wick in 1512, and 
doubtless resided at the Lodge. Later a little, probably from 
motives of economy, Arthur, Lord Lisle, retained it alone as a 
residence for his hunting, being mostly employed elsewhere. But 
the oldest parts of it (as has been pointed out), antedate his time 
by quite a century, 3 as, of course, does the inscribed altar-stone. 
It was therefore (it is presumable) of sufficient importance in (c) 
1403 to have a chapel of its own, and for Nicholas, Suffragan of 
Worcester, to dedicate its altar. It was a capital messuage, 
probably resided in at first by the younger scions of the Talbot 
family, and later by the Greys, their descendants, and the 
Kingstons, after them, as Lords of the Manor. 4 

The history of the Lodge probably should date back to the 
twelfth or thirteenth century, when first the Manor was emparked, 
i.e., at a period at least earlier than A.D. 1260; but we do not 
know how far anterior to this date. Seeing, as has been shewn, 
that the Park was plundered by marauders who drove off deer, in 
the reigns of Edward I. and Edward II., it is clear that a Lodge, 
and a substantial one, was necessary and perhaps not yet in exist- 
ence. This, the Talbots certainly made, or re-made, in (c) 1400. 
In this, again enlarged and mostly re-built in Henry VII. 's reign, 

1. Thirty-one Parks are mentioned in Domesday Survey. HAYS, or 
HAI^E, were enclosures within the adjacent woods for the purposes of 
entrapping deer. A park was usually walled with stone or oak-pales. 

2. Hence the names of Forester, Foster, Parker. 

3. The Tudor ceiling-beams or stone-door labels may well be even a little 
before his time. 

4. After this had been appropriated as a Manor-House, another Lodge, 
possibly the vanished one, formerly known as PANS LODGE near Juniper-Hill, 
became the residence of the Ranger. After the Park had ceased to exist, 
this became a dwelling-house and belonged to the Hyett family. 


Arthur, Lord Lisle, and the Kingstons resided in 1540-1562, and 
the Jerninghams and Roger Lygon, Esq., after them, including 
their later sometime substitute, to whom the Manor with all its 
rights became let to farm in 1636, namely Sir Ralph Dutton, Knt., 
who is described as of ' The Lodge, Painswick,' in contemporary 
documents. (See Chapter XV.) The I5th century re-making or 
re-building of ' The Lodge ' must have occurred when the Manor 
was in dower to Ancaretta, Lady Talbot,' mother of the first Earl 
of Shrewsbury, when Sir Gilbert Talbot II. was the young lord 
and John, the future hero and Earl, his younger brother. But 
only a small wing of this re-building remains, being the present 
northern side of the house. 

Let us therefore examine and describe the house, or so much 
of it as remains. From having been until 1831 a four-sided house' 
enclosing a paven court-yard, it has since that date lost all but the 
north and east sides, thus leaving it the form of the Letter L. z On 
approaching from Painswick it is the short, or oldest, arm of this 
letter which first presents itself to us. 

The whole building is beautifully situated, backed by the 
Saltridge and Salcombe, so as to survey the spacious timbered 
hollow, once comprising the Park, toward Longridge on the left ; 
Painswick with its vale, directly in front of it, while, on the right, or 
north, it looked across to ' Paradise ' with the over-peering ridge 
of the entrenched British camp. Many elms of the date of 
George I., planted by the Jerninghams still remain, especially 
they are seen skirting the square field immediately behind (E) of 
the house, which no doubt formed its garden. 3 

The northern wing consists, then, of the base of the L, built in 
two unequal sections. The lowest in altitude, shortest in length, 
and the oldest of these, is the western-most half of it, easily to be 
distinguished by the drop between the respective roofs ; for, from 
the northern face of it at this point of junction projects the 

1. Wife of Sir Richard Talbot II., ob. 1396. 

2. As described in the Auction Leaf of that year : " An ancient 
quadrangular mansion." 

3. In 1616 (a. 13, James I.) William Osborne surrenders with other 
land and mills and messuages all the ground lying between the part called 
'Hazelhonger Mead' and the 'King's Highway,' leading from 'Painswick 
Lodge' toward Gloucester, to the use of Thomas Jernegan (Gent.) son of 
Henry Jernegan, and a minor. 


THK LODGE (East Side) 



modern dairy, somewhat concealing the junction, and its lean-to 
roof also closing out some of the lights of a i5th century window. 
To the right of the projection, on the ground floor, is seen the 
graceful two-light said window here represented, the date of 
which may be attributed to (c) 1420. Beyond this occurs, 
externally still, a modern buttress, and then we come to a curious 
little projection from the western termination of the north wing. 
This projection rises in two floors into a gabled stone-tiled roof, 
originally without a chimney, and consists within of two very 
small chambers, the one above the other, measuring 7 feet and 
6 feet, with a height of about 8 feet apiece. 

The lower of these is gained on its western face through a 
pointed exterior door, which, however, does not open from the 
vestibule itself, but from outside, into a small vestibule. From 
the latter another even stouter stone doorway, 2 feet in width, lets 
us through direct on our left into the lower chamber. This, on 
either side of it carries a low stone bench (not original) leading 
up to a relatively-modern fire-hearth and inserted chimney at its 
further (or north) end. On the right wall, at 2 feet above the 
stone bench is seen a small splayed light, and on the opposite 
side, at 3 feet above the bench, is a two-light window, also 
splayed in a wall of i foot 4 inches thickness. This is a later 
insertion than its fellow. At 8 feet above the floor occurs the 
wooden ceiling, now without its plaster. The modern filling 
up of the wall of the vestibule tells us that once the room 
communicated immediately with the rest of this wing. 

The question now arises, for what purposes were these 
exceedingly small rooms, one above the other, designed ? The 
stone benches and fire-place in the lower one, are, although old, 
certainly not original. In this case, the functions of this chamber 
have been changed by their insertion, and it has been, in its 
latter days, used perhaps as a porter's chamber. In earlier days 
it may well have been the ' necessarium," with another, adjoining 
the bed-chamber, above it. 

The south side of this wing is found possessing a modern 
lean-to verandah, which, in imagination, we ought to clear away. 
The original wall of the house beneath this is seen to be pierced 
by two stone doors near to one another, having sharply pointed 


heads. The first (w) of these enters the flagged room terminating 
the wing. On examining this room the wall on the right of 
entrance is soon seen to be but an inserted partition of late date. 
We stand therefore in but a section of some large chamber. We 
must get behind that wall. We consequently go without and 
enter the second of the arched doors. Once within this, we 
notice the large plain corbels on both sides, carrying the beams 
which support the upper floor, and now perceive that we have 
the rest of the aforesaid large chamber. At its eastern end is a 
stone (closed-up) i6th century fireplace, measuring 5 feet in 
width, chamfered and brooched. Opposite, on the north wall, 
and nearly up to the partition, occurs the two-light I5th century 
window. Taking away the partition, then, what would be the 
dimensions of the original chamber? These are found to be 
27 feet in length by 18 in width. The bed-chamber above, 
corresponded to the size of this one. Let it be remarked that 
wherever we go in the house there is evidence that owing to its 
great curtailment after 1831, the larger surviving rooms have been 
divided up by means of inserted partitions. 

Beyond these rooms we come at once to a larger hall, now 
divided into three portions and more, the principal one serving as 
the present kitchen and being richly panelled with oak on all 
sides. A glance at the roof rib-mouldings tells us clearly that 
they are Tudor. The fire-place is at the northern side. At the 
northern-most corner occurs a newel-stair gained by an old 
pointed door. This room will have formed one of the important 
withdrawing rooms of the house at all periods. It may have well 
been the chief dining-room. The panelling is taken from other 
rooms and passages. In this case the newel-stair led to the 
formerly fine chamber above it, as the drawing-room to which the 
family retired after meals ; but which has likewise been divided 
up by partitions. The oak-panelling here is comparatively of late 
date, and the door leading to the Tudor entrance from the court 
is ungracefully jutted into the room at the opposite corner. This 
can all be easily made out by the visitor. In spite, therefore, 
of its reduced proportions, this still remains a noble room. 
The windows, with occasional exceptions, have round moulded 


The next room, on the east adjoining this, reveals the same 
Tudor roof-ribs travelling on, and beyond that embracing the 
small ' made ' room to the main staircase of the house. On to this 
stair opens the present porch, a modern addition to the four- 
centred Tudor doorway within it. To the right of this door, 
within it, we find a thick main wall marking the termination of 
Tudor work. The room on the right, though not modern, has 
undergone complete transformation since the sale of the pro- 
perty. The windows have been moved from their original 
places, and their mullions have departed. The large bedroom 
above this is panelled with oak, 1 moulded in the characteristic 
Stuart manner, probably the work of Sir Henry Jerningham, Bt., 
(1625) or of Sir Ralph Button (1636-46). In such a room, his 
friend and master, King Charles may have slept when here in 
1643. There are no other panelled rooms left. 

Although there is reason for believing with Lady Bedingfield* 
that "the mansion was at no time a grand one," there is sufficient 
remaining evidence that it must have been a very desirable one, 
and we can only regret that the two other wings of it, one of 
which must have contained the chapel, have been demolished. 
The lower half of the altar-stone of this chapel is at present 
inserted above the door of an out-house. The inscription in 
Gothic letters upon it runs thus : 

" + Istud Altare dedicatum est in honorem Sanctae Trinitatis 
et omnium Sanctorum a Nicholao Episcopo Suffraganeo. + " 
Above it can be seen undisturbed the inserted stone (Painswick 
stone) that covered the particular relic, whatever that may have 
been, contained in it. Three out of its five crosses remain. 

The said Nicholas, as before mentioned, was Suffragan of 
Worcester in 1403 ; so that its presence here tells us of the 
existence of a chapel to the Lodge as far back as the reign of 
Henry IV. , unless by chance it was removed from the original 
' Court-House ' of the Talbots in Painswick, after its demolition 
and the enlargement of the ' Lodge,' say c. 1450. 

1. Much of this has been removed since 1831, and what remains has thin 
old cornices of deal. 

2. Cf. The Jerningham Letters. 



During the time of Queen Mary (1553-8), Sir John Dudley, 
having risen during the previous reign upon the ruins of the 
Seymours both of Thomas, Lord Sudeley, and of the great 
Protector to the dignities of Earl of Warwick and Duke of 
Northumberland (1551) involved himself notoriously in direct 
antagonism to that Queen, and in 1553 he suffered together with 
his sons on Tower Hill. He is mentioned here only as having 
been intimately connected with Painswick, and actually here, 
in the manner already shewn. Mary, Lady Kingston, died in 
1548 and was buried at Leyton in Essex. 1 

Sir Anthony Kingston, who now became Lord of the Manor 
of Painswick, was made ' Admiral of the Ports ' about the 
Severn. Henry VIII. had granted to him Flaxley, Newnham, 
Haresfield, Stanley St Leonards, and Miserden, and had knighted 
him in May, 1540. If we may trust, as perhaps we may do, local 
tradition in this instance, Sir Anthony also set up and endowed a 
gallows at Shepscombe together with a prison at Painswick, and 
that being so, we cannot doubt but that these two quiet valleys 
witnessed many a gruesome execution. The Shepscombe gallows 
was indeed still standing, or rather, falling to pieces in 1775 (cf. 
Complete Gazetteer of England and Wales, vol. 2), and it was 
situated crowning the sloping triangular bit of green just below 
the Church, where lately stood a copper-beech-tree. 2 

On February gth, 1555, Sir Anthony, as Sheriff, superintended 
together with John, Lord Chandos and Sir Edmund Bridges of 
Prinknash, the burning at the stake, in Gloucester, of Bishop 

1. Where is her epitaph. A miniature of her is in the possession of the 
Right Hon : Sir Hubert Jerningham, Bt. 

2. Planted many years ago by Rev. Jos. Baylee. This tree was killed 
by contact with some lime thrown down during the erection of some cottages 
overlooking it, 1901. An oak has replaced it, 1904. 


Hooper. " Care was to be taken that he should not speak either 
at the stake or on his way to it. He dined at Cirencester the 
previous day and reached Gloucester at 5 p.m. probably by the 
Ermine Street. The road, for a mile outside the town was lined 
with people, and the Mayor was in attendance with an escort to 
prevent a rescue." (Cf. Froude, Hist: of England}.* 

During the reign of Edward VI., Sir Anthony had dis- 
tinguished himself by his ferocious activity (1549) as Provost 
Marshal in suppressing for the Protector Somerset the Rebellion 
in the West. This left its mark especially in Devon and Corn- 
wall, where he is said to have hanged the Mayor of Bodmin and 
many more. It was probably as Sheriff of the County of 
Gloucester that he set up a gallows at Shepscombe, although it is 
certain that somewhere in the said Manor the early lords likewise 
maintained a gallows. 

On the surrender of St Peter's Abbey at Gloucester (1540) of 
which he was Steward, Prinknash House and Park were rented 
by him from the Crown on condition that he should preserve 
annually for the King's use forty deer. He and his father were 
manifestly professional grabbers of Abbey lands, in company, as 
we have seen, of Cromwell and the Seymours. 2 

On December nth of the same year (1555), Sir Anthony 
became committed to the Tower by the Lords of the Council 
"upon a contemptuous behaviour and a greate Disorder lately 
committed in the Parliament House. The Queen, however, 
caused Sir Henry Bedingfield to take the prisoner to her at 
Greenwich, and upon his humble submission she set him free." 
It is likely this may have been helped by the influence of his 
kinsman, Sir Henry Jerningham, Master of the Horse, who had 
been lately employed against the Norfolk rebels. 

" They have put me in the Tower for their pleasures ; but so 
shall they never do more," were the words said by Wootton to 
have been used by Kingston. 3 And no sooner was he released 

I. A charred stump of the stake at which he was burned is in the 
Museum of Gloucester. 

a. Probably it was they who named a portion of Longridge Wood 
' Queen's Wood ' and ' Queen's Acre,' as these used to be called, in memory 
of Anne Boleyn's hunting there with Henry VIII. 

3. His suicide, as will be seen, alone prevented this consummation. 


than he entered into a conspiracy with Sir Henry Peckhatn, 
Christopher Ashton, and others, to send Queen Mary out of 
England to Philip, and make the Lady Elizabeth queen. Kingston 
was to control the western marches with 10,000 men and to cut 
off Lord Pembroke if he made resistance. He was then to 
march on London. 

This precious scheme was betrayed in March to the Council, 
with result that Peckham, Throckmorton, Daniel and a dozen 
more were seized and sent to the Tower. Sir Anthony' was 
arrested at Cirencester, but died on his way to London, it is 
thought, by his own hand ; some, however, say he plunged, 
horse and man, into the river and was drowned while escaping. 
Upon his death, at the age of 37 years, he was succeeded in 
Painswick and Haresfield by his half-sister's child 2 and heiress, 
Frances, then wife of Sir Henry Jerningham, with whose 
descendants it remained until 1803. 

With the reign of Elizabeth (1558-1603) we become familiar 
with such names as Olivers, Motleys, and Tocknells, which are 
still clinging on as place-names in and about Painswick. And 
although the Kingstons are dead, we obtain further mention of 
the gallows and Jack's Green. William Motley (Anno. 8, Eliz:) 
holds as a free-tenant a field containing half a yard-land with 
pasture, and a parcell of a land, for the services of constructing 
the gallows for the execution of felons, of making a ladder 
and halter (capistrum) 1 and acting as Tithing-man, as did his 
father John Motley [for Sir Anthony Kingston] faithfully before 
him. One Giles Knowles, Thomas Niblett, William and Agnes 
Canton, are fined for playing at tables and cards contrary to 
the Queen's statute. The Constables are Thomas Clissold and 
William Kynge. 

1. Arms of Kingston, Quarterly i and 4 azure, a cross betw: 4 leopards' 
faces argent ; 2 and 3 ermine betw : a chevron and a chief, a leopard's face, 
all sable. Supporters, 2 cockatrices. 

2. He left two natural sons : Anthony and Edmund, on whom he settled 
parts of his estate, including Miserden, by a deed of enfeoffment in 1547, and 
a daughter, Derrick, who had married in 1551, John Andrews, Esq., of Hares- 
field. Her marriage occurs in the Painswick Register. 

3. "Be it known that the aforesaid William, John, and Robert Motley 
tithing-men there (Shepscombe) shall have and enjoy one acre of land one half 
(? each) in consideration of the fulfilment of their office (i.e., executioners.)" 


A few years later, Thomas Gardner, among other properties, 
holds " unam vacuam placeam terrae juxta murum cemiterii pro 
redditum per annum 2d. et unam parcellam terrae vocata Courte- 
Orchard pro redditum per annum 6s. yd." He held 119 acres 
in all, including 78 arable and 20 acres of pasture. 

The specially interesting fact here given is his tenure of 
the Court-Orchard, and a waste or vacant spot adjacent to the 
Cemetery of the Church. Before him, John Osborne held the 
very same vacant place 'juxta le Courte-Orchard, et etiam 
vacuam placeam terrae, supra quo diet' le Courte-House olim 
fuit constructs,' a void place once occupied by the Court-House. 
In time the Gardeners built a three-gabled mansion on the spot ; 
which Dr Seaman, D.C.L., bought from them and to which he 
added a wing. 

John Poole has a cottage and garden in New Street. John 
Wantner has Herings. Elizabeth Collins has two holdings, one is 
called 'Holcombe' and the other 'Collins.' Each has a messuage. 
Richard Canton has a tenure called 'Vineyard,' evidence perhaps 
of attempted wine-making here. ' Mandeville's Field' 1 is held by 
Thomas Mower. 

Among important tenants is Roger Lygon 3 (Armiger) who 
(by Indenture dated a. 8, Eliz : 21 July), held a messuage called 
' Martyn's,' with ' Prior's Quarry,' ' Brodemead,' ' Lady Barn,' 
' Lady's Mede,' ' Crouches,' ' Pounds,' two acres in Washwell, a 
bleaching mill, and two other quarries, at a rent of ^40. Later 
(a. 41, Eliz:) in the reign, Arnold Lygon, the son, takes from 
Henry Jerningham (jun :) and Eleanor, his wife, a lease in the 
Manor of ten messuages, two mills, and 205. rent in Painswick, to 
have and hold for eighty years after their decease, if the said 
Henry Jerningham, father of Henry Jerningham (jun :) do so long 
live, rendering a peppercorn at St Michael's feast. " The said 
Arnold Lygon hath from the said Henry Jernegan ,1,000." His 
son, John Lygon, J.P., we shall see, acted as Registrar at Pains- 
wick 1653-1656 and was buried in St Mary's Church, Aug. 10, 
1656. In the eighth year of Elizabeth (1565) the tenantry of the 

1. Near Pitchcomb. 

2. His wife's effigy is at Fairford. Richard Lygon at this time had 
Matson. (1565). Cf. Trans: B. and G. Arch. Soc: 1891-2, p. 123. 


Manor held 959 arable acres, 266 pasture, and 176 acres in fields, 
wood and waste = 1,391 in all. 

John Gybbins and Agnes Jerden are given license to have, 
repair, and to use a certain road leading out of the Wick Street 
' meet and convenient after the due course of Husbandry,' and they 
are to make a gate, and to provide a lock and key to the same. The 
road commences at a place called 'Swinfield,' occupied by Jane 
Blysse, widow, and goes as far as certain land, called Drixton. 
John Gybbons and Agnes Jerden being under-tenants of Bridges, 
Lord Chandos (for the Earl of Shrewsbury), Jane was fined next 
year (1566) for stopping the said road. This may possibly be the 
stone track, now called Nightingale or Lovers' Lane, descending 
above the Sheephouse. Lord Chandos held these for the Earl of 
Shrewsbury, who (we have seen), recaptured in 1539 the lands in 
Painswick granted by his ancestors in the i4th century to Flanes- 
ford near Goodrich, which included also ' Seagrim's.' These 
were among the so-called Chantry -Lands. 1 ' Bulcross ' is 
mentioned as being near 'the Frith.' 

The Lovedays, William and Walter Watkins, and Thomas 
Horrup, are prominent tenants in the tything of Duddescombe, 
including the ' Pyllhouse.' 2 

It will be of interest to adduce here a ' Manumissio ' or con- 
version of a villein or Bondman into a free-man, dating the tenth 
year of Elizabeth (1567) : 


" 22nd March, a. 10, Elizabeth. 

" George Blysse came to the Court of Frank Pledge and 
showed his manumission in the following form : 

"To all Christian people that shall see this present writing 
Henry Jernegan, of Payneswick, in the Countie of Gloucester, 
knyghte, and Lady Francis his wyffe, conveyeth greting in our 
Lord Godd everlasting. Whereas George Blysse aforesaid, 
called George Blysse our bondman or vylleyn, the sonne of 
William Blysse decesaed, our bondman or vylleyn, was and is 

1. In a memorandum M.S. attached to the Chantry Certificate (a. 2, 
Edw. VI.) it is stated " that one Sheephouse and meadow, parcel of the said 
premises arrented at 2os. by the year, is now detained by Sir Antony Kingston, 
Kt., by what title they know not." Cf. Hist : St. Mary's Church, p. 33. 

2. Pilling Cloth. 


commonly called knowen taken had accounted and reputed 
prevely and apertely Know ye that we the said Henry and 
Frances for certain good and lawfull consideracions us moving, 
have for us and our heires manumitted and from the yoke of 
servitude and vylleynage dylyvered and discharged and by this 
our present deade nowe do manumitt delyver and dyscharge for 
ever the said George Blysse and his heires of his body and all his 
sequell and progeny of his body goten or to be goten and all and 
singular goods catells lands tenements and other perqviisites to 
which he the said George hath or att any time herafter shall gett 
and have. And ye shall also understand that we the aforeseid 
Henry and Lady Francis have remysed released and for us and 
our heires quyte claymed And by these presents do remyse 
release and quyte clayme to the seid George all his heires 
sequells and progeny of his body goten or to be goten all manner 
of reall and personall su(i)ts querells services trespasses debts 
demands whatsoever they be which we the seid Henry and Lady 
Frances have had or hereafter shall or may have in anywise 
against the said George Blysse or any of his heirs sequells or 
progeny of his body by reason of the vyllenage or servitude 
aforesaid or by any other cause pretence or color from the 
beginning of the World unto the day of the date of these presents. 
So that neyther we the seid Henry and Frances or any of us or 
one or any other for us in our names Shall or may from hence- 
forth have exact sue clayme demand or any manner of ryghte 
tytle accord interest of vyllenage or bondage agenst the said 
George Blysse his heires of his body sequell or progeny goods 
cattells lands tenements or any of them by writt of our sovereign 
lady the Quene accom (?) in the Law Sute or otherwise but 
thereof be clerely excluded and avoyded for evermore by the seid 
presents And we the seid Henry and Frances and our heires 
the seid George Blysse with all his sequell and progeny begotten 
or to be goten agenst all people shall warrant and defend by these 

" Dated XXII. day of November of the eleventh year of the 
reign of our Lady Quene Elizabeth." 

John Gardner is styled ' Clothier.' (a. 10, Eliz :) James 
Workman, John Gardner, Henry Twinning and others are fined 
for trespass in the lord's woods. 


Thomas Horrup is conceded the use of water flowing in a 
field at Ifold. 

The lord's Seneschal is Richard Carygue' (gentleman). 
Goods belonging to felons sold in Painswick : 

A calf, a horse, 14 sheep, 6 lambs, 453. 

A bedstead, le flock-bed, 6s. 8d. ; le pyllowe, le boulster, 
duos le blanckettes, le coverlett, tres le pewter dishes, 2 le salt- 
sellers, 2 le platters, 12 farthings, 3 le stands, 2 le payles, 2 le 
cowles, a chair, i le daysbourde (dice-board), i le tab-bourde, le 
woden quarte, 3 le formes, i le sedelopp, 2 le snodes (?), i le 
turne, i le boulting-whiche, i le hogshead, le presse, le shelfe, 
le cheserak, le skole, le skope, le saddle, 2 le coffers, le axe et 
hatchet, i falx, i le wedge, le pot-hookes, lyniks, 2 le crocks, le 
cawdron, 2 candelabra, 2 le broches, i le cadder, 2 galline, i 
gallus (cock), i sow, 2 pugiones cum cultellis (metal spurs) (?), le 
spokeshaft, i wool weight, le wynnowing kype, le bagge, i le 
peyre of tynninge cuffs, i le girdle, i le horse-collar and traces, 
total value 3. 

The felon was John Jakes (a. 4, Eliz:) who was hanged, after 
trial before Sir Thomas Throckmorton and George Huntly, Esq. , 
J.P., probably on Shepscombe gallows. 

A house is mentioned as ' domum Sancti Johannis '* (a. 6, 
Eliz :) Barton's (or Borton's) Mill lies near the Park Poole. 
Combe-House, in Ham, lies on the lower side of a field called 
' Oldfield.' John Osborne rents the vacant place where the Combe- 
House in Ham was built formerly. 3 Lullingwell (worth) contains 
2j^ acres, in tenure of Richard Hilman. 

The Park-gate is near Bangrove in Washwell. Thomas 
Blysse dies, and the lord exacts heriot of a spade and a shovel. 
His land lay in Stroud-end. His widow, Joan, is admitted 
successor. Usually the heriot is an ox or a bull. Daniel Pearte, 
Esq., is Steward of the Manor. Isabel Gardener holds besides 
' Court-Orchard and a void place against the wall of the Cemetery,' 

1. Richard Carick or Carygue. (Cf. Trans: B. and G. Arch: Soc: 
1891-2, p. 81). 

2. A Church House. This recalls to mind that the two saints of 
Llantony Priory to which our Church had belonged were St Mary and St John. 

3. Near Jenkin's Farm. 


Badcombe, Erode Redding, Cleypytte, two acres in Ifold, the 
house of the late Roger Gardener and four acres, another house 
and ground called Cromplyns, a garden near Castel-Hale-style, 
&c. Thomas Gardener is her kinsman and Elizabeth is his 
wife (a. i, Eliz:) 

Thomas Blysse (2) to whom Arthur, Lord Lisle, gave a 
pension for services, dies without heirs. He held two cottages in 
Painswick, and two acres in Ifold (An: i, Eliz.) 

Rev. Lawrence Gase, Vicar of Painswick, is admitted tenant of 
the Manor and to a house and land in Painswick. (Anno i, Eliz.) 1 
This fact places this vicar a few years earlier in the Vicarage 
than has hitherto been known to be the date of his tenure. 
Evidently Queen Mary's Vicar had to relinquish his post at her 
decease, and a new vicar was instituted. 

The Chantry-lands and their holders have been detailed in 
the volume on the Church of St Mary. 

A close called Woosall's Hale in Stroud-end tithing is 
mentioned (a. 3, Eliz.) on account of a way to be made through it, 
which has occasioned a controversy between Jane Blysse and 
Edward Stratford. A water-course had been turned aside by 
Jane Blysse's father in consideration of his paying ad. a yard to 
Stratford's father. 

The name for the Frome is usually the ' Wyckwater.' 

We now (Eliz : a. 5) find the Olivers, Pooles, Gydes, 
Whitings, Kynges and Bancknetts much to the front. The 
Gardeners, Hamonds, Osbornes, and Pyttes continue to be 
among the chief tenants, and the Lovedays, the chief millers. 
Thomas Clynton (Armiger) and William Staple are important 
holders at Stroud-end. Rev. Lawrence Gase is dead (a. 6, 
Eliz:) before September, 1563, and a house of his called a 
' Backsyde ' is vacant in the tything of Sponebed. His holding 
is claimed by Johanna Roberts, by her free-bench, and she is 

i. This was 'Ludlows,' which seems to have been the usual Vicarage. 
Though still so-called until the end of the i8th century, I have been unable to 
identify its position in the Town : though most probably it may have been 
situated where the house called ' Verlands ' now stands. 



I4th Queen Elizabeth, 1572. s d 

Rent of Assize in Manor of Painswick of the Free and Customary 
Tenants and of the Chantry-lands for three parts of the year 
ending with the feast of St John the Baptist ......... 59 6 \o 

Half-year's rent of the Park and of the Demesne-lands. So leased 
to Roger Lygon, Esq., and payable at two feasts in the year 
at St Mary's Day and Michaelmas ............ 20 o o 

Profits of a law-day, 25 April. Heriots, common fines, strayes ... 9 2 9 

Total ......... 88 9 

Wood-Sale. s d 

In the Frith 'nexte Duddescombe' 48 u o 

ii Cudhyll I 17 4 

n Detcombe 678 

ii Longridge 45 10 10 

n The Park 272 

n Harsfeld Wood I 10 o 

The Redge Wood 7 I 4 

n Kymesbury 25 6 10 

ii Rownams (No. 36 in Tithe-Map, 1842) 8 16 o 

Total 147 8 I 

John Dereham (Gent.) Bailiff. 

Item paid to John Battye for 1,000 large pales for Payneswicke Park iocs. 
Item to same for pullynge of the seyd pales from the water ... XXd. 

Item for charge of meate and drinke att the carrying of the Lord's 

pales from Gloucester being 10 wayne lodes 6s. 

Item for 100 yards of grey ffryce sent up to my Ladie 4 3 

[Lady Francis Jernegan is 'Wydowe' (a. 14 Elizabeth).] 
Item paid to Thomas Loveday for the carrying of the same ffrice to 

London 2s. 4d. 

Item for the Charge of John Osborne one of the said Accountants 

for his Journey into Norfolk (Cossey) to my Lady, concerning 

divers matters (XV th year of Eliz.) XVIs. 

Item for reparacions to the Lord's Pound being very ruinous ... 135. 4d. 

[Lady Jernegan owns the Manors of Whaddon and Harsfeld and Moreton 
Valence and Tewkesbury Park]. 

[Roger Lygon's servant is Alex Standish]. 


Item of Mr More, for his Rent; and Mr Restells, for the Castell- 

Medowe of Gloucester, due for the said half-year ... / VI XIIIs. I Vd . 

Item for money to be given in my lady's almes this yere to the 

poor people in Tewkesbury 335. 4d. 

Richard Lygon at this time had Matson Manor (1565). 
Arnold Lygon at this time was a tenant of Lord Berkeley at 
Rolls Court (1574). 


PAINSWICK 15661615. 


In the ninth year of Elizabeth we find mentioned a Church 
House in North Street (Gloucester Street) situated beside two 
granaries (Horrea). Earlier mentions of this Church House gave 
us its dedication as Domus S" Johannis, i.e., House of St. John, 
recalling the fact that the Convent of Llantony at Gloucester, 
which had so long owned the Advowson at Painswick, bore the 
double Dedication to St Mary and St John. It may have stood 
near the site of the present Congregational Chapel. 

The following facts are derived from Court-rolls: 
William Corbett (probably the former Chantry-Priest of this 
name), holds by Copy (dated a. 31 Henry VIII.) a cottage and 
garden by the Church-Style. There is a- white cross in Wash- 
well, as well as a pyke-gate. Elizabeth Chambers has a cottage 
next ' The Butts ' in Ham, called Hachinsmore. We have already 
mentioned Hambutts as having been referred to in documents of 
1430. John Merriman, likewise, has a cottage and garden 'infra 
le Butts' (within the Butts), i.e., the abutments of the original 
Copy-hold strips of land upon the Demesne Land of the Manor. 
Elizabeth Collins holds ' Collins ' and ' Holcombe,' two houses. 
John Mylls has 'Damsels,' ' Hallcrofte,' ' Ryecroft,' a fishweir, 
and Wysals Grove. Brook-house belongs to Walter West ; 
Salmons to Thomas Shewell, with a mill. Thomas Twinning 
lives at the Frith-house (query, the later Pan's Lodge?). The 
well in the field next Lullingworth is called Lulling-well. A 
cottage next ' the Grove ' is called, after a previous owner, 
' Fallings, ' spelt, also, ' Pawlyns.' Pyll-house and Rogers are 


tenanted by Walter Watkins. There are two void spaces in 
Painswick ; one is called ' The Green-Lay,' and the other is 
the site of the old Manor (or Court) House, which is held as a 
field by John Osborne, by Copy of Court-Roll, dated Sept. 6, 
1557. Green-house belongs to John Twinning. Le Syches 
(Cf. W. Sych = dry), in Washwell, is referred to. There is 
another Cross, called Limbrick's Cross, in Hawfield. 

William Collins, butcher, is fined for selling meat unfit for 
human food. The Beer-vendors are allowed to sell a wine-quart 
of ale for ^d., as well within the house as without it, but they may 
not sell flat-ale at the same price. The Baker is to sell two 
loaves for a penny. The Gardners and Lovedays are the chief 
' Clothiers.' 

The following facts are more grim : William Motley continues 
his office of Executioner, and keeps in repair, at Shepscombe, the 
Gallows, halter, and ladder belonging thereto, by which service 
he holds, of the Lord, an acre, a messuage, and a half-yard land. 
This should be 'Jacks' acre at Shepscombe. Richard Loder 
late of Painswick, having been hanged at Gloucester for sheep- 
stealing, his goods are sold, consisting of a bed-stead, two payles, 
one barrell, two pieces of pewter, &c. Agnes Angus is ordered 
to mend her hedge between her garden and the Court Orchard. 
The Public Springs, Washwell, Toby-well (Tibby-well), and one 
in Friday Street are strictly supervised. Richard Carick, Esq., 
is the Steward of the Manor. 

A foot-path from Pitchcombe to Strode passed across lands 
held by John Osborne of 'Seagryms,' called 'Bridesmead,' 
' Maple-mead,' and ' Middle-leaze.' He denies it to be a right-of- 
way. The arbitrators, having heard both sides, declare that a 
path ought to exist there. John Bourne exchanges with Thomas 
Davys a close called Church-close, at a spot called, commonly, 
' The Lane,' near Wick Street. Bulcross is near the Frith. 
Thomas Clissal holds 96 acres, including ' Wadds,' in Stroud-end. 

The acres held by the tenantry were : 959 Arable ; 266 
Pasture; 176 Meadows. 

Sir Henry Jerningham and the Lady Frances are Lord and 
Lady of the Manor. 

Thomas Duck, is to replace, as it was before he altered it, 
the water-course in Hazle-hanger Dell (a. 1 1 Eliz.) John 


Aylbridge is to put in order his hedge between Vicar's Hill 
and the Vicar's Barn at Washwell, within eight days, or be 
fined xd. 

Later in the long reign an increasingly prosperous period 
for the Manor we find the same families holding, for the most 
part, the same properties. But in 1596-7 there befell a great 
dearth, probably caused by a far-spreading murrain among the 
sheep and cattle, and Painswick suffered severely like its neigh- 
bours. ~" Oppressed with such number of poore, miserable people 
that there could be no reliefe for some." Many of the Mills had to 
dismiss their hands and close, besides the loss of wages to those 
who washed and sheared the animals. The Gardeners, chief 
mercers by trade, were nevertheless sufficiently rich to be build- 
ing a three-gabled house on the long-vacant site of the ancient 
Court House of the Manor, the land and site being now Copyhold 
from the Lord of the Manor. Thomas Pytte, likewise, was building 
Castle Hale, the site of which had been held by his forebears for 
a century, together with 30 acres of land. We shall return to 
these presently. 

At Edgworth, still held of Painswick, George Ralegh, Esq., 
and his son, Edward Ralegh, held the Manor, as the last five 
generations of their ancestors had done (Cf. Pedes Finium, a 44 
Eliz., Vol. XVII. , p. 198, Brist. & Glos. Trans. Arch. Soc.) As 
the Litigation between John Myll and his sons and Henry Sturmy, 
concerning their respective rights to the pasture lands at Ebbworth, 
formerly belonging to the Abbey of St Peter at Gloucester, is fully 
referred to in the History of the Church of St Mary, Painswick, 
it need not be dilated upon here, except to recall that it was 
decided before the Right Hon. Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper 
of the Great Seal, and is to be found in the Proceedings of the 
Court of Chancery, p. 202. Its main object was to establish 
right of Common. The mention of North-bury field (i.e., 
North-barrow) is interesting, and this applies also to Woobwell 
and Gatley, though the writer has been unable to identify the 
latter localities. Woobwell is also described as being on the 
north side of Ebbworth. There is also referred to " the way that 
goeth to Gloucester ; Stone Hill in all the north part of the 
way." This should refer to the road from Ebbworth to Cranham. 


The Rogers family, afterwards of Castle Hale, appear at this 
time to be rising in the social scale from having been small holders 
on the Manor. Thomas Rogers succeeded Mr R. Carick as 
Steward, under whom he had probably become qualified for such 
responsibilities. The gentility of many families has arisen in like 

A person of note at this time in the Diocese of Gloucester was 
John Seaman, D.C.L., presently its Chancellor. As his father 
(who died Nov. 6, 1604) was a Woollen-Draper in Chelmsford, 
then living at Panfield Priory in Essex, it is possible that Seaman 
became acquainted with Painswick through the parental commerce. 
That he may have come here purely on Diocesan business is, 
however, not unlikely. But he did not procure as his residence 
the new mansion of the Gardners, afterwards called Court- 
House, until after 1608. For, on Dec. 24, a. 4 James I. (1607), 
Thomas Gardner, the elder, surrendered the messuage and 
demesne which he has 'from and in' a close called the Court- 
Orchard, containing three acres, more or less, rented at 45. 
and 4d. per annum, into the hands of the Lord of the Manor (there 
was no heriot upon it), to the use and profit of Thomas Gardner, 
his son, who presently passed it on to his brother, John Gardner, 
paying a fine of i 123. 8d. The Orchard had not then the precise 
extent which it has now ; for, at the southern end of it, where 
Stamages Lane now leaves the modern road, were two, or more, 
cottages with gardens rented by Margery Whitehorne. These 
were conceded on Oct. 10, 1616, to John Seaman, D.C.L., as 
Copy-holds, at a Court of Frank Pledge then held. At this period 
he seems to have bought and settled in the house of the Gardners, 
and to have built on to it a south wing with an oriel window ; at 
the same time purchasing various fields and farms, and cottages, 
both at Painswick, Pitchcombe, and Wythington, in this County. 
In his Will he calls the residence ' my now dwelling Mansion 
House at Painswick.' -The writer's conclusion as to his coming to 
settle at Painswick is that it related to the part he took in the 
adjustment of the great Suit at Law between the customary tenants 
of the Manor and their Lord in 1614-15, before the Court of 
Chancery. His daughter, Mary, was baptised at Painswick, Jan. 
5, 1615. This is the earliest date marking his residence here: 


and on Feb. i, he signed the ' Exemplification of the Enrollment 
of a Decree made in the High Court.' He died, June 30, 1623, or 
six months before the Decree was confirmed, his Will being 
dated Oct. 7, 1622. A copy of this latter document (which I 
owe the sight of to Mr Ellis Marsland, the present owner of 
Court House) tells us that he leaves ^5 to the poor of Painswick, 
and that if his son, Samuel Seaman, marries, he desires him and 
his wife to live in ' the new Mansion House.' 

In 1614, then, came to a crisis a serious dispute between the 
Lord of the Manor and his tenants. It was one typical of the 
period. The value of the land was much enhanced, and the Lord 
desired to benefit by the fact. 

The main ground of the difference between the Lord and his 
tenants was an alleged grave infringement of the time-honoured 
customs of the Manor on the part of Henry Jerningham, the 
younger, the then Lord, to the prejudice of his tenants. These latter 
felt the firm ground quaking beneath their feet, 1 and desired a 
reliable security by means of legal mediation between themselves 
and their Lord, so as to preclude all prejudice to their interests in 
the Manor and its customs for the future. They felt this all the 
more acutely because differences between themselves and Henry 
Jerningham had already occurred in 1585 (28 Eliz.), which, how- 
ever, had led to definite agreement. The main point of the new 
difference arose concerning the wardship and custody of the lands 
of Infants (under 2 1 years) to whom any customary estate or copy- 
hold lands did usually descend upon the death of ancestors. The 
Lord had declared that he ought to have the wardship and custody of 
such infants, and, by virtue of this wardship, he might grant out 
their lands during their said minority. The tenants of the Manor, 
on the other hand, declared that the immemorial custom of Payns- 
wick Manor had been that this wardship and custody belonged not 
to the Lord, but to the next of kin, until the said heir should be of 
full age. 

i. "The oppressed tenant knew where his remedy lay, and was 
exceeding apt at discovering the same, to his lord's confusion. If evidence of 
the customs to which he appealed existed, it was sure to be forthcoming, and 
when produced it was equally certain to receive due recognition at Law. 
Every free tenant had the counterpart of his lease, and every copy-holder 
his copy of Court-Rolls, both sufficient title-deeds against the mere rapacity 
of their Lords." H. Hall, Elizabethan Society, p. 30. 





Henry Jerningham (the younger), therefore, put forth his 
claims to the wardship and custody of the lands of one William 
Barnes, and began regranting them, the said William Barnes 
being then but ten years of age. Thereupon, Giles Carter, who 
was his stepfather, and Agnes, his mother, put forth their counter- 
claims. It should be stated that Henry Jerningham, the younger, 
had had the Manor made over to him by his father during the 
latter's life-time, and he probably took too old-fashioned a view of 
the seignorial privileges.' 

In their answer, Henry Jerningham and Thomas Neast, Esq. 
his agent) stated that during the minority of any infant to whom 
any copy-hold lands of the said Manor did descend, by the death 
of his ancestors, the Lord of the said Manor ought to have the 
wardship and custody of the said lands. The tenants, while formu- 
lating their opposed opinion as a grievance, complained that all 
the documents relating to the Customs, &c., of the Manor, were 
out of their reach, being in the possession of the defendants. 

The result of this was that a commission was appointed to 
examine an Indenture made in 1592 (anno. 34 Eliz.), between 
Henry Jerningham, the Elder, and his tenants, as well as the 
witnesses for both sides. This commission presently resolved itself 
into a special committee consisting of Mr Thoresby, a Master of the 
Court of Chancery, Mr Bridgman, and Mr Coventry, Counsel for 
the respective parties, who, between them, should examine all the 
Court Rolls, as well as copies held by the tenants, and the 
depositions of the witnesses. It must be stated, to the credit of all 
parties in this Manor, that the best spirit prevailed between them, 
rendering the prospect of future accommodation promising. 

THE DEFF SS - PRETENCES. OBJECTIO I. [Fragment, 1614, showing some of 

the respective points of friction]. 

[Chronicle THE TENANTS stand much upon an old roll which they call the 
Abstract Lord Talbot's roll, supposed to be made at a court, holden 

of Office]. Anno Domini, 1400, by John, Lord Talbot, Erie of Shrews- 

bury, wherein he graunted to them divers annuities and 

I. It must be borne in mind that since the then recent Reformation a 
great and improving change in the relationship of the tenants to the land had 
set in. " Land was no longer regarded as a military or labour fee, but as a 
serious industry and profitable investment. For half a century a violent land- 
fever raged in town and country." (Cf. Hall, Society in the age of Elizabeth, 
pp. 26-7). " The great object of the Copy-holder being to obtain at any cost 
a freehold in his tenure to the extent, at least, of an estate of inheritance ; and 
that of his lord to benefit by the greatly enhanced value of the land." id. 


released many service untill then used. But the Roll hath 
bene justlie suspected to have bene forged, there being no 
Court-Roll nor other record to warrant the same. The 
reasons of the suspition are : 

That Lord Talbot were not created Erie of Shrewsbury 
until 20 H. VI., which was 40 yeares after. 

The Manor at that time was in dower to (the lady) 
Ankaretta, sometime wife of Richard, Lord Talbot, who 
died tempore R. II. 

[The customes] pretended to be then [made, were 
made] long after, and many of them are still in force, and 
have been ever. 

.... there made between them .... 

RESPONSIO. Whereunto the pl(aintiff ) doth answere 

That Mr Jernegan, the elder, was but tenant in tayle . . . 

That the fine acknowledged by him 34 Eliz : was . . . 

That he was then ignorant of the customes, and was . . . therefore 

That there was no valuable consideration given, but was done in 

consideration of love. 

That the tenants are no corporation, and, therefore, should have bene 
particularly named, whereas the indenture is made betwene Henry 
Jernegan, the elder, and the then tenants in general, not naming 
any, of which tenants, being then 200 at the leaste, there are not 
now X living that subscribed to the counterpart of the Indenture. 
That there is not in the Indenture, covenant, nor word, for the releasing 
any ancient customes or creating any [new ones] ? only he doth 
ratifie and confirm the articles following to be and remayne as 
customes, whereof some are repugnant to the law, some tend to 
the destruction of the manner, and others are unreasonable direct, 
and contrary to the true and auncient customes of the said manner, 
as by all the Courte Rolls, until the making of the said Indenture, it 
doth evidently appeare. 

Altho' the Defendants have made prooffe of these pretended customes in 

the sute, wherein they are plaintiffs ( S**]fJSSS!L } in the brief of 

\ ;is H uppciirs / 

that cause, which depositions are by order to be used in this cause. 

1. That the defendants have combyned 

(with) Thomas Gardner, Mercer, B 18 int. 6, 7, 8, by writing to 
levy money to mainteyne suit with the complaynant. The copie of 
the writinge which is proved by those witnesses. 

2. The Conveyance of the Manner 34 Eliz : to \ The Deed 
the use of Henry Jernegan, the elder, for lief, the I ThOm ,??| 
reversion to the pl(ace) for his lief. Proved by J B. i, mt. 2, 3. 


3. That Henry Jernegan, the elder, demised"! The Deed 

the Manner to Richard Barkley and Wm. Norwood [Richard Carick, 

B. 4, inter 9 
for 40 yeares. J Wm. Osborne, 

C. 7, inter 4 

4. That Mr Barkley and Mr Norwood ~\ The Deed 

assigned their tenure to the place. l^j,' c ^ rick ' B - 4, int. 9 

jTh. Norwood, 

B. 14, int. 5 

The finding was to the effect that owing to ' unskilful penning,' 
the Indenture had given rise to misinterpretation thereof, calling 
for explanation. This process it was found necessary to apply to 
several Articles of the Indenture ; especially those regarding the 
Demesne Lands and the Chantry Lands, and Wickeridge Hill, all 
of which had, more or less, been long granted out, 1 since the 
Reformation, to hold by Copy, but concerning which the Lord of 
the Manor entertained considerable, and certainly warrantable, 

Another question had arisen, likewise, for settlement between 
the tenants and the Lord, namely, touching the fines to be 
paid to the Lord upon any exchange of land made among the 
tenants. " We find that the said tenants have used to make such 
exchanges, paying for every acre to the Lord of the said Manor 
for his Fine, the sum of four pence, which rate we hold meet 
should be ratified, allowed and confirmed for ever. These things 
being so digested, we moved the tenants that they would be 
content to raise among them some reasonable sum of Money, to 
be bestowed on their land-lord for his favour and good-will, which 
they very dutifully and lovingly yielded unto, and upon our 
motion did agree to pay unto him the sum of one thousand four 
hundred and fifty pounds ; that is to say, five hundred and fifty 
pounds at, or before, the fifth day of December now next coming ; 
four hundred and fifty pounds upon the fifth day of December, 
which shall be in the year of our Lord God, 1614, at the Church 
Porch of Paynswicke ; and four hundred and fifty pounds residue 
upon the fifth day of December, which shall be in the year of our 
Lord God, 1615, at the place aforesaid; which money we have 
wished, and the said Mr Jerningham hath undertaken, shall be 
bestowed in such sort that the benefit thereof may redound, not 
only to himself, but to his wife, who hath a jointure in the said 

I. Cf. Hist, of the Church of St Mary, Painswick, for names of the 


Manor, and to his son and heir, John Jerningham, in whom we find 
the Inheritance of the said Manor, expectant upon his father's 
death, is by good conveyance settled ; and the said tenants have 
likewise assented that, whereas by the said Indenture it is declared 
that they ought to have the Herbage and Pannage of the common 
woods, common hills, and wastes of the said Manor ; and it 
standeth proved by witnesses that they ever enjoyed the same, 
and the Lord hath been wholly excluded thereof. The Lord of 
the said Manor, for the time being, may, for the better breeding 
and increase of wood, inclose one full third part of all the woods 
and wood-grounds of the said Manor which do now lie open, and 
in common saving the waste ground called Sponebed-hill, alias 
Kimsbury-hill,' or Hawking-hill, whereof he may inclose five and 
twenty acres in such places and manner as the same parts so 
to be inclosed have been lately set out by the Lord and tenants ; 
and that the said Lord may keep the same parts so inclosed from 
time to time, according to the Statutes in that behalf; and, also, 
that the Lord of the said Manor, for the time being, shall have 
common with the said tenants in the waste and commonable grounds 
aforesaid, after the rate and proportion of two yard lands, and no 
more, for the land the said Lord now hath, and for such lands as 
the Lord of the said Manor shall hereafter happen to have common, 
after such rate and proportion as the tenants of the said Manor 
have, or shall have, wherewith the said Mr Jerningham is well 
contented : in respect of all which we hold it meet, if it shall so 
seem meet, to this honourable Court that the said Indenture with 
such explanations, alterations, and additions as are before set down, 
&c., should be Ratified by the Decree and Authority of this 
honourable Court, against the said Henry Jernegan (Jerningham), 
the elder, and Henry Jernegan (Jerningham), the younger, and 
Elinor, his wife, and John Jernegan (Jerningham), his son and 
heir apparent, &c." 

Then follows a Schedule containing the names of the Copy- 
holders of the Manor of Painswick, and what sums everyone of 
them is to pay for their several tenements and at what times, 
according to the Report of Henry Thoresby, Esq., one of the 

i . Kynimers-Barrow. 


Masters of the High Court of Chancery, John Bridgman and 
Thomas Coventry, Esq., made in the Court of Chancery, Nov. 27, 
1 6 14 (a. ii James I.) (For this see Appendix). To this Deed the 
said gentlemen subscribed their names. 

On February ist of the following year (1615) was issued " an 
Exemplification of the enrollment of this Decree of the High 
Court of Chancery between Henry Jerningham and the customary 
tenants of his Manor." This was made at the request of William 
Osborne and Edmund Fletcher, and other tenants of the Manor, 
and it is signed by John Seaman, Doctor of Civil Law (then 
living in the house, since 1680 called the Court House, which 
he had recently acquired, as we have seen, from Thomas 
Gardner), and examined by Mathew Carew and John Home, 
Clerks. (Cf. The Customs of the Manor, &c., by Thomas 
Croome, Stroud, N.D. p. 58). 

Thus, then, the whole of the Customs of this Manor were 
explained, settled and confirmed by a Decree of the Court of 
Chancery, and enrolled and exemplified under the Great Seal, and 
ultimately ratified (1624) by an Act of Parliament passed expressly 
for. that purpose : and thus, some which were regarded as not 
unquestionable Customs, became retained as the real local laws 
and regulations, and forming the absolute settlement of the 
position of the lord to his tenants in this Manor, and establish- 
ing their titles to their estates therein upon fixed conditions.' 

If the position of the Elizabethan Copy-holder was independent 
and prosperous compared to that of his predecessors, that of his 
successors in the reign of the Stuarts was still more so. 

It is perhaps significant of the expenses incurred, that we find 
Henry Jerningham selling Haresfield Manor in 1616 to Richard 

I. A friend writes: 'This embodiment of the Customs of a Manor was 
of very rare occurrence. There is no other instance of it in this county.' 



Although Court-Rolls and Registers, Church- Wardens' 
accounts, and kindred documents are duly regarded as dry-as- 
dust, we may here and there derive from them lively and valuable 
touches suggestive of the habits and customs of our forefathers. 
That gruesome object the scaffold was still with them at Sheps- 
combe, looked after with its perquisites by the family of Davies ; 
but in 1620 it had passed into the custody of James Tayler and 
Margery Wastefield. These held ' Tithing-man's Acre ' in fee- 
simple for the duty of keeping ladder and gallows in order and 
of placing the noose around necks of condemned felons. The 
previous year or two had been years of affliction for Pains- 
wick, and dilapidations were probably numerous. Even the 
Pillory and Ducking-stool were found to be out of repair, and were 
ordered to be put in good condition. It was also considered 
needful to build a new Stock-House, just without the North Gate 
of the Cemetery, and it faced East. This was finished in 1626, 
and removed in 1840. 

We obtain glimpses also of minor misdemeanours. John 
Whiting is fined for donning a mask in the night-time to the 
grievous annoyance of his neighbours 'at their own doors.' Giles 
Arthur is fined for keeping greyhounds, and Thomas Dover (a 
name well-known at that date in Cotteswold) for keeping spaniels 
to the great injury of the Lord's pheasants and partridges. John 
Knight seems to have been a troublesome person who shot 
pigeons and tormented them with arrows. John Motley was fined 
for digging out moles on Kynemesbury Hill. Mrs King, at Ifold, 
who held by free-bench, was warned against further cutting of 
hedges at a place called ' The Styrts,' 1 and selling the same. It is 

i . This interesting variety of ' Street ' is the name of a field between 
Painswick House and Ifold, north-east of the Romano-British Villa. The 
' Street ' is no doubt the present road outside ' Starts ' field, which runs 
from Ifold to Holcombe Lane. 


almost amusing to find the learned John Seaman, D.C.L., fined 
6d. for default of Suit of Court. 

The old market-hall which occupied the site of the present 
Gables, supported on 1 4-inch columns with Tuscan caps, measuring 
5 ft. 3 ins. in height, now made way for dwelling-houses in Friday 
Street. In front of it was a public fountain. Two of its columns 
are still standing in site, embodied in the left-hand house of 
the two. 

Lullingworth and Castle Hale belonged to Robert Rogers, 
whose brother, Charles Rogers, married Miss Elizabeth Seaman 
(of Court-House) in Painswick Church (July 30, 1629). Her 
father, Dr Seaman, had been buried in the Chancel six years 
before, on June 30, 1623; and her mother, Elizabeth (Norton) 
in August, 1625; while her eldest brother had married Anne in 
1626. Seaman's Will (Cf. P.C.C., Oct. 7, 1622) had provided for 
the event rather quaintly : " If it happen my sonne Samuell to 
marry, that then hee and his wife shall have their habitation in my 
newe dwelling Mansion-House in Payneswicke, payinge reeson- 
ablie for their diet for themselves and their company." Samuel, 
however, enjoyed but a brief married life. He died there in 1632, 
leaving a son by his wife, who presently married Mr John Trye of 
Hardwicke, who came to reside with her at Painswick. 1 

The settlement by Act of Parliament of the ' Customs of the 
Manor,' confirmed in 1624, no doubt inspired the more industrious 
tenants, and made it possible for them to pull more hopefully 
through the serious distress in 1619. But for that period of 
severe depression, the cloth-trade had brought Painswick, like 
Camden and Northleach, to well-sustained prosperity. There 
were no less than 1,500 looms in the county of Gloucester, and 
wool was cheap ; but the clothiers found themselves in rough 
waters owing to the unreasonable impositions laid upon cloth by 
the merchant-adventurers, and to the development of their 
trade in other lands. The latter declared that there was store 
of good cloth over-sea which was selling at a cheaper rate than 
the highly-rated cloth at home. The merchants, in fact, found 

i. ANNA, uxor Johannis TRYE (generosus) et nuper uxor et relicta 
Samuelis Seaman (generosus) defuncti ; tenet per liberum bancum suum per 
mortem dicti S.S. quamdam Domum, cotagia gardinum et sepal: parcell: terrae 
pro Redditum p. a. vnd. et 6 acras prat : et pastur : et unum clausum vocatur 
Paradise, le Courte orchard, &c., XXIs. Xl^d. Anno. 8, Car. i. (1632). 



themselves being under-sold by foreigners, who exported the 
wool and raised the price. (Vol. 114, 32-34). (Cf. S.P. Domestic 
Series, James I., vol. 131 (55) 128 (49). 

The better-informed men here must also have apprehended 
other peculiar dangers which now threatened, not merely their 
trade, but the entire kingdom. The reign of James had not closed 
before Parliament had been outraged by that King having dared 
to tear out of the Books of Parliament the pages containing state- 
ments of the national duty of the English Parliament, and of its 
claim to freedom of speech. 

Danger, indeed, threatened from two distinct sources : from 
the reckless agressiveness used by the Crown towards the rights 
and liberties of the people (this making itself felt by arbitrary 
imprisonments and taxations) ; and, next, from the ever-intensify- 
ing bitterness against Roman Catholicism and those who in any 
way admitted, or betrayed, leanings favourable to it. We can 
only imagine the disgust of honourable minds at the subservience 
of the Laudian Clergy to the King, especially when the latter 
endeavoured to teach that Parliament depended for its very 
existence upon the King's favour. It became manifest that to the 
reign of James had succeeded a highly critical period in home 
affairs. The general prosperity of the country promised one 
thing, but the attitude of the Crown threatened quite another. 
Under the insane banner of ' Divine Right of Kings ' misgovern- 
ment and tyranny menaced the most sacred institutions. People 
lost confidence both in home and foreign policy, and began to 
regard Buckingham and Charles as deliberate gamblers with 
national liberty and with the State-religion. Misfortune dogged 
their every move. 

In 1634-5 Pains wick must have become closely interested in 
the result of an action relating to its chief source of wealth. For 
in December, 1634, was sent in an Affidavit of Henry Ackenbach 
of London (Gent.) that " Thomas Webb, the elder, of Painswick, 
Co. Glos : on the 27 Nov. last Past, being at Blackwell Hall in the 
Cloth Market, offered for Sale two Stroudwater Reds, not having 
the mark of the Clothier woven in either of them, but, contrary to 
the Statute, between the Forvels ; and that Anthony Wither, his 
Majesty's Commissioner for Clothing, caused Laomedon Blisse 


(charming combination of names!) to seize the same cloths as for- 
feited to his Majesty's use. Blisse having one of the said Cloths 
in his arms to carry away to the King's Storehouse, the said 
Thomas Webb violently took them away, saying to Wither in a 
railing manner, that he hoped the curses of the Poor would one day 
root him out, and that the marks on the said cloths stood where 
they should stand, and whereon he would have them stand, neither 
would he make it otherwise while he lived." (Cf. Domestic 
Papers, Charles I., 1634-5. Vols: CCLXI., fol. 38, 160 192, b. 220, 
b. 230. CCLXXVIII. f. 1 1 6). 

Thomas Webb was associated in this case with Richard Field 
of Stroud (Pakenhill). 

The case provides some rather interesting items of informa- 
tion relative to the local trade in cloth. When the witnesses, 
John Adams and others, were called for in examination, they 
refused to be examined or to give information. An attachment 
was therefore decreed against them. Later on (October, 1635), it 
would appear that certain witnesses against the defendant Webb 
" Mr Stephens, Mr Jones, and the Registrar of Gloucester, were 
ordered to be called to answer their indirect and unjust carriages 
at the expediting of the Commission in this cause, and Dr Rives 
was called upon to give in articles against them." Meanwhile, 
Webb and others had put in a petition to the Lords of the 
Treasury, fully stating the origin and progress of the manufacture 
of Red Cloth as carried on by them at Stroudwater, Co. Gloucester. 
They stated that their forefathers beyond memory of man used 
the trade of making red cloth, but had made only coarse cloths of 
a blood colour, having black Irish lists. Webb's people, however, 
about thirty years back (i.e., 1605) began to make finer cloth, and 
to dress it far better ; at the same time dyeing it with grained and 
bastard stammels. The defendant stated ' these stammell-cloths 
with scarlet and bastard scarlets, are found very good and 
merchantable : and we make of the same near three thousand 
every year : and we hope, if allowed to go on in our lawful 
calling, to revive the trade of making white cloth." The 
petitioners conclude by expressing a hope that they have 

i. In 1585 had been passed Acts regulating the breadths of White and 
Red Cloth. (Cf. John Smith. Mem : of Wool, pp. 81-2). The wages of 
labourers at this date were 146. a week. 



satisfied the Commissioners that their using ' mosing-mills ' and 
dyeing stammels is for the general benefit. (Ap., 1635). 

Webb was evidently the richest Clothier in Painswick. For 
in the Subsidy Roll for 1641, ^ (17, Car. I., Ap. 5), he is 
assessed at i 8s. 8d. upon ^5 ; or seven shillings more heavily 
than any customary tenant in the Manor. In the later subsidies 
(November 3) he is assessed at even more, \ 123. od., and as we 
find a suspicious 'oneratur' against his name, it seems likely that 
he was suffering from especial attentions on the part of the 
Crown. (Cf. Appendix). 

This case represents some of the lay-troubles of Painswick. 
We may turn to the case of the Vicar of Painswick for an 
example of the religious ones. 

The Vicar at this time was Rev. William Acson. He had 
already been curate to the previous Vicar, Mr Yate, whose 
daughter, Joan, he had married in 1606. By her he had a son, 
Joseph Acson, who is found as a customary tenant of the Manor, 
holding 'Cuphouse' at Shepscombe, in 1636, with a farendel of 
land. At this time, however, Mr Acson had married a second 
wife, Anne, relict of William Loveday, a very well-to-do 
personage, paying no less than i i6s. gd. for Chief-rent for 
her various properties. Whatever may have been the feelings 
toward the pastor whom ' the chiefest and discreetest of the 
Parishioners' had elected for their spiritual guidance in 1622, 
times had changed, and in 1639-40 he found himself regarded 
with open hostility by some of them, and they laid informations 
against him on account of his preaching. In consequence 
we find his case referred to the Bishop of Gloucester for 
hearing. On Feb. 20, 1640, the House of Commons resolved 
that the Rev. William Acson was unfit to hold any ecclesiastical 
Benefice, and declared him to be a ' Malignant.' This serious 
resolution was ratified on May 20, and he was ejected from his 
Painswick living. It is evident he favoured the Royalist Lord 
of the Manor : Sir Ralph Dutton. 

At this period, public discontent had culminated to a great 
crisis. Grievances reached London from the country districts 
every day and by the score. Laud and Strafford were ordered 
to be impeached. The Parliament boldly passed a statute 


peremptorily condemning the arbitrary Subsidies, which had 
been levied without its consent, by the Crown. 

Painswick had just been taxed for such Subsidies, and it is 
evident that her Vicar had approved of them, albeit he himself 
suffered by them, for his name appears in them all, and his name 
would not be there had he protested. As, however, he had 
married a wealthy widow in Mrs Loveday, it is not probable that 
the Subsidies troubled him seriously. But it may be possible to 
find solid reason for Mr Acson's conduct. 

In 1636 Sir Henry Jerningham and his lady, Eleanor, 
embarrassed by losses in Norfolk, and a debt of ,1,400 upon 
their estate at Painswick, agreed by an Indenture (Aug. i, a. 12, 
Car. I.) between themselves and their neighbour, Sir Ralph 
Button, of Standish, 1 that the latter should have assigned to him 
their Manor and Lodge of Painswick with all its rights and 
belongings to farm for a term of years, paying 205. yearly to the 
King or his heir." 

Sir Ralph Button, Gentleman of the Privy Chamber, and 
Knighted at Woodstock in 1624,3 was Lord of the adjoining Manor 
of Standish, which his father had purchased from Sir Henry 
Winston* (1613) in the previous reign. On July 22, 1625, he 
became Beputy-Lieutenant for the County of Gloucester. In 
1630 he had been appointed Sheriff for the County. As events 
were to prove, he developed into an ardent adherent of King 
Charles, and a despiser of the Parliament, against which he 
presently drew his sword. From such a Manor-Lord at the Lodge, 

1. " Shall be delivered unto him, the said Sir Ralph Dutton, his 
executors, administrators and assigns, all the Lodge, or Mannor-House of 
Painswick aforesaid, whole, safe, uncancelled, and undefaced, at or before the 
feast of Easter now next coming." 

2. " The land and tenement of the said Sir Henry Jerningham, Bart : in 
his said Majesty's hand taken and seized by virtue of his said Majesty's writ of 
extent upon a judgment had and obtained by the said Sir Ralph Dutton against 
him in Easter terme in the loth year of his said Majesty's reign," i.e. 1636. 

3. Marriage settlement between Sir Ralph Dutton and Mary Duncombe 
is dated 20 May, 1624. The Manors of Standish and Hardwicke became settled 
by it on Mary, Lady Dutton as Dower, to be of 400 a year, net value, with 
fine attached. (Cf. Calendar of Sherborne Muniments by Edward, Lord 
Sherborne, 1900). 

4. Sir Henry Winston's Coat of Arms and Crest are to be seen inserted 
in the Chimney Gable on the east side of Castle Hale. They are : Per pale, 
gules and azure, a lion rampant, argent, supporting between the paws a tree 
eradicated, vert. (Cf. Papworth, p. 90, col. 2). 


(for he describes himself and is described, as of ' the Lodge, 
Painswick ') it is only too probable that the Vicar took his 
colour, much (as it resulted), to his own undoing. Button was 
indeed a passionate Royalist. 

Mr Acson having been ejected, Mr Thomas Wild was 
instituted, probably through Sir Ralph's influence. For, as we 
shall see, Mr Wild himself was ejected later on as a ' Malignant ' 
Loyalist, by a local Committee of Puritans, whose own man, 
George Dorwood, of Newent, became thrust in in his stead. But 
it will be well for a moment to glance at some few others of the 
leading inhabitants of Painswick. 

Castle Hale still remained in the possession of Mr Robert 
Rogers, but the neighbouring Mansion on part of the site of 
the ancient Court -House had again changed masters. We 
saw that Samuel Seaman had died in 1632, and that his widow 
re-married in 1635 John Trye, Esq., of Hardwicke. This is 
the personage we now see in the lists of the various Sub- 
sidies contributing on behalf of his wife, the owner of the 
House in the Court-Orchard, a close at ' Paradise,' and the 
other tenements of the late Dr Seaman. Mr Trye, having 
witnessed remarkable events here, is found still residing as a 
copy-holder at Painswick in 1653, when he appears among the 
contributors to a subscription for the Relief of Marlborough in 
Wilts, which had been almost destroyed by a conflagration. 1 It is 
probable, therefore, that Mr and Mrs Trye were occupying their 
house (later, called Court-House), when King Charles and his 
army visited Painswick. But we hear nothing of Richard Seaman, 
Mrs Trye's son by her former husband. Nor does his name 
appear on any Painswick document. Yet we know that he was 
living, for he married Katherine, daughter of Martin Wright, 
Esq., of Oxford (probably in 1645-7), and ne was living at Pan- 
field Priory, near Braintree, in Essex. As he owned two far- 
apart places he may have left Painswick to his mother and Mr 
Trye for her life ; and his reason for doing so may have been 
connected with a tragedy which had befallen his uncle, Edward 
Seaman, of the Sheephouse, at Painswick, in 1636, who had 
been hanged for murder." The latter is described as having 

1. Hist: of Church of St Mary, Painswick, p. 57. May 2. 

2. Cf. The History of the Church of St Mary, p. 53. 


been tried at the Sessions-House of the Old Bailey and consigned 
to Gaol, Feb. 19, 9, Car. I., so that the crime must have taken 
place in 1634 'per ipsum commissum et perpetratum.' (Cf. 
Inquisitio Indentata, July i, 10, Charles I). The name of the 
victim does not appear. 1 

Richard Seaman had an only daughter, who married Jan. 5, 
1664, one John West, of Oxford. He himself was then dead. 2 
The Tryes, however, had continued residing at Painswick. 

Having settled who, at the date of the King's visit to Pains- 
wick, lived at the Manor Lodge, namely Sir Ralph Dutton (Lord of 
the Manor pro. tern.}, and who resided at Court-House, namely 
Mr and Mrs John Trye, copyholders, let us revert to the stirring 
Forties and the outbreak of the Civil War. King Charles, 
although aware of the reluctance entertained by the more prudent 
of his adherents to commence the fatal struggle, determined to 
raise his standard at Nottingham on August 23rd, 1642. 3 It is of 
special interest, therefore, to Painswick, that the Lord of the 
Manor, with not a few Painswick and Standish men under his 
command, appeared in that city with a regiment of 800 men at 
arms, 'with flying colours.' Button's force constituted the second 
cavalry regiment raised in the King's behalf. 4 For it he drew up 
a special form of daily prayers, and presumably was employing 
it throughout the following year. 

The Parliament had been already apprised of Sir Ralph 
Button's doings, and had lately endeavoured almost successfully 
to arrest him while raising his men in Gloucestershire. 

"Master Hill, the Under-Sheriff of Gloucester, 5 with ten more 

1. Another uncle, William Seaman, lived at Wythington, and by his 
wife, Mary , had a daughter, Edith, born Jan. i, 1633. 

2. Consequently, he never enjoyed Painswick. His uncle William was 
probably father of Giles Seaman, whom we shall meet with. 

3. On May 2, 1642, Sir Ralph Dutton demised Standish Manor with its 
Park of 800 acres to Sir Gerrard Fleetwood, of Crawley, Kt., and John Dutton, 
of Sherborne, for his only daughter, Elizabeth. 

4. Journal of " The Siege of Bristol " written by an eye-witness. 
(Memoirs of Prince Rupert, Edit : Warburton, 1849, p. 247). 

Next Wednesday morning, July 26, the time designed for the general 
assault, etc. . . . Col. Sir Ralph Dutton that day leading on the pikes, 
being gotten with one in his hand into the ditch, charged upon the foot 
with it. In the meantime his pikes being fallen back from the foot, he 
went out to bring them on again, when finding My Lord Grandison, who 
behaved himself most gallantly all that day, persuading with them to 
return, he brought them after him. 

5. Thomas Stephens was Sheriff, 1643. 


set upon Sir Ralph Dutton with ten Cavaliers, who were raising 
men against the Parliament in that County, forced Sir Ralph to 
swimme the River of Severne, and took two of the Cavaliers and 
brought them this 22nd of August (1642) to the Parliament ; who 
had the thanks from the Parliament, recompence for their fidelitie 
and paines, and incouragement to send up all malignants, 
Cavalliers and Army men, if they appear in that County ; and that 
all Counties should do the like." (Tract. H. Blunden 1642, London). 
The fact being that on the i2th of the month, the House had 
been informed " that Sir Ralph Dutton beats up a drum in 
Gloucestershire and Hereford for soldiers, orders that he shall be 
apprehended and brought before the House as a Delinquent, and 
Lords-Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants, 1 and all his Majesty's 
Officers shall be assisting to apprehend him." (Cf. Journal of the 
House of Lords). So that Sir Ralph, acting energetically for his 
King, was promptly singled out to be apprehended by any of the 
Crown Officers who chanced to discover and overpower him. 

Though sorely imperilled in the home counties, the King's 
cause now became brightened owing to a severe blow dealt to the 
the Parliament by the taking of Bristol, in those days regarded as 
the second city in England. On July 26, 1643, it capitulated to 
Prince Rupert, with whom was Colonel Sir Ralph Dutton. At 
the same time, Exeter and Barnstaple surrendered to Prince 
Maurice. Cirencester had fallen in the previous February. 
" Gloucester alone interrupted the communications between the 
Royal forces in Bristol and those in the North ; and, at the 
opening of August, Charles moved against that city in the hope 
of a speedy surrender." (J. R. Green, Hist. Eng. People, 
vol. II. c. IX.) 

The above facts are the more interesting, as we find Prince 
Rupert presently lodged at Prinknash Park, adjoining Dutton's 
Manor of Painswick, whither the King himself was moving, and 
commanding the adjoining Portway. 

Having slept at Berkeley Castle on August 7, Charles dined 
at Tetbury on the 8th ; thence he passed immediately to Ciren- 
cester, where the Chester-Master family entertained him, and 

I. Twenty-five Deputy-Lieutenants were nominated for the County in 
August, 1642. Those for the City of Gloucester included George Bridgeman 
of Prinknash, Sylvanus Wood, William Capel, and William Knighton. But 
many refused to serve. 


a ~ 

a s 

Q - 

o I 


, -v 

> 5 

w ~ 

u - 

2 < 

Xi < 

J - 


in whose mansion he passed the night together with his two sons 
and the suite. 

"Upon Wednesday night (August 9, 1643), his Majesty 
quartered five miles short of Gloucester, and the Prince (Rupert) at 
Princenage three miles off Gloucester." (Cf. A Journal of the 
Siege of Gloucester, p. 280). Prinknash was then the home of 
George Bridgeman, a Deputy-Lieutenant of the County. In the 
woodland immediately above it, and beside the road to Buckholt 
is to be seen a small picket-entrenchment probably dating from 
rather later days of the same Civil War, and perhaps set there 
by Massey for commanding the neighbourhood. It is capable of 
holding 100 men, and has its long side on the east over-browing 
the vale of Cranham. An unsigned military order discovered 
some years back at Upton St Leonards brings the time vividly to 
mind. It is dated from Prinknash, ten days after the King's visit 
to his friend Dutton's Manor, and while he was at Matson House. 
It was intended no doubt to be issued by Prince Rupert. 

' ' By virtue of the authority and power given to me from our 
Souveraign Lord Kinge Charles under the great scale of 
England, to you all under his Majy of all his Majesty's 
forces whatsoever, I doe hereby straitly charge and 
command you, and (each) of you whom it may or shall 
concern, that immediately after sight or knowledge 
hereof you doe noe manner of violence, injury, harme 
or detriment by unlawful plunderinge to Robert Tayloe 1 
of Upton S. Leonard in the County of the City of 
Gloucestershire (sz'c) . . . directly or indirectly by 
your selves or others as you will answer the contrary 
at your utmost perill, given at Prinknedge under my 
hand and scale att armes this 2oth of August 1643." 
"To all commanders, officers, and soldiers whatsoever of or 

any way belonginge to his majesty's army." 
The King while spending some hours at Painswick appears 
to have issued a similar order (found sixty years ago at 
Tewkesbury, and now in possession ot W. H. Herbert, Esq., 

i. 'Via sapientis est meditatio Immortalis. To the memory of Robert 
Tayloe who deceased the 2nd day of September, 1656, aged 70 years.' In 
Upton Churchyard. 


at Paradise House, Painswick.) It is dated August 10, 1643, 
"From our Court at Payneswicke." It may also be mentioned 
that besides being the mansion of a powerful and loyal friend, the 
Manor Lodge of Painswick, then a quadrangular ' Court-yard ' 
house, was by far the largest in the Manor, and such it remained 
until 1831. 

Part of the King's forces, numbering many thousands, pro- 
bably encamped upon Painswick Hill and the Common, the town 
of Gloucester coming into full view far below them in the vale of 
Severn. Their commanding officers were quartered in the town, 
including we surmise that of the recently -instituted Vicar, Mr 
Wilde. This would be sufficient, taken with other things, to 
account for some of the persecution which presently ensued to 
that unfortunate man. For, having been put into the Living 
to supply the place of Mr Acson, we find him in the following 
December violently turned out of his Vicarage, wife, bairns, and 
all, into the winter snow.' 

Having spent but a night at Painswick, the King and Princes 
rode down the Hill to Matson House, where the Selwyns received 
them : and there, fatefully to his cause, Charles remained until 
September 5, when the City was relieved by Essex. Hopeful 
of meeting Essex on favourable battle-ground, he returned to 
Painswick (where he stayed the night) and marched via 
Cobberley to Sudeley Castle. He believed himself about to 
deal a deadly blow at the rebel General. 

" When we drew off [from Gloucester] it proved to be most 
miserable tempestuous rainy weather, that few or none could take 
little or no rest on the hills where they were ; and the [un]ceasing 
winds next morning dried up our thorough-wet clothes we lay 
pickled in all night as a convenient washing of us as we came out 
of the Trenches." (i.e., those of the ancient Camp). 

That Sir Ralph Button realised the dangerous course he had 
set himself to run goes without examining. Prince Rupert presently 
made him Adjutant to the Governor of Oxford. The settlement of 
Standish Manor upon his daughter, just old enough at this period 
to marry, was a prudent step. It was carried through as a pro- 
vision for Elizabeth Button, and really devised to his relative, 

i. Walker. Sufferiegs of the Clergy, p. 398. 


John Dutton of Sherborne (also a Royalist) and another, in Trust, 
in order that these should pay her ^50 p. a. until her marriage, 
when it was to be increased to ^200. It was a measure which 
made it possible later on after the sequestration of Standish, and 
Sir Ralph Dutton's decease in 1646, to compound with the 
Treasury and secure the return of this Manor to the family, in 
behalf of Sir Ralph's children. (Cf. Sherborne Muniments, by 
Edward, Lord Sherborne, p. 21). Painswick returned to the 



Although in the early days of the outbreak, Sir Ralph 
Dutton proved too nimble for his assailants, they contrived later 
on to be amply revenged for his evasion. Captain Backhouse, a 
prominent and (as we should now say) very slim Parliamentarian, 
under the direction of Massey at Gloucester, set out thence, pro- 
bably to Holcombe, as well as to Standish, and pillaged Sir 
Ralph's barns, carrying their contents back with him to Glou- 
cester. Some of the Standish and Painswick tenants would seem 
to have been captured also, for Christopher Beavan and John 
Davis (junior), Yeomen, of Painswick, with William and James 
Willis, of Standish, appear in the Gloucester Sessions Books for 
the Autumn of 1642 as being placed under recognisances in 20 
for their good behaviour before Dennis Wise, Esq., J.P., and 
their names re-appear from time to time until after Easter, 1643. 

"As for Provisions and Ammunition, I have not been in the 
Granary since the siege, but to deal truly with you I verily 
believe the Garrison is filled for 6 moneths; for the Corne of 
Master Guise, Master Dobbs, Sir Henry Spillar, Sir Ralph 
Dutton, and others, whom we call ' Malignants ' was brought in, 
indeed by myself." Feb. 5, 1643-4. (Letter of Backhouse). 

This should be dated 1644, as the blockade had not commenced 
before that time. The temptation to plunder the Standish and 
Holcombe fields must have been considerable. They were to be 
defended only by a few farm hands. 

By the commencement of the year 1644,' the Royalists had 
distributed certain small garrisons in a remote circle about 
Gloucester. The more important of these were at Newnham, 
Lydney, Dymock and Newent, Highleadon, Tainton, Tewkesbury, 
Sudeley, Salperton, Beverstone and Berkeley. This was 
effected with a view to starving the city into surrender by cutting 

I. Cf. Various writings by Francis A. Hyett, including Trans: Biistol & 
Glos : Arch: Soc : Vol. xvi., xviii. 'Gloucester:' 1906. John Bellows. All 
valuable references to the subject. 


off supplies. On the other side, the Parliamentarians despatched 
from Gloucester similar small garrisons to occupy where they 
could do so. These located themselves at Frampton, Frowcester, 
Horsley, Lippiatt : and at Prestbury, Boddington, Westbury, 
Arlingham, and Essington. 

Such being the distribution of the opposing forces, it is not to 
be wondered that skirmishing up and down hill, ensued with 
varying fortune. Hill and vale watched, one the other. So 
eager were certain of the Royalist commanders to secure the 
glory of the surrender of Gloucester, to themselves in particular, 
that we find them entering blindly into an intrigue (as they fancied) 
with Backhouse to induce that Attorney-Captain to deliver into 
their hands the city which he was defending together with Massey, 
its commander. Backhouse played very skilfully with both Colonel 
Stanford and Sir William Vavasour, and kept them wooing and 
fooling in vain. In February and March, 1644,' Painswick became 
the point of two sanguinary skirmishes. 

Backhouse, writing Feb. 5, states: "Upon receipt of these 
letters (i.e., from Master Stanford and Sir William Vavasour) 
the next news we heard was that Colonels Mynne and St Leger 
with the Irish forces march't to Paynswicke for subsistence, but 
indeed to plunder the Country ; to prevent which, our Governor 
(Massey) drew out a party of Horse and Foot, where there was 
a skirmish and some losse on both sides." According to Bibl : 
Gloucestrensis (p. 76) there was a force of two thousand 
Royalists in Painswick at this time. 

Sir William Vavasour in a letter to Backhouse (Feb. i) had 
stated "My men are faine to march into the country for subsist- 
ence." The Irish force had been brought by Colonel Mynne to 
reinforce the King. 

It is interesting at this point to read a Royalist account of this 
skirmish. It is taken from Mercurius Aulicus, and bears date 
Feb. 8 (Thursday). "And to bring in Peace and Truth, their 
countryman, Master Massey, passed out of Gloucester on Monday 
morning last, to Painswick (three or foure miles thence), where 
Colonel Mynne was quartered, but suddenly retreated. In the 

I. That is, six months subsequently to the King's visits ; and not previous 
to them as stated, owing to an oversight, in the Hist : of St Mary's Church, 


afternoone hee came againe with a stronger party, whereupon the 
Colonell drew out part of his forces, beat up Massey's ambushes, 
killed 80 of his men, tooke betwixt 20 and 30 prisoners, whereof 
two Lieutenants, without the losse of any one man, besides 150 
very good fire-armes." 

While it is clear that Backhouse tactfully conceals what must 
have been a nasty worsting for his side under the vague " losse 
on both sides," it is possible that the neat round numbers men- 
tioned above cover some exaggeration. Colonel Mynne was left, 
at any rate, in full possession of Painswick. 

Corbet states further that a force of Massey's "was driven to 
a sudden and confused retreat, and in disorder ran down the steep, 
through a rough and narrow lane, and recovered a house at the 
foot of the hill, where a party had been left to make good the 
retreat (i.e., to Gloucester). The enemy durst not pursue; by 
which means many parts of the county were preserved from 
spoil, and next day the enemy retreated, laden with plunder." 
(Bibliotheca Glouc., vol. II., pp. 74-5). 

Having obtained what they wanted, i.e., subsistence and 
spoils, the enemy (i.e., the Royalist Painswick garrison), now 
retreated or were called off elsewhere. This, perhaps, bears the 
construction that they left Painswick. For, in the following 
month we find Painswick occupied after all by Massey's Parlia- 
mentary garrison. 

It should be mentioned that Sir William Vavasour (now 
become Colonel-General of the King's forces in Gloucestershire), 
had his headquarters at Tewkesbury. Hearing that Massey had 
gotten possession of Painswick in March, 1644, Corbet writes: 
" Sir William Vavasour having obtained two Culverins from 
Oxford, with proportion of powder, advanced with a strong 
brigade towards Painswick, with unusual preparation and expecta- 
tion. Their march afflicted the County and indangered our out- 
garrisons. He entered Painswicke with as gallant Horse and 
Foote as the King's army did yield." The next words are of 
particular importance. "Here (our) Governour had placed a 
guard in a house near the Church, 1 into which the Church also was 

i. This can scarcely have been the Stock-house at the North gate of the 
Churchyard, which was taken down in 1840. It may well have been the Court- 


taken in by a breastwork of earth. The intention of the guard 
was to command contribution and keepe off a plundering party ; 
and Order was given to the Lieutenant which commanded, to 
maintaine it (Painswick) against a lesser party ; but, if the maine 
body and Artillery advanced upon them, to relinquish it and 
retreate down the Hill to Bruckthorp (where the Governour 
(Massey) had set a guard to prevent the enemies falling downe 
into the bottome) for which purpose they were assisted with a 
troop of horse, to make good such a retreate if need were. But 
the Lieutenant, more confident of the place, and not understanding 
the strength of the (opponents') army, and not willing to draw off 
before the last minute, was inforced by the enemy to engage him- 
self, and many willing people of the neighbourhood in that weak 
hold ; and upon the first onset deserted the house being the 
stronger part, and betook himselfe to the Church ; which, wanting 
flankers the enemy had quickly gained by firing the doores and 
casting in hand-granadoes, some few were slaine in defending the 
place, and the rest taken prisoners. We lost three inferior 
officers, seaven and thirty common soldiers, and many country- 
men (Painswick men) ; and at that season the Governour had 
commanded to Stroud another guard of fifty musketiers to support 
and strengthen the place in its own defence, but ammunition was 
their only cry. . . They wasted the hill countries, while we 
secured the vale." 

Though Sir William Vavasour had won the place, he still 
found houses there that refused to yield. For he wrote to Lord 
Percy, General of Ordnance, stating that he had taken Pains- 
wick, "though the Rebels have (i.e., retain) possession of many 
Houses," and beseeching his Lordship to send him more common 
bullets. (Cf. Harleian MS., 4, 713, fol. 121). 

On March 29 (1644) Sir Edward Nicholas wrote to the Earl of 
Forth, General of his Majesty's forces: " Sir William Vavasour 
has taken Painswick with small loss, and he took above 200 
soldiers prisoners, besides many slain and the arms of divers 
that ran away." (Oxon). 

The Parish registers for 1628-1653 having disappeared, we 
cannot tell precisely who among the Painswick folk were slain. 
The names of many of them would be familiar to us, and must 


have included several of those given in the Subsidy Rolls for 
1641-2. It is to be inferred that Vavasour afterwards captured 
the remaining houses in the town. Mr Trye, of the Court-House, 
was certainly not slain ; for besides his name occurring in 
documents referred to, and dating nine years later, he died, and 
was buried at Hardwicke, 1680. 

No remains have been identified with those of the temporary 
'breastworks' mentioned above: but in 1722, or eighty years 
afterwards, ' two little ridges lying near the House,' in Court- 
Orchard, are mentioned, which may possibly have been connected 
with them, but more probably with foundations of ancient 
buildings. The present trees leading from the House to the 
Church belong to the latter date, 1 and the ground generally on 
this north side the House has a tendency to cumber the ground- 
floor rooms." 

It is clear, then, that Painswick was by no means heart- 
whole for the King. The Rev. Mr Wild, the Vicar, appears to 
have been captured by Massey's men and kept for five months at 
Gloucester. He was in Painswick again in this year, and was 
proceeded against by many of his puritanical parishioners as a 
' malignant.' As the Rev. Acson had been turned out of his 
living on the ground of 'malignancy,' it maybe asked, how came it 
that his successor, Wild, was found to be of the same persuasion? 
This difficulty is explained for us by a document in the Rawlinson 
Collection in the Bodleian Library. (Cf. B. 323, 518, fol. 203, 
b. 202, 204, 205). 

"The Puritan Party 1 collected a sum of money and purchased 
the patronage (from Sir Henry Winston) in ye names of five 
Trustees, who were Prin, Mackworth, Ven, Ford and Cradock ; 
but, in the bargain those trustees were obliged on ye next 
avoydance to present Wild, and therefore they granted the next 
avoydance to Bud and Heydon who were friends of Wild, and he 

1. Perhaps the coronation of George I. 

2. Possibly the exuberant growth of nettles annually lower down in 
the Court-Orchard may be related to the said earthworks : but it is more pro- 
bable these have to do with far more ancient foundations: i.e., those of the 
building of Norman and early English days which have transmitted to us the 
name of Castle Hale. 

3. Circa 1614. 




was accordingly presented by them . . . Wild had never any 
right to ye Patronage, but was always poor and much in debt : 
and yet Stock set up a counterfeit grant from Wild to Taignton." 
(Fol. 204). 

At any rate, Wild was summoned before a Committee and 
articles of accusation were preferred against him. His witnesses 
were of no avail, nor was he permitted to be heard : but his 
accusers proceeded without delay to sequester him. Rev. George 
Dorwood, their own man from Newent, with the help of a troop 
of Massey's horse (which was still at Painswick in December, 
1644), put himself in possession of the Vicarage House,' and 
turned Mrs Wild and her children into the streets : " denying her 
the liberty so much as to boyl a skillet of milk for her crying and 
hunger-bitten children, 3 though she begged the favour on her 
knees. Whereupon they were constrained to take shelter in a 
Barn." (Cf. p. 55, Hist, of the Church of St Mary, Painswick, or 
Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy). 

Mr Dorwood remained Vicar until i686. 3 

During the raiding of Painswick Church the brasses and 
decorations 4 of its old tombs suffered, especially those adorning 
the tomb of Sir William Kingston in the Chantry Chapel in the 
north aisle. This tomb, since these times become an incongruous 
sort of monster, was already in those days composite in character. 
For Sir William Kingston (1540), as Lord of the Manor, had 
appropriated the Chantry-Chapel, and his widow gave him therein 
a tomb perhaps brought from outside, and possibly that of one 
of the XV. c. Viscounts Lisle. Upon this altar-tomb a poor late 
Tudor canopy was fitted, and the arms and legend of Sir William 
Kingston, as well as his effigy (and brasses on the rear wall), 
were added to make his sepulchre worthy of a Knight of the 
Garter, and Constable of the Tower: "but ye iniquity of ye times 
suffered all ye brasses and inscriptions to be stolen away." 
(Ashmolean, MS. 1118). 

1. Ludloes : now called ' The Verlands.' 

2. One of these, Francis Wilde, petitioned for Relief, at the Restoration. 
(Cf. Cal. State Papers, 1661-2, p. 233). 

3. His epitaph is in the Chancel of the Church of St Mary. 

4. The crosses of all villages suffered by orders of the Puritan Parlia- 
ment, including the beautiful ones at Cheapside and Charing in London. 



By good fortune these very brasses now come into possession 
of Mr John Theyer 1 of Cooper's Hill, Gloucester, whose wife 
claimed to be descended from Sir William Kingston. 

John Theyer is found in company of Christopher Bevan of 
Painswick and John Davis of the same place, at a Court of 
Sessions of the Peace (September 22nd, 1642), and mulcted in ^8 
" to be of good behaviour." 

During this period Sir Ralph Dutton, lord of the Manor, was 
promoted by Prince Rupert to be " Adjutant to the Governour of 
Oxford." Being also a member of the Council of War at 
Tewkesbury, he was possibly an intimate of Sir William 
Vavasour and Colonel Stanford and thus a redoubtable enemy of 
Massey and Backhouse, with whom things began to prosper. 

On Sir Ralph, however, fortune frowned darker and darker 
after each reverse suffered by the King. His estates became 
sequestered as a malignant, and on Aug. 4, 1644, he was captured, 
with Grace and another, at Welshpool, and kept a prisoner until 
he was ransomed for .500. Cf. The Clarke Papers, Camden 
Society, 1894, vol. ii., 153. "The selling of Sir Ralph Dutton 
and other prisoners of note when they were taken, as Sir 
Richard Ducie, Baronet, Tracey, and many others." At the 
same time Sir Henry Jerningham, having suffered severely from 
the civil strife, in his Norfolk Estate at Costessy or Cossey, 
and having lost his only son, John Jerningham, died in 1646, 
leaving a grandson to succeed to the Baronetcy and to the 
reversion of Painswick. We have no illustrative documents as 
to who administered this Manor at this moment, though it is 
likely to have been John Lygon, Esq., J.P. In the same year, 
having endeavoured to escape from Scotland to France, Sir 
Ralph Dutton was driven by adverse winds to Burnt Island, 
where he is stated to have died. In consequence, his brother, 
John Dutton of Sherborne (who was likewise a delinquent, 
having been at Oxford during its siege), contrived to secure a 
release not only of his own estates, but that of the sequestered 

i. John Theyer, of Cooper's Hill, Brockworth, married 1628, Susanna, 
and named his son and heir, Charles, after his King, in 1650. He died in 
August, 1673, and is buried at Brockworth, tradition says, beneath the great 
yew tree. 


estate of Standish with its 800 acres, in favour of William and 
Ralph, the sons of Sir Ralph. His petition is dated Aug. 
16, 1646. 

The grandson of Sir Henry Jerningham was destined to 
a long minority; during part, at least, if not all, of which, 
Painswick Manor was administered for him by Sir Henry 
Moore, 1 Baronet of Fawley Court, his uncle-maternal, who is 
styled ' Lord of the Manor of Painswick.' The latter's second 
sister was wife to the famous Sir Mathew Hale, of Alderley : 
Lord Chief Justice and Bell-ringer. 

Meantime, the Trye family continued to reside at Court- 
House, and in 1653 (as before-mentioned) we find Mr John Trye 
of the Court-House, contributing 55. to the subscription for the 
relief of Marlborough, which had been half-burned down. The 
most important persons in the Manor in the absence of the 
Lord, were doubtless Mr John Lygon, who acted as its Regis- 
trar from 1653-56 [in the latter year he died, and on August 
loth was laid to rest in the Church] and William Rogers 
(Senior) the Reeve. It was probably upon Mr Lygon's decease 
that Sir Henry Moore, Baronet, began his administration for 
the heir of the Jerninghams, which he continued until 1666. In 
1 66 1 William Rogers, Esq., of Castle Hale, was acting Church- 
warden with Charles Michell, and the present font, then made to 
replace the rude earlier one (now in Mr Spring's garden, in Hale 
Lane), bears their initials and the date. Mr George Dorwood 
continued in the Vicarage bringing up a family of sons and 
daughters with characteristic Puritan names : Josiah, Nehemiah, 
Hester and Rebecca. We have no further mention of the Sea- 
man family here until 1674, when Giles Seaman and his wife are 
found living at Court-House ' This Giles we take to be a son 
of William Seaman of Withyngton (County Gloucester) who 
married in 1633, and thus a grandson of Dr John Seaman. John 
Trye died 1680. A brother of his, William Trye (called 'of 

1. Sir Henry Moore may be the same with the Captain Sir Henry 
Moore, of the Earl of Cleveland's Regiment (Oct. 7, 1662). (Cf. Cal. S.P., 
Charles II). 

2. His name is at the head of the Militia Subsidy for Edge tithing in 
1684, together with that of William Rogers (Gent.) 

N 2 


PAINSWICK') died in Painswick in 1681.' He was patron in 1679 
of the Living of Haresfield. (Buried at Hardwick). His will' was 
witnessed by Rev. George Dorwood, Vicar of Painswick. 

As Castle Hale had been considerably enlarged in 1 653, and 
the date 1657 occurs an incised shield inclosing initials, I. D. 
(? Josiah Dorwood) on the chimney-face of a gabled-house, once 
the ' George Inn,' 3 next the Gables, and there are still other local 
evidences of activity in building at this period, it is fair to assume 
that Painswick continued to recover prosperity under the 

The Cloth-trade had been stimulated in the end by the late 
Civil War and the great increase of foreign trade. Presently, 
Charles II. further stimulated it by enacting (1679) that every 
Englishman should be buried in a woollen shroud, and this 
remained in force from 1678 1815. "John Rodway, mason, 
July 29. The other burialls this yeare after the i of August are 
in another booke appointed to be kept for buryinge in woollen. 
Mar: 1678." Painswick Register. The Act was read on the 
first Sunday after the feast of St Bartholomew, every year 
for seven years following. " No corps of any person to be 

buried in any stufie or thing other than what is made of sheep's 
wool only." 

This was the prosperous period of the Lovedays, Packers, 
Pooles, Tocknells, and Webbs, and that of the rise of their 
assistants and kinsmen who became distinguished in still later 
days, and whose names became household words in Painswick 
throughout the remaining 150 years of the Jerningham Lordship 
of the Manor, and long after that, even till to-day. Another 
prominent tenant who had seen much Painswick History was 
Giles Field, who had built the Wick Street House 4 in 1 633. He 
was Constable of the Manor in 1636, and was living in his House 
in 1653. 

1. The name of a daughter, Mrs Anne Trotman, occurs in the Subsidy 
(Militia) Roll of 1684. 

2. At Gloucester. 

3. Mentioned in 1684. 

4. His initials and date are over the door: It is now the residence of 
Edward Warmington Reed, Esq. 


Subjoined is a list of tythed persons in the Manor in 1674, as 
shown on a Return lent me by Mr F. A. Hyett, of Painswick 
House : there is also a portion of a list for 1680 : 


s d 

Giles Seaman (gent.) for the Court 7 8 

orchard and that which belongeth to it, and for the (other 

yh) (other part) of his lands (i.e., Abbots lands) 14 3 ob. 

Widd: Seaman (? his mother) ... ... ... ... ... ... 4 5 ob. 

Hen: Gardner 4 ob. 

George Dorwood (Clerk) 4 6 

William Rogers (Gent.) 148 

EdmundWebb i i i 

and for Will : Watts' land i 6 

Thomas Webb 8 

and for the Mill and Land passed to him in Reversion ... i n i qr. 

Widd: Webb i 4 

John Poole 174 

Thos. Clissold in right of his wife 8 

John Gardner of Great Horse Poole 3 

John Hill, Gent 14 4 

Henry (S)tamage 3 i 

John Gyde 18 5 

William Pitt for great quarr i o 

Edward Tunley 3 

The whole rent for this year comes to /So is. lod. qr. 
(127 tythed people). 

1674. SHEPSCOMB TYTHING, with the following names and sums: 

s d s d 

2 o Roland Wood, Gent. 13 5 ob. George Phillips 


i o Mr Nathaniel Ridler 17 i ob. Thos. Loveday, Sen : 

10 o John Gardner 8 Sob. Do. Jun: 

1 1 Giles Gardner 3 John Stephens 

5 Thomas Osborne (Mason) 4 Dan Hoskins 

8 John Mason (Milwright) 6 Edward Okey for his wife land 

6 Widd : Poole 10 Edward Pilewell 
i 5 Widd : Hinton i ob. John Cudd 

i John Wheeler I ob. Samuel Cudd 



s d 

4 Will : Millard 

2 John do. 

3 Giles do. 

2 Widd:Rodway 

2 John do. 

i James Turner 

i John Turner, Smith 

i Jeffrey Sadler 

8 Robert Wotten (? Wathen) 

8 Lawrence Hathewell 

12 nob. Will. Osborne 

3 3 John do. 

1 1 ob. Widd : Gardner 

17 2 Edmund Clements 

s d 

4 Anthony Cumpier 
in Hannah Loveday, Widd. 

4 John Gibbins, Junior 
13 n John Cooke 
15 7 ob. Hen : and Thos : Gardner 
Joseph Robins of London 
John Osborne 
Walt : Humphreys 
Francis West 
Giles Wheeler 
John Estcourt (Gent.) 
Will : Dowell 

10 i 

12 II 



FREEHOLDERS in Stroud-End that pay rent to the Lord of the Manor of 

Painswick : 

s d 

Rich. Webb ........................... i o 

Henry Townsend ........................ 4 o 

Rich: Bliss ........................ i 8 

The heires of Clissold's house .................. I 8 

Widd:Watken? ........................ 2 

Sam: Knowles for his water tyt(he) ............... 4 

James Ellis ........................... i o 

1674. SPONDBE(D) TYTHING. (74 persons). 

s d 

Hen : Beard (Gent.) ........................ i 14 2 

John Rodway ........................... i n 

Robert Davis ........................... 4 ' 

Giles and Peter Watkins ..................... i o u 

Giles Watkins, Jun ......................... 

John Mason (bodys maker) ..................... i o 

Walter Tocknell (Gent.) ..................... i o 8 

Widd: Lewes ........................... 233 

Rich. Gardner ........................ i " 9 

Stephen Gardner ........................ i 3 2 

John Loveday ........................... 5 

Rich: Gibbins ........................... 2 

&c., &c. 

John Bridgman, Esquire ..................... " 



(John Poole, Reeve). 



s d 

i 4 


John Webb 

Giles Ffeild (Field) 

12 5 

2 19 


Widd : Webb 

Mary Turker 

5 2 

i 9 


Widd : Ffletcher 

Will: Cooke Tylor 




Dan Niblett 

John do. do 


I 17 


John Mayo 

Hannah Loveday, Wid : 



And for John Hamons 



I I 


Thos. Clissold 



I I 


Samuel Webb 

Thos : Bliss (de Browns- 


13 10 

I 12 


Sarah Gardner, Widd : 

Henry Winchcombe 

8 o 



Edward Gardner 

Edward Okey 

14 6 



Thos. West 

Will: Barnes i 

2 4 



Widd: Pawlyn 

Widd: do. 

i ob 



John Pawlyn 

Dan : Hoskyns 




Robert Cooke 

Bartholomew Edwards ... 




John Niblett 

Timothy Devenett 

I O 



Walter Merrett 

Thos: Clissold of Vatch 


S 4 



Thos. Wynn 

Wid d : Greening 

10 ob. 

i 3 


Thos: Bliss (de Well) 

Henry Rod way 



Joseph Leech 

Sarah Manning 




Thos: Taylor 

Thos : Loveday, Sen: 


I 12 


Will : Webb (de London) 

ii n Jun: 




Lawrence Wynn 

Thos: Bisley 

2 5 


Widd : Wynn 

Robert Jenner 

2 O 


James Close 

Henry Gardner 



William Watkins 

Thomas Merrett 



" Thomas Gardner, Reeve of ye Manor of Painswick in the year 1680" 

(on outside). 

Mr William Rogers 
Giles Seaman (Gent 
George Dorwood (Clerk) 
Mr Edmund Webb 
Hen: Stamage 
Will : Loveday 
Widd : Webbe 


s d 
4 8 

".) and his mother ... 


I rr 1 . 

% lerk) 

4 2 


2 7 

3 ' 


ii i 

I 4 


s d 
Will : Loveday 1 for his wife's house 

Dan: Clarke i 12 

Will:Little 4' 

John King (Carpenter) 2 

Dan Taylor 4 

Thos : Clissold (Chandler) I o 

(130 tythed people). 

i. He was a Quaker. 





Sir Henry Jerningham, 1 Baronet, who lived at Painswick 
Lodge at that period, had married Mary, daughter of Benedict 
Hall, Esq. He died in 1680, and was succeeded by his son, Sir 
Francis, who was destined to retain his lordship of the Manor for 
nearly fifty years, that is to say, until the days of George II. Our 
sources for information regarding the Manor History at this time 
are at present limited to but a few documents. Some of the more 
interesting items are those contained in fragments of the Books' 
of the Constables of the Manor, such as the following : 

" 1 68 1. For work done to the Clock and Chimes to this 
second day of Sept., ^5 and 55. Samuel Webb and Giles Seaman, 
Churchwardens." [The Church Chest dates from 1685]. In 1684, 
the Rev. George Dorwood died and was buried in the Chancel 
of Painswick Church. Two years. later, William Rogers, 3 Esq., 
J.P. (jun.), gave a treble bell to the peal, perhaps in memory 
of his late wife. His father, William Rogers, had died in 1674. 
These were serious times. 4 16 Jan., 1685. " Paid in expenses to 
Henry Woods, for keeping Thomas Smith a night, for speaking 
some dangerous words that the Duke of Albemarle was gone to 

1. Grandson of ist Baronet. 

2. Cf. Painswick Magazine for 1888-9, where the late Mr Uriah Davis, of 
Court House, carefully published their remains. 

3. In the Rawlinson MS. (B 323, fol. 203, b) occurs the following notice 
of a Hatchment, formerly in the Church, commemorating the deceased wife of 
William Rogers, Esq., of Castle Hale : " In a hatchment on ye South side of 
ye Chancel is a memorial for a Gentlewoman y' was buried elsewhere. The 
Coate is Rogers Impaling Hawley : vert, a saltire engrailed Argent. At ye 
bottome M[emoriae] Sfacrum] Susanna; Conjugis Guillelmi Rogers de Castro 
Halense, quae in puerperio obiit 18 May, 1682." 

4. 1685. "A troublesome year, never to be forgot by them " (i.e., the 
Constables). Charles II. died in February. 


the Duke of Monmouth 1 with a great army, 2<3." In the previous 
year (1684), by virtue of an Act of Parliament for raising by 
subsidy the King's Militia, a rate was agreed upon of one farthing 
per pound for the inhabitants of Painswick ; also, a farthing for 
the repairing of the broken bridge at Chepstow, as well as another 
farthing for the Constable of the Parish, for moneys disbursed by 
him in the execution of his duties. Walter Merrett was the 
Constable in Chief, the other was John Cooke. " Item. I gave 
to William Miles, a lame seaman that had an order to be carryed 
from one parish to another towards Westchester, 4d., and 
for a horse to carry him to Standish, and to a boy that went 
with him, 6d." " Item. Gave to six poor seamen that had a 
pass, is." 

The receipts of John Cooke this year (1684) contain some 
interesting trifles. Giles Seaman, Gent., pays 6s. 3d., William 
Rogers, Gent., us. 3d., William Little, is. 6d. For the ' George 
Inn,' 2 gd. Michael Linnkinholt pays 4>d. Mrs Ann Trotman, 
widow, 3d. [She was, by birth, Anne Trye; widow of Rev. 
John Trotman (Died 1656) of Cam and Cranham, and Rector, 
formerly, of Newnton, County Wilts]. Ralph Adey, for the 
'Crowne' Inn, 9d. John Little, for his horses, is. 6d. James 
Chew, 3d. Samuell King, for the ' Cross Keys,' 3 <?d. Josiah and 
Nehemiah Dorwood, for Lords Mead, 4 is. 6d. John Rodway, 
for Ifold Ground, is. Richard Gardner de Damsells, 95. Giles 
Seaman, Gent., for Abbots Land (Farm), 5 23. Geo. Fletcher, 
Gent, (for Ebbworth), or Mr Tocknell, us. 9^d. Mr William 
Warneford, or Mr Hyett, 6d. 

1. The natural son of King Charles II. We must recall here that the 
Rye-House Plot against the throne in favour of Monmouth occurred in 1683. 
In 1684, Arms were directed to be seized in all disaffected districts : pikes, 
pistols, rapiers, birding-pieces, swords and bandoliers, partizans, and 
' musquetts.' 

2. This Inn occupied the old house of two gables, now a private 
residence, at right angles to The Gables. It underwent serious altera- 
tions fifty years ago when cellars were formed. The left side, however, 
is in good order, and it contains an old I7th century fire-place and some 
pannelled plaster-work. 

3. It is evident that there were three Inns then in Painswick ; the ' Cross 
Keys ' so named in honour of the Bishopric of Gloucester, and the Falcon. 

4. Just below Castle Hale. 

5. This is the old Farm-Land of Ebbworth ; until the Dissolution, in the 
possession of St Peter's Abbey. 



s. d. 

May 27. Paid for the trimming of a coate ... o 12 6 
two swords and one set of 

bandileres i o 7 

,, two buff Belts for swords 

and a Pike ... ... o 16 o 

,, making the Coate 030 

Paid Ambrose Hewitt o 6 8 

Paid for a Buff Coate 2 12 6 

A musketeer had o 2 3 a day 

'A pike-man o i n 

1686 Item paid six that watched the Stock-House' all 

night when there were four rude fellows that 
threatened to fire ye towne, is. 6d. 

Item. Gave the said prisoners bread and beer, 6d. 
Item to John Turner for irons for ye whipping- 
post, is. 

1690 Item. Gave a Dutchman in distress, 6d. 

,, ,, blind soldier, 6d. 

,, a poor, sick soldier, is. 

,, ,, to a poor woman with three 

children, 8d. 

1691 Paid for whipping, lodging, and bringing two 
persons before ye justice, 43. 

Paid to Stephen Page for making a ducking- 
stool, 93. 

Paid to Thomas Cook for ironwork for ye 
same, is. 2d. 

1692 To two Dutchmen with a pass, 2d. 
Paid for whipping Edward Estcourt, is. 

1693, Sept. 16. Gave two maimed soldiers, 8d. 

1698 To James Vander vield," a shipwrecked merchant, 
wife and three children, a pass, 6d. 

1699 To conveyance of a poor boy, sick of ye small- 
pox, to Upton, by a warden's order, is. 

1. Beside the Churchyard gate. 

2. A Dutch-man. 


In 1696, Mr William Rogers, of Castle Hale, alienated his 
estate to William Greenwood, Esq. , of Brise Norton, Oxfordshire. 
The stables are mentioned with a Barne, as having been ' lately- 
built.' In 1701, however, the house had passed into possession of 
Thomas Browne, Esq. He owned with it six acres called White- 
wallend (now ' White-Hall ') and Lullingworth. 

As to the Court-House, after Giles Seaman died, in September, 
1689, the Court of the Quarter Sessions seems to have made an 
order to lodge a Constable there. A County Record-Book, 
however, of that year states, " It is ordered by this Court that the 
Order formerly made in this Court that the Court-House of 
Payneswick should be made use of for a Constable, be set aside." 
(Query, as unsuitable?) At the Trinity Sessions, in the same 
year, an order made by the Justices, William Rogers, John 
Wagstaffe, John Hall, and William Hayward, was confirmed, 
"appointing and allotting the Court-House, at Pains wick, to be 
a Conventicle, or Meeting-House, for Dissenters to exercise their 
religion, in pursuance of his majesty's late gracious declaration of 
indulgence." So the Court-House, or part of it, became the first 
Dissenting Chapel in Painswick. 

Mr Seaman died at the Court-House, considerably in debt, 
and probably occupying but a portion of it. The will mentions a 
bedroom over the hall and its furniture, and the two cottages' at 
Castle Hale Style. His Sand Pitts in Ham were mortgaged to 
George Smith, as well as six acres there. The value of his 
chattels amounted to ^55. In 1691, his widow (?), Elizabeth Sea- 
man, was brought before the Justices (probably Petty Sessions, 
held at the Falcon Inn). The last mention of her occurs in 1698, 
after which date the name of Seaman vanishes from Painswick 
History. 2 

After the death of Rev. George Dorwood, the Vicarage was 
presented by Sir Robert Atkyns, Philip Shepherd, and Robert 
Wood, as Trustees for the Parish, to Rev. Samuel Rogers, who 

1. Still there 1907. 

2. That the sittings of the magistrates continued to be local seems 
probable from the following: 1714. Expenses when I took Ann Bailey 
before ye Justices, and paid for having her whipped, 48. and 6d. For drink 
by ye Churchwardens' Order when the King (Geo. I.) was proclaimed at 
Painswick, i. 


held it until 1702. He was presented again March 3, 1686, by 
King James II., or, perhaps, his former presentation was ratified. 
" There is a large Glebe belonging to the Vicarage worth 60 
yearly" wrote Sir Robert Atkyns, "the demeans of the 
Manner pay no tithes ; the Vicar hath Bangrove-mead in lieu 
of them.'" Sir Robert, the Historian of Gloucestershire, knew 
Painswick particularly well, 3 and it is to be regretted he did not 
find space in his County History to tell us a good deal more than 
he has done about it. Perhaps he excluded History as much as 
possible in order to save space. 

In the Furney MSS. (V. 3, fol. 150), we read : 

" Not far from the north side of the Towne ye famous Pains- 
wick Lodge, the pleasant seat of Sir Francis Jerningham : on her 
east side is Longridge : on her south side is Wickridge ; and on 
her west side standeth Huddy-Knowle Hill ; 3 which are all of 
them well-replenished with woods of Beech." 

"This Parish is reckoned to be ye best in ye county, standing 
on ye side of a Hill, encompassed with hills and woods on each 
side. Ye Lord is now Sir Francis Jerningham, whose ancient 
mansion is called 'Ye Lodge,' pleasantly seated on ye N.E. side 
of ye towne, and was once compassed with a parke." 4 

"Here is a small market every Tuesday, and their is usually 
chosen a Mayor, which is only a ' titular ' office, without ye least 

"On Pitchcombe [t.e., Shepscombe] Green standeth a gallows 
which was first erected there by Sir Anthony Kingston, King's 

i. " The estate of ye Lord of ye Manor is Tythe-free in lieu of which he 
gave a mead called Lord's mead to ye Vicar, worth 9 a year, and there is an 
estate of 20 p. a., and ty trie-free, from ye Lord of ye Manor's Estates, and is 
called Lord's Meadows." Circa 1712. (Rawlinson MSS. Bodleian). Lord's 
Mead lies just below Castle Hale, beyond Knapp Lane. 

2 He presented the living in 1685. May 27, 1684, John Cooke, Constable 
of Painswick, entered in his account-book ' Cost me in going to speak with Sir 
Robert Atkins, iod.' 

3- i.e., The Edge. 

4. The ancient Park had been cut up into fields already. That process 
had begun in the reign of James I. The present Painswick Park was created 
out of fields adjoining the Herings Farm estate by Mr C. Hyett, and his 
successors, including a field called ' Great Node ; ' (L. Nodus : a knot, or knob, 
or knap), for possession of which, Pan's Lodge, in the Frith, was exchanged. 


Marshal, after ye Rebellion in ye west against ye King Edward 
ye 6." The stump of the post is said to have been visible 
in 1790. 

Although Daniel Defoe, soon after the opening of the i8th 
century, indicates the decline of the Cloth- Trade, the prosperity 
of Stroud and Painswick continued. The wool distributed by 
the Clothiers among their employees was spun and woven in 
the cottages and dyed and finished on being returned to the mills 
by the water-side : so that the streets of these towns continually 
resounded with warp and shuttle, and the mills of the Webbs, 
Tocknells, and Lovedays, kept putting forth rich loads of Red, 
White and Blue Cloth. ' The beautifullest scarlets (he says) and 
other grand colours that are anywhere in England, perhaps in 
any part of the world.' 

At the beginning of the i9th century there were nearly 30 
cloth mills in the parish of Painswick. 




Chief among benign influences handed on in Painswick 
from the XVII. century to the XVIII., besides a School for her 
children, must be reckoned that of the Society of Friends. The 
Doctrines of George Fox may have reached Painswick from 
Gloucester, or Nailsworth, ' or from Cirencester. Probably the 
religious dissensions prevalent here (as the previous chapters 
of this work have shown) during the Civil War and Common- 
wealth, facilitated their adoption. The actual date of their 
reception may have been in or before 1656, for the first burial 
in the Dell Cemetery 1 was that of ' Ales, wife of Walter Hum- 
phries, 22nd of first month, 1657,' while burials near the 
Meeting-House, in Withymead Lane, did not commence until 
more than a century later. The first of the latter entered in the 
book kept for the purpose by the Society of Friends (now at 
Gloucester, and access to which places the present writer still 
more in debt to the kindness of William Bellows and F. Reynolds), 
is that of 'Bridget, daughter of Joseph and Hannah Davis, 4th of 
3rd month, 1770.' Nevertheless, occasional burials continued to 
take place at the Dell until 1819. 

On examining the slabs yet visible at the latter secluded spot, 
adjoining the Dell Farm, upon four of them are to be seen the name 
of Loveday, and as this well-to-do, and very ancient Painswick 

i. The stone style is inscribed M.M. 1712. In 1429 a field called Le 
Delle belonged here to John Green, ' juxta le Gracehill.' 


family (A.D. 1280), then owned the mill and fields immediately 
below the Dell, it becomes probable that it was not only the main- 
stay of local Quakerism, but the donor of the ground. With the 
Lovedays were associated the Cudds, Hintons, Druitts, and 
Masons, and Samuel Wheeler. Since writing the above, a letter 
of the late Mr Joseph Davis (dated 21, ix., 1871) has been put 
into the Author's hands which confirms this conclusion, while 
it throws valuable light upon the History of ' the Friends ' in 

"The Lovedays were Friends at the earliest period of the 
Society, and were owners of a large property in Painswick, and 
I have no doubt they gave the Meeting-House Ground, and also 
the Dell. I believe my grandfather's grandfather, Thomas 
Loveday (d. 1690), built the house in Vicarage Lane, where my 
uncle, Daniel Roberts, lived and died, 1 and that the Meeting-House 
ground was part of that property ; and within my own knowledge 
a considerable estate surrounding the Burial Ground at the Dell 
belonged to the Lovedays. There were in all at least a hundred 
burials there, and thirty-five at the Meeting-House. Marriages at 
Painswick commenced 1658, and are mentioned to have been 
(made) with the consent of Nailsworth May Meeting, and in the 
M.H. at Painswick. There were 22 up to 1776. I have heard my 
father say that he had heard that in his grandfather's time (who 
died in 1762), the Meeting-House on a First Day morning was 
quite full." 2 It is now used by the community of ' Plymouth 

1 . This should be no other than Yew Tree House in Vicarage Lane, now 
the residence of Leonard Bicknell, Esq. In 1796 it is described in a Court Roll 
as occupied by Mr Daniel Roberts, and containing a garden and orchard of 
two acres. The date of the House is of the i?th century, and the yew trees in 
front of it may be nearly as old ; but the splendid specimen at the bottom of 
the garden may date from the death of Elizabeth. The complicated monogram 
above the porch is of c. 1790, and appears to include D. or Deborah Roberts 
as D.R. within E. LOVEDAY. Mr Edward Loveday was one of the Overseers 
of Painswick from 1778-1800. His heir was Daniel Roberts. 

2. Joseph Davis died, January 16, 1872, aged 81. He was great- 
grandson to Mr Aitell Roberts, who married, 1712, Hannah, daughter of 
Thomas Loveday. He lived at The Elms, Gotham Hill, Bristol. Aitell Roberts 
was son of Daniel Roberts, of Chesham, Co. Bucks. The ownership of the 
Dell Cemetery became vested in the Hinton family, members of which were 
seized of it as '2 Lugg of Land inclosed by a wall,' in 1762, 1782, and 1816, 
when William Hinton surrendered it to the use of Joseph Davis, his heirs and 


The Burials at the latter ground, beginning with Bridget 
Davies and Richard Stanley Davis, 1770-1779, for the most part 
have been Hintons, Merrells, and Padburys. The last of the 
latter family, Miss Lydia Padbury, died in 1886, -aged 72 years. 
The house of the Padburys is that now occupied by Wm. Balfour 
Fergusson, M.D., and is called Hazelbury House. Among the last 
of the Friends living at Painswick were the late Mr Samuel 
Bowly (1884) who resided at Horsepools, a great cultivator of 
rare flowers, as well as a strenuous Temperance Reformer. Mr 
James Atkins, of Rose Cottage, a famous Botanist, will also be 

But the last familiar face and figure of a Friend, not rarely to 
be seen here, even in 1900, was that of the late John Bellows,' 
whose broad-brimmed hat, and neat, collarless brown coat recalled 
early times. The first ' Friends ' seem to have dressed much as 
the Puritans did close-cropped, with a long black cloak, and a 
long vest having a linen collar, or ' turn-over ' ; while the women 
merely differed from others by omitting ribbons to their caps. At 
their meetings, in the olden days, the men wore high-crowned 
hats, and the women ' cuerpo-hoods ' (1693). 

The Act of Uniformity, passed in 1662, as is well known, 
subjected all sections of Christian " Independence " to severe, and 
most unmerited suffering. Its effects may be judged superficially 
by the fact that it caused some two thousand clergy to leave the 
Church. The Act of Toleration in 1689 in turn brought them relief, 
and in Painswick they were permitted to meet for prayer at the 
Court-House in that year. We do not, however, learn any detail 
regarding the ' Congregational Independents' here until 1705, or 
just two hundred years ago. At that time, we find them to have 
been represented in Painswick by the Rev. Mr Tippetts, since 
which date they have proved themselves to be a moving force for 
good. Their chapel occupied the site of the present one in 
Gloucester Street, which took its place in 1803. The latter was 
restored in 1892, and it contains a Morris-Burne-Jones stained 
window. The following is a list of the clergy : 

i. Mr Bellows (May, 1902) lies in the new cemetery amid the ancient 
hills he loved so well. There also lies Sidney Dobell, the Poet, in a truly 
appropriate grave. He gave Painswick pre-eminence among Gloucestershire 


Leonard Tippetts, 1705-1714. James Burrell, 1843-1847. 

Leonard Edwards, 1714 (?)- 34. John Dunlop, 1848-1850. 

William Adam, 1734-1750. Thos. Davies, M.A. (Gottingen), 

Morley, 1767. 1863-7. 

Bedow, 1787-8. William Rhead, 1853-9. 
Cornelius Winter (the Henry Young, 1868-70. 

Biographer of Whitefield), 1 Francis Smith, 1871-76. 
1788-1808. (Portrait here). John Aspinall, 1877-1884. 
George Garlick, 2 1808-1821. Samuel Thomas, 1885-1900. 
Robert Meek. Frederick Wm. Brown, 1900. 

Elisha Martin, 1830-1843. 

In 1731, the five bells, which constituted the peal in the Parish 
Church Tower, were re-cast by Abraham Rudhall, at Gloucester, 
in honour of the coming Coronation of George II. , which event 
was celebrated here with great rejoicings, the Rev. Mr Downes 
being the Vicar then in residence. 

During the previous thirty years, the Dyers of Painswick 
cloth had undertaken to grow their own woad 3 for dyeing, a 
proceeding which had exercised the minds of many, more 
especially that of the Vicar in question. In consequence, not a 
small share of the fields, which formerly had been sown with corn 
and rape-seed, and which had been tythed for these crops, became 
appropriated by a plant which can now be found in the county only 
beside the Severn (it is said) at one spot. The tythes of woad, 
it was considered, should belong to the Rector or Impropriator in 
lieu of great tithes. Nevertheless, woad was now grown also 
upon lands which had been yielding tythe-hay to the Vicar ; 
and this tythe-hay grew on all such mead as had never been 
ploughed or broken up. This the people knew by the name of 
Stean (stone) mead. 

The difficulties were settled only by a thorough visitation of 
all the ploughed and unploughed land in the Parish of Painswick, 

1. We find him witness to the marriage of Nathaniel Burdock and 
Elizabeth Winn, 19 May, 1803. 

2. Rev. G. Garlick contributed 2 2s. to the fund for the Parish Church 
Organ in 1813. 

3. Woading a cloth was done preparatory to dyeing it black. The 
importation of Indigo superseded Woad. (Cf. Report 41. App : I, p. 515 of 
the Deputy-Keeper of Public Records. 


by the Vicar in conjunction with Mr Edmund Wick, the Impro- 
priator (Ap. 10, 1722). 

In 1739 (April u) there arrived, to the great excitement of 
the town, the famous Methodist preacher, George Whitefield 
(B.A., Oxford), aged but 25 years, and son of the proprietor of 
the well-known Bell Inn, at Gloucester. 

The Preacher's diary contained the following entries : 

"April ii. Set out for Painswick, where I preached to a 
very large congregation from the School House Stairs. " 

" April 14. At three, preached again at Painswick, to double 
the number I had before." 

"June 29. In my brother's field (at Gloucester), to a large 
and affected congregation ; then, to above 3,000 people, in the 
street, at Painswick." 

Parish pulpits were denied him, as a rule. The next evening, 
Saturday, June 30, " Spent the evening with some Christian 
friends ; lay at Painswick ; and preached (at) about ten in the 
morning to near 2,000 on the Bowling-Green belonging to the 
George Inn, (at) Stroud." 

It was owing to these incidents that Whitefield found his 
Biographer at Painswick, namely, in Cornelius Winter, then 
Nonconformist Minister, and a man of Dutch descent. White- 
field had, in fact, just returned from America. He was ordained 
deacon June 20, 1736, before he went to America. He was 
eagerly collecting funds for an Orphanage out there. He died 
at Newbury Port, near Boston, Massachusetts, Sept. 30, 1770; 
and must often, in that far off land, have recalled the Cotteswold 
Villages, familiar to his boyhood, and the scenes of such brilliant 
early successes in his profession. 

The mention of the Bowling-Green at Stroud, recalls the fact 
that there was, of course, one at Painswick at that period, situated, 
as it to-day is, behind the newly-rebuilt 'Falcon' (1711) an Inn 
which had taken its name from the noble bird borne as the Crest 
of the Jerninghams. There the gentlemen of Painswick were 
wont to spend afternoons vastly to their health of mind and body. 

But the Gloucester Journal of June, 1731, shows that the 
Falcon owned yet other entertainments, in which Stroud shared 
friendly competition. ' Notice is hereby given that on Wednesday, 



the 3oth of this inst, June, will be fought at the Falcon Inn, in 
Painswicke, a COCK-MATCH, between the Gentlemen of Painswicke 
and the Gentlemen of Stroud : they are to produce twenty-four 
cocks, ten of which they are obliged to fight for two Guineas a 
battle, and ten Guineas the odd battle.' In those days towns 
fought one another with cocks, just as to-day they do at cricket. 
The chief Inn at Stroud was the ' Swan.' 

At this time the Lord of the Manor found it needful to threaten 
with prosecution anyone found obstructing the collection of the 
Toll at Painswick, and all those who refused to pay it. 

Altogether, this year of Coronation seems to have been a 
merry one at Painswick. On March the first, being the Queen's 
birthday, the Ringers greatly distinguished themselves by ringing, 
within 3 hours 36 minutes, a whole peal of Triples, consisting of 
5040 changes, to the great satisfaction of the auditors, not only 
townsmen, but strangers, and those that were judges of the Art, 
of which there were several present. They began at 10 a.m. and 
finished at 1.36 p.m. 

On June 26, 1732, Sports were held upon the Hill, and races 
of all kinds were run, some by persons tied up in sack-bags : "as 
the contributors shall direct, no less than six to start." "The same 
day" (says the advertisement) "a very good Holland Shift will be 
run for by six young women." It may have been upon the 
occasion of the death of George II. that the yew trees were 
planted in the Churchyard. We believe them to have been grown 
locally at Niblett's Nursery (1722) at Haynes Green, where was 
" the chief part of John Gardner's estate, the rest backward 
towards the Nursery Ground." But they may have been seeded 
from the great yew of the Lovedays in Yew Tree House Garden. 
In 1796 a reward was offered for the discovery of anyone 
cutting them. 

In reference to Rudhall, it is of interest that the bells re-cast 
by his firm should have rung for his son's wedding. On June 
2, 1770, was married to Sarah Packer, by license of the Bishop, 
Abraham Rudhall, in Painswick Church. That he resided here 
not a little, is seen by the fact that when Mary, daughter of Daniel 
Packer, Clothier, of Painswick, married (in 1782), Nathaniel 

TOMB (Inscription Decayed) 



Winchcombe, of Frampton, Abraham Rudhall signed the Register 
as prime witness. This bridegroom presently assumed the 
ancient name and Arms of Clifford, and died October 31, 1801, 
leaving Henry Clifford, of Frampton, his heir. 

Let us glance again at the inhabitants of these middle days of 
the XVIII. century. The Rev. John Wiltshire was Vicar from 
1737-62, and lived at the same old house, the home of former 
Vicars, called ' Ludloes,' in Vicarage Lane. During his ministra- 
tion, Painswick twice suffered severely from small-pox (1741 and 
1 756-8). This scourge seems to have been chronic here through- 
out the century. The patients were nursed in the house of S. 
Winn, at Washbrook. The physician was Dr J. C. Jenner. 

Mr Rowden lived (1742) in a new-built house, perhaps that at 
the bottom of Bisley Street. 

The Court-House was occupied by Mr Nathaniel Adams 
(1722-40) and with it he owned Dry Knapps and two lower 
grounds at the bottom, 'next Mr Hawkins' mill pond.' Herings 
Farm, until 1733, belonged to John Adey, but the property then 
passed to Charles Hyett, who served the office of Reeve of 
the Manor in 1736, and now built Painswick House. John, 
William, and Edward Palling henceforward fulfilled this respon- 
sible office more frequently than any other tenants. Their 
father, Edward Palling, son of John, lived at Brookhouse in 
1701. On the death of Mr Adams, Edward became occupier of 
Court-House. William Lane, Esq., held land in Washwell, 
and the Capels and Barretts were firmly established along the 
Wick Street at the Grove,' and at Painsfield. William Little 
had ' Whether-Close.' Castle Hale, in 1750, was occupied by 
Louis Prior, Esq., who resided there until 1780, when it passed 
to William Baylis, in whose family it remained until 1835, when 
Mr Baker, an architect, re-built the front and planted the 
avenue. Olivers belonged, 1745, to Nicholas Webb. There 
were still but few free-holders (under twenty) in the Manor. 
One of these was the Rev. Philip Shepherd, son of Samuel, 
and Lord of the Manor of Minchinhampton, where they lived in 
the large house next the Church. The Sheep-House was lived in 
and restored by Mr John Palling. 


In 1740-41, a South Aisle 1 was added to the Church, and 
it was decided to re-roof it with tiles instead of lead. In 
1765 (March 25), the Church was damaged by lightning, which 
struck the belfry door, knocked a few stones out of place, 
and made the bells resound. The sexton's son was winding the 
clock at the moment, and he had a narrow escape. But as we find 
marriages taking place in the Church within three days of the 
occurrence, it may be concluded that the rest of the structure 
escaped damage. 

The following year was one of great distress for Painswick 
and Stroud, and indeed all through the county, owing to the 
dearness of corn. Rioters had to be dispersed at Paganhill by 
the magistrates, and certain of them were taken, tried, and 
executed at Gloucester and Cowley ; Shepscombe gallows being 
decayed and out of use. A Relief Committee sat at Stroud, at 
the George Inn. On the other hand, there were great rejoicings 
at the repeal of the Cyder-tax, and this was celebrated with 

Ten years later we obtain a glance at a bright summer. The 
Lodge-Steward writes (Aug. 3, 1776) to his master, Sir William 
Jerningham, at Cossey, Co. Norfolk : "We have had a catching 
time for the Hay till within a few days past, the weather is now 
excessive Hott. We hope for a good Harvest, being a very good 
crop of corn on the ground, especially Barley, and such a crop of 
fruit of all sorts was never remembered. Syder has been offered 
for i os. per hogshead, a hundred gallon to each hogshead, so we 
may expect to see much drunkenness amongst the lower sort of 
People." "P.S. It is needless for me to say anything about our 
late Election, as you know the return was made against us." 

The Courts of the Manor (as also Petty Sessions) were then 
held in the Chantry Chapel of the Church ; later, in the Falcon 
Inn. In 1785 the Steward was John Colborne, and in this year, 
owing to the frequent scourging with small-pox, it was resolved 
by the Overseers of the Parish to order a general inoculation. 

I. It was carried upon four columns and held a gallery. It was entered 
at both ends as well as by a south porch. The organ was situated in a 
gallery under the Tower, likewise on the wall of which was the Vestry. The 
present Chancel contained pews. 


At this period, George III. and his Queen were sometimes tempted 
to drive up to Cranham and Painswick from the village of Chel- *" 
tenham. On the authority of the account of an interesting entry 
in the Diary of Thomas Gardner, under the year 1788, related 
by Right Hon. Sir John Dorington, Bt., is adduced the following : 

" George III., his Queen, and some of his children, visited 
Cranham or the neighbourhood in July, 1788. A very aged 
woman, who did not know who her visitors were, came from her 
cottage to the carriage door and presented the old gentleman and 
his lady with a dish of bright red fragrant Woodland strawberries. 
The old gentleman graciously accepted the welcome present. 
The dish was quickly cleared of its simple luxury. The old 
woman stood by for her dish, and curtsied most respectfully and 
politely when it was returned. The old woman imagined it was 
the Squire and his family come to live at the great house. As 
the old woman held out her hand to receive the empty dish, the 
the gentleman said in the most polite and affectionate manner, ' I 
am very much obliged to you for your great kindness.' ' You be 
mortal welcome,' replied the old woman, ' but I don't know who 
ye be the Squire I spose ? ' ' No, my good woman, I have left 
my picture on the dish.' " 

" The carriage drove back towards Cheltenham, and the 
woman returned to her cottage. When she put her empty dish 
upon her cottage table, she saw a ' golden guinea ' glittering on 
the plate. ' I thought he said he had put his pic'tur on the dish. 
Well, I never know'd such a thing. This be a pretty pic'tur.' I 
cannot pretend to give her exact words. I may have copied 
them, and they may be preserved in my chaotic collection. I 
have given the shadow if not the substance of the dialogue. His 
picture or his portrait was on the coin. The old woman was sub- 
sequently astonished to find that she had seen ' The King, good 
old Varmer George.' The expression, ' The King's picture ' was 
frequently used in my boyhood. An aged gentleman said to me : 
twenty years ago, whenever I went to public dinners, friends 
often said, 'Weight, how is it that waiters pay you more attention 
than they do us?' 'It is plain enough. I al'us show 'um the 
King's pic'tur.' " The Diary gave the name, &c., of the old lady 
who had ' The King's Pic'tur.' 


At Ebbworth, the sub-manor and farm had passed now from 
the Fletcher family (which had it from the Raleghs of Edgworth 
through the Wood family, of Brookthorpe), into the hands of 
Stephen Cooke, Esq., of Abenhall and Leigh, in the Forest of 
Dene. His son and heir, Thomas Cooke, of the Middle Temple, 
almost re-built the house, "as a convenient Mansion-house, in 
which to reside," in 1722. He possessed several portions of land 
besides, in Painswick. His sister, Anne Cooke, resided with him 
at Ebbworth. The house he altered was in part Tudor, and in 
part, Jacobean, small features of which can be made out with a 
little scrutiny. He was succeeded at Ebbworth by Robert Ball, 
Esq., who left in 1766. 

At about the same period, or but little earlier, were built, 
probably by the same architect, the present front of Castle 
Godwin' and Dover House, the latter, probably, for a Loveday. 

In 1794 we may read in Watsons's Gazetteer : " Painswick 
has markets on Tuesdays : Fairs on Sept. 19 and on Whit- 
Tuesday. Special Sheep Markets on April 1-3 and the Tues- 
days before the feast of St James and All Saints." 

At a vestry meeting in Feb., 1796, Mr Bartlett made an offer 
to furnish tools, instruct and employ for seven years in the 
Common Workhouse or in any other suitable place provided by 
the Parish, all the women and children paupers, who are capable, 
in the branch of the Pin-trade 2 called Heading. The number was 
limited to forty. The Parish and Mr Bartlett entered into an 
agreement. This appears to be the origin of the Pin-trade in 
Painswick. In the same year a half-guinea reward was offered 
for information as to any person guilty of defacing any tomb in 
the Churchyard. 

The Fallings left the Court-House towards 1800; and in 
1820 Richard Pullen, Esq., of London, resided there, having 
done so for many years. During alterations made in 1904, in 

1. The House was not called Castle Godwin until the first years of the 
XIX. century, when the castellated apside was added, probably by Mr John 
George. The property had been always hitherto known as ' Paradise.' The 
pretty house-front at Castle Godwin was made probably for Mr William 
Townsend in 1750. The 'Strawberry-Hill' Gothic windows are of a later date 
(c. 1790). 

2. Pin-making had, in like manner, been introduced in a time of crisis 
to Gloucester, by John Tilsley, in 1626. 




St Peter's Chapel, a brass plate inscribed to his memory, and 
dated 1826, was found there. The House became tenanted by 
the Caruthers Family ; after which tenancy it was turned into 
a School for Girls, and finally it passed into the tenure (under 
the ownership of Mr Wathen), of the late Uriah Davis (a well- 
known antiquarian here) who kept there a high-class school 
for boys. 

The Baptist Church of Painswick was built by Wesleyan 
Methodists in 1806, a date which is not properly included in 
the scope of this work, and it was used as a Baptist Church only 
since 1831, under the Rev. W. Hewitt. In 1803 Sir William 
Jerningham was induced to part with the old Manor to Mr Pitt (of 
Pittville, Cheltenham), through whom it went to Mr Thomas 
Croome. At the sale, however, Mr Edward Jerningham bought 
in the Manor- Lodge, with its home-farm and 360 acres ; all which 
he retained until 1831. (Sept. 16). The Auction-Sheet then 
describes it as " an ancient mansion of quadrangular Form, with 
a Court in the Centre." It thus resembled the New Inn at 
Gloucester, only that it was built of stone more than of timber. 
It was free from Great Tithes, and the Land-tax was redeemed. 
With it went 22 acres of woodland, of which eighteen acres were 
included in Longridge. It had been let for 1,000 a year, and it 
had been customary to pay 4 per vicarial tithes, with a Land- 
tax in tithes of \ 125. yd. Holy well Wood is instanced as 
measuring la. 2r. 3ip. and the Lawn, as extensive arable Land. 

Mention of the house occurs in a diary of Lady Bedingfield, 
a daughter of Sir William Jerningham, Bt, in 1819: "We 
arrived at Bath, having slept at Petty France, we made a long 
day's journey of it from Cheltenham, because we stopped to see 
the Roman Villas (sic) lately discovered on Sir R. Hicks' Estate 
(Witcombe) on the road to Painswick, and walked down to the 
Manor House (i.e., Lodge Farm), which my brother Edward 
bought with the Farm round it when my father sold the estate. It 
has been little altered, bears great marks of antiquity, but never 
was a grand building. I met in Painswick Churchyard the most 
boldly discontented man I ever conversed with, a cobler, ripe 
for rebellion, levelling, &c., but he did justice to my father's 
benevolence. ' He was kind to the poor, nor like the rest of your 


great ones.' The ground of this old man's discontent appeared to 
be the persuasion that the clergyman of the place had cheated 
his wife of a legacy. He was looking over his hedge into the 
Churchyard, which made me ask him if he was the Clerk ? He 
answered : ' Not he, nor did he know anything of the Church, nor 
did he want anything.'" 

And now it is time to finish with this imperfect fragment of 

Local Story. And, as we commenced it on a wintry afternoon upon 

the moorland rudge, let us close it, at a different point of beauty and 

interest, on a summer morning, while the clear fresh N.W. wind 

is driving silvery cloud-hosts over the washed blue sky toward 

Bisley and Rodborough. Beneath us, in the middle ground of the 

picture, extends southward the woodland Edge, around from the 

Beeches above Sponebed and its farms, in a long shaded green 

line, boldly relieved against the dim and distant Forest of Dene ; 

the latter, misted over with the grayer air of the Severn Valley 

Far beyond that, can be dimly descried the bold wedge of the Black 

Mountain, where Hugh de Laci was likewise lord paramount, and 

under the shadow of which he founded the older Llantony, to 

which he gave the Advowson of Painswick. And there, much 

nearer, stands May Hill, and further N.W. stretch the Alban-like 

Malvern Hills, crowned with their camps whose possessors once 

menaced those of the many camps near at hand to us on this side. 

But we remind ourselves that the shouts of the warriors and the 

songs of the bards are heard no more. As Ossian would say, there 

is no blood upon the grass of the hills. Their ridges no longer 

resound with battle. The darker rolling woodlands are no longer 

the hiding-place of the wolf, the felon, and the spy. Painted 

Goidhals, fair and large-statured Brythons, Gallo-Roman legions 

and their native auxiliaries, fiercer Teutons, stalwart Danes and 

their kindred Normans, all have vanished, even as these fair 

rushing clouds will do, leaving the landscape to the kestrel, the 

wheatear, and the golden bunting, the little kings of the air, and 

free-tenants of this Manor. 














Page Ixrvj. William, Lord Berkeley v. Margaret, Countess of Shrews- 
bury. Copy printed of Bill, Answer and Replication. Five folio pages. 
Mention of the Manor of Wotton and of the Countess's son, Lord Lyle, and 
John, late Viscount Lislez. Temp. Edward iiij. 

(Note in Calendar :) These proceedings form but a small part of the 
litigations which, for a long series of years, were carried on between the noble 
families of Berkeley and Talbot, and which produced quarrels frequently 
attended with the most outrageous riots and bloodshed on both sides. These 
controversies began soon after the decease of Thomas, Lord Berkeley, who 
died in the fifth year of the reign of King Henry the 5th, leaving an only 
child, Elizabeth, married to Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, where- 
upon part of the lands legally descended to this Earl, in right of his wife, and 
the castle and barony of Berkeley, with several manors, etc., to James, 
nephew to Thomas the last baron, under an entail made by Thomas, his great 
grandfather. See Smith's " History of the Berkeley Family," and Dugdale, 
volume i., pp. 362-367. 

Page 385. Temp. Elizabeth. G. g. 14, No. 16. Raffe Gyll and Jane, his 
wife, late wife of George Symons, deceased, and William, the son of said 
George and Jane, v. Brice Barkley and John Watershippe. Claims under a 
settlement on marriage. Land in the parish of Wotton-under-Edge, late the 
estate of James Barkley, Esq., deceased, father of plaintiff Jane, and by him 
settled, on her marriage with Geo. Symons. 

Volume ij., page xxix. Edmond, Duke of Somerset, Alianor, his wife, 
John, Earl of Shrewsbury, Margaret, his wife, and George Nevill, Lord 
Latymer, and Elizabeth, his wife, v. William Payn. For the recovery of 
evidences respecting the Manor of Wotton-under-Edge in the County of 
Gloucester. Bill printed. Temp. Henry vj. 

Index of Chancery Proceedings. Series 2, page 249. Bundle 14, No. 17. 
Lady Lysle, widow, v. [James Bassett]. Painswick and Moreton Valence, 
manors of; Ebley [Epney], Horsley, Stanley-Pontlarge, Stroud-End, Shep- 
combe, Edge and Edgeworth (fragment). Date, 1558-1579. 




PRO PRIORE DE LLANTHON'. Rex Omnibus ad quos, etc., salutem. Sciatis 
quod de gracia nostra special! et pro eo quod dilecti nobis in Christo Prior et 
Conuentus de Llanthon' iuxta Gloucestriam literas nostras patentes per quas 
eis tenebamur in Centum marcis ab eis ad opus nostrum nuper mutuatis nobis 
in Cancellaria nostra restituerunt cancellandas concessimus et licenciam 
dedimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris quantum in nobis est eisdem Priori et 
Conuentui quod ipsi vicarias ecclesiarum sancti Audoeni Gloucestrie ac Paynes- 
wyk et Prestebury Wygorniensis diocesis que quidem vicarie in toto ad vigint, 
et duas marcas videlicet dicta vicaria sancti Audoeni ad quinque marcasi 
prefata vicaria de Payneswyk ad decem marcas sex solidos et octo denarios, et 
predicta vicaria de Prestebury ad sex marcas sex solidos et octo denarios 
taxantur vt accepimus et quorum quidem ecclesiarum prefati Prior et 
Conuentus persone existunt et easdem ecclesias in proprios vsus tenent eisdem 
personalibus et prioratui suo predicto vnire annectere et incorporare et 
easdem vicarias sic vnitas annexas et incorporatas in proprios vsus tenere 
possint sibi et successoribus suis imperpetuum sine occasione vel impedimento 
nostri vel heredum nostrorum lusticiariorum, Escaetorum, Vicecomitum aut 
aliorum ballivorum sui Ministrorum nostrorum vel heredum nostrorum 
quorumcumque Statuto de terris et tenementis ad manum mortuam non 
ponendis edito non obstante. In cuius, etc. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium 
vj. die Maii (A.D. 1398) per ipsum Regem nunciante Duce Surreie. 

In return for a Loan of 100 marks, the King (through the Duke of 
Surrey), at Westminster gives leave to the Prior and Convent of Llantony at 
Gloucester, to incorporate the three vicarages of St Owen at Gloucester, and 
Painswick, and Prestbury (which are taxed respectively at 5 marks, and 10 
marks, 6s. and 8d.), to hold them to their own use, in perpetuity. 

Cf. p. 22, Hist. Church of S. Mary, at Painswick. 

1626. 2 Charles j. April 4. Assessment of the second Subsidy granted 

i Charles j. 



Edwardus Tocknell, generosus in terris ... ij li. ... o 8 o 

Thomas Lovedaye in terris ... ij li. ...080 

Samuell Hoson ( = Hobson. See fj|) ... in terris ... j li. ... o 4 o 

Johannes Osborne de Segrems in terris ... j li. ... o 4 o 

Johannes Banknette in terris ... j li. ...040 

Johannes Osborne de Lonckredge in terris ... j li. ... o 4 o 

Heres Ricardi Deane in terris ... j li. ...040 

Ricardus Gardner de Combhowse... in terris ... ij li. ... o 8 o 



Jacobus Tayler et Johannes Forte 

in terris . 

. jli. 


Samuell Seaman, Armiger 

in terris . 

,. vli. 


Ricardus Packer 

in terris . 

. ijli. 



Edmundus Fletcher 

in bonis . 

. vli. 

... o 13 4 

Thomas Webbe 

in bonis . 

,. vli. 

... o 13 4 

Johanna Bishoppe, vidua 

in bonis . 

. iij li. 


Daniell Pincke 

in bonis . 

. iij li. 


Willelmus Mayoe 

in bonis ., 

. iij li. 


Willelmus Acson, clericus 

in bonis .. 

. iij li. 


Robertas Rogers 

in bonis .. 

. iij li. 


Thomas Tayler 

in bonis . 

. . iij li. 


Thomas Clissould 

in bonis ., 

. iij li. 


Thomas Blisse 

in bonis .. 

. iij li. 


Johannes Watkins 

in bonis . 

. iij li. 


Willelmus Osborne 

in bonis .. 

. iiij li. 

... o 10 o 

Johannes Russell 

in bonis .. 

. iij li. 


Johannes Kinge 

in bonis .. 

. iij li. 


Ricardus Gardiner 

in bonis .. 

. iij li. 


Thomas Castle 

in bonis ., 

. iij li. 


Willelmus Blisse 

in bonis .. 

. iij li. 


Johannes Winchcombe 

in bonis . 

,, iii li. 


Willelmus Leigh, generosus 

in bonis .. 

. iij li. 


Willelmus Mayle 

in bonis . 

. iij li. 


Thomas Wyne 

in bonis . 

.. iijli. 


Thomas Horrup 

in bonis . 

. iij li. 


Henricus Mayoe 

in bonis . 

. iij li. 


Summa .. 

. iiij li. 

ivjs. viijd. 


1641. 17 Charles i. April 5. Assessment of the first two Subsidies 
granted November 3, 16 Charles j. 


Edwardus Tocknell, generosus 

Thomas Loveday 

Thomas Davis ... 
Ricardus Smith 

Margeria Packer 

Thomas Packer 

Thomas Gardiner de Combshouse 

Thomas Kinne 

Johannes Banknett 

Anthonius Gardiner 

in terris 
in terris 
in terris 
in terris 
in terris 
in terris 
in terris 
in terris 
in terris 
in terris 




viij s. 
viij s. 
viij s. 
viij s. 
viij s. 
viij s. 
viij s. 



Alicia Taylor et Willelmus Reeve . . . 

in terris . . . 

jli. . 

. viij s. 

Henricus Webbe ... 

in terris ... 

ijli. . 

. xvj s. 

Robertus Hillman 

in terris ... 

jli. . 

. viijs. 

Thomas Blisse de Brownsgreene 

in terris ... 

jli. .. 

. viij s. 

Walterus Pearce et Joane Osborne ... 

in terris ... 

jli. .. 

. viij s. 

Johannes Liggon, generosus 

in terris ... 

jli. .. 

. viij s. 

Thomas Webbe... 

in bonis 

vli. .. 

xxvj s. viij d. 

Henricus Fletcher 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Willelmus Osborne 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Thomas Bishopp 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Johannes Gardiner de Shepscomb ... 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Willelmus Acson, clericus 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Georgius Fletcher 

in bonis ... 

iiij li. . 

.. xxj s. iiij d. 

Willelmus Barnes 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Thomas Blisse de well 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

xvj s, 

Egidius Feild, generosus 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Johannes Rod way 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Anthonius Poole 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Willelmus Griffin 

in bonis ... 

iiij li. .. 

. xxjs. iiij il. 

Thomas Clissold 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Johannes Winchcomb, senior 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Egidius Watkins 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Johannes Kinge 

in bonis 

iij H. . . 

xvi s. 

Thomas Horrupp 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

- T J J 

. xvj s. 

Ricardus Gardiner 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Robertus Cooke 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Thomas Castell 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Robertus Rogers 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Henricus Mayo 

in bonis 

iij li. 

xvi s 

Thomas Winne, junior 

in bonis ... 

iij li. .. 

A J a. 

. xvj s. 


xxvili. iiis 


ROLL ftf. 

1641. 17 Charles j. May 8. Assessment of the last two of four subsidies 

granted November 3, 16 Charles j. 




Edwardus Tocknell, generosus 

in terris ... 

jli. .. 

. viij s. 

Thomas Loveday 

in terris . . . 

jli. ... 

viij s. 

Thomas Davis ... 

in terris 

j li. 

viij s. 

Richardus Smith 

in terris . . . 

J " 

jli. .. 

, viij s. 

Margeria Packer, vidua 

in terris . . . 

jli. .. 

. viij s. 

Thomas Packer 

in terris 

j H 

viij s. 

Thomas Gardner de Combe[house 

in terris] ... 

J 14. . . 

jli. .. 

. viij s. 



Thomas Kynne ... 

in [terris] ... j li. 

viij s. 

Johannes Banknett 

in [terris] ... j li. .. 

. viij s. 

Henricus Webbe 

in terris ... ij li. 

. xvj s. 

Alicia Taylor 

[in terris] ... j li. 

viij s. 

Robertus Hillman 

in terris ... j li. .. 

. viijs. 

Thomas Blisse de Brownsgreene ... 

in terris ... j li. 

. viij s. 

Johannes Ligon, generosus 

in terris ... j li. .. 

. viij s. 

Joane Osborne, vidna 

in terris ... j li. .. 

. viij s. 

Anthonius Gardner 

in terris ... j li. 

. viij s. 

Thomas Webbe 

in bonis ... vj li. 

xxxij s. 

Henricus Fletcher 

in bonis ... iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Willelmus Osborne 

in bonis ... iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Thomas Bishopp 

in bonis ... iij li. . 

. xvj s. 

Thomas Walker 

in bonis ... iij li. . 

. xvj s. 

'Willelmus Acson, clericus ... 

in bonis ... iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Willelmus Barnes 

in bonis ... iij li. 

. xvj s. 

Georgius Fletcher 

in bonis ... iiij li. . 

. xxjs. iiijd. 

Thomas Bliss de Well 

in bonis ... j li. .. 

. viij s. 

Willelmus Feild 

in bonis ... iij li. 

. xvj s. 

Thomas Winne, junior 

in bonis ... iij li. ., 

. xvj s. 

Johannes Rod way 

in bonis ... iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Antonius Poole 

in bonis ... iij li. ., 

. xvj s. 

Thomas Clissold 

in bonis ... iij li. ., 

. xvj s. 

Willelmus Griffin 

in bonis ... iij li. . 

. xvj s. 

Johannes Whiteing 

in bonis ... iij li. 

. xvj s. 

Gidius Watkins 

in bonis ... iij li. ., 

. xvj s. 

Johannes Kinge 

in bonis ... iij li. . 

. xvj s. 

Thomas Horrupp 

in bonis ... iij li. .. 

. xvj s. 

Gidius Harding . 

in bonis ... iij li. 

xvj s. 

Robertus Cooke ... 

in bonis ... iij li. 

xvj s. 

Thomas Castell 

in bonis ... iij li. 


Robertus Rogers 

in bonis ... iij li. 

J * 

. xvj s. 

Henricus Mayo 

in bonis ... iij li. 

xvj s. 

"Johannes Trye, generosus 

in bonis ... v li. .. 

. xxvj s. viij d. 

Thomas Taylor 

in terris ... j li. .. 

. viij s. 

Summa 97 li. 

jxxviii 8s. od. 


1641. 17 Charles j. November 22. Assessment of the 

last two of six 

subsidies granted 3 November, 16 Charles j. 




Johannes Trye generosus 

in bonis ... v li. ... 

j li. vj s. viij d. 

Thomas Webbe .. 

in bonis ... vi li. 

i li. xii s. 

i. Vicar of Pains wick. 

2. Husband of Mrs Seaman, for Court-House. 



Georgius Fletcher 

in bonis . 

. . iiij .i. 

li. j s. iiij d. 

Henricus Mayoe 

in bonis . 

.. iij li. 


Henricus Webbe 

in terris . 

.. ijli. 


Thomas Davies 

in terris . 

.. j li. 


Margeria Packer vidua 

in terris . 

.. jli. 


Ricardus Smithe... 

in terris . 

.. jli. 


Thomas Packer 

in terris . 

.. jli. 


Thomas Gardiner de Combe howse ... 

in terris . 

.. jli. 


Thomas Kynn 

in terris . 

.. j It. 

viij s. 

Johannes Banknott 

in terris . 

.. jli. 


Alicia Taylor et Willelmus Reeve ... 

in terris , 

.. jli. 

viij s. 

Henricus Fletcher 

in bonis . 

.. iij li. 


Willelmus Osborne 

in bonis . 

.. iij li. 

xvj s. 

Thomas Bishopp 

in bonis . 

.. iijli. 


Henricus Gardner de le greene howse 

in terris . 

.. jli. 


Johannes Gardner et Walterus Pearce 

in terris . 

.. jli. 

viij s. 

Willelmus Ackson clericus 

in bonis 

.. iij li. 


Willelmus Wantinge 

in terris . 

.. jli. 

viij s. 

Willelmus Barnes 

in terris . 

.. jli. 


Thomas Blisse de le well 

in terris , 

.. jli. 

viij s. 

Thomas Taylor de le mill 

in terris , 

.. jli. 


Egidius Field 

in terris . 

.. j li. 


Edmundus Clementes 

in terris 

.. jli. 


Thomas Wynne, junior 

in bonis 

,.. iij li. 


Anthonius Poole 

in bonis . 

iij li. 


Thomas Clissold 

in bonis 

... iij li. 

xvj s. 

Willelmus Griffine 

in bonis 

iij li. 

xvj s. 

Johannes Winchcombe, senior 

in bonis 

,.. iij li. 


Egidius Watkins 

in bonis 

.. iij li. 


Robertus Hillman 

in terris . 

.. jli. 


Thomas Blisse de Brownes greene . . . 

in terris . 

.. jli. 


Johannes Kinge de le Hill 

in bonis 

,.. iij li. 


Thomas Horrapp 

in bonis 

iij li. 

xvj s. 

Ricardus Gardner 

in bonis 

.. iij li. 


Robertus Cooke... 

in bonis 

iij li. 


Thomas Castle 

in bonis 

iij li. 


Robertus Rogers 

in bonis 

... iij li. 


Vidua Osborne et Vidua Burdocke ... 

in terris 

.. jli. 


Johannes Ligon, generosus 

in terris 

... jli. 

viij s. 

Johannes Jordan, junior, et Johannes 

Jordan, senior 

in terris 

... jli. 


Edwardus Toknell, generosus 

in terris , 

.. jli. 

viij s. 

Johannes Rodwaie 

in bonis 

,.. iij li. 



xxviii li. os. od. 


LAY SUBSIDY ROLL, ^1- [A.D. 1672]. 

We, the Minister of the Parish of 'Painswick, together with the Church- 
wardens and overseers of the 'poore of the said Parish, do hereby certifie 
unto his Majesties Justices of the Peace for the said County 1 That we do 
believe, that the respectiye Houses wherein the Persons here under-named 
do Inhabit, are not of greater value than twenty shillings per Annum, upon the 
full improved Rent ; And that neither the Person so inhabiting, nor any other 
using the same Messuages hath, useth, or occupieth any Lands or Tenements 
of their own, or others, of the yearly value of twenty shillings per Annum ; 
Nor hath any Lands or Tenements, Goods or Chattels, of the value of ten 
Pounds in their own possession, or in the possession of any other in trust for 
them ; And that the said Houses have not above two Chimneys, Fire- 
hearths, and Stoves in them respectively. Witness our Hands this 3' day of 
June, 1672.' 










































'We Allow of this Certificate containing 73 Names. 3 




[Endorsed : ] Painswick. 

N OTE .__ The first eighteen lines of Sheet i, are in print, except the five 
words marked in this copy 1 1 , the word "County" and the numbers 

"3," "1672," also here marked '. The eight words on Sheet 3 marked ' 

are in print except the number " 73." 


[Circa. 7, 1440]. 

Item to de la Haye ij ti. stekys of wollen Clothe the price ... xd. 

Item delyvered to olde elvryge (? Elvira) wyfe of Churysdone 

as mech wollen clothe as commeth iij s. and j d. to be 

payed at Mydsomer nex commyng 

Item delyvered to Watkyng Croydy wyff Thomas Sparow 

suerte as a scherte and an apryn clothe the price ... xvjd. 

Item delyvered to Harry Dudbryge a cade of sproote the 

price ij s. and xxxx li. of Reysynnys the price of them 

iij s. and iiij d vs. iiijd. 

Item delyveryd to John Morers half a decen of Wyke yeyrne 

the price xvd. 

Item to Willyam Baker servaunt to John Barnard ij. shurtes 

price ijs. iijd. 

Item to the Smyth at Alvyngate ij. yardes di. quarter of 

Redde clothe price the yard vs xjs. iijd. 

Item to Gregory of Wyttecombe for j //. of blewe threed ... xiij d. 

Item to Sir Richard Baker ij. stykkes j. quarter of Blakke 

fustyan Item j. yard Canwas j. stykke and iij. quarter 

lynyng ijs. xd. 

Item to Elnore Tonnysend for di elle holand vjd. 

Item to Pase is wiff xij d. 

Item to Sir Thomas Lomys iij. yardis di. grene cloth price 

the yard vj s. viij d. Summa xxiij s. iiij d. 


Item to Studys wyfe yn lynyn cloth ijs. ijd. ob. 

Item to Thomas Wynon For wollen cloth iijs. 

Item to John Mors For wex vij s. 

Item to William Ermyn For buckeram and lynyn cloth ... vij s. 

Item di. yard Bokeram vd. 

Item to Willyam Marchall For a gowne cloth the price ... xs. wheroff 

ther is ij s. to payng 

Item to the same William For j lib. hempe iiijd. 

Item to Walter Berowe iij. quarters saten and j. sette 

of sipres vs. viijd. 

Item to the taylour before Andrewe Bye for j. shurte ... xiiij d. 

Item Alson Adams remeynyth unpayde for j. sette ... vd. 

Item Margeri Morgan for j apron ... ... ... ... ixd. 

Item to Henry Dudbrygge on Ester Evyn for Cesyll ij s. 

Item for ij. brode yardes blanket xxd. Summa ... iijs. viijd. 
Johannes Mors for di dosen Wex iij s. vj d. suerte William 

Wallewen iijs. vjd. 


A.D. 1086. WYKE HAD ITS PRIEST. [Domesday Survey]. 

1156-90. [Sometime within these years]. ' ROGER THE 

1282. GODFREY 

1295. JOHN KEYS. 


1 374-5- JOHN BORGEYS : Sub-Deacon at Payneswike. 

Chaplain at Stroud, 1400. 
1382. JOHN BUCKE. 
1384. GEOFFREY LUTTERWORTH. [Acolyte at Painswick : 

Walter Bray]. 

1402. JOHN BUCKE. [Perpetual Vicar]. 
i4io?-i426. JOHN NORTON. 
1429. JOHN FARTHYNGALE [Capellanus]. 

i. Advowson belonged to the Canons of Llantony Secunda at Gloucester 
1 1539. C< 
their Vicar's. 

until 1539. Consequently, the great tythe had been theirs, the small tythe 

2. Summoned for taking Hares and Rabbits. (Ct. R. Portfolio 175, 
n. 9, m. i). 



1489. ROBERT MYLL. [Church rebuilt]. 




1548-54. JOHN WILLIAMS, LL.D. 

1554-58. RICHARD CHEYNEY, B.D. [Bishop of Gloucester, 

1558-64. LAURENCE CASE. 

1 5 6 4-73- WALTER JONES. 


1573 (Nov.) ARTHUR MASSINGER. [The same name as the 
dramatic poet's father, who died in 1606. There 
were Tablets to him and his son on the outside 
of the Church. Rudder]. 


("JOHN BULLINGHAM, D.D. [Bishop of Bristol and 

1584. -I Gloucester. 


1599 (June 2). FRANCIS YATE. (Curate: WILLIAM ACSON). 

1622-41. WILLIAM ACSON (i6th June). RICHARD CAPEL 

1642-44. THOMAS WILD. 


1685-6-1702. SAMUEL ROGERS. 

1702-37. JOHN DOWNES. Assistant: REV. PHILLIP SHEP- 
HERD (Reeve of Painswick Manor, 1739). 

1737 (May 25). JOHN WILTSHEERE. Curate : REV. THOMAS 
RAWLINS, 1740. 

1762-94. JOHN MOSELEY. REV. PITT, Curate. 

1795-1823. JOHN FEARON. 






















(/ = Personal Name) 
(i) EDGE 



THE STYRTS, i.e., 






















(3) SLAD 




(S. Peter's Glouc.) UPLANDS 




































(From the Tithe-Map) 


ASHCROFT ponds included) 







1838. PRICES 








THE HALES (Pasture) 

THE BARROW (Arable) 




per Bushel. 

Payed ^162 to the owner of the Tithes, in lieu of them. 












(yolbs. of Potatoes). (Welsh: MWNT). 


URCHIN = HEDGEHOG (Fr. H<5risson.) 


ACKENBACH, Henry 186 

Acson, Rev. William (Vicar) 

1 88, 194, 200 

Adams, Nathaniel 

Adey, Ralph 

Albemarle, D. of 

Albini, Wm. de 

Alditha 43 

Alfred, King 35 

Alfricus 43 

Altar (Inscribed) 163 

Andrews Family, of Haresfield 166 

. 221 
. 210 
. 209 
69, 71 







Anesty, Dionysia de 

Anesty, Nicolas de 

Ankaret (i) Talbot 

Ankaret (2) Talbot 

Anne Boleyn, Queen ... 

Architectural Style 


Arms of Talbot 

Arms of Kingston 

Arrows '^4 

Atkins, James 2I 7 

Atkyns, Sir Robert ... 38, 40, 214 

Atrebates 18 

Austin Canons 79> 93 

Avening 3 s 

Avon l6 

BACKHOUSE, Capt 196 

Badgworth, Manor of 118 

Ball, Robt., Esq. 224 

Bangrove-mead 17 

Bannister, Rev. A. T. ... 55, 62 

Baptist Church, The 225 

Bayeui, Bp. of 59 

Barnes, W 179 




Bassett, Sir John 
Bassett, William 
Batcombe Quarry 


Baylee, Rev. Jos. 

Beard, H., Esq 

Beauchamp, Margt. 

Beavan, C. 

Bedingfield, Lady 
Bedingfield, Sir H. 

Bellows, John 

Bellows, W 

Bells, The 

Berkeley Barony, The ... 

Berkeley Castle 

Berkeley, James, Lord... 

Berkeley, Maurice 

Berkeley Richard 

Berkeley, Sir Maurice ... 

Berkeley, William, Lord 

Betun, Robert, Bp. 





Black Death, The 

Black Will of Dene .. 

Blake well 

Blisse, Laomedon 

Blisse, Thomas 

Blockade of Gloucester 

Blysse, George ... 


24, 78, 102 
2, 6, 33, 37 
... i6 
. J43 
... 159 
... 132 
1 8, 225 
... 164 
... 207 
... 13 
... 196 
... 225 
... 165 

22, 217 
... 215 

2 1 8, 220 
... 120 

121, 192 
... I2O 
... 122 

... 159 
... 122 
... 52 
38, 196 

16, 28 

... 40 
... 94 
... 123 
... 28 
... 186 
124, 144 
... 196 
... 168 
... 197 



Bodrugan, Sir H. 123 

Bordar 48 

Boston, Massachusetts 219 

Botolph, Sir Gregory 151 

Boulogne, Eustace, Ct. of ... 38 

Bourton 18 

Bowley, Samuel ... ... ... 217 

Bowling Green, The (Stroud)... 219 

Brandon, Sir Charles 142 

Bread-Street 27, 38 

Bret, Walter le 88 

Briavels, St 60, 123 

Bridesmead ... ... ... 175 

Bridge, Thomas 124 

Bridgeman, Geo. 192 

Bridges, Lord Chandos... 164, 168 
Bridgman, Mr John ... 179, 183 
Bristol, Siege of... ... ... 64 

Brockworth 29, 202 

Bromwich, Sir John ... 12, 94 

Brook-house 174, 221 

Brookthorpe 35, 199 

Brotheridge 19, 29 

Brown, Rev. Wm. F 218 

Browne, Thomas, Esq 212 

Bryan 4 

Buckholt 15, 16, 23, 28, 36 

Buckingham, George, 

ist Duke of ... 
Bulcross ... 
Burhred, King 
Burnt Island 

... 186 
168, 175 


Button, Mr 146 

Buttingtone 35 

Butts 7, 33> 49. 74 

CAER-GLOU 5, 16, 21 

Camden ... ... ... ... 185 

Camps at Painswick 5, 16, 19, 20, 
29, 40, 1 60 

Cantii, The 18 

Capel, William 192 

Capels, The 221 

Carick, or Carygue, R. ... 170, 181 

Carleon 22 

Carucate, A 49 

Caruthers Family, The 224 

Caerwent 22 

Castle Godwine 39 

Castle Hale or Hall 57, 66, 69, 76, 77, 
90, 130, 158, 171 

Castles, The 39 

Cat 28, 34 

Catuvellauni 18 

Catway, The 28 

Ceawlin 35 

Ceilings worked 3 

Ceolwulf, King 35 

Chancery Proceedings ... 183,227 
Chandos, Bridges, Lord 148, 164, 168 

Chantry, The 94, 153 

Charlotte, Queen 121 

Chastillon ... ... ... ... 101 

Chaucer, Geoff. 79 

Cheddar, Sir Thomas 104 

Chepstow, Bridge at ... ... 210 

Chester-Master Family, The ... 192 

Chew, Mr 134 

Church-House of S. John 170, 174 
Cirencester 18, 29, 33, 35, 40, 47, 192 

Clattergrove 109 

Clifford, Henry 220 

Climperwell 15, 34 

Clinton, Thomas 153 

Clock and Chimes, The ... 209 

Cloth-Trade, The 214 

Cnut, King 40 

Coaley 27 

Coaley, Manor of 121 

Cobberley 194 

Cock-Fighting 219 

Cockshoot 30,103 

Coins 24 

Collins, Walter ... 125, 127, 128, 134 

Colonia, A. 5,22 

Combe-House 28, 79 

Comyn, Elizabeth ... 12, 91 

Comyn, John (Red) ... 12, 90 

Cooke, John 210 

Cooke, Stephen, Esq 223 

Coombe-House (Llantony's) ... 170 



Cooper's Hill 5, 19 

Copy-Holders, The 76 

Corbet (historian) 197 

Corbett, Rev. Wm 174 

Cormeilles, Ansfrid de 54 

Cossey (Co. Norfolk) 172 

Cotteswold 34 

Court-Baron, The 76 

Court-House, The 158, 163, 185, 190, 
212, 221, 224 

Courtenay, Henry, E. of Devon 

13, loo, 143 

Coventry, Mr Th : ... 179,183 

Cranham 2, 8, 15, 22, 34, 

37, 47, So, zzf 

Cranham Camp ... ... ... 193 

Crochen 108, in, 117 

Cromwell, Thomas, E. of Essex 

13, 144, W '5 6 

Croome, Edward 14 

Cross, A White 174 

Cross, Limb rick's 175 

Cross Keys, The 210 

Crosses, The 78, 102, 154 

Crown, The (Inn) 210 

Cudhill 15, 28 

Culverhouse, A 108, 114 

Cuphouse 188 

Custom Scrubbs 30 

Customs of the Manor 78,135,178,183 

DAMSEL, John ... 
Damsel, Nicholas 
Damsel, Ralph ... 
Damsel, William... 


Damsels, The ... 10, 101, 109, 115, 
117, 133. '74 

Daneway 36 

Danish Names 35 

Da vies, John, Rev. (Vicar) ... 125 

Davies, Mrs 33 

Davis, Joseph, Mr 215 

Davis, Uriah 209, 225 

Delle, The 99, iS3,2'5 

Demesne-Lands, The 77 

Devon, Eliz., C. of 143 

Dick, Edmund 218 

Dispensers, The 91 

Dobell, Sydney 217 

Dobuni 16, 18, 21 

Dod, or Dodd 86 

Dorington, Sir John, Bt. ... 222 
Dor wood (Family) ... 203, 209 
Dorwood, Rev G. (Vicar) 190, 201, 204 
Dover House ... ... ... 224 

Druitt Family 216 

Dryslwyn Castle (Drosilan) ... 84 
Ducie, Sir R. ... ... ... 202 

Duddescombe 7,34,49,86 

Dudley, Edmund 13, 143 

Dudley, John, D. of Northum- 
berland 13, 143, 148, 156 

Duntisbourne Manor ... ... 54 

Dutton, Elizabeth 194 

Dutton, John 194 

Dutton, Sir Ralph 13, 158, 163, 167, 
1 88, 189, 190, 202 

Dyers, The ... 218 

Dymock ... ... ... ... 195 

Dyrham, Battle of 25 

EBBWORTH 2, u, 15, 28, 33, 79, 

102, 134,210,223 

Eddels Lane 37 

Edge 8, 28, 79, 91 

Edg worth ... 46, 58, 88, 102, 153 

Edg worth, Stephen de 88 

Edward (Confessor) King 38, 41 

Edward IV 124 

Ellernhill 102 

Elizabeth, Lady Lisle 143 

Ellis, Mr A. S 53 

Englishill 142 

Ermin Street 28, 165 

Ernisi ... 12, 39, 41, 42, 43, 52 

Essington 197 

Evesham 43 

Ewyas, Priory of 55 

FAIR, The 

... 71, 77, 80, 83, 90 

Fairford (Effigy at) 167 

Falcon, The (Inn)... 212,219,222 

Felon's Goods, A 170 

Feoffees of our Lady 109, 116, 129 



Fergusson, Wm. B. 


Gloucester, Humphrey, D. of... 

1 20 

Field, Giles, Esq. 

204, 207 

Gloucester, Rob., Earl of 59, 61 



237, 238 

Gloucester, Siege of 


Field, Richard ... 


Gloucester, Wm., Earl of 


Fitzjohn, Agnes ... 

.. 12, SI, 67 

Glover, William 

1 20 

Fitzjohn, Cecilia ... 

12, 54, 5 6 , 58, 



Fitzjohn, Pain ... 7, 

61, 66, 70 

12, 37, 45, 53, 
54, 57, 58, 67 

Godwin, Castle ... 3, 15, 19, 39, 
Godwin, Geoffrey 

j u 


Fitzjohn, Sybil ... 7, 

12, 37, 45, 53, 

God wine, Earl 


55, 56, 58, 62 

Goodrich Castle 87, 104, 


Fitz-Ponz, Drogo 


Gore, Robert le 


Flanesford, Priory of 

.. 79, 92, 108, 

Greenhampstead... ... 41 


134, 146, 168 

Green Cloth 


Fletcher, Geo., Esq. 




Fox, George 


Green-lay ... 




/ J 

Green Street 


Frank-Pledge, View of 


Greenwood, W., Esq 


Free- Warren, Right of 


Grenville, Sir Thomas 


Friday Street 
Frieze, Grey 
Frith House 
Frith, The 

35, 168 
.. 19, 26, 197 

Grey, John 
Grey, Lady Jane ... 
Grey, Sir Edward 13, 104, 124, 

I 4 2 



... 8, 16 

7 J 

Furnival, Neville, Lord 

100, IOI 

Guthlac, St. 45, 52, 79, 83, 98, 99, 




GABLES, The ... 

185, 210 

Gyde, Richard 


Gallows, The 74, 75, 

116, 164, 166, 

170, 175 

, 184, 213, 222 

HALE, Sir M 


Gardner, John ... 


Hall, Benedict 


Gardner, Thomas 

167, 180 

Hallhagan Manor ... 44 


Garlick, Rev. G. ... 


Ham 6, 7, 33 


Case, Rev. L. (Vicar) 


Hambutts 33, 


George, John 


Hammond, Edward ... 125, 


George, William... 


Harald de Ewias 


George Inn, The... 




George III. 


Haresfield 19, 26 




Haresfield Manor ... 144, 


Giffard, Helyas de 


Hartshorne, Mr Albert 


Gilbert, Robert ... 


Hastings, John de 




Hatherop ... 


Giraldus Cambrensis 

6 4 

Haynes Green 



5, !6, 22 

Hazle-hanger Dell 


Glendower, Owen 


Helion, Walter de 


Gloucester... 5, 16, : 

M, 22, 38, 192 

Hengham, R. de 


Gloucester Castle 


Henry I., King 




Henry IV. , 

Henr y v. 

Henry VI. 

Herbert, Margaret 

Herbert, Thomas 

Herbert, W. H., Esq 

Herings ... 96, 98, 154, ,67, 193 

Heryngs, Walter ... 9 6, 98, 154 


,00, IOI 


... 6 4 

... 225 
... I 95 
... IO2 

- '53 
... 217 

28, 34, 167 
... 225 

'43, 156 
... 164 

Hesding, Arnulf de 

Hicks, Sir R., Bart. 


High Street 

Hill, Rev. Richard 

Hinton Family ... 


Holy well Wood ... 

Honor, Lady Lisle 

Hooper, Bishop ... 


Horsepools 28, 101, 124 

Howard, Muriel, Lady 13 

Huddiknoll ... 101, 108, 213 

Hull, Amy de 84 

Hull, John de 84 

Humphries, W. 


Huntley, John 

Hyde, William 

Hyett, or Hiatt, James, Constable 

of St Briavels 123 

Hyett, F. A., Esq. 153, 159, 205 

Hyett, Mr C 78,210,213 

Hyetts, The (of Dursley) ... 123 







30, 33, 37 

Independents (Congreg.) ... 217 

Ireland, John 124 

Isca Silurum 22 

Isugg (or isaac) 35 

JERNEGAN, Henry ... 13, 180 

Jernegan, Thomas 160 

Jerningham, Bridget, Lady ... 13 
Jerningham, Edward, Esq. ... 224 

Jerningham, Eleanor ... 167, 182 
Jerningham, Frances, Lady 166, 172 
Jerningham, John ... 13, :8i 
Jerningham, Sir Francis, Bart. 14, 209 
erningham, Sir Henry, Bart. 

'3, 163, 165 

Jerningham, Sir John, Bart. ... 14 
Jerningham, Sir Wm., Bart. 14, 222 
Jerninghams, The ... 13,117 

Jews, The ?o 

Jourdayne, Wm. ... II7 


Killeen Castle, Co. Meath 

Kimsbury Hill 


Kings, British 

Kingston, Mary, Lady ... 13, 

Kingston, Sir A 13, 

Kingston, Sir W. 13, 141, 144, 
Kingston, Sir W. (Tomb of) 


Knapp Lane 

Knyvett, Sir Thomas ... 




... 84 
... 63 
... 109 
... 5, 16 
... 24 

'53, '64 
145, 164 

'5, 153 

... 2OI 

... 3 6 

... 213 

... 142 

... 24 

- 2, 33 
... 24 

LACI, Adeliza de 
Laci, Agnes de ... 
Laci, Ermelina de 
Laci, Emma de ... 
Laci, Gilbert de ... 
Laci, Hugh (i) de... 

Laci, Hugh (2) de 
Laci, Heloise de ... 
Laci, Henry de ... 
Laci, Ilbert de ... 
Laci,R. de... 12, 42, 
Laci, Walter de (i) 
Laci, Walter de (2) 



- '2, 45, 53 


45, 54 

45, 53, 56, 64 
45, 53, 56, 58, 67 

"2, 44, 45, 5', 
53, 54, 58, 226 





43, 44, 45, 48, 59 
'2, 43, 45, 54 

'2, 37, 45, 
5, 56, 61 





Legions, Roman 24 

Leicester, Robert, Earl of ... 61 

Lightning 222 

Lisle, Gerard, Lord 120 

Lisle, John, Lord 13, 104, 121, 134, 141 

Lisle, Thomas, Vise. 13, 104, 113, 
122, 123, 141 

Lisle, The Lords 13, 123, 141, 145, 149 

Lisours, Robert de 65 

Little, John 208 

Little, William 208, 221 

Llantony ... 28, 44, 51, 72, 73, 83, 
93, 98, 132, 153 

Lodge, The 51, 124, 146, 158, 160, 
189, 213, 222, 225 

Longhope, Manor of ... ... 118 

Longridge Wood 30, 103, 109, 145, 225 

Loder, R. (Hanged) 175 

Lord's Mead 77 

Loveday, Anne 188 

Loveday, John 142 

Loveday, Roger (1277) 89 

Loveday, Thomas ... 136, 153 

Loveday, W 208 

Lovedays, The 168, 215 

Lowe, Sir James (Vicar) ... 153 

Lucie, Elizabeth 143 

Ludloes 126, 221 

Ludlow 62 

Lullingworth 33, 212 

Lydney 195 

Lydney, Manor of ... ... 118 

Lygon, Arnold 167, 173 

Lygon, Roger 167, 172 

Lygon, Richard 167, 173 

Lygon, John, Esq. ... 167,202 

Lyncombe ... ... ... 33 

Lypiatt ... 28, 197 

MAINE, Walter de 67 

Maitland, Prof. ... ... ... 72 

Malignants ... ... ... 195 

Maltravers, Wm. de ... ... 60 

Malverns, The 226 

Mandeville, Henry de ... 70, 167 

Mandeville, R. de 91 

Manor, A , f 6 

Manor Account, A t j 2 

Manor Courts 4; g 

Manumissio, A jgg 

Mare, Wm. de la 89 

Markets, The 213 

Marsland, Ellis ^8 

Marshall, Ansfrid, Earl of 

Pembroke 12, 72, 82 

Maschoit, Forest of 55 

Mason Family, The 216 

Mason, Joan 128, 131 

Massey, Col 195 

Matilda (or Maud) Queen 43, 52 

Matson 30, 194 

Mattesdune, Ernulf de ... 30,37 

Maud, Empress 60, 62 

Maunsell, Sir W 88 

Maurdine ... ... ... ... 56 

Maurice, Prince 192 

May Hill 226 

Meeting House, The 215 

Merchant Adventurers 185 

Militia, The ... ... ... 210 

Mille, James 106 

Milo of Gloucester 12, 52, 57, 58, 60, 66 

Minchinhampton 16,25 

Miserden Church ... 41, 46, 145 

Monchensi, Agnes de ... 12, 67, 68 
Monchensi Arms... ... ... 88 

Monchensi, Dionysia (i) de 12, 83, 84 
Monchensi, Dionysia (2) de 12, 84 
Monchensi, Dionysia (3) de 12, 85, 88 

Monchensi, Hubert de 68 

Monchensi, Joan (i) de ... 78, 82 

Monchensi, Joan (2) de ... 82,87 

Monchensi, Ralph de ... 68, 73 

Monchensi, Warine de ... 12, 67, 72, 


Monchensi, Wm. (i) de 12, 51, 57, 67 
Monchensi, Wm. (2) de... 12, 67, 68 
Monchensi, Wm. (3) de 12, 69, 73, 74 
Monchensi, Wm. (4) de... 12,83,88 

Monmouth, D. of 210 

Moore, Sir H., Bt. ... 13, 203 



Morecotes ..... 
Moreton Valence... 

1, 90, U7, "8, 

141, 147 

Mosing Mills 187 

Motley, Eliz 154 

Motley, Mr 146, 54 

Motley, Wm. (executioner) ... 166 

Mountjoy, Wm., Lord 143 

Mowbray, Isabel 121 

Murders, Wholesale 71 

Musard, Hascott 42 

Myll, Amos '54 

Myll, Robert (Vicar) 126 

Mynne, Col '97 


Neast, T >79 

New Hall i 2 

New Street 102,113 

Newent '95 

Newnham '95 

Niblett, Mr 220 

Nibley Green, Battle of 122 

Nicholas, Sir E '99 

Node, The 213 

North-Bury 176 

Northleach '85 

Norwood, Wm 181 

Nottingham '9 1 

Noureddin, Sultan 63 

Nursery, The 220 

Osborne, John 
Ow, W. de 




PADBURY Family ...... 217 

Pains wick, Lordship of ...... 123 

Painswick Church 52, 67, 72, 77, 99, 

Palaeolithic Age 
Pales, Cost of 
Palling, Edward 
Palling, John 
Palling, Wm 
Panfield Priory 

114, 128, 134, 153 
... 15 

... 221 
207, 221 
... 221 
177, 190 

Pan's Lodge 213 

Park, The 85, 145, 154, 213 

Park Pool, The 17, 172 

Park, Painswick (new) 213 

Paradise ... 15, 39, 104, 125, 128, 160 

Paschal II., Pope 5 2 

Pawlyn, John 207 

Pawlyns '74 

Payneswick, John de 95 

Petty France 225 

Pilling Cloth 168 

Pinfold 116 

Pin Trade, The 224 

Pinto, Beatrix de ... 12, too 

Pitchcombe 29, 175 

Pitchcombe Manor ... 88, 91 

Pit-dwellings 224 

Pitt, Mr (of Pittville) 16 

Plantagenet, Arthur, Lord 

Lisle 13, 143, '5, '56 

Poitou, Wm. de 63, 67 

Poll-Tax 93, 95 

Pontefract, Honour of 59 

Porchester Castle 144 

Portway 2, 29, 37 

Postlip 28 

Pottery '6 

Pound, The Lord's 172 

Prestbury 'K> 

Prices (c. 1440) 234 

Prinknash (Prinkenash) 23, 28, 35, 36, 
37, 165, 192, 193 

Prior, Louis, Esq 221 

Pullen, R., Esq 224 

Purfrith, Castle of 92 

Pyll-House '74 

Pytte, Thomas I2 4 



Ralegh, Edward 102,152 

Ralegh Family, The 223 

Ralegh, George 152 

Ralegh, Simon >5 2 

Ralegh, Sir E 131 



Ralegh, Thomas 102 

Ralegh, William 102,152 

Ramelin, Bp. of Hereford ... 44 

Randwick 15, 27 

Red Cloth 9, 186, 187 

Red-Rose Tenure ... 99, 108, 115 

Reed, E. W 204 

Reeve, The 7, 8 

Reliefs, Roman 30,33 

Rhinoceros, A 15 

Rhys, Sir J 33 

Rioters Executed 222 

Road System, Roman 17, 25, 27, 29 
Road System, Mediaeval ... 78 
Robert, Duke of Normandy ... 44 

Roberts, Axtell 216 

Roberts, Daniel 216 

Robin's Wood 39 

Rodborough 25 

Rod way, John 204 

Roger (Fitz-Milo), Earl of 

Hereford ... 12, 54, 60, 66, 70 

Rogers, Charles 185 

Rogers Family, The 176 

Rogers, Rev. Samuel 212 

Rogers, Robert 185, 190 

Rogers, William (sen.) ... 203, 205, 
207, 209 

Rogers, William, J. P. 140,209,212 
Roman Villa ... I, 5, 6, 24, 50 
Romulus ... ... ... ... 31 

Round, J. H., Esq. 39, 44, 54, 57, 65 

Rudge, The i 

Rudhall, A 218 

Rufus, William, King ... ... 44 

Rupert, Prince 191 


Salcombe 34, 37, 160 

Salisbury, Roger, Bp. of ... 56 

Salmon's Mill 126 

Salperton 196 

Salt-ridge ... ... ... 34, 36, 160 

Salt-works ... ... ... 34 

Sand Pits 212 

Sarn Way 29 

Saxon Names 
Schiringe's Way ... 


Seaman, Edward 

... 35 

... 28 

36, 93, 168 

... 190 

Seaman, Giles 191, 203, 205, 207, 209 
Seaman, John, D.C.L. 14, 177, 183, 184 
Seaman, Miss E. ... ... ... 185 

Seaman, Mrs E 212 

Seaman, Richard 190 

Seaman, Samuel 178,185 

Seaman, William ... 190, 203 

Segrym, Walter 128 

Selle 41 

Selwyn Family, The 194 

Seneschal 7 

Seymour, of Sudeley, Lord ... 153 

Seymour, Sir Edward 144 

Sharpness 35 

Sheephouse, The... 77, 79, 125, 168, 

190, 221 

Shepherd, Rev. Philip ... 212, 221 
Shepscombe ... 8, n, 34, 116, 164 
Sherborne, Edward, Lord ... 194 

Sheriff's Turn, The 76 

Shrewsbury, George, 6th Earl of 

93, 148 
Shrewsbury, John, ist Earl of 

100, 104, no, 112 

Shrewsbury, John, 2nd Earl of 118 
Shrewsbury, Marg., Countess of 121 

Siddington 41, 42 

Silures, The 16, 18 

Silver Street 27 

Slad 30, 34, 79 

Slats 3 

Small-pox, The 221, 222 

Smith, Leonard 146 

Society of Friends, The ... 215,217 

Sodbury 19 

Spaniels 184 

Spillar, Sir H 195 

Spoonbed 8, 50, 98 

Sports ... ... ... ... 220 

Spring, Mr 203 

Stafford, Joan de... ... ... 12 

Stamage 57, 205 

Stammels ... 

... 187 


Tidenham ... 


. 16, 152, 175 

Standish I, 15, 27, 28, 101, 
Stanford, Col 
Statutes of the Manor 
Staunton Manor 
Staunton, Peter de 
Stephen, King 
Stephens, Thomas (Sheriff) 
Stock House ... 184, 

'34, 189 
... 197 
... 151 
... 88 
... 88 
60, 64 
... 191 
198, 2ii 
... 28 
... 117 

Tithing Man's Acre 
Tithings, The Four 
Tocknell, W., Esq. 
Todeni, R. de 

75. J84 
8, 49, 74, 75 
... 206 

... 42 

Tombs (Painswick) 
Townshcnd, W. ... 
Trotman, Mrs Anne 
Trye, Mrs Anne 
Trye Family, The 
Trye, John, Mr ... 185, 

... 4, n 
... 224 
204, 210 
185, 190 
... 203 

190, 200, 203 

Strange of Blackmere, Lord 

... IOO 

... o. 26 

Streets, The 78 
Strode ... I, 8, 9, 26, 86, 126, 184 
Stroud (Cf. Strode) 126, 187, 214, 222 
Stroudwater 186 
Styrts, The 184 
Subsidy Rolls 22810234 
Sudeley 194, 196 
Sudgrove, Thomas ... 98, 99 
Surrey, Thomas, Earl of ... 142 
Swanescamp (Kent) 86 
Syches 175 


... 19 
21 1 

Upton St. Leonards 

VALENCE, Aylmer de 
Valence, Guy de ... 
Valence, Wm. de 
Vandervield, J 
Vavasour, Sir W. 
Veale, Robert 
Vere, Hugh de ... 
Vere, Rob. de ... 
Vicars, The 
Visconti, Bernabo 


... 193 

12, 88, 89, 90 
. ... 84 

12, 82, 8 3 , 87 
... 211 
197, 198, 200 
... 122 
12, 90 
. ... 84 

235, 2 36 
... 121 


Symonds Hall 122 

Talbot, Gilbert (i) Lord... 12,94, 100 
Talbot, Gilbert (2) Lord... 12,100 
Talbot, Richard (i) Lord 12, 91, 92 
Talbot, Richard (2) Lord 12, 100 
Tavy 16 
Tavloe. R. iot 

Warneford, Mr ... 
Warwick, Richard, Earl 

... 2IO 

of ... 1 20 


Taylor, Rev. C. S. (quoted) 
Temple Guiting 
Terms used at Painswick 

35, 47 
... 63 
... 240 


Wash well 
Waterbeche (Essex) 
Waxman, John ... 
Webb, Edmund ... 
Webb, Thomas ... 
Welsh, The 

... 221 

.7, 11,34,49 
... 88 
... 33 
... 125 
... 207 
... :86 
. ... 63 
. . . 202 

Tewkesbury, Battle of ... 
Theyer, John, Esq. 
Thirteens ... 

196, 198 
... 124 
... 202 

Thoresby, Mr H 
Throckmorton, Eleanor 
Throckmorton, Sir Thomas 
ThruDD. The 

179, 182 
... 13 
... 170 


West, John 
Westburv ... 

... 153 



West Chester ..... 
Whaddon Manor... 
Whitefield, Rev. Geo. .. 
Whipping (punishment) 

90, 104. 


Whitehall 154 

Whitewall 154, 212 

Wica, Roger de 54 

Wick Street 9, 24, 26, 27, 78, 168 

Wick-street House 204 

Widows in, 112 

Wild, Rev. T. (Vicar) 189, 194, 200 

Willis, J 196 

Wiltshire, Rev. John 221 

Winchcombe 63 

Winston ' 46 

Winston, Sir H 14, 200 

Winter, Rev. Cornelius... 218, 219 

Wise, Dennis, J.P 196 

Witcombe 29,225 

Witenagemot 39 

Woad Plant, The 218 

Woobwell 176 

Wood, R 212 

Woodburne, David 121 

Woodburne, Walter ... ... 102 

Woodstock, Thomas de 12, 100 

Wool 9, 10 

Wool Trade, The ... 9, 97, 185 

Woosalls :oi 

Worcester, Nicolas, Suffragan 

159, "63 
Workman, James ... ... 169 

Wotton, Manor of ... ... 121 

Wriothesley, Sir Thomas ... 151 
Wyke ... 6, 41, 44, 45, 50, 51, 57, 66 


Yew-Tree House 



DA Baddeley, Wei bore St. Glair 

690 A Cotteswold manor